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MOVEMENT IN ARCHITECTURAL URBANISM
TACKLING COMPLEXITIES OF THE CONTEMPORARY URBAN CONDITION
byKonstantin Seufert
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
(Housing & Urbanism)
in the Architectural Association School of Architecture.
September 2013
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INTRODUCTION 02
1. REDIFINING THE CITY FROM WITHIN 03
THE RENEWED FOCUS ON THE URBAN 04
MOVEMENT THROUGH STRATEGIC LAYOUT 05
GUIDING SPATIAL ORGANISATION 09
2. STRATEGIES FOR THE COLLECTIVE 12
CRYSTALLIZED ACTIVITY PATTERNS 13
THE PART AND THE WHOLE 14
MOVEMENT BETWEEN GENERATIVE ELEMENTS 17
3. THE EVOLUTION OF THE MIX 20
INHABITING THE CITY OF MANY CENTRES 21
THE IDEAL METROPOLIS REACHES DEADLOCK 23
MOVEMENT AND THE URBAN ECONOMY 25
MOVEMENT DRIVEN URBANISM 29
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INTRODUCTION
These days, the reputation of the professions dealing with the development of
cities are stagnating on being acceptable as they are either blamed for
negligence in matters of urban decay, sprawl and fragmentation or forbeing
held co-responsible for 20th century legacies such as pessimistic mono-
functional mass-housing districts or generallyincoherent spatial logics, which
are still prevailing in the contemporary city.
Architects equally have resigned from the task to fully understand or direct the
citys multiple layers of complex dynamics. While accepting that traditional tools
like the large plan have become impracticable, the designing spatial disciplines
are overwhelmed by a multitude of stakeholders and constantly changing
conditions. Being faced with obvious misplanning in the city, they regularly
plead for merciless capitalisation processes against which they seem to be
impotent.In doing so,they undermine parts of their obligation to engage in
debates on the city or to oppose in any case of impending failure.
Regardless of any crisis, cities are expanding at impressive scaleand fears are
high that they will become mere manifestationsof many autonomous and
competing systems acting according to their own logic.
In order to analyse and evaluate how contemporary urban planning projects are
forming the urban condition, the area which ones attention would be drawn to,
eventually, must be the inner city. There, the spatial disciplines are not
deedless. As these numerous urban renewal projects show, architect-planners
and their theories do actually play a role.
They are developing strategies to cope with the 21th urban condition and they
are trying to find a common ground to steer a citys dynamic growth.The study
of movement, mobility and the activity patterns of our society is such an attempt
to find an adequate understanding of the contemporary urban condition. Uniting
these findings with state-of-the-art design strategies in architectural urbanism
could make urban planning and design a more integrated process.
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01 REDIFINING THE CITY FROM WITHIN
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THE RENEWED FOCUS ON THE URBAN
The increasing number of urban renewal projects in cities worldwide can be
understood as an indication that these relevant cities are increasingly in
possession of less fortunate central locations which need redefinition.Areas
which one would - out of experience - tendentially rather expect to find in
suburban regions or at the city fringe. Naturally, the otherwise well located
zones in the city possess great connectivity. There is usually a fine mesh of
streets, pedestrian paths and efficient public transport systems linking to the
rest of the city and to the larger metropolitan area. The proximity to high-speed
train connections and the possible availability of an international airport are
further connecting the city to continental and to more global destinations. These
typically metropolitan characteristics are strong location factors and put
pressure on development.
The suburbs, on the other hand, which were favoured by the city dweller for a
long time, have lost their attractivity and it seems that today we are faced with a
variety of processes which render downtown in a new blossoming appeal. It
would be quite an oversimplification to try to explain this shift with a newly risen
interest towards historic preserved city cores, where one then expects to find
picturesque morphologies at pedestrian scale. Nor is there a newly established
collective need for the proliferation of identity distinguishable in our society. Aneventual longing for something, we would hope to find exclusively through some
kind of backward orientation towards a sublime atmosphere or sense of space
which presumably can only be provided by ancient fabric having had once an
actual meaning.
There must be more solid reasons for the awareness of downtown in the public
consciousness, as well as, among the professions dealing with the built
environment. Above all, it is highly likely that this phenomenon can be tracedback to rather rational reasons. Major shifts in the global and subsequently in
the urban economy are fundamentally changing the socio-economic activity
patterns and therefore the urban condition in general. Consequently, in recent
decades, parts of the centre accumulated a demand for adaption to the
changing needs of a modern1 post-industrial society as they have become
deprived of their original purpose over time. The role they used to play within
the larger urban system became less relevant.For that reason, urban renewal
1The term modern is used here as a substitute for contemporary relating to the present time , asopposed to Modernism or Modernist era which describes mainly the pre -war period startingaround the turn of the century.
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projects there can also be studied as direct physical responses to a set of
worldwide on-going socio-economic processes which affect our daily life a great
deal. They are circumscribed by notions such as globalisation, meaning
processes which increase globality2or the information age, a notion Manuel
Castell uses to define our new era, which favours information and knowledge3.
Both terms are quite often in use these days summarising the increased flow of
information, funds, goods, people, etc.
As cities are according to scholars like Sassen and Castells more than ever
places of economical concentration4, the rise of the knowledge economy
renders the urban as an incubatory environment. Now, city authorities have
understood their duty. They are engaging in exploiting their relevant sites with
intelligent urban designs and are trying to apply economically sustainable
marketing strategies5. Although these interventions in the city are naturally
limited in size, cities have high hopes that the subsequent catalytic influence of
these projects will go beyond the borders of the adjacent fabric. In fact, the
whole urban system or even the greater regions shall benefit from synergetic
effects.
