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PopulistParanoia:TheRootsandStyleofAgrarianReformthroughouttheLateGildedAge
By
JordanRosman
Advisor:RogersSmith
Thisthesisissubmittedinfulfillmentof
BachelorofArtsDegreeDepartmentofPoliticalSciencewithDistinction
CollegeofArtsandSciencesUniversityofPennsylvania
2017
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Acknowledgements
First,IwouldliketothankDr.RogersSmith,mythesisadvisorandthedirectorofthePennProgramonDemocracyandConstitutionalism,forhiscontinualguidanceandtimedevotedthroughoutcountlessmeetings,seminars,andback-and-forthemails.Dr.SmithfirstsparkedmyacademicinterestintheGildedAgeandrevisionisthistoryinhisAmericanConstitutionalLawclass.Thisyear,heencouragedmeearlytoembraceaninterdisciplinaryapproachtowardsthisresearch,whichmadethethesisprocessanextremelyvibrantintellectualundertaking.ThoughDr.Smithwasoriginallyskepticalofmythesis(andprobablystillis),IknownoonemorededicatedtointellectualtoleranceandhonestythanDr.Smith.Heshowedtheutmostrespectformyownideasandopinions,forwhichIwillalwaysbeappreciative.IwouldalsoliketothankDr.Doherty-Silforherleadershipandguidanceduringthefallhonorsseminar.Sheeffectivelycultivatedasenseofcommunityamongtheclass,whichallowedmetocriticallyengagewithfellowfriendsandstudents.IalsoowemuchappreciationtoDr.JamesHrdlickaandDr.ShenilaKhoja-MooljifortheirguidanceandhelpthroughouttheDCCseminar.IalsooweanadditionalthankyoutoDr.StevenHahnforpiquingmyinterestsinandpassionsforpopularpolitics.ThegrantprovidedbyPennDCCfacilitatedthearchivalresearchforthisproject,forwhichIammuchappreciative.Thus,IwouldalsoliketothankthelibrariansattheSouthernHistoricalCollectionattheWilsonLibraryofUNC-ChapelHillandattheAtlantaHistoryCenterfortheirfantastichelp.Ofcourse,Ithankallmyfriendsforthesupport,especiallyforteasingmeforallmyquirks.Finally,abigthankyoutoMom,Dad,Michael,Elana,andBenjifortheirlongstandingsupportandinterestinmytopic.Ithinkthewholefamilyhasappreciatedhavingonechildnotgoingintomedicine.
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AbstractTheendofthe19thcenturywitnessedaspectaculardisplayofpopulardiscontentintheUnitedStates.Anxiousandfrustrated,agrarianreformersattackedGildedAgeeconomicandpoliticalinequalitiesandhadcalledforaseriesofunprecedentedpublicpolicyproposals.This“Populistimpulse”haslongdrawntheattentionofpoliticalscientistsandhistoriansalike.ManyscholarshavepraisedthePopulistrevoltasamodelreformmovementforhavingshedlightonseriouscivicinequities.AnyassessmentofthePopulistshowever,requiresasoberanalysisoftheirdisturbingrhetoricalandpoliticaltendencies.Theyfrequentlyengagedinscapegoatingandadoptedaparanoidstyleofunfoundedconspiracytheories.Thus,thispaperwillattempttorehabilitateelementsofthe“Hofstadterthesis”andwillpromotetherevisionistapproachtowardsunderstandingthePopulists.ItwilldosobyanalyzingtherelationshipbetweenthehistoricalandsocialrootsofPopulistanxietiesandtheirparanoidstyle.
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NotetotheReader:Ingeneral,thereareseveraldifferentwaystouse
theword“populist”.By“populism”,withalowercase“p”,thispaper
referstoitsgeneraldefinition,thepoliticalimpulsededicatedto
defendingtheinterestsof“thecommonman”.Whenusingtheterm
“Populist”,withantheuppercase“P”,theessayreferstoaspecific
variationofpopularagrariandiscontentthroughoutroughlythelast
decadeofthe19thcentury.Therewasalsoapoliticalpartycalledthe
“PopulistParty”orthe“People’sParty”thatexistedfrom1891to1908.
Toreduceconfusion,thisessaywillexclusivelyrefertothispartyasthe
“People’sParty”.
TableofContents:Acknowledgements2Abstract3Introduction6PartI:JeffersonianRoots21PartII:Dispossession42PartIII:AParanoidStyle50
ConclusionandtheTrumpSurge75Bibliography86
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IntroductionApopulist“impulse”hassweptthroughtheAmericanpoliticalconscience.
Groundedinanti-elitistsentiment,thecurrentzealforreformhasreachedan
intensityandbreadthnearlyunmatchedthroughoutUnitedStateshistory.1After
decadesofglobalizationandincreasedincomeinequality,grassrootsactivistsfrom
acrossthepoliticalspectrumhavelaunchedacrusadeagainstgrowingeconomic
andsocialinequities.
In2009,TeaPartyactivistswagedasecondWarofIndependence,“marching”on
Washingtontodemandfairrepresentationandtaxation.Ayearlater,sharpcries
soundedfromthe99%inZuccottiParkwhowere“occupying”WallStreet.
Throughouthis2016presidentialcampaign,BernieSandersspokeofacoming
“politicalrevolution”thatwould“elevatepoliticalconsciousness”and“revitalize
Americandemocracy”2.MeanwhileDonaldJ.Trump,athisrecord-breakingrallies,
promisedto“draintheswamp”andMakeAmericanGreatAgain.Inthechambersof
Congress,lawmakerslikeElizabethWarrenhaveattackedtoo-big-to-failfinancial
institutionswithAndrewJackson-likevigor.
Atitscore,themodernpopulistimpulseseekstosecure“equalrightsforall”and
“specialprivilegesfornone”.“Populism”,asitsnamewouldsuggest,demandsan
adherencetotheinterestsofthe“commonman”.Thus,thepopulistassaultisa
defensiveone,anefforttoguardthe“people”againstthecronytakeoverof
democracy.1ThephraseisborrowedfromRichardHofstadter’sAgeofReform
2"About."OurRevolution.N.p.,n.d.Web.13Dec.2016.
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Morethanjustasetofpolicyproposalshowever,populismacrossAmericahas
launchedanassaultonpoliticalprocedure—notonlyonwhatpoliticsproduces,but
howpoliticsisconducted.Tomanyontheleft,theheightenedinfluenceofwealthin
politicsoverthepastseveraldecadeshastransformedAmericandemocracyintoa
hollowwebofquid-pro-quorelationships.Tosome,likesociologistPaulStarrand
politicalscientistJeffreyWinters,theUnitedStateshasbecomea“civiloligarchy”,a
democracydominatedbywealthandmoney.3Toconservatives,theadventofnew
agencies,laws,andtaxeshasyieldedWashingtonwithresponsibilitiesoutsideits
“fewanddefined”scopeofpowers.4ThelatestslewofregulationsduringtheObama
administrationhasfurtherinfuriatedRepublicans,arealityhighlightedbyRick
Santelli’s2009burstontheChicagoMercantiletradingfloor,rhetorically(or
perhaps,literally)asking:“PresidentObama,AreYouListening?!”5
Ethnicandeconomicchanges,irrespectiveoftheirnetbenefittosociety,haveleft
Americansbewilderedandinsecureabouttheirdemocraticvoice.Aremarkby
SteveBannonbestepitomizesthetensionfeltbetweenanincreasinglyglobalized
Americaandacountryinsecureaboutitsfluctuatingethnicandeconomicidentity.
Inaracially-chargedconversationwithTrump,BannonremindedtheRepublican
nomineethatacountry“ismorethanjustaneconomy…we’reacivicsociety.”6
Contextaside,theremarkcouldhavewellservedasthemottoforeithertheTea
PartyorOccupyWallStreetmovement.
3Starr,Paul."HowGildedAgesEnd."TheAmericanProspect.N.p.,n.d.Web.15Dec.2016.Winters,JeffreyA.Oligarchy.Cambridge:CambridgeUPress,2011.Print.4FederalistPapers,No.455Rick,Santelli.TradersRevolt.ChicagoMercantileExchange,Chicago.Speech.Feb.2009.6Clawson,Laura."StephenBannon'sideaof'civicsociety'isnotokay."DailyKos.N.p.,n.d.Web.15Dec.2016.
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Thus,modernpopulistshaveembracedanangryandfrustratedpoliticalstyle.To
them,theirrageisnotonlywarranted,butnecessary.Inatellingmomentinoneof
theRepublicanprimarydebates,DonaldTrumpproclaimedthathewould“gladly
acceptthemantleofanger”,receivingathunderousapplause.InanIowatown
meeting,BernieSanderstoldtheaudiencethathewasjustoneofmillionsof
Americanwhowereangry.Whileanxiety,fear,andangercanhelpbreedreformit
canalsogiverisetodemagoguery.Somereformershaveadoptedahatefuland
“paranoid”style,scapegoatinggroupsandmarginalizingdissenters.7Thatthe
UnitedStatesmayhaveelectedademagogueisapossibilitythatmustbeaddressed,
andonethatthisresearchprojectwillhelpprepareustoanalyzethrough
explorationofthemostprominent“populistmoment”inthenation’shistory.
Whenconsideringtheforce,style,andinterestsofmodernpopulism,itisnatural
lookatthehistoricalbackgroundthathashelpedfueledtheirrise.Severalhistorical
trendsacrosseconomic,social,andethnicciviclifehavehelpedlaythegroundwork
fortoday’ssurgeinpopularactivismanddemagogy.Givensuchchanges,scholarsof
allstripeshaveexplicitlyarguedthatwearelivingamidsta“second”GildedAge,
onedefinedbythesameelementsasits19thcenturycounterpart.ThefirstGilded
Age,theperiodspanningfromtheCivilWar’sculminationtotheturnofthe20th
century,representedatransformativeerainthisnation’shistory.Shakenatitscore,
theUnitedStatessawtheriseoflaborunrest,robberbarons,racialunease,
economicanxieties,andpoliticalturmoil—achangingAmericanidentity.
7Hofstadter,Richard."TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics."Harper'sMagazineNov.1964:n.pag.Print.
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Fromthe1980’stopresenttimes,theUnitedStates,hasundergoneaneconomic,
racial,andsocialrevolutioninGilded-Agefashion.Throughouthisbook,theAgeof
Acquiescence,laborhistorianStevenFraserconsistentlycomparestheGildedAgeto
moderntimes.Liketodayhewrites,“theGildedAgewasalsoatimeofprofound
socialuneaseandchronicconfrontations…citizenswereworriedabouthowthe
nationseemedtobevergingoncataclysmicdivisionsofwealthandpower.”8To
someextent,writesFraser,“ithasbeennaturaltoassumethatthesetwogilded
ages…wereessentiallythesame.”9
ThattheGildedAgeisa“TaleofToday”isapparent.10
Incomeequalityhassoaredtorecordrates.Since1975,theshareofincomefor
thetop1%hasincreasedalmostthree-fold,reachingitshighestpointinthepost-
warera,aratesurpassedonlyduringtheGildedAge.Inhis2013classicCapitalin
theTwenty-FirstCentury,ThomasPikettyemphasizesthepoliticaldangersof
heightenedincomeinequality,“potentiallythreateningtodemocraticsocietiesand
tothevaluesofsocialjusticeonwhichtheyarebased.”11
Whileeconomicinnovation,boththenandtoday,hasdrasticallyimprovedthe
livelihoodofmillionsofAmericans,ithasshatteredbasiceconomicsecurityand
stabilityformillionsothers.JosephSchumpeter’sanalysisof“creative
8Fraser,SteveTheAgeofAcquiescence:TheLifeandDeathofAmericanResistancetoOrganizedWealthandPower.NewYork:Little,BrownandCompany,2015.Print.99Ibid,810ThephraseifborrowedfromMarkTwain’s1873classicTheGildedAge:ATaleofToday11Piketty,Thomas,andArthurGoldhammer.Capitalinthetwenty-firstcentury.CambridgeMassachusetts:TheBelknapPressofHarvardUPress,2014.Print.
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destruction”—that"processofindustrialmutationthatincessantlyrevolutionizes
theeconomicstructurefromwithin,incessantlydestroyingtheoldone,incessantly
creatinganewone"--couldhardlybemorerelevantwhendiscussingtoday’s
powerfuleconomicforces.12
DecadesofimmigrationhavetransformedUnitedStatesethnicidentity.The
shareoftheU.S.populationthatisforeign-bornisnow13%,afigureonlymatched
duringtheGildedAge.13Tomanythenandnow,theincreasingdiversityhasbeena
tributetovibrancyoftheAmericanmeltingpot;toothershowever,ithasbeen
proofthatAmericahadbecomea“dumpingground”.
Thesocialdisparitiesamongourowntimesarevividlyapparent.Aviewfromthe
ThroggsNeckBridgeinNewYorkrevealsaManhattanskylineofprotruding
residentialtowerswithapartmentsworthhundredsofmillionsofdollars—what
TheNewYorkTimescalled“Gotham’sficklefingerofrealestatewealthsignaling
thenextGildedAge.”14MileseastinSuffolkCountyhowever,lierowsofforeclosed
housesindepressedcommunitiesstrugglingwithheroinaddictions.
Thecomparisonbetweenthelate19thcenturyGildedAgeandourowntimesisa
fascinatingone,andonethatsurelydeservescloserattention.Tohelpinformour
understandingofthemodernpoliticalenvironmentandthecurrentsurgeof
populism,itisimportanttoundertakeapoliticalanalysisofpopularmovements
12Schumpeter,JosephA.Capitalism,socialismanddemocracy.London:Routledge,2010.Print.82-83.13Gibson,Campbell,andKayJung.HistoricalCensusStatisticsontheForeign-BornPopulation:1850-2000.Rep.Washington,D.C.:CencusBureua,2006.Print.14Clines,Francis."What'sHappeningtoNewYork'sSkyline"nytimes.com.TheNewYorkTImes.December92016<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/02/opinion/whats-happening-to-the-skyline.html?_r=0>.
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duringtheGildedAge.Likemoderntimes,thechaoticGildedAgelandscapegave
risetoadiversearrayofenergeticpopularmovements,manyofwhichchampioned
thecommonman’swillagainstthedauntinginequitiesandracialanxietiesofthe
late19thcentury.
Mostprominently,itpromptedthebirthofthe“Populists”,agroupofagrarian
activistsdedicatedtoreformingGildedAgeinequalitiesandexcesses.Often,this
Populistimpulsewaschanneledtowardaddressinglegitimatepoliticaland
economicissuesofpublicconcernandbridgingcivicdivides.Othertimeshowever,
itwasdirectedtowardmobilizingmassesofcitizensthroughdemagogicincitement
andnativism--exacerbatingfearsratherthantrulyansweringthem.
Specifically,thelastportionofthe19thcenturyprovidesavaluablewindowinto
understandingGildedAgePopulism.Thedecade,a“PopulistEra”,waspackedwith
onedramaticmomentafteranother,highlightingtheanxietyanduneaseofthe
period.ThePanicof1893ledtoseriouseconomicdisarray:stockpricesdropped,
banksclosedandunemploymentsoared.Agriculturalcommoditymarketscollapsed,
intensifyingagrariandiscontent.Laborunrestgrewandreachedatippingpoint
duringthe1894PullmanStrike.WorkersfromtheAmericanRailwayUnionfaced
offagainstmilitarypersonnelsentbyPresidentClevelandtoendtheboycott,
leavingcloseto30dead.SegregationreachedanAmerican-lowduringthe“nadir”of
Americanracerelations,highlightedbytheSupremeCourt’saffirmationofthe
“separate-but-equal”doctrineinPlessyv.Ferguson(1896).Politicalconflictand
divisioncametoaclimaxintheElectionof1896.ItpittedWilliamJenningsBryan,
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thelegendaryopponentofthegoldstandard,againstWilliamMcKinley,astaunch
defenderof“soundmoney”.
Fromapoliticalsciencestandpoint,ananalysisofthePopulistmovement
throughoutthelastdecadeoftheGildedAgeisaneffectivewaytohelpunderstand
thelonghistoryandtraditionofAmericanpopulism.Stronglyconcernedwith
agrarianissuesandrepublicangovernance,therhetoricoftheGildedAgePopulists
soundedstronglyreminiscentofJefferson’schampioningofan“agrarian
democracy”andthe“yeomanfarmer”.Enemiesofmoneyedinterests,theagrarian
activistsalsofollowedtheexampleofAndrewJackson.
Fromanhistoricalstandpoint,astudyoflateGildedAgePopulismisan
instructivemethodtounderstandtheperiod.Alookthroughthelensofitsmost
ardentcritics,thosewhoanxiouslysoughttoreformitsdefiningfeatures,canshed
lightonGildedAgenotionsofcitizenshipanddemocracy.Muchliketoday’s“Gilded
Age”,itsdefiningelementsaretraditionallyunderstoodascivicillnessestobe
eliminated,ratherthanbenefitstobepreserved.Indeed,theGildedAgeissooften
rememberednotforwhatitrepresented,butwhatforitfailedtorepresent—justice,
equality,andopportunity.
Methodology
Giventhecomplexinteractionbetweeneconomics,politics,andcivichistory,the
researchprojectdemandsinquiriesintoanarrayofdisciplines,whichwillhelpshed
lightontherichandcomplexhistoryofpopularmovementsthroughoutUnited
Stateshistory.