MOVEMENT THROUGH STRATEGIC LAYOUT
However, what is crucial for us and our study of urban form is the sum of
intriguing consequences inherent in these developments. The tangible realities
with which urban planners are confronted are, amongst others, reflected in our
will to live where one is working, to move downtown and, in a more general
sense, to be as highly connected as possible. It is the urban planners task to
create the urban environment where multiple functions are juxtaposed and
synergetic effects are supported.
Hamburgs HafenCity is claiming to be an ambitious project where many ideas
are supposed to merge and find their way to materialisation. But still, HafenCity
redevelopment is a typical example of a new generation of worldwide on-going
projects to restructure our inner cities. Hamburg, like many traditional port cities,
was struggling with the impacts of technological progress in the fields of goods
traffic and shipping manufacturing. These developments changed the way ports
2
(Steger, 2009, p. 8)3 (Castells, 1997)4 (Sassen, 2002; Sassen, 2000)5 Cities are greatly encouraged in their efforts through means of funding by a range of municipalagencies and superior authorities.(Kunzmann, 2009)
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had to be organised and where they should later be ideally located6. As a
consequence the functional und spatial relationship between the port and the
city decreased and the proximity to the centre was no longer crucial. In their
need to expand, ports had to move to more remote areas outside the city,
leaving abandoned spaces behind. The attempt to redefine Hamburgs
waterfront stands for many numerous former industrial zones in cities worldwide
where areas have become obsolete and thus urge for a more substantial role in
the future.
As the brownfield project is an extension of the centre towards the waterfront it
also has to tackle a problem which the old core developed over the decades.
Although a typical downtown atmosphere of vibrant urbanity exists at daytime,
residential uses depleted over time for the sake of businesses and tourist
daytime amenities. This means to turn the fabric into a silent almost abandoned
seeming spot after working hours. As an example of a contemporary
development project where a new piece of the city is being designed from
scratch with a limited amount of starting points in the vicinity, a closer look at
HafenCitys structure will shed light on the matter. We will witness how active
planning is shaping the development process and above all, we explore the
design strategies that are shaping the urban morphology which targets to serve
the needs and activity patterns of metropolitan life today.
Obviously, one notices upon first look that a monotonous land use pattern which
is continuously repeated has not been applied. Unlike Amsterdams IJ-Plein
masterplan, which is coined solely by residential use, or unlike pure business
high-rise districts such as the Docklands in London, HafenCity is providing a
mix of different building types, eventually not mono-functional. Bringing
6(Hoyle, 1989).
Fig. 1 Hamburg's old and new street pattern: the old city core(black) and its extension into HafenCity (red).
Fig. 2 Grain in HafenCity. Indicated in red arethe main axes leading into the centre.
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residential uses back to the very centre while integrating more typical downtown
uses is key to the strategy. In detail this means to support premises for living
and working with a variety of civic institutions
such as cultural, social and educational
facilities with their associated networks. This
diversity is expressed in morphological terms
as well. The distributed buildings range from
rather simple single detached multi residential
units to smaller opened-up block structures
which are formally more complex mix use
entities but internally constituted of equal rather
conventional and expectable urban typology.
Yet HafenCity manages to maintain an urban
grain which is slightly differentiated but still
looks coherent. It is ranging from rather fine to
mid-size scales.
This design approach is proliferating inner
patterns of partial irregularity but the fabric
keeps its legibility throughout the area. While
this is usually ensuring the substantial capacityof movement and while the built-up area has a
tendency to possess more or less distinct
grades of porosity, one has to admit that in the
specific case of HafenCity, some topographic
complications due to flood protection measures
and a limited amount of one way streets are
locally restraining from unimpeded flow.
Nevertheless, its undeniable space legibility isachieved, furthermore, through the net of street
systems which are hierarchically organised,
ranging from main axes leading out and into
the city to a system of side roads and one way
streets, which are further helping to
differentiate the fabric. We see different urban
areas with neighbourhood characteristics
which are tied together by a strong concept of interconnectivity linking the sets
of different areas with specific conditions and different grades of privacy. These
Fig. 5 Ground floor uses in HafenCity
Fig. 3 Abstract Drawing showing accessible openspace in grey. No distinction is made between
pedestrian ways, public or private-but-publicly-accessible open space.
Fig. 4 Main uses within buildings in HafenCity West:Housing (orange), office spaces (blue) and buildingsfor education, culture and civic institutions (red).Different ground floor uses for shops and services arenot marked.
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distinguished functional assets of HafenCity are enhanced by extensive public
ground floor uses oriented towards squares and streets, which provide a
multitude of shops and services to serve the new community. Between this
street-based morphology and spaces for businesses and civic institutions the
more private living areas are thoughtfully interspersed. In applying an allocation
formula for the creation of urban life, they understand housing as a key quality
for the new area and embrace diversity instead of mono-functionality. This is not
solely a market driven calculating manoeuvre in accordance with statutory
provisions. The ambitious program is aiming at both serving the needs of a
productive society and setting the preconditions for their economic relations in
the urban field.
Fig. 7 Mixed agglomeration around Sandtorpark. Live,work, educate and play in the city
Fig. 6 Orientation and Layout in HafenCity are supporting maximum movement through thefabric.
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Again, together with the variation of the building types, their layout leaving a
diversity of open spaces in between and the intended programmatic diversity
prevalent throughout the quarter, Hamburgs vision for the 21.-century-city is
beginning to revealits potential.
GUIDING SPATIAL ORGANISATION
Shifting from a rather selective and specific description to a broader study of the
HafenCity plan, crucial characteristics which are significant for the performance
of this and similar strategies seem worth to recite: Together they build an
intriguing interplay of the combinatory spatial organisation, the synergetic
juxtaposition of functions and above all the inherent affirmative strategy in terms
of planning and guidance of the land development.
Like architect-planners and theorists of the spatial practises, we could witness
that the relation between urban space and our society has significantly changed
for a variety of social and economic reasons. This is realised, amongst others,
mostly through looking at our changed prevalent concept of the public realm
which has become less definable, less tangible and much more pervasive7. In
our example, this is physically represented in the layout and the performative
quality of the buildings especially regarding their ground floor uses and their
7(Koolhaas , 1996, p. 45)
Fig 8 Different sets of urban areas with different grades of privacy
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orientation towards open spaces. Furthermore, despite their typical internal
structure, some buildings give up the traditional relation between front and
backside. They reveal their capacity to possess more than actually one
orientation. Their ground floor uses and their frontages may typically be street
centred but on a second look they appear to have a second or third frontage
alike, addressing the side or the back where it is difficult to distinguish a priority.
They perform towards each side differently and in particular ways to support
different grades of privacy and they suggest multiple ways to be read, accessed
and passed through. The buildings act consequently in synergy with the
adjacent fabric where different mobility systems such as roads, pedestrian
paths and bridges enable different ways to explore and make use of the fabric.
An organisation like this is paying attention to the increased different ways
people live, work and play in the city; Not only by physically moving through
narrower streets, shopping alleys, towards vibrant courtyards or other open
spaces but also to be for oneself8, to exchange information, to dwell and to work
in close vicinity.
In order to initiate the desired concert of socio-economic processes to form
what we call vibrancy or urbanity in the city, stakeholders must be motivated to
engage in the process and to actually invest in the new district. For that reason,
the question of governance is very crucial and has to be answered adequately.Planning consortiums are formed and they are increasingly beginning to set
aside their scepticism concerning large-scale planning, which has fallen into
disrepute for a long time and they have affirmatively decided to engage in active
guidance and governance of the process. This is happening notwithstanding
being under a huge pressure to succeed as there are many participants
involved. On the one hand, it is applied not exclusively but with a major focus on
the attempt to control the citys growth. Well-resourced and aggressive capitalist
forces, which are merely driven by their eagerness to gain fast profits, must berestrained as they would rather not contribute to the greater agenda which is
aiming at sustainability. But on the other hand, there are quite pragmatic
reasons such as reducing the economic risk for the involved stakeholders and
maintaining the capacity to stay flexible and responsive.
The HafenCity agenda brought forth a planning strategy which is trying to set up
a resilient development framework, accepting that a traditional masterplan
would be too static. As they understand the city as a set of heterogeneous
8(Maki, 2008, p.73)
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processes and as they have the will to stay flexible, the gradual implementation
of autonomous entities on a larger time scale plays a key role. In the case of
Hamburg this means a collaborative action by a strong state as investor for
infrastructure and open spaces, private-public partnerships and a professional
planning management9. The area is built up in small steps starting with small
housing units and further on more complex mix-use buildings and even major
business headquarters in some particular locations. Development is pursued
gradually from west to east and concentrically from the edge of the centre to the
waterfront. This is what Fumihiko Maki already in the 60s in his innovative work
on collective form called incremental planning10 and which is making it
possible to react to changing conditions. When authorities claim that a powerful
regulatory regime and the partitioned activation of the market by a public
developer are contributing to the character of a public good 11, they are also
expressing an idea which was for decades going around among architects and
planners: The responsiveness and recognition of the citizens role and his
involvement into the development process. That means a rather non-elitist
approach is allowing for feedback throughout the process.A feedback which is
replacing deliberate scientific reasoning but enabling adaption before final
materialisation. It is a de facto attention towards how the urban condition may
change over time and how it may be influenced by the city dwellers chan ging
activity patterns within the fabric and what urban space means to him.
9 (HafenCity Hamburg GmbH, 2012)10 (Maki, 2008, p. 70)11 (Bruns-Berentelg, 2012)
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02 STRATEGIES FOR THE COLLECTIVE
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CRYSTALLIZED ACTIVITY PATTERNS
Fumihiko Maki claimed that the Human quality which determines form has to
do with way of life, movement, and the relation between individuals in society. If
the function of urban design is the pattern of human activities expressed in city
life, then the functional patterns are crystallized activity patterns.12 When werecognise how much attention is paid to the very diverse shape of the built
environment in HafenCity, to which a variety of different architects could
contribute, one may start to believe that this approach may best represent our
societys contemporary diversity and their social and economic relations. It
seems that a particular focus has been set on movement, social relations
between people and their different manifestations and on the new role housing
plays as it is an integrated component of the citys concept for creating a fertile
environment for the emergence of both livable urban areas and the
contemporary urban economy. Furthermore, it could mean that outdated
legacies of postulations such as architecture and urbanism which are supposed
to shape social relations have been inverted.