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Specifically,itwillanalyzeagrarianreformmovementsfrom1891-1904,thetime
periodthatcouldwhatmightaccuratelybecalled“ThePopulistEra”.15Likeany
timeboundary,theoneemployedbythisprojectistosomeextentarbitrary.Indeed,
populardiscontentfaredstrongthroughoutthe1880sandwellintothe20th
century.However,theselectionofyearsismeanttoanalyzeaperiodofheightened
populismwithinthehistoricalperiodknownasthe“GildedAge”.1892markedthe
formationofthePeople’sParty,oneofthemostsuccessfulthird-partymovements
inUnitedStateshistory.TheelectionofTheodoreRooseveltin1904ontheother
hand,signaledthebeginningoftheProgressiveEra,anotherperiodofdrastic
reform.IncontrasttothePopulists,Progressivesmainlydrewsupportfromthe
urbanmiddleclass,notdispossessedagrarians.
By“Populist”,theprojectreferstoawidearrayofanti-elitistsentiment
throughoutthedecade.Thus,theprojectwillandemploypromoteRichard
Hofstadter’sdefinitionof“Populism”asan“impulse”thatpervadedthroughoutthe
“PopulistEra”.Studyingitasan“impulse”allowsthepoliticalhistorianto
understandseveralfacetsofPopulism.LimitingananalysistothePeople’sParty
wouldexcludesignificantsourcesofreformsentimentlikeWilliamJenningsBryan’s
legendary1896campaign.Afterall,onewouldn’texaminetheProgressiveEraby
simplystudyingthe“Bull-MooseParty”oranalyzemodernpopulismsolelythrough
thelensoftheReformParty.
Severaltypesandsourcesofevidenceareavailabletohelpunderstandthe
presenceofparanoiaandanti-pluralismamidstGildedAgePopulism.Primary
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sourceslikepartyplatforms,politicalspeeches,manifestos,andpersonalpaperscan
directlyshedlightonthepostures,attitudes,anddemographicmakeupofGilded
AgePopulism.Thisprojectwillemploydifferentmaterialswhenansweringthe
“who”and“what”ofPopulism.
WhenansweringwhatwasPopulism,itwillstudythepersonalpapersand
materialsofprominentPopulistleaderslikeTomWatson,WilliamJenningsBryan,
MarionButler,andIgnatiusDonnelly.Ananalysisofofficialpartymaterialslikethe
OmahaPlatformandthe1896DemocraticNationalPlatformwillbehelpfulaswell.
Novels,likeCoin’sFinancialSchoolorCaeser’sColumn,alsoshedlightonparanoid
attitudesthroughoutthePopulistimpulse.
Thisprojectwillalsolookatreform-mindednewspapersacrosstheUnitedStates,
thousandsofwhichsproutedduringtheGildedAge.Withrespecttothisproject,the
newspapersareanimportantsourceofprimaryresearchforseveralreasons.For
one,theyeffectivelyshedlightongrass-rootsattitudesatthetime.Their
provocativelanguageandincendiarypositions,havingoftenembracedanangryand
paranoidstyle,exemplifiedPopulistfrustrationatthetime.Tomany,theycould
blunttheinfluenceofmetropolitannewspapersthathadbeenfinanciallysupported
bydominantbusinessinterestsandrobberbarons.ManyPopulistsdisdainedthe
establishedmedia,andwerewillingtofightfirewithfirethroughtheirownnews
outlets.
Thus,itwillanalyzeSouthernpublicationsliketheLouisianaPopulist
(Natchitoches,Louisiana),theProgressiveFarmer(Winston,NorthCarolina)andthe
People’sPartyPaper(Atlanta,Georgia).IntheMidwest,itwillstudytheAmerican
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Non-Conformist(Indianapolis,Indiana),TopekaAdvocate(Topeka,Kansas),andthe
WillmarTribune(Willmar,Minnesota).Doingsocanhelpanswerboththe“who”
and“what”ofPopulism.
TheprojectwillalsoanalyzeempiricalstudiesconcerningthePopulists,which
willprimarilyhelpanswerthe“who”ofPopulism.Doingsohelpsbetteranalyzethe
rootsofthePopulistsurge.
Literature
Overthepastcentury,thePopulistshavereceivedmuchattentionfromscholars
andthinkers.ArichandcomplexhistoricaldebateconcerningGildedAgePopulism
hasthrivedsincetheearly20thcentury.Tosome,theywereforward-looking
reformerswhosoughttoaddresslegitimateeconomicissueswithoutrespectto
race.Toothers,theywerebackward-looking,reactionary,andxenophobicbigots.
Thisdebatehasbeenfrustrating,tosaytheleast.Questionsofdefinitionsand
critiquesregardingselectiveevidencearewidespread.ScholarshavedefinedGilded
Age“Populism”indifferentways.Someemployanexpansivedefinition,referringto
areform-minded“impulse“ofthe1890sandearly1900sthatpervadedthroughout
allpoliticalpartiesandfacetsofciviclife.Otherscholarshaveexclusivelyreferredto
thePeople’sParty,whichexistedfrom1892andremainedstronguntiltheelection
of1896.Thus,scholarshaveprovidedconflictinganswerstothe“who”and“what”
ofPopulism.
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In1931,JohnD.HickspresentedthefirstcomprehensiveaccountofthePopulists
inThePopulistRevolt.16HisworkarguedthatthePopulistswerepragmatic
reformerswhosoughttorelievefarmersofseriouseconomicdistressthrough
unprecedentedpolicyproposals.ThePopulistRevoltwasthefirstpiecetotakea
clearstandinfavorofthePopulists.
In1938,C.VannWoodward,inhislandmarkwork,TomWatson:AgrarianRebel,
presentedapictureofthePopulistsconsistentwiththeHicksmodel.17However,
Woodward’sworkwentonestepfurtherthanHicks’.NotonlydidthePopulists
addresslegitimateeconomicconcerns,Woodwardargued,buttheywere
revolutionaryintheirappealstoblackcitizensandtheirattemptstobridgeracial
divides.Thus,accordingtoWoodward,theydidn’tcaterto,butmitigatedpopular
paranoidtendencies.
In1955,RichardHofstadter’sPulitzerPrizewinningAgeofReformlaunchedthe
firstrevisionistcritiqueofthePopulistsand“setthetermsofthedebateoverthe
natureofPopulismforatleastadecade”.18Backwardlooking,paranoid,and
advocatesofanagrariandystopia,thePopulistswerenothingshortofdivisive
demagogues,arguedHofstadter,a“consensushistorian”.19Itisnocoincidencehe
16Hicks,JohnDonald.ThePopulistRevolt;AHistoryoftheFarmers'AllianceandthePeople'sParty.Lincoln:UofNebraskaPress,1961.Print.17Woodward,C.Vann.TomWatson:agrarianrebel.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1963.Print.18Miller,WorthRobert."ACentennialHistoriographyofAmericanPopulism."KansasHistory:AJournaloftheCentralPlains16.1(1993):54-69.MissouriStateHistoryDepartment.Web.<http://courses.missouristate.edu/bobmiller/Populism/Texts/historiography.htm>.19ThetermreferstoaschoolofAmericanhistoriography,prominentinthepost-warera,thatstressedtheunityofAmericanvaluesanddownplayedtheimportanceofclass-conflict.Inhis1948workAmericanPoliticalTradition,Hofstadterprovidesadefenseof“consensushistory”:“Thefiercenessofthepoliticalstruggleshasoftenbeenmisleading::fortherangeofvisionembracedbytheprimarycontestantsinthemajorpartieshasalwaysbeenboundedbythehorizonsofpropertyandenterprise.”
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argues,thatthesameimpulsethatcalledforincreasedeconomicreformsalsocalled
forincreasedsegregationandxenophobiclaws.20Hofstadter’sworksparked
tremendouscontroversyandargumentfromtheget-go.
InthedecadesfollowingAgeofReform’spublication,scholarssoughttodiscredit
the“Hofstadterthesis”,anddidsowithrelativesuccess.Mostcommonly,critics
havechargedthatHofstadter,writingintheMcCarthyEra,failedtolookbeyondhis
contemporarycircumstances,usedlittleempiricaldata,andignoredkeypiecesof
primaryresearchlikePopulistnewspapers.Histractreadsmorelikeathink-piece
inpoliticaltheorythanarigoroushistoricalanalysisofthePopulistera.
ScholarshavealsotakenissuewithHofstadter’scharacterizationofthePopulists
as“backwardlooking.”NormanPollack,inhis1976classicThePopulistResponse,
arguedthatthePopulistswereprimarilyclass-orientedandsimplyoffereda
moderncritiqueofindustrializing19thcenturyAmerica.21Inhis2007workThe
PopulistVision,CharlesPostelargues,contraHofstadter,thatthePopulistswere
forward-lookingreformersthatembracedprogressasameanstoalleviateagrarian
concerns.AsPostelstresseshowever,“moderndoesnotmeangood”:Populist
notionsofprogressoftenincludedproposalsgroundedinracism.22
OthershavedefendedthePopulistsagainstHofstadter’schargesofxenophobia
ofracism.Mostprominently,LawrenceGoodwyn’s1976workinTheDemocratic
Promise,arguedthatthePopulist“promise”wasabiracialefforttoalleviatethe
economicdistressoffarmers.Ultimatelyimpededbyobstructionistswithinthe20Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform:fromBryantoF.D.R.NewYork:Vintage,1955.Print.21Pollack,Norman.ThePopulistResponsetoIndustrialAmerica.Cambridge:HarvardUPress,1962.Print.22Postel,Charles.PopulistVision.N.p.:OxfordUPress,2007.Print.9
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RepublicanandDemocraticparties,the“promise”tobridgetheracialdivide
throughclassadvocacywasleftunfulfilledbecauseofpoliticalchallenges.23
AcentralfaultstandsoutinGoodwyn’swork,however.Criticshavechargedthat
GoodwyngroundshisframeworkwithanaprioridefinitionofPopulism.Those19th
centurypopularleadersthatdidespouseracismornativismaresimplyexcluded
fromtheGoodwyndefinition.Thus,criticscharge,Goodwyn,toooftenasked
theoretically,“whatwasPopulism?”,ratherthanempirically,“whowerethe
Populists?”.
StevenHahn’s1979RootsofSouthernPopulismisdedicatedtoexploringthe
latterquestion.Hahn’swork,thoughconfinedtoGeorgiapolitics,arguesthat
Populistsupportprimarilystemmedfromwhiteisolatedfarmers.Whilededicated
toaddressinglegitimateeconomicissues,thePopulists,Hahnargues,hadfailedto
formbi-racialpolity.24ScholarslikeStanleyB.ParsonsandSheldonHackneyhave
alsoproposedtheirownanswerstothisquestionofthePopulist“who”,
emphasizingthegeographicallyisolatednatureofthePopulists.25
Goals
Thisprojectwillpartiallyattempttorehabilitateelementsofthe“Hofstadter
thesis”,andwillhighlighttheparanoidtendenciesofthePopulists,usingsourcesof
23Goodwyn,Lawrence.Democraticpromise:thePopulistmomentinAmerica.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1976.Print.24Hahn,Steven.Therootsofsouthernpopulism:yeomanfarmersandthetransformationoftheGeorgiaUpcountry,1850-1890.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1983.Print.25Parsons,StanleyB.ThePopulistContext;RuralVersusUrbanPoweronaGreatPlainsfrontier.Westport,CT:GreenwoodPress,1973.Print.Hackney,Sheldon.PopulismtoProgressivisminAlabama.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUPress,1969.Print.
19
evidencenotexplicitlyemployedbyHofstadter,likenewspapers.Perhapsthe
biggeststrengthofthe“Hofstadterthesis”isitsmultifacetedapproachtoward
understandingPopulism.Ratherthanpointingtoanysinglefactorthatgaveriseto
PopulismduringtheGildedAge,theapproachlookstoanarrayofeconomic,
cultural,andpoliticalrootsthatfueleditssurge.However,itwillemphasizeboththe
“forward-looking”and“backward-looking”tendenciesofthePopulists.
Indoingso,theprojectintendstopromoteamorenuancedunderstandingofthe
GildedAgeandtheera’sprimarysourceofpopulardiscontent.Reformmovements
arefrequentlynotgivenproperblameforinstigatingparanoiaandhatred.Too
often,Hofstadteraccuratelynotes,“weexaggeratethemeasureofagreementthat
existsbetweenmovementsofpopularreformandtheconsideredprinciplesof
politicalliberalism.”26
PartIwillanalyzethehistoricalrootsofPopulistanxieties.Specifically,itwill
establishanintellectualframeworkforunderstandingPopulistagrarian
frustrations,ruralorigins,andrepublicanunderpinningsthroughthelensof
Jeffersonianthought.
PartIIwillanalyzethesocialrootsofPopulistanxieties.Itwillstudythe
economic,political,andculturaloriginsofPopulistfeelingsofdispossession.
PartIIIwillstudytheirparanoidrhetoricandposturesacrossanarrayofcivic
concerns,whichwillshedlightonthesocialandhistoricalrootsoftheiranxious
tendencies.Itwilldemonstratethatsuchattitudeswerenotjustpresent,but
26Hofstadter,AgeofReform.19
21
PartI:JeffersonianRoots
Populistrhetoricacrossnewspapers,personalpapers,andotherpublications
featureanextraordinarilystrongaffinitytothelifeandthinkingofThomas
Jefferson.ThroughoutPopulistwritings,Jefferson,“thechiefApostleofthecommon
people”,ispresentedasthebenchmarkfromwhichtojudgepropergovernanceand
statesmanship.27Insimilarfashion,“Jeffersonianism”ishailedasthestandardfrom
whichtojudgeprudentpoliticalthinking.ThefatalerroroftheGildedAge,many
believed,hadbeenin“departingfromthedoctrinesofJeffersoniandemocracy”.28
BecausePopulistwritingsconflatethemanhimselfwiththeideology,analyzing
theirconceptionsofeachindividuallyhelpsshedlightontheirconceptionofone
another.
UnderstandingthePopulistattraction—indeed,theirobsession--withJefferson
andJeffersonianismisimportantforseveralreasons.First,ithelpsrevealimportant
facetsofPopulistidentityandconscience,the“who”and“what”ofPopulism.
IfunderstoodwithintheJeffersoniantradition,thePopulistscouldbothbeseenas
liberalandconservative.Forward-lookingreformers,they,liketheauthorofthe
Declaration,harboredanaturalfrustrationwiththestatusquo.Backward-looking
reactionaries,theydesperatelysoughttopreserveadyingJeffersonianlifestyle
amidstrapidurbanizationandtechnologicalchange—theywantedtomakeagrarian
Americagreatagain.
27“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.28Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.
22
WhilePopulistwritingspersistentlypraiseourthirdPresident,acloseranalysis
oftheirthinkingandpolicyproposalsrevealsthattheJeffersonian-Populist
relationshipwasawkwardfromtheget-go.Thus,studyingthisrelationshipcanalso
shedlightontheintricaciesofJeffersonianthought.Indeed,therehaslongbeentalk
ofavibrantandrich“Jeffersoniantradition”inAmerica.Exactlywhatthattradition
standsforandsymbolizeshaslongbeendebatedinAmericanhistoriographyand
politicalscience.
This“Jeffersoniantradition”hasinspiredanarrayofpopularmovementsacross
Americanhistory,somethathaveadvocatedcivicinclusion,andothersthathave
embracedhateanddivision.Inhislegendary1963“IHaveaDream”speech,Martin
LutherKingJr.beganbypointingtoJefferson’sproclamationthat“Weholdthese
truthstobeselfevident:thatallmenarecreatedequal.”29Thatsameyear,inhis
notorious“segregationforever”address,AlabamaGovernorGeorgeWallace
remindedhisaudiencethatJefferson,“asoutherner”,oncedeclaredthat“noKing
holdstherightoflibertyinhishands.”30
Today,conservativesclaimtheJeffersonianmantleforitstrustinlimited
governmentwhilemodernprogressivespointtohisegalitariantendencies.Atthe
1992Republicanconvention,RonaldReagandeclaredthatitwasonlyhe,not
WilliamJeffersonClinton,thatwastrue“friends”withthethirdPresident.31Thus,
locatingthePopulistswholly,partially,orbarelywithintheJeffersoniantradition
29King,MartinLuther,Jr.""IHaveaDreamSpeech"."LincolnMemorial,WashingtonD.C.28Aug.1963.30Wallace,George."GeorgeWallace's1963InauguralAddress."AlabamaStateCapitol,Montgomery.14Jan.1963.Speech.31Reagan,Ronald."SpeechoftheFormerPresidentatthe1992RepublicanConvention."1992RepublicanConvention.Astrodome,Houston.Aug.1992.AmericanHistory.Web.
23
canhelpbetteridentifyandunderstandthistoo-oftenamorphousstreamofpolitical
thoughtinAmerica.