Maki as an urban designer was from early on engaged in finding adequate
architectural solutions in order to deal with the upheaval processes within
society. He ascertains that technological progress and societys adaption is
making it clear that cities must change as social and economic uses dictate. 13
He is writing:
The reason, in fact, for searching for new formal concepts in contemporary
cities lies in the magnitude of relatively recent changes in urban problems. Our
urban society is characterized by (1) coexistence and conflict of amazingly
heterogeneous institutions and individuals; (2) unprecedented rapid and
extensive transformations in the physical structure of society; (3) rapid
communications methods; (4) technological progress and its impact upon
regional culture.
For him it is, furthermore, quite clear that the citys problems cannot be solved
with pure formal concepts like the Renaissance city plan nor can we easily
perceive a hierarchical order [in society], as did the original CIAM theorists in
the quite recent past who were convinced of segregating different components
12(Maki, 2008, p. 55)13(Maki, 2008, p. 45)
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of society into different functional zones. Instead he pleads that we must now
see our urban society as a dynamic field of interrelated forces. 14
THE PART AND THE WHOLE
Being also at that time a member of the well-known Japanese Metabolist group,
Maki was a typical representative of the generation of architects and theorists
who witnessed the decline and dissolution of the last era of the Congrs
Internationaux dArchitecture Moderne (CIAM). He was thoroughly sharing the
scepticism and critics of the late movements dependants, the TeamX, who
were beginning to oppose to foregoing ideologies on architecture and urbanism.
In his rejection of earlier theories, he was then elaborating deeper own thoughts
on the metropolis and the role of architecture within. The part and its relation to
the whole was Makis agenda and he believed that architecture and cities
share a distinct relationship to time15. Maki in his work on collective form
distinguishes three different design strategies to create a collective and
differentiates between Compositional-, Mega- and Group Form. Fig. 9
Compositional Form is a commonly accepted and widely applied technique
where the focus lies on formal geometric principles stemming from a functional
diagram where the relation between buildings is mainly created on a two -
dimensional level. He rejects this rather traditional design strategy despite the
fact that it is still applied today as this concept - typically for the period around
the 1920s - seems to him to be of too static character and largely too limiting:
14(Maki, 2008, p. 44)15(Maki, 2008, p. 68)
Fig.9 Different forms of collective form
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As it is related to classical concepts of the master plan16 it cannot be adequate
in performative terms such as flexibility and adaptability.
The megastructural approach, in his view, possessed a strong potential at that
time not for the sole purpose that it was the favoured chosen vehicle with which
Metabolism transported its vision for the urban future. The concepts potential
nourishes from its capability to group a variety of uses in one structure and that
it almost embodies an entire artificial landscape of its own made by man 17.
Although he acknowledges the capacity to cope with different paces of change
occurring within one structure and despite its producibility in both economic and
technological terms, he rejects this approach as well in the end. Mainly, he
criticizes that an all-overarching structure would also not be able to tackle the
problem of technological progress and fears that it might become rapidly
obsolete18. He only grants the megaform a potential right to exist if a kind of
master form can move into ever new states of equilibrium, yet maintain visual
consistency and a sense of continuing order in the long run19 and without
having an underlying rigid hierarchical system20 which would limit
transformation. He claims for independent systems that contribute to the whole
while still maintaining its identity and longevity21 without the interference of
other parts.
These last notions already introduce his favourite own concept to create
meaningful collective form. The ideas behind the category of Group Form will
also turn out to be of great significance concerning our contemporary urban
challenges as we are also still intrigued to pin down what is actually forming our
cities the way they are and how we can in fact understand and guide these
processes. Maki is writing:
That we have not previously adequately identified form - giving forces isperhaps due to the fact that they seem to defy formulation. At a particular scale
of urban activity, they have more to do with movement through space than with
a standard vision of the shape of a space.22
16(Maki & Ohtaka, 1961, p. 118)17(Maki, 2008, p. 47)18
(Maki, 2008, p. 50)19 Ibid.20 Ibid.21 Ibid.22(Maki, 2008, p. 59)
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Therefore, our patterns of movement are Makis declared describing and linking
processes in the city. They are building the common ground on which self-
organising complex juxtapositions are taking place. Originally derived from his
observations on ancient Mediterranean European cities, he believes that there
must be distinct linkages between the buildings in collective forms which go
beyond their formal relationships of geometric complexity. He constitutes there
not only a clear structural relationship between the village and the houses23
but also - what is more important to him - that the elements of [this] group form
are often the essence of collectivity, [which is] a unifying force, functionally,
socially and spatially.24 Where compositional form is regarded as a closed
system, Maki conceives the major very important difference in group form in its
elements ability to become generative, not to be limited in extension which
means that it is able to evolve into an openended system of urban form.
Furthermore, he distinguishes an inherent kind of bottom-up principle at work
where form is generated by society and not from a top down design method
opposed by an authority which is then trying to link the buildings by means of
planning. He is convinced that societys activity patterns are expressing the
present urban condition while they are responsible for the heterogeneity in our
contemporary city in terms of simultaneousness of different lifestyles, working
patterns and so forth.
23(Maki, 2008, p. 52)24(Maki, 2008, p. 53)
Fig.10 Fumihiko Maki, Hillside Terrace project 1985-1992
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MOVEMENT BETWEEN GENERATIVE ELEMENTS
Group-form is an effort to express the vitality of our society, at the same
time embracing individuality and retaining the identity of individual elements25.