AllPoliticsisPersonal:TheAppealofThomasJefferson
Inmanyways,theaffinityofagrarianactiviststothebiographyofJeffersonwasa
naturalone.Jefferson,astatesman,architect,andthinker,wasfirstandforemost,a
farmer.Ofcourse,theimageoftheJeffersonianfarmerisonethatcouldappealto
reformmovementsingeneral,notjusttheGildedAgeagrarianactivists.Forone,the
farmerhasoftenrepresentedthediligentandhard-working“small-man”ofthe
highestintegritythatstandsincontrasttopompousoligarchs.Heepitomizesthe
superiorandholyagrarianlifestylethatfacilitatesspiritualandcivicgrowth.Horace
Greeley,forexamplewrotethat,professionally,hewouldrecommendfarmingtohis
children,because“itisthatvocationwhichconducesmostdirectlytoareverencefor
HonestyandTruth.”32
Agriculturallifeservedacentralcivic,cultural,andeconomicpurposein
Jefferson’sworldview,arealitythatcouldappealtothedowntroddenfarmersofthe
GildedAge.ToJefferson,itwasthelifestylemostconducivetocultivatingrepublican
citizenship.A1785lettertoJohnJaywrittenbyJeffersondeclares:“Cultivatorsof
theeartharemostvaluablecitizens.Theyarethemostvigorous,themost
independent,themostvirtuous,andtheyaretiedtotheircountry”.33Theyarethe
32"TheYoeman."TheYoeman.N.p.,n.d.Web.30Jan.2017.<http://xroads.virginia.edu/~HYPER/HNS/Yoeman/yman3.html>.33Jefferson,Thomas.LettertoJohnJay.23Aug.1785.Paris:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.TheAvalonProject.YaleLawSchool.Web.
24
“chosenpeopleofGod.”34Thus,Jeffersonoftenlookedtothe“yeomanfarmerfor
inspirationforthenewAmericanproject”.35An1895Advocatearticlequotes
Jeffersonassayingthatthe“smalllandholdersarethemostpreciouspartofthe
state.”36
LikeSouthernPopulistssuchasTomWatsonorJamesVardaman,Jeffersonwasa
manoftheSouth.HethuscouldbeseenasaWashingtonoutsiderandafoeofthe
YankeeNorth,arealitythatcouldhavestronglyappealedtothePopulists.Tomid-
WesternreformerslikeWilliamJenningsBryan,Jeffersonmayhavebeenviewedas
somethingofageographicprogenitor.Afterall,hisinitiationoftheLewisandClark
expeditionsandpurchaseoftheLouisianaterritorygavebirthtothe“Mid-West”and
muchoftheAmericanWestinthefirstplace.
Theyeomanfarmersofthe1890sthusreservedaffectionforJefferson.Tothem,
Jeffersonepitomizedagrarianheroisminthefaceofadversity,areformeramidst
high-mindedoligarchs.APeople’sPartyPaperarticlepraiseshiscareerinthe
VirginiaLegislaturefor“ousting”the“highborncreatures”oftheVirginia
aristocracywhichwas“amonumenttohisworth,loftierthansculptorcouldraise,
andmoreenduringthanmarbleorbrass.”37Notjustanactivist,Jeffersonwasalso
thewisestofthinkerstoPopulists.An1893People’sPartyaddresswritesthat
34Jefferson,Thomas,andWilliamHarwood.Peden.NotesontheStateofVirginia.Ed.withanintroductionandnotesbyWilliamPeden.ChapelHill:UofNorthCarolinaPressfortheInstituteofEarlyAmericanHistoryandCulture,1955.Print.35Krause,PaulJoseph."ClaimingThomasJefferson:TheJeffersonianandHamiltonianGenesisofAmericanProgressivism-ArmstrongUndergraduateJournalofHistory."ClaimingThomasJefferson:TheJeffersonianandHamiltonianGenesisofAmericanProgressivism-ArmstrongUndergraduateJournalofHistory.N.p.,n.d.Web.1Feb.2017.36"OnJefferson'sBirthday."TheAdvocate[Topeka]27Nov.1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspaper.LibraryofCongress.Web.37“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.
25
Jefferson’swords“werepricelessgemsofAmericanwisdom.”38Inthisrespectof
course,thePopulistadmirationofJeffersonishardlyunique—hiscanonicalpolitical
writingshavelongbeenheldsacredintheAmericanconstitutionalconscience.
AJeffersonskepticcouldpointouthowever,thatthisso-called“people’s
champion”wasanextraordinarilyaffluentmemberofthearistocraticclass
himself.39APopulistcouldwellrespondthatJeffersonwasassimplya“traitortohis
ownclass”.40“Thoughanaristocratbybirth,andamanofwealth”writesaPeople’s
PartyPaperarticle,“specialPrivilegearousedhis(Jefferson’s)inveteratehatred”
and“classdistinctionswerehisabomination.”41Inhindsight,amoderndefenderof
Jeffersoncouldaccuratelynotethatthegreatestreformersand“privilege-busters”
inAmericanhistory—AndrewJackson,TeddyRoosevelt,andFranklinRoosevelt—
weremultimillionairesthemselves,withthelattertwoborntowealth.Afterall,“to
beatyourenemy,youmustknowthem”.42
Attimes,thePopulistattractiontothebiographyandthinkingofourthird
presidentbecameobsessive.Whenapproachedwithpolicyquandaries,activists
oftenlookedtowardsthepersonalopinionsofJefferson,askingwhathewoulddo“if
hewerealivetoday”.43Tosome,Jeffersonharborednear-propheticpowers.“Were
38"People'sPartyAddress."Indianapolis.Nov.1903.Address.39NotasrichasTrumpappearstobe,Jeffersonwasworth$212millioninmoderndollars—stillahealthysum.Sauter,MichaelB.,andThomasC.Frohlich."TheNetWorthofAmericanPresidents:WashingtontoTrump."247wallst.com.N.p.,10Nov.2016.Web.02Feb.2017.40ThephraseisborrowedfromthetitleofH.W.Brand’sPulitzer-prizewinningbiographyofFranklinRoosevelt:“TraitortoHisClass:ThePrivilegedLifeandRadicalPresidencyofFranlinDelanoRoosevelt”41“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print42Whileitsoriginationisunknown,thisquoteissometimesattributedtoavariationofSunTzu’sdeclarationintheArtofWarthat“ifyouknowyourenemiesandknowyourself,youwillnotbeimperiledinahundredbattles…”43"IfJeffersonWereAliveToday?"LouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]16Nov.1894:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.
26
Jefferson’searlywarningsconcerningthebankers,aristocrats,andoligarchswell
founded,”asksaPeople’sPartyPaperarticle?44Theywerenotjusttrue,answers
thenewspaper,but“appallinglytrue.”45Infact,“hepredictedthatthespecialfavors
grantedbythegovernmenttotheNationalBankerswouldresultincreatingan
aristocracyofCapital.”46
TheyalsoreserveacclaimforJefferson’sideologicalsuccessor,AndrewJackson.
“OldHickory”,likeThomasJefferson,deservedthehighestofacclaimfortackling
civicinequitiesanddefendingtheyeomanfarmeragainstcorruptedfinancial
interests.Bornintoapooragrarianfamilyandlaterthewealthyownerofthe1,000
acre“Hermitage”farm,Jacksonhaslongbeenremembered,bothtodayandbythe
Populists,astheperennial“people’spresident”andforefatherofJacksonian
Democracy.
TheideologicallineagebetweenJeffersonandJacksonwaswellappreciatedby
certainPopulists.InaletterfromWilliamJenningsBryantothechairmanofthe
NebraskaJacksonclub,theNebraskastatesmanwritesthat“thenameofJefferson
shouldbelinkedwiththatofJacksonforthelattercourageouslyappliedtothe
conditionsexistingathistimetheprinciplestaughtbytheformer.”47Anarrayof
Populistpublicationscalledforthereturnto“JeffersonianandJacksonian
principles”,implyingthatthetwoweresynonymouswithoneanother.48
44“EvilsForetold”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.45Ibid.46Ibid.47Bryan,WilliamJ.LettertoI.JDunn.4Jan.1895.MS.Omaha,Nebraska.48Butler,Marion."ToTheMembersofthePeople'sPartyAndToAllVotersWhoAreOpposedToTheSingleGoldStandard."Letter.Jan.1896.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Print.
27
HamiltonianHatred
ThePopulistsreservedaspecialdisdainforAlexanderHamiltonandhislegacy,a
realityemphasizedbyseveralPopulistnewspaperwritings.Byviciouslydenigrating
Hamilton’slegacy,thewritingselevateJeffersononaholypedestal,contrastinga
nefariousfinancialoligarchwithanaltruisticagrariandemocrat.Liketheir
memoriesofJefferson,theymadelittleefforttodistinguishbetweenHamiltonthe
manandHamiltonianismthepoliticalprogram,conflatingthetwo.TothePopulists,
Hamiltonepitomizedfinancialgreed,privileges,andtheindustrialusurpationof
democracy.WhereasJeffersonhadmadehislivingtoilingtherichfarmlandof
Monticello(andmakinghisslavestoiltheland),Hamiltonearnedhisfortuneina
lawofficeworkingforadamnedbanktuckedawayinthecrampedstreetsofNew
York’sfinancialdistrict.
Studyingthishatredissignificantforseveralreasons.First,ithelpsonebetter
understandtheAmericanhistoricalrootsofPopulistparanoia.Tomany,Hamilton
wasguiltyofpoliticalandfinancialconspiracy,justliketheBritishandKingGeorge
hadbeenyearsbeforehim.Hispoliticalmotiveswerenefariousandhispublic
policyproposalsreekedofcorruption.APeople’sPartyPaperarticlereflectsthis
cynicalattitudetowardHamilton.“WhenJeffersonenterednationalpolitics”,writes
thearticle“hefoundHamiltondevelopinghisschemesandcarefullylayinghis
plans”.49Hisplantofundpost-Revolutionstatedebtsforexample,wasnothingbuta
49“FederalismAgainstDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.
28
“plottogetthemoneyandthewealthofthecountryintothehandsofafavored
few.”50
InhisPulitzerPrizewinningworkTheIdeologicalOriginsoftheAmerican
Revolution,BernardBailynemphasizestheimportanceofparanoiatothe
Revolutionaryrepublicanspirit.AsBailynpointsoutthroughouthisbook,thereis
somethingwhollyAmericanaboutconspiracymongering.Tothecolonists,“they
werefacedwithconspiratorsagainstliberty”whohada“settled,fixedplanfor
enslavingthecolonies”51.Perhapsthemostparanoidofthisfoundinggeneration
hadbeennoneotherthanthefounderofAmericanpopulism,ThomasJefferson.As
earlyas1774,hedeclaredinapamphletthat
“thoughsingleactsoftyrannymaybeascribedtotheaccidentalopinionofa
day…aseriesofoppressions,begunatadistinguishedperiodandpursued
unalterablythrougheverychangeofministers,tooplainlyproveadeliberate
andsystematicalplanofreducingustoslavery.”52
Specifically,manycolonistspointedtoacentralized“’moniedinterest’createdby
“thecrown’sfinancialnecessitiesandthepowerofanewlyrisearrogant,and
irresponsiblecapitalistgroup,thatbattenedonwarsandstockmanipulation”.53Its
survivalhaddependedonunjusttaxcollectionandpoliticaloppression.Tothe
Populists,Hamiltonwassimplyaprogenitorthiscorruptedfinancialclass.A
People’sPartyPaperarticlewritesthatHamiltonepitomized“thespiritofmonarchy,
50“Jefferson’sFears”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.51Bailyn,Bernard.TheIdeologicalOriginsoftheAmericanRevolution.Cambridge,MA:BelknapPress,1992.Print.95,11952Ibid.12053Ibid.119
29
ofaristocracy,(and)ofclassrule”andwas“theleaderoftheseenemiesof
Democraticprinciples”.54Later,thearticlebelittlestheHamiltoniantraditionas
nothingmorethananexcusetofacilitatecronycapitalismandthereturnof
aristocracy:
“Whereverspecialprivilegesareaskedforfavoredindustries,Hamilton’s
ReportonManufacturesisransackedforarguments.Wheneverlegislation
intendedforbuildingupofamoneyedaristocracyasapartnerinthe
Governmentisdesiredbycapitalists,Hamilton’spleafortheNationalBank
istrotted.WheneverthespeculatordemandstheturningofthePaper
Money,whichpaysnointerest,andwhichformthebasisofBanker’smoney,
Hamilton’sideasonfundingcomeintoplay”.55
Thus,manyclungtothelegacyofJeffersonianDemocracyinsteadofthelegacyof
theHamiltonianprogram.An1893articleexaltingAlexanderStephensandThomas
E.WatsonreflecttheirhatredforHamiltonianismandtheircorrespondingworship
ofJeffersonianism.ThearticlewritesthatStephens,theformerVicePresidentofthe
Confederacy,stood“forJeffersonianDemocracyandthemassesagainstHamiltonian
Democracyandtheclasses”.56Inasimilarstyle,thearticlenotes,ThomasWatson,
thefieryCongressmanfromGeorgia,wasanadvocate“forJeffersonianDemocracy
andlegislation…against…HamiltonianDemocracyandPlutocracytosuitthe
PlutocratsoftheEastandFraudocratsoftheSouth.”57AnotherPeople’sPartyPaper
flingsanimplicitswipeatHamilton’slegacy,writingthat“alltheearlyfathersof
54“EnemyofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.55People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.56“Alex.StephensandTomWatson”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.57Ibid.
30
democracyopposedinternalimprovements”.Accordingtothislogic,Hamilton,a
fierceproponentofinfrastructuredevelopment,couldnotaccuratelybecalleda
“fatherofdemocracy”.58
Second,thePopulistdisdainofHamiltonshedslightontheiranti-pluralist
tendenciesanddivisivepostures.AsHofstadternotes,“thePopulistsadhered…toa
kindofsocialdualism”andthusviewedGildedAgesocietythroughsimplistic
divisions.59Itwasabattleof“Thepeopleversustheinterests,thepublicversusthe
plutocrats,thetoilingmultitudeversusthemoneypower”,andofcourse,
JeffersonianismversusHamiltonianism.60Inhis1892campaignbookNotaRevolt;It
IsaRevolution,Watsondepictedtheeventsoftheyearasa“replayofthehistoric
confrontationbetweenHamiltonandJeffersonin1792overwhethercountrywasto
begovernedbya“moneyedaristocracysupportedbyspecialprivilege.”61Forall
intentsandpurposes,therehadonlybeentwoclasses—“trampsandmillionaires”,
oneofwhichwasrepresentedbyJefferson,andtheotherbyHamilton.62
TheirrejectionofHamiltonianidealsasnothingbutacronyconspiracyis
disturbingtomanymodernobserversofAmericanpoliticalthought,andrightfully
so.Inhindsight,Hamiltonianidealsareoftencreditedwithconceivinglandmark
economicandpoliticaldevelopmentsthathavesignificantlybetteredciviclife.
Severalexamplesreadilycometomind:theassumptionofstatedebtsfollowingthe
revolutionarywar,thebirthofMarshalljurisprudence,thedevelopmentofHenry
58Ibid.59Hofstadter,AgeofReform,6460Ibid.,6561Fraser,9762"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."
31
Clay’seconomicsystem,andinthe20thcentury,theconstructionoftheInterstate
HighwaySystem.Evenfromthestandpointofthe1890s,Populistleadersand
rhetoricostensiblyrejecteddecades’worthofHamiltonianthinkingthathelpedglue
togetheranationthroughitstumultuousfirstcentury.Afterall,Hamiltonauthored
anoverwhelmingmajorityoftheFederalistPapers,themostinfluentialthinkpieces
ofAmericanconstitutionalgovernance.63
What’smoredisturbingisthat,attimes,Populistthinkingseemedtoattacknot
justHamiltonianism,butthewiderschoolofearlyFederalistthoughtwithwhichhe
isassociated.Populistwritingscalleduponactiviststostandupagainst“Madison
andHamiltonNationalism”.64TheattackonMadison,“thefather”oftheU.S.
constitutionandaDemocratic-RepublicanlikeJefferson,isperhapsevenmore
disconcerting.ThemagnitudeofHamiltonianandFederalistcontributionstothe
earlyAmericanrepublicandmodernsocietyarewithoutdoubt.
JeffersonianRepublicanism
ThatmanyPopulistsdeeplyadmiredJeffersonandJacksonandhatedHamilton,
isclear.Thattheyalsounderstoodthemselveswithinthe“Jeffersonian”campis
apparentaswell.ThroughoutPopulistwritingsandmaterials,Jeffersonian
republicandoctrineispresentedasthetruedemocraticschoolofthought.The
People’sPartyPaper,forinstanceforinstance,hailsThomasE.Watsonasthe“true
advocateofJeffersonianprinciples.”65.Manyhadyearnedforthereturntothe“great
64“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.65“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.
32
fundamentalprinciplesofRepublicangovernmentassetforthintheDeclarationof
IndependenceandtheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates,andasadvocatedand
practicedbyJefferson.”66
Insimilarfashion,thePopulistsunderstoodthemselvesasprogenyofthe
Jacksoniantradition.PopulistwritingsdisplayastrongattachmenttoJacksonian
ideals.Slogansofnewspapersandpoliticalpostersforexample,wouldoften
trumpettheJacksoniancredo:“EqualRightsForAll,SpecialPrivilegesforNone”.67
RobertRemini,inaJacksonbiography,writesthatJacksonianDemocracyplayeda
significantroleininspiringthePopulistmovement.68GeneClantonwritesthat
“Populisminmanywaysrepresentedthelastsignificantexpressionofanoldradical
traditionthatderivedfromEnlightenedsources…thatborethedistinct
imprint…Jacksonian,andLincolniandemocracy.”.69
Forthepoliticaltheoristorhistorianhowever,itwouldbewrongtoplacethe
PopulistswithinthisstreamofAmericanpoliticalthoughtgiventheirprofessed
senseofself-identityalone.Callingthem“Jeffersonian”or“Jacksonian”saysjustas
muchabouttheambiguitiesofthedoctrinesasitdoesaboutthePopulists.Infact,
primefacie,manycomponentsofthepopulistimpulseostensiblyclashedwithmany
facetsofthe“Jeffersonian”and“Jacksonian”legacies.
66Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.67People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]n.pag.Print.“People'sPartyCandidatesforPresidentandVicePresident1892.”TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,Washington,D.C.,1892,www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/populism-and-agrarian-discontent/resources/people%E2%80%99s-party-campaign-poster-1892.68Remini,RobertV.ThelifeofAndrewJackson.NewYork:Harper&Row,1988.Print.69Clanton,O.Gene.Populism:thehumanepreferenceinAmerica,1890-1900.Boston:TwaynePublishers,1991.Print.xvi
33
Thus,onemustlooktowardsothermethodsoflocatingthePopulistswithinthe
Jeffersonianstreamofthought.Whendoingso,twoimportanthistoricalrealities
standclearandareworthassessing.Forone,Populistmethodologyembraced
ambitiousnationalproposalstotacklepressingcivicandeconomicdilemmas.
Ultimatelyhowever,PopulistidealsaimedtoperfectAmericanrepublicanismby
preservinganagrarianlifestyle.Thus,theywerewillingtocallfornewnational
programsandabroadinterpretationoftheconstitutiontoreformwhathadbecome
thelate19thcenturystatusquo.OnemightsaythatthePopulistscalledforthe
employmentofHamiltonian“means”topursueJeffersonian“ends”.However,the
questionstillpersistsastowhetheroneshouldprimarilyunderstandtheminterms
oftheirmethodsortheirgoals.
ThefirstandmostsimplisticmethodofassessingthePopulistlegacyisby
analyzingtheirpublicpolicyproposals.Ifsimplyjudgedbythecontentoftheir
policysuggestalone,itwouldbenaturaltoplacethePopulistswelloutsidethe
Jeffersonianschoolofthought.Instead,onecouldplacethemwithinthe
“Hamiltonian”school,anawkwardrealitygiventheirpersonalhatredfortheman
himself.
OftenassociatedwiththethinkingofAlexanderHamiltonandearlystreamsof
Federalistthought,Hamiltonianismisprimarilycharacterizedbythebeliefthata
powerfulandenergeticcentralgovernmentwouldbestservethenationalinterest.
IncontrasttoJeffersonianlegalandpoliticalphilosophy,itadvocatesabroad
interpretationoftheConstitution,specificallyoftheNecessaryandProperclause.
34
SuchanapproachwaslegitimatebecauseitallowedCongresstoproposenational
solutionstonationalproblems.
Incontrast,legallyandpolitically,Jeffersonwasastaunchdefenderofstates
rightsandarestrainedcentralgovernment.Oftenrememberedasthefounderof
“strictconstructionism”,Jeffersonfamouslycalledforanarrowinterpretationofthe
constitution,limitingthepowersofthefederalgovernment.Apowerfulcentral
government,hebelieved,posednotjustadangerousbutanexistentialthreat
towardsdemocracy.TheJeffersonianpositionisinherentlyacynicalone—it
distrustsauthority.
InstarkcontrasttotheJeffersonianandJacksonianposition,thePopulistshad
calledforanenergeticfederalgovernmenttohelpcurbcorporateandfinancial
excess.ThePeople’sPartyPlatformof1892,orthe“Omahaplatform”,forinstance,
declaredthatthe“governmentshouldownandoperatetherailroadsintheinterest
ofpeople”70.AsFraserpointsout,it“showednoneoftheaversiontobig
governmentthathadoncebeenanaxiomoftheJeffersonianpersuasion.”71Inhis
legendary“CrossofGold”speech,WilliamJenningsBryanarguesatgreatlengthin
favorofnationalprogramslikethefederalincometaxandthefederalpowertocoin
money.72GeorgiaSenatorTomWatsonfamouslycalledfor“RuralFreeDelivery”,
thelargestexpansionofthefederalpostalserviceever.Theirinflationarymonetary
posturescontrastedsharplywithJackson’shardmoneystance.
70TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty.N.p.,n.d.Web.02Feb.2017.71Fraser72Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."1896DemocraticNationalConvention.Chicago.9July1896.Speech.
35
Indeed,thePopulistsinthe1890swereoneofthefirstnationalpolitical
movementstocallfornationalprogramstoeffectivelysolvenationalproblems.
Today,thePopulistsarecreditedwithhavingspurnedsomeofthecentrallegislative
andpolicyfixturesoftheProgressiveandNewDealErasthatexpandedfederal
power.AsHofstadterpointsout,“Populismwasthefirstmodernpolitical
movementofpracticalimportanceintheUnitedStatestoinsistthatthefederal
governmenthassomeresponsibilityforthecommonweal.”73
However,onemustanalyzeGildedAgePopulism,oranypopularmovementfor
thatmatter,asmorethanjustasetofpolicyproposals;itmustbeunderstoodasan
impulse—adispositionandattitudededicatedtoreformingeconomicandpolitical
excesses.ApropermethodoflocatingPopulistthoughtistoidentifytheirultimate
goalsofreformandtheirheroiceffortstopreserverepublicanciviclife.Ifthe
politicalscientistorhistorianistofindanycoherentlineofJeffersonianor
HamiltonianthoughtamongstatesmenormovementsinAmericanlife,heorshe
mustprimarilylooktotheirultimategoals,nottheirrespectivepolicymethods.
Policiesarefluid;theyshiftfromgenerationtogenerationandfromplatformto
platformforspecificdilemmasandissues.Idealsontheotherhandreflecttheinner
consciencesandpsychologiesofpoliticalmovements.Theyareendsinthemof
themselves.Whenproperlyjudgedbytheirultimategoals—theireffortstopromote
republicanvirtueandtopreserveagrarianlife--thePopulistsfallsquarelywithinthe
JeffersoniantraditioninUnitedStateshistoriography.
73Hofstadter,AgeofReform,61
36
APopulistParadox
Anobviousparadoxpresentsitself.Whymightamovementsodevotedto
republicanidealsandsoinfatuatedwithJeffersonembracesweepingnational
governmentprograms?Howcouldanypopularmovementforthatmatter,so
distrustfulofauthority,andsoconcernedwithequality,callfortheincreased
centralizationofpower?Understandingthis“Populistparadox”isofutmost
importancenotleastbecauseithelpsthepoliticalscientistorhistorianstudythe
PopulistEra,butbecauseitalsohelpsshedlightonpopularmovementsthroughout
Americanhistory.
Often,theanswerissimplyawillingnesstoembraceapracticalposturetowards
solvinginequitiesofpressingconcern.Afterall,popularmovementsarepolitical
movements;humanendeavors,theyareflexibleandconcernedwithpressingshort-
termgoals.Thus,thePopulistembraceofpragmatismreflectedtheirfeelingsof
desperationandanxietyamidstdauntingGildedAgeinequities.Despitetheir
intensehatredofHamiltonandHamiltonianism,theywerewillingtoadvocatefor
ambitiousfederalprogramstoalleviateagrarianwoes.Unprecedentedproblems
hadcalledforunprecedentedsolutions,andthePopulistsdidnothavetheprivilege
tostandonprinciple.Goodwynpointsoutthat“Therulesofcommercehadchanged
andPopulistsknewit”.74“Laissezfairecouldscarcelyspeaktomortgage-ridden
farmers”.75
SomePopulistswerewellawareofthisparadox,andtookefforttoreconciletheir
beliefsinJeffersonianidealsalongsidetheiraffirmationoflargegovernment74Goodwyn,37975Ibid..378
37
programs.Infact,theycriticizedthefeeble“laissez-faire”posturetowards
approachingdilemmasofpressingcivicconcern.Alegislative-memowrittenby
MarionButlerarguingagainstabillshedslightonthisparadoxinitsdefenseof
Populistpragmatism.ItclaimstheJeffersonianmantlefromthat“schoolofpolitics
whichcontendsthattherecertainthingsthegovernmentshouldnotdoevenwhena
greatwrongexiststhatshouldberighted”76.“AbelieverandafollowerofJefferson”,
hearguesthatthelaissez-faire“schoolofpolitics”misinterpretsJefferson’s
declarationthatthe“bestgovernmentisthegovernmentthatgovernsleast.”77
“ThereisnobetterfriendofMonopoly”,writesthePeople’sPartyChairman,“than
theso-calledrepresentativesofJeffersonwhousestheabovequotationasanexcuse
fornotdoingwhatthepublicinterestdemandstobedone.”78
WhatJeffersonbelieved,arguesButler,“wasthatthebestgovernmentthatwent
sofarintheexerciseofgovernmentalfunctionsasitwasnecessarytogotoprevent
thestrongfromoppressingtheweak.”79If“Jeffersonwerealiveto-day”,hewould
shirkawayfromthese“defendersofspecialprivileges”.80Instead,arguesButler,he
wouldsupportnationalcollectiveeffortsinPopulist-fashion.Afterall,“hefavored
puttingthepostofficeinthehandsoftheGovernment,becauseitwasanatural
monopoly.”81
Indeed,Jefferson,despitehisaffirmationofloftypoliticalprinciplesinthe
Declaration,wasarealisticandpragmaticpresidenthimself.Thathemayhave
76Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.77Ibid.78Ibid.79Ibid.80Ibid.81Ibid.
38
agreedwithButler’sassessmentisapossibilityworthconsidering.Aspresident,
JeffersonpurchasedthemassiveLouisianaterritoryfromNapoleonicFrance,
doublingthesizeoftheUnitedStates.Primefacie,thepurchaseconflictedwith
Jefferson’sstrictandnarrowinterpretationoftheconstitution—muchlikethe
Populistadvocacyoffederalpower.Nowherewasthefederalgovernmentexplicitly
grantedthepowertoexecutetheLouisianatransaction.
Instead,Jeffersonwellunderstoodthat“thepurchasewouldensurethepastoral
natureoftheUnitedStates…andwouldpromotethedevelopmentofavirtuous
Republicancitizenry.”82LikethePopulists,Jeffersonwasultimatelyconcernedwith
hisrepublicangoals,andrefusedtostandonprinciplewhenfacedwithanofferof
thismagnitude.Ofthepurchase,Jeffersonwrotethat“strictobservanceofthe
writtenlawsisdoubtlessoneofthehighdutiesofagoodcitizen,butitisnotthe
highest.Thelawsofnecessity,ofpreservation,ofsavingourcountrywhenin
danger,areofhigherobligation.”83,84
Insimilarfashion,PresidentJacksonnevershirkedfromtheopportunitytoveto
legislationthatthreatenedrepublicanvalues.OldHickoryexercisedexecutive
power,traditionallyaJeffersonianfear,tofendoffcreepingfinancialinterestsand
oligarchs.Inhis1832“VetoMessageRegardingtheBankoftheUnitedStates,“King
Jackson”declaredthataNationalbankwould“besubversiveoftherightsofStates,
82Balleck,Barry."WhentheEndsJustifytheMeans:ThomasJeffersonandtheLouisianaPurchase."PresidentialStudiesQuarterly22.4(1992):679-96.Web.09Feb.2017.83Ibid84Jefferson,Thomas."ThomasJeffersontoJohnB.Colvin."LettertoJohnB.Colvin.20Sept.1810.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Web.
39
anddangeroustothelibertiesofthepeople.”85Theriseofpressingdilemmashad
calledfortheuseofunprecedentedfederalexecutivepower.86
Tosomehowever,thechoicewasn’tbetweenfederalpowerandlaissez-faire,but
betweenincreasedfederalpoweroroligarchicpower.Tomany,financialand
industrialeliteshadabrogatedpowersanddutiesthatshouldonlybereservedfor
thefederalgovernment.JamesWeaverforexample,the1892People’sParty
candidateforpresident,wroteinhiscampaignbookACalltoActionthat“Theright
toissuethecurrencyandtodeterminethemoneysupplyforsixty-threemillion
peopleandtheirprosperity,havebeenleasedtoassociatedspeculators.”87Inhis
“CrossofGold”speech,WilliamJenningsBryanarguedatgreatlengthagainst
placing“legislativecontrolinthehandsofforeignpotentatesandpowers.”88
Reformers:APopulistVision
TheJeffersonianidealsofthePopulistscouldlargelybebrokendownintotwo
parts.First,manysoughttodisruptthestatusquoandoverthrowanoppressive
“regime”runbycorruptoligarchs,likeJeffersonhaddoneacenturyearlier.Many
wereseriouslyintentontacklingpressinginequities,arealityforwhichthey
deservegreatcredit.This“liberal”and“forward-looking”tendencywasvividly
apparentthroughoutPopulistrhetoric.TheOmahaPlatformtalkedofanation
“broughttothevergeofmoral,political,andmaterialruin”andsought“torestore
85Jackson,Andrew."PresidentJackson'sVetoMessageRegardingtheBankoftheUnitedStates."Washington.10July`832.AvalonProject.Web.86PresidentJacksonexercisedthevetopowertwelvetimesthroughouthisadministration,whatwasthenanexceptionallylargeamount.87Weaver,JamesB.ACalltoAction.NewYork:ArnoPress,1974.Print.1088Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."
40
thegovernmentoftheRepublictohandsofthe‘plainpeople’”89.TomWatsontitled
his1892campaignbook“NotaRevolt;ItsARevolution”tohighlighttherebellious
natureofthePopulistimpulse.90Accordingly,manycalledforunprecedented
reforms,likethenationalizationrailroadandbankingindustries.AsPostelpoints
out,“ThePopulistschallengedthecorporateframeworks.Theyprotestedthe
inequitabledistributionofwealth.Theydemandedmoreresponsivegovernment.”91
Reactionaries:TheAgrarianMyth
AlsocentraltothePopulistconsciencewasitsdevotiontoJeffersonianagrarian
life.AsHofstatderpointsout,“TheutopiaofthePopulistswasinthepast,notthe
future”and“lookedbackwardwithlongingtothelostagrarianEden.”92Specifically,
Hofstatdernotes,manyhadlookedbacktotheearly19thcenturyasaparagonof
agrarianlife.Theirdedicationtorurallikewascloselyrelatedtotheirfrustration
withthestatusquo;theGildedAgeeconomicorderthreatenedindependentrural
lifeformillionsoffarmersintheSouthandmid-West.
Agrarianlifewasalsoinsignificantmeasureameanstoanendformany
Populists.Becausetheagrarianwaywasmostconducivetohonorableciviclife,the
Populistsfearedthedestructionofrepublicanvirtue.InAgrarianisminAmerican
Literature,ThomasIngeidentifiesseveralcomponentsof“agrarian”ideology.For
one,thecultivationofthesoil“haswithinitapositivespiritualgood”which
facilitates“honor,manliness,self-reliance,courage,moralintegrity,and
89"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."90Watson,ThomasE.ThePeople'sPartyCampaignBook,1892.NewYork:ArnoPress,1975.Print.91Postel,vii.92Hofstadter,AgeofReform,62
41
hospitality.”93Incontrasttourbanprofessions,itistheonlyoccupationthataffords
self-sufficiency.Amodelworker,theagrarianman“hasasenseofidentity,asense
ofhistoricalandreligioustradition,afeelingofbelongingtoaconcretefamily,place,
andregion,whicharepsychologicallyandculturallybeneficial.”94
Thus,manyPopulistshadconjureddystopianimagesofalostagrarianlife,one
thatcouldofferthediscontentedfarmerpoliticalandeconomicdignity.Inhis
biographyofAndrewJackson,People’sPartySenatorTomWatsondeclared“that
duringthefirsthalf-centuryofourexistence,wehadnopoor.Andapauperclass
wasunthoughtof:abeggar,oratrampneverseen.”95SarahE.VanDeVortEmery’s
SevenFinancialConspiraciesWhichHaveEnslavedtheAmericanPeoplepaintsamore
vividbackward-lookingutopiathatchampionstheAmericanlaborer:
“ThirtyyearsagotheAmericanlaborerwasaprospectivelord.He
sawwithinhisreachahomeofplentyforhisfamily,andanoldageof
comfortforhimself.Thebrightpicturebeforehiminspiredindustry,
economyandsobriety,andthelaborerwasapeaceful,sober,
respectedcitizen.”96
93Inge,M.Thomas.AgrarianisminAmericanliterature.NewYork:OdysseyPress,1969.Print.94Ibid95Watson,Thomas.TheLifeandTimesofAndrewJackson.Thomson:n.p.,1912.Print.32596Emery,SarahE.VanDeVort.SevenfinancialconspiracieswhichhaveenslavedtheAmericanpeople.Lansing,MI:EmeryandEmery,1894.Print.11
42
PartII:Dispossession
TobestunderstandGildedAgePopulism,onemustunderstandthePopulist
conscience.AsHofstadteraptlynotes,wecanbestunderstandour“political
psychologythroughourpoliticalrhetoric.”97Anarrayofpolitical,cultural,and
economicanxietieshadproducedasenseofvictimhoodamongthePopulists.
Ultimately,thenewGildedAgeciviclandscapecouldoffertothesedevoted
agrarianslittlesolace.
ThePopulists’senseoflossandsufferingshoulddrawsympathyfroman
observerofthelate19thcentury.Theirplightwasanobleone,anefforttosavea
dyingvirtuouslifestyleamidstuncontrollableand“destructive”economicforces.On
theotherhand,theirself-prescribedsenseofvictimhoodshoulddrawconcernand
cautionfromthepoliticalscientistorhistorian.Oneofthedisturbingrealitiesof
Americanhistory(andallhistoryforthatmatter)isthatthegreatestcivicsinsand
crimesarefrequentlyperpetratedbyself-perceived“victims”.
Adouble-edgedsword,thepopularreformimpulsecanhelpteardownunjust
inequities.Ontheotherhand,itcanalsogiverisetohateandunfoundedfear.
“BeneaththesaneeconomicdemandsofthePopulistsof1890-1900”,writes
historianPeterViereck“seethedamaniaofxenophobia,Jew-baiting,intellectual
baiting,andthought-controllinglynchspirit.”98
PoliticalDispossession97Ibid.
98Nugent,WalterT.K.ThetolerantPopulistsKansasPopulismandNativism.Chicago,Ill.:The@UofChicagoPress,2013.Print.8
43
WhatdistinguishedthePopulistconsciencewasitsfirmbeliefthatonlya
privilegedfewhadbeenguiltyofconspiracy.AsSheldonHackneypointsoutin
PopulismtoProgressivisminAlabama,mosthadseenthemselvesasmembersofa
victimizedandsilentmajority,nota“persecutedminority”.99Hackneypointstoa
lettertotheeditorinthePiedmontInquirerwhichdeclaredthatPopulismwas
composedof“thatclassthatmakesacountryrich,great,powerful,honorableand
respectable,thepeoplecalledthemiddleclass…”.100AnotherletterintheTroy
Jeffersoniandeclaredthatthe“greatmassofthepeople”were“amongthefarmers,
laboringmen,miners,andmechanicsofthestate.”101
FinancialAnxieties
SomescholarshavesoughttominimizetheeconomicconcernsofthePopulistsin
attempttoemphasizetherelativeimportanceofracisminthePopulistconscience.
Suchanapproachhowever,ismisguidedfortworeasons.Forone,thepresenceof
bothracialandeconomicuneaseneednotbemutuallyexclusive--theyfrequently
fedoffoneanother.Economicworriesoftengiverisetoscapegoating,forwhich
ethnicminoritiesareeasytargets.
Second,suchscholarsignorewhatwererealandpressingfearsformanyPopulist
farmers.WhendiscussingPopulisteconomicconcernshowever,itisimportantto
distinguishbetweeneconomicanxietyanddistress,theformerbeingthefearof
economicturmoilandthelatterbeingtheturmoilitself.Withoutdoubt,manyGilded
99Hackney,77100ThePiedmontInquirer[Piedmont],14July1894101TroyJeffersonian[Troy],17August1894
44
Agefarmershadsufferedseriouseconomicdistress.Americantariffpolicy,for
example,forcedfarmerstobuymanufacturedproductsatartificiallyhighprices
whilesellingtheirgoodsinunprotectedforeignmarkets.Aparticularlynasty
droughthadstrucktheGreatPlainsfrom1890to1896,whichhaddevastatedcrop
yieldsinstateslikeNebraskaandKansas.Unpaidloansandmortgagesledto
foreclosedhomesandfarms,forcingmanytoenterintotenantfarmingand
sharecropping.Somehadsuccumbedtoaprocessof“primitivedis-accumulation”
andnever-endingdownwardmobility.102
However,itwasprimarilyeconomicanxiety,notdistressthathaddrivenagrarian
andPopulistunrest.Fromarational-choiceperspective,thisrealityisintuitive.
Afterall,politicalorganizationrequiresprecioustimeandmoney,resourceslargely
absenttoaforeclosedordowntroddenfarmer.Thosenearoratthebrinkofserious
economicdistresshowever,wouldhavestoodthemosttogainby“investing”in
cooperativeactiontoaffectpoliticalchange.
EmpiricalstudiesconfirmthisportraitoftheanxiousGildedAgefarmer.James
Stock,forexample,foundastrongrelationshipbetweenprotestactivityandlevelof
indebtedness.103Thoughdebtmayappearlikeasignofeconomicdistress,itinstead
signalseconomicanxiety.Afterall,businessesandentrepreneursincurdebtto
investinnewbusinessventures.Theybecomeanxioushowever,whentheyfeelthat
theycannotsuccessfullyrepaytheirloans.
102Fraser,49103Stock,JamesH."RealEstateMortgages,Foreclosures,andMidwesternAgrarianUnrest,1865–1920."TheJournalofEconomicHistory44.01(1984):89-105.Web.
45
OtherstudiessuggestthatsupportforPeople’sPartycandidateswasclosely
correlatedtothefrequencyofmortgagefarmforeclosuresinagivenregion.104
Thoughforeclosuressignaleconomicdistress,JamesStockconcludesthatitwasthe
threatofforeclosures—asourceofeconomicanxiety--thatdroveagrarian
discontent.AsStock’sfindingsdemonstrate,mortgageforeclosureswererelatively
rare,rangingfrom2-5%acrossSouthernandMidwesternstates.Stockthus
proposesa“fearofforeclosure”hypothesis:theostensiblethreatofimpending
foreclosure,nottheforeclosuresthemselves,hadprimarilydrivenunrestacross
farmcounties.Fromthisstandpoint,therelativerateofforeclosuresamong
neighborswouldhavebeenquitehigh.Inastatewithamodestannualforeclosure
rateof3%,theprobabilityofonehavingatleastoneneighborsufferfrom
foreclosurewouldhavebeenastaggering75%.Thisrealitywouldhavefrightened
manyfarmersinagivencommunity,suggestingthatthethreatofforeclosurewas
alwaysimminent.
Dataconcerningfarmincomeandproductivityalsoconfirmsthepresenceof
Populistanxiety.Averagefarmincomesgrewoverthelastseveraldecadesofthe
GildedAge,suggestingthatmostfarmerswerenottrulydistressed.However,
agriculturalproductivityandincomeincreasedatamuchslowerraterelativetothe
nationalaverage,closeto50%less.105Sucharealitycouldhavestokedagrarian
anxieties,suggestingthattheycouldnot“keepup”withtheirindustrial
counterparts.
104Ibid.105Fogel,Robert,andJackRutner."“TheEfficiencyEffectsofFederalLandPolicy,1850-1900:AReportofSomeProvisionalFindings."TheDimensionsofQuantitativeResearchinHistory.Princeton:PrincetonUPress,1972.N.pag.Print.
46
Theeconomicstatureofthefarmershadalsopredisposedthemtoanxiety.
Farmersoftenlivedatthemercyoferraticandunpredictablefinancialmarkets,
intensifyingtheagrarians’senseofvulnerabilityandanxiety.Duetothe
globalizationofagriculturalmarkets,Americanfarmershadbecomemarketprice-
takersandweresubjecttothevolatilityoffrequentbankingpanicsandtheboom-
and-bustcycle.Empiricalresearchfromseveralstatessuggeststhatagrarianunrest
wasstronglycorrelatedwitheconomicuncertainty,andpriceandincome
variability.106
Commonbusinesspracticesalsocontributedtoagrariananxieties.Farmerswere
frequentlyhard-pressedforcash,meaningmanywereleftatthemercyofbanksand
othercreditorsforcapitalexpenditures.Infact,astaggering90percentofGeorgia,
Alabama,andMississippifarmerslivedoncredit.107Railroadsandbankscharged
farmersdiscriminatoryratesfortheirservices.Interestrateswereoftenseveral
pointsgreaterandfreightratesfourtimeshigherintheMid-Westthaninthe
East.108TotheparanoidPopulists,higherratesandfinancialdisparitieshad
primarilystemmedfrommonopolisticmanipulationandrate-rigging.109Marion
Butlerforexample,whenwarningofthedangersoftrusts,writesthata“fewgreat
bankersandsyndicates…canthereforeregulateratesandmakediscriminationin
favorofmonopoliesandtrustswithwhichtheyareallied.”110
106McGuire,RobertA.“EconomicCausesofLateNineteenthCenturyAgrarianUnrest:NewEvidence.”JournalofEconomicHistory41(1981):835-52.107Goodwyn,15,113108Hicks,ThePopulistRevolt109Eichengreen,Barry."MortgageInterestRatesinthePopulistEra."TheAmericanEconomicReview74.5(1984):995-1015.Web.110Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.
47
Atthecoreofagrariananxieties,satmonetaryexasperation.Givenitsfinancial
impactonagrarianlife,thecurrencyquestionoccupiedthePopulistconscienceto
thegreatestdegree.InThePopulistRevolt,JohnHickswritesforexample,that
“Duringthecampaignof1892,thePopulistshadlearnedthatofalltheplanksin
theirplatformthesilverplankhadthewidestappeal.”111Thegoldstandard,which
largelydeterminedmonetarypolicy,hadstrangled,indeed,“crucified”many
farmers,asdeflationandhard-moneypolicymadeitincreasinglymoredifficultto
paybackloans,leavingmanydrowningindebt.112Thus,many“werefrequently
plaguedbysocialostracism,lossoffinancialcredit,andsometimesphysical
intimidation.”113.OnecorrespondentwrotetoPresidentCleveland’ssecretaryin
1895:“Havingbeenprettywelloverthecountrysincewelastmet,traveling…South
andWest.Thepeopleinthatsectionaresimplycrazyonthemoneyquestion;they
cannotdiscussitrationally.”114
CulturalIsolation
GildedAgedivisionsnotonlystemmedfrompoliticalandeconomicdivides,but
alsofromculturalrifts.TheNortheastexperiencedrapidurbanization,arealitythat
heightenedsectionaldividesandexacerbatedagrariandiscontent.ManyPopulists
lookedcondescendinglyuponurbancenters,whichhadhousedthehaughtybankers
andmerchantsthathadbeensoresponsiblefortheera’sexcesses.AsHahnpoints
out,“Drawingupontheelementsofruraldisaffection,Populismarticulatedabitter111Hicks,301112Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."113Hackney,Sheldon,PopulismtoprogressivisminAlabama.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1969.http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.00252.0001.001.3114Hofstadter,Richard.TheparanoidstyleinAmericanpolitics,andotheressays.NewYork:Vintage,1967.Print.241
48
critiqueofcapitalistrelationsandvalues.”115“Itwasinconceivable”,writes
Hofstadter,“thatthehardworking,Bible-readingcitizenryshouldbeinferiorin
moralinsighttothecynicalfinanciersoftheEasterncities.”116Theircultural
anxietiesmadeappealstoFounding-eraconcerns.“Itwasthegreatmerchant,not
thefarmer,criedBryan”thathadcalledforstandingarmiesduringcolonialera.117
Theruralstandingofmanyfarmerswasalsosignificantbecauseitcontributedto
thePopulistsenseofsocialisolation.AsJamesTurnerpointsout,“thePopulists
tendedtoliveoutofthesocialandeconomicmainstream”—theywereculturally
isolated.118AcrossallSouthernstatesexceptAlabamaforexample,therewasa
strongnegativecorrelationbetweenthePeople’sPartyvoteandthepercentageof
populationintownsover2,500.119
ThisgeographicisolationofthefarmershadcruciallyshapedthePopulist
conscience.Hackneyemphasizestheimportanceofsocialrootlessnesstothetheir
senseofdispossession:
“Populistswereonlytenuouslyconnectedtosocietybyeconomicfunction,
bypersonalrelationships,bystablecommunitymembership,bypolitical
participation,orbypsychologicalidentificationwiththeSouth'sdistinctive
myths....theywerevulnerabletofeelingsofpowerlessness…”120
Thisrootlessnessmoldedtheiranxietiesandpsychologyinseveralways.First,as
Turnerpointsoutthat“TheirrelativeisolationgavePopulistsenoughindependence115Hahn,287116Hofstadter,Richard.TheAmericanPoliticalTradition.NewYork:Knopf,1973.Print.188117Ibid.189118Turner,James."UnderstandingthePopulists."TheJournalofAmericanHistory67.2(1980):354-73.Web.359119Turner,358120Hackney,30
49
fromthedominantpoliticalculturetoallowthegrowthofanoriginalpoliticsand
ideology.121Theycouldformdistinctideasapartfromthemainstream.Second,their
relativeisolationhelpsexplainthepresenceofparanoiaandpopularityof
conspiracytheoriesthroughoutthePopulistconscience.Manyfarmersweresimply
notexposedtoethnicoreconomicrealities,whichcontributedtofalsehoodsand
ungroundedmyths.Itismucheasiertobelieveinanti-Semiticconspiracytheories
forexample,ifonehasnevermetaJew.
121Turner,370
50
PartIII:AParanoidStyle
AnanalysisofPopulistrhetoricandstyleacrossnewspapers,speeches,books,
personalpapers,andpartymaterials,revealsadistinctmodeofexpressionamong
GildedAgereformers.Whenfacedwithdauntingcivicconcerns,manywerenotjust
fearful,butparanoid--hyper-suspiciousandpersecutorytowardenemies.Though
theiragrarianlifehadhelpedfacilitaterepublicanvirtue,itpredisposedmanyto
hateandparanoia.AreflectionoftheirJeffersonianhistoricalrootsandsocial
anxieties,Populistparanoiamanifesteditselfinseveraluglyways.
Inhislandmark1964essay,RichardHofstadtertracesahistoryandanoutlineof
this“ParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics”122.Characterizedbyheated“exaggeration,
suspiciousness,andconspiratorialfantasy”,itcanafflictthepoliticalmodesof
expressionof“moreorlessnormalpeople”.123Fromearlyanti-Masonicconspiracy
theoriestoMcCarthyism,andPopulism,onecanfindacommonparanoidthread
throughoutUnitedStateshistory.Thetermofcourse,ispejorative.However,itdoes
notnecessarilypassjudgmentonthetruthormeritofindividualfearsorproposals.
“Nothingreallypreventsasoundprogramordemandfrombeingadvocatedinthe
paranoidstyle”,writesHofstadter.124Usageofthetermisalsonotmeanttosuggest
thattheissuestheyraisedwerenotofseriousandpressingconcern.Eventhemost
criticalofhistorianshaveacknowledgedtheenormousdebtowedtothePopulists
foraddressingpressingeconomicissueswroughtbyGildedAgeindustrialism.125
122Hofstadter,Richard."TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics."HarpersMagazine6Feb.2017:n.pag.Print.123Ibid.124Ibid.125SeeHofstadter,AgeofReform
51
Rather,thetermdenotesadistinctstyle,method,andstrategyofpolitical
discourse.Often,Populistwritingsandmaterialswouldaddresslegitimatepublic
policyconcernsalongsidefancifulconspiracytheories.Talksofoligarchs,money
rings,“shylocks”,andmanipulatorscharacterizedthePopulistunderstandingof
civicconcerns.Thisstylemanifesteditselfinseveralwaysbecausemanywere
excessivelywaryofthoseacrosstheAmericancivicspectrum.Often,paranoid
attitudesemergedfromcomplexsynthesesofcultural,economic,andpolitical
anxieties.Whilesomeoftheirfearswerelegitimateandwell-founded,manyoftheir
theoriesweresimplyabsurdandgroundless.Afterall,amovementthatis
consistentlyparanoidislikelytobefrequentlywrong.
WhatmostdistinguishedthePopulistconsciencewasnotjustitsbeliefin
individualconspiracytheories,butitsparanoidconscience.AsHofstadteraptly
notes,“thereisagreatdifferencebetweenlocatingconspiraciesinhistoryand
sayingthathistoryis…avastfabricofsocialexplanationoutofnothingbutskeinsof
evilplots.”126Fromacivicstandpoint,thePopuliststhusdeserveenormousblame.
ThoughresponsibleforsheddinglightonGildedAgeinequities,Populistsoften
failedtoaddresspublicpolicyissuesinarationalmanner.Theyfrequentlyengaged
indisturbingrace-baitingandscapegoating.
Understandingthisstyleisimportantforseveralreasons.First,itshedslightson
thehistoricalrootsofPopulistanxieties.Theirparanoidstyle,havingemergedfrom
JeffersonianandJacksonianrepublicanroots,reflectedadesperateefforttosavea
rurallifestylethatwasmostconducivetorepublicanciviclife.LikeJeffersonhad
126Hofstadter,AgeofReform,71
52
doneduringtheRevolution,andJacksonthroughouthisadministration,Populists
hadsoughttowrestlepoliticalpowerfromaprivilegedoligarchy.Indeed,Jefferson
himselfexhibiteda“paranoidstyle”andengagedin“conspiracymongering”
throughouthispoliticalcareer.127Alwaysfearfulofthedestructionofrepublican
government,he“appearsreallytohavebelieved,atonetime,thattheFederalists
wereconspiringtore-establishmonarchy.”128Insimilarfashion,AndrewJackson
harboredahyper-suspiciousnesstowardsfinancialinterestsandtheBankofthe
UnitedStatesthroughouthispresidentialadministration.“TheBank…istryingtokill
me”hefamouslydeclared,“butIwillkillit.”129
Toalargeextent,therelationshipbetweenparanoiaingeneralandJeffersonian
republicanismisanaturalone.TheAmericanrepublicantraditionisinherently
fearful,alwaysresistingcrookedandaristocraticforces.LanceBanningwritesinthe
JeffersonianPersuasionthatthistraditionfirstgroundeditselfinoppositionto
corruptionandprivilege,“theruinofclassicalrepublicanideals.”130“EarlyAmerican
founders”,writesBanning,“hopedthattherejectionofhereditaryprivilegewould
makeitpossibletoformnewgovernmentsthatwouldbefullysuitedtothepeople’s
democraticcharacterandtothepreservation…oftheirspecialwayoflife.”131Onthe
onehand,anxioustendenciescanfendoffforcesthataredestructivetorepublican
democracy.Afterall,itwasanxietyandparanoia“aboveelse”,writesBernard
127Meacham,Jon.ThomasJefferson:theartofpower.NewYork:RandomHouse,2012.Print.xxviii128Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform.NewYork,Vintage,1955.72129“AndrewJackson.”TheWhiteHouse,TheUnitedStatesGovernment,25Dec.2014,www.whitehouse.gov/1600/presidents/andrewjackson.130Banning,Lance.TheJeffersonianPersuasion:EvolutionofaPartyIdeology.Ithaca:CornellUpress,1978.Print.82131Ibid.84
53
Bailyn,thatfirstpropelledtheAmericanRevolution.132Ontheotherhand,itcan
manifestitselfinhateandsocialstratification,whicharetoxictoliberalvaluesand
socialharmony.