For better understanding of the applicability of Makis group form concept, we
can turn to his Hillside Terrace project in Tokyo where Maki could already in his
early days as a young architect start to practically apply his ideas on collective
form in an environment where the conditions were very exceptional.
Earlier Maki himself admits that it is clear to him that in order for his desired
form-giving process of Group Form to set substantially in motion, what would
be needed today is a strong dedication from both the city and its governing
authorities and their social institutions26. Albeit these rare phased and
incremental approaches to planning are pursued in a relatively limited period of
time and are influenced by many often contradictory forces, Maki was offered
the extraordinary chance to almost exclusively design a sophisticated mixed
used quarter over an extended timeframe. Starting from 1965, Makis project
was given time to evolve within
a quarter of a century to
produce what he called a
collection of not unrelated,
separate buildings, but of
buildings that have reasons to
be together27. Over the pace of
time architectural character,
functional programme and
expression change as well as
Makis own perception of the
relationship between society
and the built environment.28
He manages to place and
shape his white masses in an
intriguing way, from phase to
25(Maki & Ohtaka, 1961, p. 120)26(Maki, 2008) Ibid.27(Maki, 2008, p. 45)28(Maki, 2008, p. 68)
Fig. 11 Creation of sense of depth through the layersof space at Hillside Terrace
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phase adding volumes, letting the area evolve from a residential neighbourhood
towards a mixed use collective. The character of the architecture and space
changed perceptibly as people walked from one end of the site to the other. 29
His modern architecture [is] engaging, even creating, its urban context30 while
it is managing to keep the different linkages among the elements although the
design and programme is changing. The architectural expression may have
changed from phase to phase, but what they share are more significant
characteristics like basic architectural design elements such as scale of
massing, volume, geometric complexity, comparable height, visual transparency
of the ground floors, corner entrances or orientation of the inner stairs.
In his approach to establish a formal dialogue between the entities, Maki is also
assigning importance to the task of designing the public accessible open
spaces between the buildings. With a great intuition, Makis courtyards and
pedestrian ways seem to be carefully carved out of the volumes or extending
adjacent buildings public accessible spaces on the ground-floor level. He is
adding shifts in the ground to further differentiate and he is opening up entrance
halls by glazing them to extent the experience of depths. Maki applies different
layers of public spaces and meanings31 in order to differentiate in grades of
privacy and complexity. They are created through a deliberate design approach
[which is continuously] unfolding sequences of spaces and views. Space isexperienced through sequential movement and is allowing people to enjoy
solitude32, interact with each other or generally speaking, to enjoy urbanity.
As it is learned so far, Maki puts a focus on the role of movement within time
based developments and he is interested to comprehend the ways buildings
build up meaningful relationships among each other. For that purpose, he
favours his design strategy to create Group Form, which is sequentially
created through a system of generative elements in space.33Makis narrationson the collective form are proposing a more expedient way of looking at the
evolving city. A time based development which is able to adapt to changing
circumstances and which makes inherent feedback processes possible is an
effective way to cope with all the different movement patterns our modern
society is performing within the urban environment. Maki is likewise offering us
29
(Maki, 2008, p. 70)30 Ibid p.6831(Maki, 2008, p. 73)32(Maki, 2008, p. 74)33(Maki, 2008, p. 51)
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concrete propositions of what he thinks would be an adequate strategy to
organise a site with architectural elements and how those could be generated.
With his bold architectural proficiency Maki develops a master form, a model,
which is supposed to meet all the possible present and future performative
attributes within the relevant location. Having once found and established this
model, Maki is then initiating a generative process where he is using geometry
as a tool to explore the model, to differentiate, to add complexity and to finally
apply them as concrete, autonomous architectural objects on the site. This
process of repetition and differentiation is what is defining his search for group
form. He is developing a design strategy where the structures of the buildings
share a certain design code to support changing programs over time and all the
different patterns of movement which occupy the fabric.
In this collective, symbiotic relations do matter. Finally, we can see Aristotles
famous quote fulfilling where the resultant whole is greater than the sum of its
parts.
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03 THE EVOLUTION OF THE MIX
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INHABITING THE CITY OF MANY CENTRES
Mobility and movement play a key role in design and evaluation of the
contemporary city. So does the reintegration of residential uses into the urban
centre contribute to a more diverse and productive environment. Mix-Use,
multi-functionality and other notions, which are heavily in use these days are
visionary key words in contemporary urban design, which mainly describe
simultaneousness and diverse programmatic juxtapositions. They describe
different interconnected economic and social networks. Yet, many decades ago,
our patterns of movement and the economic systems in and around the city
were quite different and seen in a greater historical context; therefore, one
realises that the urban condition of today is quite a recent phenomenon. Pinning
down the morphological and organisational evolutions the city has gone through
and matching them with our contemporary understanding of the urban will
further deepen our understanding of the socio economic processes the city of
today is constituted of.
Most descriptively, one can see that in tracing the developments of 18th century
Victorian London, which was at its time about to develop into a radio-centric city
with satellite centres. As a consequence of the industrial revolution, London
witnessed dramatic population growth and it was rapidly expanding to become
the largest city in the world at that time. The existing fabric and new housing
developments in the city could hardly cope with and absorb the masses. The
problems which resulted from congestion in terms of pollution and level of
hygiene were enormous. Then technological progress made the installation of
different networks of metropolitan railways possible, improving the connectivity
among the suburbs and the city to a great extent. As commuting was now made
possible, people began to move out of the centre as soon as they could afford
to.
In that sense, at least some parts of society could profit from the technological
developments of the time. There, increased industrial productivity and a more
liberal market economy could redeem the promises of the foregoing
enlightenment in terms of greater personal freedom, adequate spaces and also
a greater mobility. With the help of the new mobility systems, these suburban
satellite centres were functioning as local communities because they were
providing all the necessary shops and services which to some extent made
them work autonomously. They were attractive living environments inasmuch asthey were supplying the essential needs and as they were reflecting the
prevalent patterns of movement quite well. The working part of the population
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at that time supposedly exclusively men were commuting for work from these
remote centres into the centre and after that leaving for home again. There was
a clear separation between the suburb to live in and the centre to work.
The inner most densely populated areas were more and more left to the less
fortunate inhabitants of the industrial city and suffered from inhumane
conditions. While new places for production with adjacent cheap and improvised
housing for the workers were emerging on the city fringe, these newly formed
satellite settlements were likewise contributing to the overall image of the city
region being coined by social segregation, urban sprawl and fragmentation34.
Nevertheless, London at that time seemed to be a prosperous city of many
communities with many different centres and vibrant places.
However, out of the necessity to cope with the developments the industrial
revolution brought with it, one started to think from the late 19th century on about
how to better guide a citys development. Where straightforward infrastructure
projects were then rigorously cutting through the dense fabric to fight
congestion and to enable a better flow - like Haussmanns radical
reorganisation of central Paris - the reality of city planning to solve the so called
housing question at that time was mainly coined by the concepts of a geometric
grid35 in order to control growth and to ensure access, which was
accommodating the typical closed block to acquire a higher populationdensity36. In their admiration of the technological developments of their time
amongst others the new mobility systems - the 1920s gave rise to more radical
and ground-breaking city concepts. Considering his architectural ideology
reflected in his projects le Corbusier, as a key figure of the modern movement,
may have successfully paid respect to the changing society of his time and his
contributions are without doubt unrivalled and pivotal. But despite his
achievements such as the disruption with the traditional closed block type, a
closer look upon his urban projects for the ideal metropolis could be a subject ofcriticism. Not only does one acknowledge that the prevalent hierarchical
segregation of social classes of that era were still overtaken throughout his
plans, but they were even driven further regarding his attempt to subdivide
horizontally into different functions. He distinguished zones for business,
housing, industries and so on37.
34 (Benevolo, 1995)35 (Panerai, 2004, p. 162)36 (Lichtenberger, 1986, p. 181)37 (Corbusier, 1929)
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THE IDEAL METROPOLIS REACHES DEADLOCK
Only in rare cases was the modernist paradigm of zoning and its distinct types
for separate functions interrupted. Besides very early utopian ideas of the 18 th
century38, the vision of the vertical city in 1929 by Ludwig Hilbersheimer
(Fig.12) was one of the rare if not only ideas of that time to be based on
integrating residential and workplace functions into dense structures39.
Corbusiers and comparable utopian concepts of the past suffered from some
comparable conceptual and formal features which prevented them from
successful deployment at their time and why they must seem even more
anachronistic and obsolete in our time. Corbusiers version of an open city40
indeed was rather meant literally fulfilling mainly the triad of air, light and open
space: Groups of detached buildings of one type were hovering over
excessively wide open spaces, which were laid out in the shape of a green
carpet. One had the impression that this carpet seemed to be dotted with neatly
distributed objects according to a geometric pattern. These vast green spaces
now arouse incomprehension in us as their proposition back then can only be
38 The anthropologist Robert Owen envisioned industrial communities outside the city, wheredecent living was attempted to make compatible with industrial labour. While attempts to realisehis visions failed they can be understood as critics towards the prevalent problems of organisationwithin the industrial city from which later experiments of town planning benefitted significantly(Benevolo, 1971; Benevolo, 1995, p. 208).39
(Abalos, 2003, p. 222)40 The open city concept is derived from its inhabitants the open society and describes animaginative positive condition within a city or at least in parts of it, where city planners help toovercome the social differences within a population by means of architecture and urbanism. Itsideology is coined and described by scholars like Jane Jacobs, Richard Sennett and others.
Fig. 12 Ludwig Hilbersheimer, Vertical City 1924. "For the first time vertical layeringreplaced horizontal segregation of functions"
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explained with the intention to function as an all-underlying recreation park for
the sanctuary of the industrial worker41.
Moreover, except for a graphically appealing geometry, the layout of the
buildings and their orientation did not pay attention to specific characteristics of
the site nor is another deeper intention such as socio-economic relations
distinguishable. Urban form had the function to work as a physical extension of
social rules and had to stand as an ethic metaphor for coherence and order42
within society. The idea to promote the emergence of a desired ideal social
structure with the help of a graphically aesthetic all-embracing geometrical
layout, like in Corbusiers Ville Radieuse (Fig. 13), never proved to sustain, nor
were they really practicable - merely considering the requirement of a very
powerful and supporting greater authority.
As also shown in the approach to be an end in itself as they were intended for
a fixed number of inhabitants, these utopian city concepts were more about
capturing a snapshot of social and economic relationships then to support the
emergence of suchlike. In doing so, they neglected the citys very own
characteristic of evolution and transformation.
Our observations make equally clear that the heritage of Modernitys concepts
circling around notions such as mobility, movement, speed, simultaneousness
or [inter]connectivity, which were tied to the movements main agenda, have
paradoxically only been able to fully unfold their all-pervading complexity later at
the movements abatement.