Second,ithelpsbetterunderstandPopulistfeelingsofdispossession,anxieties,
andtheirreactionarytendencies--therootsoftheirparanoidstyle.Becausethe
agrarianactivists,self-perceivedvictims,were“fendingoffthreatstoastill
establishedwayoflife”,theydevelopedgroundlesssuspicionstowardconspiring
enemies.133Studyinglate19thcenturyparanoiacanthusshedlightonthepolitical
appealofthePopulistimpulseandthedemographiccompositionofitsadherents.
Tomany,thebattleagainsttheGildedAgestatusquowasanuphilloneas
“goldbugs”andelitesconspiredtosidelinetheagrarianfarmer.Thus,the“paranoid
style”could“successfullyleveragethepassionsandanimosities”ofafumingsilent
majority.134Thattheirpoliticalappealmayhavestemmeddirectlyfromtheiruseof
overtandcodedracistandparanoidlanguageisastrongpossibilityworth
assessing.
Toacasualobserverofthe19thcentury,theera’sinequalitiesanddilemmasmay
haveseemedtosomeextentinevitable,productsofpowerfuleconomicandpolitical
forces.TothePopulistshowever,thiswasnotso.Theproblemstheyfacedandthe
forcesthatthreatenedtheirlifestylewerebynomeansinevitable.Ratherthan
blamingdecentralizedforces,theyoftenturnedtowardsfinger-pointingand
scapegoating.ThisdistinctunderstandingofGildedAgeinequitiesbredthePopulist
132Ibid.95133Hofstadter,“TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics”,3134Ibid,1
54
paranoidstyleandexplainswhymanyspokethelanguageofconspiracy.Someof
theirparanoiacouldbeadequatelyexplainedbytheireconomicorpolitical
anxietiesalone.Otherbrandsofithowever,developedfrommultifacetedrootsand
reflectedthediversityofPopulistanxieties.
ProceduralParanoia
Acrossseveralfacetsofciviclife,Populistsfearedthedecayoffairandhonorable
politicallife.Forone,manyfearedthatpubliclegislationhadbeencraftedsolelyin
favorofestablishedinterests.ALouisianaPopulistarticledeclaredthatthereare
those
“livingintheeastmostlyalotofwealthymenwho,takencollectively,
constitutewhatisknownasthemoneypower.Bybriberyandcorruptuseof
money,theygetslawspassedthatenablethemtoformmonopoliesand
truststorobthepeople.”135
They“blackmailcorporationsandmaintaincostlylobbiesforthepurchaseof
representatives”.136Manyalsoconsistentlyquestionedthevalidityofpolitical
electionsandbelievedinwidespreadvoterfraud.ThePeople’sPartyPaperfor
instance,talkedof“universalintimidation”and“bribery”.137Aftersweeping
congressionalRepublicanvictoriesin1894,whichwasseenbymanyasalossfor
thePopulistcause,severalnewspapersdeclaredchargesofvoterfraud.An
135“WhoBuysVotes”TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]16November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.136UntitledArticleTheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]23November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.137People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]n.d.:n.pag.People'sPartyPaper.1894.Web.
55
AmericanNonconformistarticlechargesthatthe1894primarieshadbeenriggedby
ballotstuffing.138OnearticleintheLouisianaPopulistdeclaredthat“itmustbe
stoppedandthosewhoarereapingthespoilsoffraudthroughsuchmethodshad
bettertakewarningintime.”139
FinancialParanoia
ThatthePopulistsattemptedtoeliminatemonometalliccurrencyandlessen
agrarianfinancialdistressthroughsoundpublic-policyeffortsisclear.These
“Silverites”talked“Gold-bugs”likeGroverClevelandorWilliamMcKinleyasthe
worstofheretics.Ananalysisofseveralpartyplatformsrevealproposalstohelp
betterregulatethebankingindustryandmonetaryaffairs.The1896Democratic
Platformforinstance,demandedthat“allpaper(money)whichismadealegal
tenderforpublicandprivatedebts…shallbeissuedbythegovernment.”140The
OmahaPlatformfamouslycalledforthe“unlimitedcoinageofsilverandgoldatthe
presentlegalratioof16:1.”141
Ofcourse,aproperanalysisofthePopulistimpulseincludesmuchmorethan
simplyaglanceatpolicyproposals.Acomprehensivestudyoftheirrhetoricand
posture—theirstyle--revealsintenseanddisturbingparanoidtrends.Tomany,it
wasafullscalebattleofgoodversusevil,libertyversusdespotism.Itwasaneffort
todefeatthe“agenciesofthemoneypower”andthe“dominationofthegoldring”—138“LouisianaElectionFraud”AmericanNonconformist[Indianopolis]29November1894:n.pageAmericanNonconformistWeb.139“InAlabama”TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]30November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.140"DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform-July7,1896."TheAmericanPresidencyProject.N.p.,n.d.Web.27Mar.2017.141"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."
56
the“evilsthatnowcursehumanity”.142Tomany,thegoldstandardseemedtoonly
serve“theenrichmentofthemoney-lendingclassathomeandabroad”.143
PoliticsandMoney
ThePopulistsfocusedoncurrencyremediestotheirproblemstoanunrealistic
extentbecausetothem,themonetaryquestionwasnotsimplyaneconomicone.It
wasaciviconeanddefinedtheGildedAgefarmer’scentralrelationtoAmerican
democracy.Itwas“paramounttoallothersatthistime”,andtheeliminationofthe
singlegoldstandardoccupiedacentralroleinthePopulistconscience.144Their
effortwasa“conflictofthemoneypowersbattlingforagoldoligarchyandthe
massesstrugglingforconstitutionalliberty.”145Itseliminationwasessentialifother
civicdilemmasweretobetackled.“Whenhaverestoredthemoneyofthe
Constitution”,declaredWilliamsJenningsBryaninhisCrossofGoldSpeech,“all
othernecessaryreformswillbepossible;…butuntilthisisdonethereisnoother
reformthatcanbeaccomplished.”146“NoCongresswilleverbeabletogivethe
peoplereliefandgoodgovernment”,writesMarionButler,becauseestablished
interests“nominatecandidateswhobelongtotheBritishgoldtrust.”147
Thus,manyreformersbelievedthatoppositiontothegoldstandard,was
consistentwith,andevenrequiredby,theprinciplesofJeffersonianandJacksonian
142Butler,Marion."SelectedSpeechesonthePeople'sParty."Letter.1896.MS.Winston,NorthCarolina.143"DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform."DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform.N.p.,n.d.Web.09Feb.2017.144People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.undated:n.pag.Print.145“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.146Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."147Butler,Marion."ToTheMembersofthePeople'sPartyAndToAllVotersWhoAreOpposedToTheSingleGoldStandard."Letter.Jan.1896.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Print.
57
democracy.Itwastheonlywaytodefeatthe“aristocracyofCapital”,borrowing
languagefrom18thcenturyJeffersonianlexicon.148That“Mr.Jeffersonbelievedthat
moneywasaNationalagent,andshouldbecreatedbytheNationalGovernmentand
fortheuseoftheNation”perhapswasreasonenoughforsomePopuliststooppose
thegoldstandard.149
Everwaryoffinancialinterests,thePopulisteffortalsolookedtotheexampleof
OldHickory,thegreatbank-buster.Inhis“CrossofGold”speech,Bryandeclared
that“weneedanAndrewJacksontostand…againsttheencroachmentsof
aggregatedwealth”and“whodestroyedthebankconspiracyandsavedAmerica”.150
Afterall,Fraserwrites,“Ruralhostilitytothemoneypowerwasanentrenched
tradition,itsrootsextendingasfarbackasJackson’swaragainsttheBankofthe
UnitedStates.”151
ANoteonCulturalParanoia
ItisdifficulttolocatePopulistparanoiathatemergedfromculturalanxieties
alone.SomePopulists,likeMaryElizabethLease,wereactivemembersinthe
TemperanceMovementandwereenergeticculturalreformers.However,mostof
theirculturalanxietieshadbeencloselyintertwinedwithotherpoliticaland
economicanxieties.Thatisnottosuggestthattheirculturalanxietieswerenot
energeticandfar-reaching.Whenapproachedwithpressingeconomicorpolitical
concerns,theirxenophobia,racism,andsenseofculturaldispossessionstoodclear.
148“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.149“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.150Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."151Fraser93
58
Thisrealitysuggestthatitwaseconomicanxietiesthatultimatelypredisposedthe
Populiststorace-baitingandnativistlanguage.TheirextraordinaryfearsofaJewish
“moneypower”forexamplebestexemplifythisreality.
ShylockBankersandTheRothschildSyndicate
PerhapsthemostdisturbingandnoteworthytrendsofthePopulistparanoid
stylewasitsfrequentreferencestoanti-Semiticimageryandconspiratorlanguage.
ManyagrarianswereparanoidofurbanJewishbankerswhohadlittlerespectfor
yeomanfarmers.Areflectionoftheiragrarianroots,Populistanti-Semitismthus
groundeditselfineconomicandculturalprejudice.Becausethe“popularimageof
theJewisrelatedtothecityinmanyways”,notesSociologistArnoldRose,American
anti-Semitismhasoftenemergedfrom“theglorificationofrurallife”.152Jewshave
oftenepitomizedpompouscitylifeandtheunbridledfinancializationofAmerica—
theyaretheurbanparexcellence.HistorianHasiaDineremphasizestheclose
relationshipbetweenPopulistagrarianismandanti-Semiticprejudices:
SomePopulistsbelievedthatJewsmadeupaclassofinternationalfinanciers
whosepolicieshadruinedsmallfamilyfarms,theyasserted,ownedthe
banksandpromotedthegoldstandard,thechiefsourcesoftheir
impoverishment.Agrarianradicalismpositedthecityasantitheticalto
Americanvalues,assertingthatJewsweretheessenceofurban
corruption.153
152Rose,ArnoldM.“TheStudyofMan:Anti-Semitism'sRootinCity-Hatred.”CommentaryMagazine,1Oct.1948.153Diner,Hasia.TheJewsoftheUnitedStates.Berkeley:UofCaliforniaPress,2004.Print.170
59
Ofcourse,thePopulistswerehardlytheonlygrouptoharboranti-Semitic
tendenciesinthelate19thcentury.Historianshavelongdebatedwhethertheywere
moreorlessanti-Semiticthantheircontemporarypoliticalcounterparts,aquestion
thatiscertainlyhardtoanswerdefinitively.154However,whenunderstanding
GildedAgeactivismfromthestandpointofpoliticalscience,oneneednotmeasure
Populistanti-Semitisminaggregateterms.Rather,onecanaskwhethertheirefforts
atreformandeconomicanxietiesstokedaparanoidracialprejudiceinany
significantway.
ThatthePopulistsdidstoketheseprejudicesisclear.Giventhewidespread
acceptanceandpopularityofanti-SemiticconspiracytheoriesamongPopulist
reformers,manybelievedthatgreedyJewishbankershadhelpeddesignagold
oligarchyandhadcheatedruralfarmersoffinancialstability.“Thereisnodoubt”,
writes19thcenturyhistorianLouiseMayo,“thatintheirintensehatredforthe
'moneypower,'somePopulistsacceptedanti-Semiticstereotypesandidentified
154Pollack,Norman."TheMythofPopulistAnti-Semitism."TheAmericanHistoricalReview68.1(1962):n.pag.Web.Pollack’sconclusionthatPopulistanti-Semitismisamythisdubiousonseveralgrounds.Primarily,Pollacksuccumbstothefallacyofcomposition;hedrawstoostrongofaconclusionbasedupontoolittleevidence.HeconcludesthatPopulistanti-Semitismwasraregiventhescarcityofexplicitanti-SemiticstatementsamidsttheHenryLloyd,WilliamJenningsBryan,andIgnatiusDonnellypapers.Hisanalysisisinsufficientforafewreasons.First,hefailstomakementionofvitriolicanti-SemiticstatementsmadebyMarionButlerandTomWatson,bothofwhomwerehighlyinfluentialfiguresinthePopulistEra.Second,astrongconclusionconcerningPopulismsurelymuststudyprejudiceoutsidethepapersofleadingfigures.Also,Pollackselectivelymanipulatesquotestobuttresshisargument.HequotesDonnelly’sassertionthattheJewshaveundergone“themostterribleordealofpersecutionthehistoryofmankindbearsanyrecordof”asevidenceofhiscompassionforJews.Tothecontrary,Donnelly’saccountofpersecutionwascentraltohisanti-SemiticconspiracytheoriesbecauseitheightenedtheevolutionaryselectiveprocessamongJews.InDonnelly’santi-Semiticnovel,Caesar’sColumn,oneofthecharactersexplainsthatpersecutionleftamongtheJews“onlythestrongofbody,thecunningofbrain,thelongheaded,thepersistent…andnowtheChristianworldispaying,intearsandblood,forthesufferingsinflictedbytheirbigotedandignorantancestorsuponanoblerace”.(SeeHofstadter,)ThenovelservesasagoodexampleastowhyPollack’sanalysisofpersonalpapersisinsufficient.
60
Jewswiththeevilsofsociety”.155Whileanti-Semitismwaswidespreadthroughout
Americansociety,“itwaschieflyPopulistwriterswhoexpressedthatidentification
oftheJewwiththeusurerandthe`internationalgoldring'whichwasthecentral
themeofAmericananti-Semitismoftheage”,writesHofstadter.156
LeadingPopulistfiguresembracedthisrabidformofanti-Semitism.Ina19th
centuryaddress,MaryElizabethLease,“thebestknownoratorofthePopulistEra”,
declaredthat“Redemptionmoneyandinterest-bearingbondsarethecurseof
civilization”because“WearepayingtributetotheRothschildsofEngland,whoare
buttheagentoftheJews."157GroverCleveland,sheoncedeclared,wasan“agentof
Jewishbankers.”158AttheSecondNationalSilverConventionof1892,aspeaker
warnedofpoliticianswhorepresented“WallStreet,andtheJewsofEurope.”159
IgnatiusDonnelly,oneoftheleadingdraftersoftheOmahaPlatform,oftenusedthe
term“Shylock”todescribeJewsasthe“money-gettersoftheworld.”160Inhis
personalpapers,People’sPartyChairmanMarionButlerwrotethat“aforeigngold
syndicateofLondonJews”and“cold-bloodedShylocks”hadhelpedmanipulate
railroadprices.161
155Mayo,LouiseA.,TheAmbivalentImage:Nineteenth-CenturyAmerica'sPerceptionoftheJew.London:AssociatedUniversityPress,1988.61156Hofstadter,AgeofReform,19157Woestman,Kelly.“MaryElizabethLease:PopulistReformer.”MaryElizabethLease:PopulistReformer|TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,12Sept.2012,www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/populism-and-agrarian-discontent/essays/mary-elizabeth-lease-populist-reformer.“FurorOverMaryLease”NewYorkTimes,11Aug.1896.”158Lease,Mary,“TheProblemofCivilizationSolved”,319-320159ProceedingsoftheSecondNationalConvention,Washington,1892,48160Donnelly,Ignatius.Caesar'sColumn:AStoryoftheTwentiethCentury.Middletown:WesleyanUPress,2003.Print161Butler,Marion,“Trusts—TheCausesThatProduceThemAndTheRemedy”.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.
61
Thistypeofanti-Semiticparanoiacreptitswayintoinfluentialthink-piecesthat
drewuponthemoneyquestion.Notjustrandomanti-Semitictracts,thesepieces
wereinfluentialreformpiecesandbest-sellersthroughoutthePopulistEra.The
novelTaleofTwoNations,writtenbytheinfluentialPopulistthinkerWilliam“Coin”
Harvey,featurescharactersofracialstereotypesordisguisedhistoricalfigures.162It
presentsaLondonbankernamedBaronRothe,a“Hebrew”(whorepresentsthe
Rothschilds)whoisdeterminedtokeeptheUnitedStatesonthegoldstandard.163
HesendsanassistantnamedRosagnertopersuadeAmericanpoliticianstosupport
goldcurrency.Rosagnerfallsinlovewithagirlwhoisinlovewithafree-silver
Nebraskacongressman(whorepresentsWilliamJenningsBryan).Attheendofthe
playRosagneristoldthatheis“verywiseinhisownway—thecommercialway,
inbredthroughgenerations.”164
JamesB.Goode’sModernBanker,afictionalaccountaboutlate19thcentury
financiallifeischockfullofanti-Semiticconspiracytheories.ModernBanker
featurescharacterswhopersistentlywarnagainstcorruptedJewishinterests.The
“Jewnowfindshimselftheownerofmoresolidcashthanalltherestoftheworld
together”declaresonecharacter.165Sotoo,theyhadbeenresponsibleforpolitical
corruption:“Notsatisfiedwithallthis,theJewshaveorganized,arebuyingup
legislators,passinglawsandcreatingconditionsallfavorabletothemselves.”166In
162""Coin"Harvey(1851–1936)-EncyclopediaofArkansas.""Coin"Harvey(1851–1936)-EncyclopediaofArkansas.N.p.,n.d.Web.22Feb.2017.Harvey,William.ATaleofTwoNations.Chicago:CoinPublishingCompany,1894.Print.163Ibid.,287164Ibid,289165Goode,JamesB.TheModernBanker;aStoryofHisRapidRiseandDangerousDesigns.Chicago:n.p.,1896.Print.128166Ibid.