41(Mumford, 1986)42(Mumford, 1986)
Fig.13 The centre of a contemporary city
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In the middle of the sixties, a paradigm shift in the architectural discourse was
initiated throughout the scene. Within this atmosphere, architects and theorists
like Fumihiko Maki and Kevin Lynch in the South-Asian and North-American
hemisphere or the Smithsons in the United Kingdom developed their influential
ideas. They introduced a new way of dealing with architectural tasks with a
greater focus on the object in relation to its surrounding or to other entities.
They adapted ideas from prior movements like historicism43 but in a more
neutral, clearer and unbiased way. This new approach revised the functional
ideas of the early century and linked them to both more architectural and also
economic issues. On the one hand, they were engaging in topics such as
legibility44, frontality, how and where to enter it, how to integrate different, how
to move within the fabric or towards a building45, what is the relation between
the part and whole46 and so forth. On the other hand, they were intrigued to find
out which socio-economic processes are taking place within the post-industrial
society and where they do actually shape the urban condition and how a
building or the fabric is then shaped by these external forces47.
The early post-war generation of architects48 began to foresee where the focus
on the urban would lie today. What their rational ideas were introducing was a
more tangible and pragmatic understanding of the city which facilitated the
emergence of an ideology which is both bringing back the human - economical
scale to the city and helping us to develop adequate architectural strategies for
this purpose.
MOVEMENT AND THE URBAN ECONOMY
Having a look at the aforementioned mixed-use project, some basic questions
about this human-economic scale shall be answered. What is precisely meant,
by movement in these inner areas of the city? The answers to this will not
satisfy if they are limited to touch upon simple explanations like from A to B
via spaces in between C by means of pedestrian, public transport etc.. If one
accepts that there is reciprocity between built form and activity patterns, what
are these patterns then constituted of in detail? And to what extent are these
43 (Wilkens, 2000)44(Lynch, 1959, p. 135)45
(Lynch, 1960 , p. 89)46(Maki, 2008)47(Maki, 2008, p. 45)48Generally architects, planners and theorists who were members of the Team X of the CIAM orin line with their ideologies.
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socio-economic patterns then essential to what we might call an urban- or work-
culture. After all, where are the linkages to the spatial disciplines and in what
sense is their influence represented?
Again, explanations can be found in the ruptures which pervaded the global
economic system: The Fordist mass-production system of the manufacturing
industries once had a strong impact on global economy and so did later, in the
post-war era, the rapidly growing information and communication technologies,
which were beginning to dramatically increase the speed and quantity of
information exchange. It is an established fact49 that the urban environment
today is a fertile ground for the predominant economic sector in the developed
world which can be summarised as industries based on knowledge and
innovation. We now face the substantial consequences they have towards our
work culture and our patterns of movement in the city. These developments are
circumscribed with notions such as workplace reform and post -bureaucracy50
to name but a few.
Firstly, there is common belief in the working society that work itself has
become more flexible and also demands more flexibility in return. An obvious
example can be seen in the decline of traditional gender roles: Family life is not
organised exclusively around women anymore and also their engagement inwork life has significantly increased and is aiming at full equality. Furthermore,
the contemporary work culture is coined by more autonomous working patterns
as it shifts from strictly following formal rules or accepting a formal chain of
command to rather acting in accordance to - sometimes own established -
principles. Being results-oriented is key while working on projects or
respectively on problem solving strategies. A strictly regulated working day with
predefined working hours is also less common. To achieve our targeted goals
and that is very designating we are Sharing information rather than hoardingand hiding information. Naturally we navigate within looser organizational
boundaries that tolerate outsiders coming in and insiders going out.51
The processes of urbanisation show vividly how labour related mobility is
increasing. They have been picking up speed in recent decades and are still
growing with no sign to mitigate. They are composed by domestic and
49(OECD, 1996, p. 3; Sassen, 2002, pp. 19-20)
50(Powell & Snellman, 2004; Heckscher, 1994)51 (Heckscher, 1994)
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international migration to cities in large quantities. Here, the image of the global
talent migrant, who is willing to be highly mobile and who is significantly
populating cities worldwide, quickly comes to ones mind.
The need to exchange information contributes to the impression that patterns of
work related mobility are evolving. Referring not only to business trips but ingeneral to the increased flexibility concerning the question where work is
actually done, it seems that many people are almost constantly on the move
these days. This shouldnt be misunderstood and lead to oversimplifications: It
does not mean that we are in the constant state of travelling. Researches on
this field of transport geography actually show that the actual time we spend on
the road has only increased to a limited extent. Nevertheless, this perception
may stem from the fact that the amount of time we actually spent for activities
outside our home and that the speed, distance and easiness of being on the
move have considerably increased52.
Routines and destinations to work are also differentiated, so the
predominant pattern of journey from the periphery to the centre has become
supplemented by many different journey patterns between many different
locations.53
However, despite the fact that the urban economy is producing intangible
products and although new communication and better transport technologies
are fostering (physical) independence, facts are rejecting the misassumption
that these industries are indifferent from place and physical connectivity.