62
fact,oneofthecharactersblamesJewishinterestsforproppingupthegoldstandard
inthefirstplace:“TheJewssawthatbydemonetizingsilver,theywoulddoublethe
valueofgold.”167
Caeser’sColumn,writtenbyIgnatiusDonnelly,theleadingdrafteroftheOmaha
Platform,featuresadystopianoligarchyrunbyaJewishbankernamedJacobIsaacs.
Atonepointinthenovel,Isaacsdeclaresthat“thearistocracyoftheworldisnow
almostaltogetherofHebreworigin.”168Caeser’sColumnprovidesacomprehensive
theoryofJewishevolution.YearsofpersecutiononlyhardenedtheJew,wrote
Donnellyhavingrisen“fromdealersinold-clothesandpeddlersofhatsto
merchantsprinces.”169“TheysaidwithShylock:ThevillainyyouteachmeIwill
execute;anditshallgohardbutIwillbettertheinstruction.”170
Often,reform-mindedperiodicalsfellpreytorabidanti-Semitismwhenthey
approachedthemoneyquestion.Cartoonsdepictedexplicitanti-Semitismthrough
cartoons,oftendisplayinghook-nosedJewishfinanciers.An1896cartoonfor
example,inthePopulistnewspaperSoundMoney,shownbelow,depictsUncleSam
crucifiedbyhook-nosedbankerswithasignontopthatreads“theU.S.isinthe
handsofJews”.Judasisshownhungbyatreeinthecornerimage.Onecartoonin
thefree-silvermagazineNewRoaddepictsfemaleRothschildfamilymemberswith
largenosesseducingGroverCleveland.171
167Ibid.168Donnelly27169Ibid28170Ibid111171"ToBeDecidedAtChicagoNextMonth."NewRoad21June1896:n.pag.VassarCollege.Web.
63
172
WhenstudyingthePopulistEra,anobserverofanti-Semitismmustsurelybe
vigilant.Publicationsandperiodicalsoftenomittedexplicitprejudicedlanguage
towardsJewsbutmadementionoffamiliaranti-Semiticsymbols,suggesting
possiblecodedeffortstoappealtoanti-Semiticparanoia.Talksof“Shylock”bankers
andanimpendingRothschildtakeovermighthavebeenrampant,butreferencesto
thisShakespeareanfoeorbankingdynastywereoftendetachedfromexplicitanti-
Semitism.
Populistnewspapersfrequentlymadeuseofthistypeofrhetoric.Onearticlein
theProgressiveFarmernotesthatShylock“exactshispoundofflesh”whileanother
declared“thatthegreatbattlecryofthepresentcampaignisdownwithRothschild
andthegoldbugs.”173TheAdvocatewoulddecrythe“vaultsofShylock”andtalked
172"HistoryRepeatsItself."SoundMoney[Massillon]15Apr.1896:n.pag.SoundMoney.Web.173"Don'tBeFooled."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winston]24Feb.1891:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web."CreamofthePress."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winston]31Mar.1896:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.
64
ofa“Morgan-Rothschildsyndicate.”174TheLouisianaPopulisttalkedof“modern
Shylocks”whowanta“poundoffleshandblood”.175Theselectionofimagerylike
Shylock,apettypredatorlender,andtheRothschilds,apriestlyBritishfamily,
suggeststhatthisfinancialparanoiaspannedacrosstheclassladder.
Itisrarehowever,tofindamongthesenewspapersexplicitparanoidlanguage
concerningJewishinterests.MentionsoftheRothschildsor“Theomnipresent
symbolofShylock”canhardlybetakeninthemselvesasdefinitiveevidenceof
consciousideologicalanti-Semitism.176Nevertheless,theusageofthesesymbolscan
stillevinceanti-Semiticprejudicesandsuggestspossiblecodedattemptstoappeal
toanti-Semiticfactionswithinthefree-silvermovement,givenitsprejudiced
overtones.Withoutdoubt,theuseofsuchlanguagetriggeredbiasedattitudesfrom
someofitsaudience.Eveniftheydidnot,itsimagerystillsignalsadisturbing
paranoidstyle.
Cleverrhetoricalstrategiesmayhavemaskeddeeperprejudicedattitudes.Most
prominently,WilliamJenningsBryan’s“CrossofGold”speechintheChicago
Coliseumevokedfamiliaranti-Semiticimagery.Generallyrememberedforits
declarationthatyou“shallnotpressdownuponthebrowoflaborthiscrownof
thorns.Youshallcrucifymankinduponacrossofgold”,thespeechisremembered
asthemostlegendaryoftheera.177Thedeclaration’sselectionof“crucifixion”
174"MoneyMonopoly."TheAdvocate[Topeka]15May1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.Curiouslyenough,theTopekaAdvocateofferedfreecopiesofHarvey’sexplicitlyanti-SemitictractsTaleofTwoNationsandCoin’sFinancialSchooltosubscribers(seeSeptember4th1896issue,page1).175"TheModernShylockWantsaPoundofFleshandBloodAlso."TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]07May1897:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.176Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform.NewYork,Vintage,1955.78177Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."
65
imagery,givenitsanti-SemiticovertonesofJudasandJesus,iscertainlyonethat
deservesclosescrutiny.HistorianLeonardDinnersteinarguesthatthecrossimage
conjuredaprejudicedreactionfromitsaudienceandsuggestedthat“ThesameJews
whowereresponsibleforthedeathofJesuswereresponsibleforthecurrency
crisis”.178AccordingtoDinnerstein,“ThemessagewascleartothemanyProtestants
whofilledtheranksofthePopulists”.179
ThespeechcouldfitwellwithinArnoldRose’sandHasiaDiner’smodelof
agrarianantipathytowardurbanJews.Throughoutthespeech,Bryantransitions
fromattackingurbanlife,whichwasoftenepitomizedbytheJew,topraisingrural
life.Dinnersteinwritesthatthespeecheffectively“appealedtoruralProtestants
whopossessedasimilarreligiousandculturalheritagewithotherAmericansinthe
SouthandtheWest.”180
ReminiscentofJefferson’sappealstoayoemandemocracy,thespeecharguesthat
thelaboringfarmeriscentraltociviclife.Ruralprofessions,theGreatPlains
congressmandeclaredusingpowerfullanguage,werenolessvaluableordignified
thanurbanones:
“Themanwhoisemployedforwagesisasmuchabusinessmanashis
employer.Theattorneyinacountrytownisasmuchabusinessmanasthe
corporationcounselinagreatmetropolis.Themerchantatthecrossroads
storeisasmuchabusinessmanasthemerchantofNewYork.Thefarmer
whogoesforthinthemorningandtoilsallday,beginsinthespringandtoils
178Dinnerstein,Leonard.AntisemitisminAmerica.NewYork,OxfordUniv.Press,1995.49-50179Ibid180Dinnerstein,49-50
66
allsummer,andbytheapplicationofbrainandmuscletothenatural
resourcesofthiscountrycreateswealth,isasmuchabusinessmanasthe
manwhogoesupontheBoardofTradeandbetsuponthepriceofgrain.”181
Throughoutthesecondhalfofthespeech,Bryan,inagrarianfashion,transitions
towardsemphasizingthesuperiorityofrurallifeoverurbanlife.Cities,heargued,
fundamentallydependedonfarmlife:
“Youcometousandtellusthatthegreatcitiesareinfavorofthegold
standard.Itellyouthatthegreatcitiesrestuponthesebroadandfertile
prairies.Burndownyourcitiesandleaveourfarms,andyourcitieswill
springupagainasifbymagic.Butdestroyourfarmsandthegrasswillgrow
inthestreetsofeverycityinthecountry.”182
ItisshortlyafterthispraiseofrurallifethatBryanoffershisquestionablyanti-
Semitic“CrossofGold”declaration.
His1896speechwasnottheonlytimeBryanengagedwithquestionably
prejudicedlanguage.Throughouthiscongressionalcareer,theNebraska
Congressmanemployedfamiliaranti-Semiticsymbols.America,heassertedonce
assertedontheHousefloor,couldnotafford“toputourselvesinthehandsofthe
Rothschilds”anddemandedthattheTreasury“shallbeadministeredonbehalfof
theAmericanpeopleandnotonbehalfoftheRothschildsandotherforeign
181"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."182Ibid.
67
bankers.”183Inspeeches,heoftenquotedsectionsfromtheMerchantofVeniceto
compareShylock’sdemandstothatofcontemporaryfinancialinterests.184
WhetherBryanintentionallymeanttodosoinhisspeechesisdifficulttoprove
definitively.True,studiesofBryanhimselfreveallittlepersonalprejudicetoward
Jews.185TheNebraskaCongressmanoftenpaidvisitstosynagogues,and
emphasizedthat“greedandavarice…knowneitherracenorreligion.”186However,
Populistparanoiacannotbeunderstoodassimplythesumofpersonalbiases,
prejudices,andbeliefs.Bryanhimselfmaynothaveharboredanti-Semiticbeliefs,
buthisspeechesandrhetoricalstylecertainlycateredtothem,eitherpurposefully
orinadvertently.Thatmanymembersofhispoliticalbaseandaudiencesassociated
imagesofShylockandRothschildswithhook-nosedJews,iswithoutdoubt.Itisno
wonderwhyhislegendary1896campaigndrewprominentsupportfromanti-
SemiteslikeCoinHarveyandHermannAhlwardt,whosewritingshelpedinfluence
laterNazithought.187
InternationalParanoia:SuspicionsofBritishManipulationandLondonWhales
Populistparanoiawasnotjustdirectedinward,butoutward.Thisinternational
paranoiamanifesteditselfinseveralways.Mostprominently,therewaswidespread
beliefinan“EnglishandAmericanBankers’Conspiracy”,whichgroundeditselfin
183Bryan,WilliamJ.“SpeechofHon.WilliamJ.BryanofNebraska.”Washington,D.C.,HouseofRepresentatives.184Ibid.185Pollack,Norman."TheMythofPopulistAnti-Semitism."186Bryan,WilliamJ.TheFirstBattle:AStoryoftheCampaignof1896.Chicago:W.B.Conkey,1897.Print.187DigitaleBibliothek,n.d.Web.<http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0001/bsb00016233/images/index.html?seite=130>.
68
politicalandfinancialanxieties.188Fromaneconomicstandpoint,manybelievedthat
LondonspeculatorshadmanipulatedAmericanstockmarkets.Fromapolitical
standpoint,Populistfearedforeign“aristocratic”assaultsonAmericandemocratic
sovereignty.TheOmahaplatformforinstance,declaredthata“vastconspiracy
againstmankindhasbeenorganizedontwocontinents,anditisrapidlytakingover
theworld.”189An1895People’sPartymanifestowrotethataconspiracywasentered
into“betweenthegoldgamblersofEuropeandAmerica”thatdealt“ablowtothe
prosperityofthepeopleandthefinancialandcommercialindependenceofthe
country”.190
ManyirrationallybelievedthatBritishstockjobbersandfinancialinterestswere
directlyresponsibleforproppingupthegoldstandardinAmerica.Anarticleinthe
ProgressiveFarmerdeclaresthattheUnitedStateswas“ruledbyEngland”andthat
Americans“wereslavesoftheBritishcapitalists.”191MarionButlerdeclaredawar
“againsttheinfamousBritishgoldconspiratorsasrepresentedandsupportedby
ShermanandCleveland.”192WilliamHarvey’sCoin’sFinancialSchoolforexample,a
booksopopularthatBryanclaimedthatnothingelsehad“producedsogreatan
effect”inexposingeconomicinequities,warnsofBritishmanipulation.193Itwas
188"EnglishandAmericanBanker'sConspiracy."People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1894:n.pag.People'sPartyPaper.Web.189"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."190FrankMcVey,ThePopulistMovement,NewYork1896.201-202191"HowEnglandTaxesAmerica."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winson]10Jan.1899:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.192Butler,Marion.CharimanHolton'sProgram.1896.193Bryan,WilliamJ.TheFirstBattle:AStoryoftheCampaignof1896.Chicago:W.B.Conkey,1897.Print.153
69
neverintheAmericantraditionto“letEnglanddictatetous”,declaresCoin’s
FinancialSchool.194Thebooksendswiththisproclamation:
“IfitisclaimedwemustadoptforourmoneythemetalEnglandselects,and
canhavenoindependentchoiceinthematter,letusmakethetestandfind
outifitistrue.ItisnotAmericantogiveupwithouttrying.Ifitistrue,letus
attachEnglandtotheUnitedStatesandblothernameoutfromamongthe
nationsoftheearth.AwarwithEnglandwouldbethemostpopularever
wagedbyman.”195
ItincludedcartoonsthatdepictedanEnglishOctopusextendingitstentaclesaround
theglobe:
196
194Harvey,WilliamHope.Coin’sFinancialSchoolChicago:CoinPublishingCompany,1894.Print.147195Ibid.132196Ibid.124
70
AreflectionoftheirJeffersonianpoliticalroots,Populistparanoiaappealedtothe
legacyoftheAmericanRevolutionandsoundedthecryofwar.LikeJefferson,whose
disdainforEnglishwayswaswell-known,manyPopulistsfearedtheBritish
manipulationofpoliticalprocessesandeconomicmarkets.Populistrhetoricoften
borrowed18thcenturyJeffersonianlanguageofanimpendingtakeoverofan
“aristocracy”.ExplicitreferencestotheAmericanRevolutionforexample,shedlight
onPopulisteffortstotossofftheyokeofBritishrule.“Willwecalmlysubmitto
surrenderourlibertiesthatourforefatherswrungfromKingGeorge,because
Englandwouldnotallowustocointheproductsofoursilvermines?”asksaTopeka
Advocatearticle.197
Indeed,thePopulistssawtheirreformeffortsasa“secondrevoltofthecolonies”,
anattempttore-assertfinancialandpoliticalindependence.198“England,thehead
andfrontofgoldmonometallism,”writesan1896article,“willbeobligedto
surrendertoAmerica,andthatsurrenderwillbeagreatdealmoregallingthanthe
surrenderatYorktown.”199ThePopulistconsciencethusincludedappealsto
JeffersonandotherFoundingFathers,“whohadfoughtforeightlongyearsfortheir
independencefromBritishdominationinthiscountry”and“anintricateknowledge
ofherdesignsonthiscountry.”200Theypromptlysetupacurrencybasedonsilver,
197GoldenIdol"TopekaAdvocate[Topeka]17July1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica;HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.198Weaver,6199LetAmericaCompelEngland.Aug.1896.SanFrancisco.200Harvey,Coin’sFinancialSchool,6-7
71
“amongthefirstthingstheydid.”201Tomany,bimetallism,notthegoldstandard,
hadlongbeentheAmericanstandard;somecalledit“thedollarofourdaddies”.202
PauperLaborand“Dumping”
AnotherstreamofinternationalparanoiadominatedthePopulistconscience—
thefearofpauperimmigrants.Thisvariationofparanoiaincorporatedbothcultural
andeconomicconcerns.Specifically,manyworriedthatalienswouldrobAmerican
workersoftheirhard-earnedjobsandwages.Takeforexample,particularly
xenophobiclanguageintheOmahaPlatform,whichattackedincreasinglevelsof
GildedAgeimmigration:
“Resolved,ThatwecondemnthefallacyofprotectingAmericanlaborunder
thepresentsystem,whichopensourportstothepauperandcriminalclasses
oftheworldandcrowdsoutourwage-earners…anddemandthefurther
restrictionofundesirableemigration”.203
Whatdisturbedmanythen,wasnotjustthepresenceofoutsiders,butoutsiders
whohadstolenAmericanjobs,manyofwhomweredeliberately“dumped”by
Europeannations.Tomany,Americahadbecome“theconvenientcorneronwhich
Europedumpsallherrefuse—paupers,criminals,Anarchists,hersurplusand
dangerouspopulationofallkinds.”204
201Harvey,Coin’sFinancialSchool,7202Hofstadter,Richard.TheparanoidstyleinAmericanpolitics,andotheressays.258203"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."204“TheDumpingGroundofNations””People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.undated:n.pag.Print.