Exchanges of tacit knowledge induce experts meeting each other and that
necessitates labour market mobility and social networks54. They need
geographic proximity as information in general and precisely the relevant kind of
information is simply easier spread. Forms of purest and most direct interactioncreate the intimacy which is still needed for social interaction and mercantile
activity. Co-presence is a fundamental characteristic of social life and virtual
travel or such like cannot truly compensate for physical and unhindered
dialogue. We still depend on eye-to-eye contact, on unplanned encounter and
52(van Wee, et al., 2006, p. 112; Urry, 2007, p. 4)53 (Madanipour, 2011, p. 171)54 (Simmie, 2003)
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exchange of information in the real world55. Logically corporeal mobility in real
space is vital for socio-economic processes.
It seems obvious, that these implications must find their spatial and architectural
implications in the urban condition. It makes sense that especially the
aforementioned economic sector like other industries for instance themanufacturing sector have the tendency even more to develop patterns of
building up clusters. As these businesses rely on the same infrastructure and
networks of information supply, they need to benefit from knowledge spill over
effects and potential synergies. Specialised providers of resources such as
cultural, educational, and science and research institutions generate and draw
on the same pool of labour. This makes them very compatible with central
urban environments where they are integrated into the ecology. Consequently
residents as well as urban industries can therefore draw on maximum
movement capacity and the urban mix.
55(Urry, 2002; Castells, 2000; Madanipour, 2011)
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MOVEMENT DRIVEN URBANISM
The urban centre is the breeding ground for what we might call a movement
driven urbanism. There we observe how mono-functionality is replaced by an
urban condition which is coined by diversity and vibrancy. Urban economies
and residential uses shall benefit together from the amenities and civicinstitutions the city is offering. We have rejected clearly the application of
traditional urban elements such as the closed block in favour of a more
functionally differentiated and geometrically more complex typology. This is
done not in favour of a market strategy but to incorporate a particular kind of
urban culture. Richard Rogers notes:
Present day concern for single objects will be replaced by concern for
relationships. Shelters will no longer be static objects, but dynamic frameworks.Accommodation will be responsive, ever-changing and ever-adjusting. Cities of
the future will no longer be zoned as today in isolated one activity ghettos;
rather, they will resemble the more richly layered cities of the past. Living, work,
shopping, learning and leisure will overlap and be housed in continuous, varied
and changing structures.56
Makis architectural strategies can be understood as a reaction towards his
perception of the city being a self-organising system. As he is putting emphasis
on relationships between the parts and the whole, he recognises the importance
of thinking in networks and ecologies in the city in order to sustainably plan and
design portions of it. In his studies on collective form, he describes many
inherent characteristics of the city such as that form changes slower than the
functions they contain and that movement is the dominating factor of influence
in the urban morphology. From these perceptions, he derives his architectural
theory and consequently a strategy for architectural urbanism.
He was intrigued by relational forces and identified means to create those
linkages in his own design of collective urban forms. In his generative design
approach Maki relies on the concept of the master model from which he
derives the characteristics such as a deep structure and linkages to form and
place the actual building. Makis white masses hardly reveal what is taking
place in the inside. Nevertheless, he is sure that they are in possession of an
adequate inner organisation. It enables them to perform internally and externally
in a satisfactory way, which means that they support and guide different
56(Rogers, 1990, p. 60)
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patterns of movement, as this is the major criteria to evaluate a structures
performative quality.
As shown before in the analysis of the contemporary city, more than ever, his
propositions seem to be very applicable and promising to us. The argument is
therefore that the spatial configuration of the urban form correlates with the
patterns of movement which perform in it. Movement is the underlying concept
of the city, the domain to architecture which relates to planning and other
spatial disciplines. In architectural urbanism, the capacity to guide movement is
key to establish a symbiosis between a single building and its vicinity or
between sets of urban areas and morphologically different parts of the city. How
we understand the complexities of cities is representing the way how we intend
to design them. To follow Maki means to understand the process of design not
as an end in itself but as a strategy aiming at an open-ended generative
process.
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IMAGE CREDITS
Fig. 1 Hamburg's old and new street pattern: the old city core (black) and its
extension into HafenCity (red). 6
Fig. 2 Grain in HafenCity. Indicated in red are the main axes leading into the
centre. 6
Fig. 3 Abstract Drawing showing accessible open space in grey. No distinction
is made between pedestrian ways, public or private-but-publicly-accessible
open space. 7
Fig. 4 Main uses within buildings in HafenCity West: Housing (orange), office
spaces (blue) and buildings for education, culture and civic institutions
(red). Different ground floor uses for shops and services are not marked. 7
Fig. 5 Ground floor uses in HafenCity. Source: Jrgen Bruns-Berentelg, ULI
Conference Amsterdam, 10.06.2008 7
Fig. 6 Orientation and Layout in HafenCity supporting maximum movement
through the fabric. 8
Fig. 7 Mixed agglomeration around Sandtorpark. Live, work, educate and play
in the city 8
Fig 8 Different sets of urban areas with different grades of privacy 9
Fig. 9 Different forms of collective form (Maki & Ohtaka, 1961, p. 118) 1
Fig. 10 Fumihiko Maki, Hillside Terrace project 1985-1992. Source: (Maki,
2008, p. 69) 1Fig. 11 Creation of sense of depth through the layers of space at Hillside
Terrace. Source: (Maki, 2008, p. 75) 1
Fig. 12 Ludwig Hilbersheimer, Vertical City 1924. "For the first time vertical
layering replaced horizontal segregation of functions". Source: (Abalos,
2003, p. 233) 23
Fig. 13 The centre of a contemporary city. Source: (Corbusier, 1929, p.
2139, Kindle Edition) 1
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