72
Often,Populistsblamedspecificimmigrantgroupsfortheireconomicproblems,
liketheChinese,whowere“moralandsociallepers”tomany.205BecauseChinese
farmingtechniqueshadthreatenedthesuccessofwhitePopulistfarmers,many
agrarians,calledforthepurgeof“Asiaticlabor”.206
“EvenParanoidPeopleHaveRealEnemies.”207
Withoutquestion,someoftheparanoidattitudesofthePopulistswerenot
baseless.Afterall,asHofstadterpointsout,conspiracytheoriesareoftenwidely
acceptedbecausetheycontainsomeleveloftruth.208GildedAgefinancialand
politicalcorruptionwasrampantandwidespread,ahistoricalrealitythatisbeyond
dispute.Thus,onemustacknowledgethatsomePopulistnightmaresofeconomic
andpoliticalconspiracywerenotonlylegitimate,butever-real.Robberbaronslike
JayGouldmanipulatedstockmarketsandtradedoninsiderinformation.Railroad
magnateslikeCollisHuntingtonofthe“BigFour”eagerlybribedpoliticianstosuit
theirbusinessinterests.Inthe1888Presidentialelection,twelvethousandmore
voteswerecountedthantherewereeligiblevotersinWestVirginia.209Samuel
DeCanioconvincinglydocumentedthatconspiredbriberyandcorruptionhelped
ensurepassageoftheCoinageActof1873,whichtomanyPopulistswas“The
greatestconspiracyagainstthemassesofthiscountry”andwaspassed“without
knowledgeofthepeople”.DeCaniodemonstratesforexample,thatthePresidentof205People’sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print206Postel,184207ThequoteisavariationofHenryKissinger’sdeclarationthat“evenaparanoidhasrealenemies”whendescribingRichardNixon’senemies208Hofstadter,AgeofReform,71209G.,DelBeccaroThomas.Thedividedera:howwegothereandthekeystoAmerica'sreconciliation.Austin,TX:GreenleafBookGroupPress,2015.Print.
73
theBankofCaliforniasecretlybribedTreasuryDepartmentofficialstocurryfavor
forthepassageofthelaw.
Itwouldbewronghowever,tocondoneallPopulisttypesofparanoiajustbecause
somewerelegitimate.DeCanioforexample,succumbstothelogicalfallacyof
composition;hegoessofarastodefendthePopulistsagainstallchargesof
irrationalconspiracy-mongeringbasedonevidenceforoneoftheirtheories.Ifitis
truethataportionoftheirparanoidbeliefsgroundedthemselvesinreality,thenitis
equallytruethatalargenumberoftheseconspiracytheories.Theirclaimsofa
“Rothschildsyndicate”or“Shylockconspiracy”forexample,werevirtuallybaseless.
Evensomeoftheirlessoutlandishclaimsfoundminimaljustification.Little
empiricaldataforexample,isavailabletosupportPopulistparanoidclaimsof
persistentfinancialandindustrialrate-rigging.210InterestrateswerehigherinMid-
Westnotbecauseofmonopolisticmanipulation,butbecausebankshadto
compensateforgreaterriskfactorslikethepotentialfordroughtandthefinancial
insecurityoffarmers.Railroadsemployed“Ramseypricing”modelswhichcharged
higherpricesinthelesscompetitiveSouthandMid-Westsoastobettercompetein
themoredevelopedandcrowdedNortheast.
Onthemostfundamentallevel,thePopulistconcernthatthedeathofrobust
agrarianlifewasorchestratedbyconspiringeliteswaslargelyunfounded.Intense
economicforces,stemmingfromglobalizationandindustrialization,pavedanew
commerciallandscape,whichleftlittleroomfortheindependent“yeomanfarmer”.
210Bogue,AllanG.Moneyatinterest:thefarmmortgageonthemiddleborder.Lincoln:UofNebraskaPress,1969.Print.
74
Thehighfinancialriskassociatedwithagrarianlifewasmostresponsibleforthe
decayofthePopulistrurallifestyle.JohnMaynardKeynesonceaptlynotedthat
“thehighratesofinterestfrommortgagesonland,oftenexceedingtheprobablenet
yieldfromcultivatingtheland,havebeenafamiliarfeatureofmanyagricultural
economies.”211Profitssimplycouldnotkeeppacewiththeincreasedcostsof
agrariancommerciallife,whichultimatelyspelleditsdemiseinAmericanciviclife.
211Kenyes,JohnMaynard.TheGeneralTheoryofEmployment,Interest,andMoney.N.p.:Harcourt,Brace,andCompany,1936.Print.241
75
ConclusionTheagrarianrevoltofthe1890srepresentedthegreatestexpressionofpopular
discontenteverinUnitedStateshistory.HavingeffectivelychanneledGildedAge
anxieties,thePopulistimpulsepervadedthroughoutallcornersofAmericancivic
life.Itgaverisetothousandsofnewnewspapersthattoutedtheanti-elitistposture.
ItproducedthemostsuccessfulthirdpartyeverinAmericanpolitical,the“People’s
Party”.Itinspiredreform-mindedwriterswhowrotetheera’sbestsellingnovels.It
gaverisetoagenerationofpoliticalleadershipthatencouragedthemassesto
defendhonestrepublicangovernance.
Morethanacenturyafteritsriseanddeclinehowever,politicalscientistsand
historiansstilldebateitsoriginsandbasicidentity.However,despiteallofthe
disagreement,severalhistoricalandpoliticalrealitiesstandclear.Stronglyrootedin
theJeffersoniantradition,thePopulistimpulseharboredrichanddeepAmerican
historicalorigins.Fueledbycomplexeconomic,political,andculturalanxieties,it
producedawidespreadconvictionof“victimhood”amongGildedAgeagrarians.
Whiletheseanxietieshelpedfacilitatemeaningfulreform,theyalsogaverisetoa
disturbinganddivisiveparanoidstyle.Today,amidstourownmodernGildedAge,
wehavewitnessedspectaculardisplaysofpopularwill,arealitythatbegsa
comparisonbetweenthepopulismofthenandnow.
TheRiseofTrump
ThemodernpopulistsurgecametoapeakwiththeelectionofDonaldJ.Trumpin
2016,whichshockedvirtuallyallacrosstheworld.IntheUnitedStates,manywere
76
horrifiedbytheriseofanostensibledemagoguewhileotherscheeredthechoiceof
apoliticaloutsiderthatcouldreformWashington.Hiscampaignwasperhapsthe
mostbizarreofanyinAmericanhistory,havingshirkedusualprecedentand
tradition.WhatstoodoutmostaboutTrump’ssurgeandcampaignhowever,was
thecandidate’sdistinctrhetoricalstyle.Areflectionofhissupporters’anxieties,
Trumpeffectivelyembracedaparanoidstyleofconspiracytheoriesand
scapegoating,liketheGildedAgePopulistshadacenturyearlier.
Primefaciehowever,itmightseemlikethesurgesofthePopulistsandTrump
sharelittleresemblancetooneanother,arealitythatistoacertainextenttrue.
Politically,thePopulistsandtheTrumpsurgearesaidtohaveoccupiedpolarends
ofthepoliticalspectrum.IthasbecomecommontospeakofthePopulistsas“left-
wing”insurgentsthatembracedsweepingnationalprogramsandhelpedgiveriseto
ProgressiveandNewDealideology.TrumpandhislargelyRepublicanbaseonthe
otherhand,arecommonlyunderstoodas“right-wing”and“reactionary”.
Theirsharedrhetoricalstylesaside,theTrumpsurgedifferedinotherkey
respectsfromthePopulistrevoltofthelate19thcentury.TheGildedAgereformers
seizedonuniqueagrarianworries—itwasarevoltbyandforthefarmer.Trumpon
otherhand,areal-estatemagnatethatprobablywouldhavebeenreviledbymany
Populists,drewupondistinctanxietiesofthe21stcentury.Today,thereislittle,if
anyroomforactiveagrarianpoliticallife,letalonemuchspacefora“yeoman
democracy”.
AclosecomparisonofTrump’ssurgeandthePopulistrevolthowever,reveal
starksimilaritiesbetweenthetwomovements.Fromahistoricalstandpoint,both
77
havestrongJeffersonianunderpinningsandtheirparanoidattitudesultimately
stemmedfromeconomic,political,andculturalanxieties.Demographically,aglance
at1896and2016electoralmapsrevealthatTrump,likethePopulists,found
overwhelminglystrongsupportintheSouthandMid-West.
WhileanunderstandingofPopulismwellhelpbetterunderstandTrump’ssurge,it
isindeedimportanttounderstandtheidiosyncrasiesofeachmovement.Justasitis
importanttoavoidprojectingone’sunderstandingofcontemporarycircumstances
toananalysisofPopulism,oneshouldassurethatone’sunderstandingofthelate
19thcenturynotwhollycolorananalysisofTrump.
JeffersonianRoots?
Today,talksofJeffersonandhislegacyarelessapparentandfrequentthanthey
hadbeenduringthePopulistEra,whichbeganonlyacenturyaftertheAmerican
Revolution.Nevertheless,onecanlocatecleartracesoftheJeffersonianlegacy
throughoutTrump’srhetoricandposture.Inmanyways,Trump’ssurgecouldfind
meaningfulprecedentthroughoutthehistoryAmericanpopulism.
Ultimately,theNewYorkbusinessman,whohadlittlepoliticalexperiencewhen
runningforoffice,depictedhimselfasaWashingtonoutsider,along-standing
practiceinAmericanpopularpolitics.Heclaimedhewasareformerthatcouldcurb
corruptionand“draintheswamp”,proposalsthatsurelywouldhavebeenendorsed
byourthirdpresident.Trump’sclaimatthismantleofpopulismwasawkwardand
disingenuoustomany,givenhiswealthybackgroundandmassivenetworth.Inthis
respecthowever,TrumpwasnodifferentthanThomasJeffersonorAndrew
78
Jackson,bothofwhomcamefromprivilegedbackgroundsbeforeenteringoffices.
Throughouthiscampaign,hepersistentlyarguedthathecouldbestreformthe
systembecauseheknewitsimperfectionsandcorruptionssowell.
IfJeffersonhadadvocatedfortheyeomanfarmer,thenTrumphadsupportedthe
Americanworker,whosejobswerebeingexportedandprospectshurtbygreedy
oligarchs.ReminiscentofJackson’schargesofa“corruptbargain”intheelectionof
1824,TrumphaslongarguedthattheAmericanpoliticalsystemwas“rigged”.
Trumpwasalsocertainlynotthefirstpresidenttobelabeleda“demagogue”.
Jeffersonwasconsidereda“violentdemocrat,and“vulgardemagogue”bymany.212
IntheVirginiastatelegislature,fellowlawmakerschargedthatJeffersonwas“an
incendiary,astirrerupofstrike”,andresponsiblefor“arrayingthepooragainstthe
rich,forbasepoliticalpurposes.”213
SeveralofTrumpeccentricbehaviorsechothoseofearlierpopulistpresidents
andmovements.Hisattacksofandposturestowardthemedia,forexample,evoke
memoriesofthePopulistdisdaintowardsestablishedmediainterests.Whilein
office,Jeffersonhimselfabhorredthemediaandattemptedtocensorthem.“Nothing
cannowbebelievedwhichisseeninanewspaper”,heonceremarked—itwasall
fakenews.214AlmosttwocenturiesbeforeTrumphadselectedformerBreitbart
editorSteveBannonasanadvisor,PresidentJacksonappointedinfluential
newspapereditorFrancisPrestonBlair,tohiskitchencabinet.Trump’sselection,
212Smith,MargaretBayard."ExtractaboutThomasJefferson."Letter.Dec.1800.TheFirstFortyYearsofWashingtonSociety,PortrayedbytheFamilyLettersofMrs.SamuelHarrisonSmith.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Monticello.ThomasJeffersonFoundation.Web.213People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.214Jefferson,Thomas."ExtractsfromThomasJeffersontoJohnNorvell."LettertoJohnNorvell.11June1807.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Monticello.Web.15Mar.2017.
79
similartoJackson’s,wasintendedtohelpthepresidentbetterunderstandand
navigateestablishedmediainterests.
LiketheGildedAgePopulists,hispoliticalrhetoricharboredcomplexparadoxes
andintricacies.WhilehiswarningsofcorruptionandattacksonWashington
appearedJeffersonian,Trumpwas,andstillisnosmallgovernmentconservative.He
haslongadvocatedforambitiousfederalprojectsliketheconstructionofawall
alongtheMexicanborderandincreasedspendingforinfrastructure,programsthat
arefashionedinHamiltonian-style.Areflectionofhispragmatism,Trumphaslong
shirkedatprincipleddevotionstoalimitedsetofgovernmentalmethods,muchlike
thePopulists.Infact,oneofhisprimaryappealstovotersduringtheelection
seasonswasthathewasasuccessfulbusinessmanwho“couldgetthingsdone”.
Finally,bothTrumpandthePopulistswereforward-lookingandbackward-looking.
Theyhadspokenofreformingabrokensystem,whilelookingbackwardfor
inspiration.
AReformer:“DrainingtheSwamp”
Throughouthis2016campaign,Trumpattackedanoutdatedestablishmentthat
cateredtospecialinterestsandbigmoney—“Thesystemisrigged”,hewouldoften
declare.Thoughhispolicyproposalswereoftenincomprehensible,theNewYork
businessmanbroughtseriouseconomicconcerns,liketheeffectsoftradedeals,
frontandcentertothepublicarena.Hetalkedoftax,trade,andhealthcarereform
anddemandedamoreaccountableWashington.Helambastedtheinfluenceof
moneyinpoliticsandspokeofapoliticalclass“captured”byspecialinterests.His
80
campaigngarneredlittlesupportfromlargedonors,andmostofhisfunds
originatedfromcontributionsofunder$200.
Ultimately,Trumpdoesdeserveseriouscreditforeffectivelysheddinglightonthe
inequitiesanddilemmasofourownGildedAge.Heexposedawholeswathofan
Americanpopulationthathadfeltdisaffectedandvoicelessforseveraldecades.
Nevertheless,hedeservesevenmoreblameforexacerbatingexistingdividesand
anxieties,ratherthanmitigatingthem.
AReactionary:Trump’sManufacturingMythology
“WellmydaddycomeontheOhioworks,whenhecomehomefromWorldWarTwo,nowtheyard’sjustscrapandrubble,hesaid‘thembigboysdidwhatHitlercouldn’tdo’”—Youngstown(1995),BruceSpringsteenTrump,areactionary,persistentlypromisedthathisreformswouldmake
America“GreatAgain”.Itwasuncleartomanyhowever,whattimeperiodhewas
referringtoorwhatexactlyitwasthatmadeAmerica“Great”.IfthePopulistshad
believedinan“agrarianmyth”,whererurallifewasoncevibrantandrichinthe
early19thcentury,thenTrumpadheredtoa“manufacturingmyth”,wherepost-War
Americanindustrialismwasonceinternationallydominantandcouldoffermiddle
classAmericanssteadyjobsofintegrityanddecentpay.Hiscampaignfrequently
paidvisitstoonceboomingbuthollowed-outindustrialtownslikeYoungstown,
OhioandScranton,Pennsylvania,drawingmassivecrowdsofanxiousRust-Belt
Americans.
Othershowever,lookedevenmorecynicallyuponhis“GreatAgain”declarations.
Manybelievedthattheslogancalledforareturntoanerawherewhite-Americawas
81
oncedominant.Throughouttheelectioncycle,chargesweremadethatTrumphad
cateredtoracialparanoidtendencies.Suchconcernswerecertainlynotwithout
merit.HequestionedthemotivesofanIndiana-bornjudgesimplybecausehehad
Mexicanancestryandinitiallyrefusedtocriticizewhitesupremacists,likeDavid
Duke,thatendorsedhim.Indeed,Trump’srecentpoliticalcareerwaslonggrounded
inracialparanoia,havingdrawnnationalattentionin2011forhis“birther”
comments,challengingBarackObama’snative-bornclaims.
LikeWilliamJenningsBryan’s“CrossofGold”declaration,itisdifficulttotell
whetherTrumps’“GreatAgain”assertions(andalargenumberofhisother
assertionsforthatmatter)weredeliberateattemptstoappealtoracistandsexist
attitudes.Similarly,itishardtodeterminewhetherTrumpharborssignificant
personalracialbias.Withoutdoubthowever,Trump,eitherpurposefullyor
inadvertently,cateredtoracialparanoidtendencies.Manymembersofhis
audiencesandpoliticalbase,likeRichardSpencerandmembersofthe“Alt-Right”,
associatedhisclaims“greatness”withracialhomogeneityandintolerance.
TheRootsofTrumpParanoiaSeveraltheorieshavecompetedtoexplainTrump’srise.Somehavearguedthat
Trumprepresentedabacklashagainstglobalizingforcesthathaveleftsomany
anxiousAmericansbehind.Othershowever,discountingeconomicconcerns,
suggestedthathismessagewasnothinglessthanethnicdemagogueryandrace-
baiting.Itwouldbewrongthough,topointtoanysinglefactor--“race”,“culture”,or
“economics”--tobestexplainTrump’ssurge,justasitwaswrongtodosowiththe
82
Populists.Itsrootswerecomplexandmultifaceted,andTrump’sparanoidstyle
cateredtoadiversearrayofanxietiesandworries.
Fromaneconomicstandpoint,ananalysisofdemographicdatarevealsthatmost
wereTrumpvoterswerenotnecessarilyfinanciallydistressedbutanxious,likethe
agrariansofthe1890s.Trumpvoterswerenotonaverageanylesswealthythan
Clintonvoters,norweretheyanypoorerthanthesupportersofTrump’s
counterpartsduringtheRepublicanprimaries.215Severalempiricalstudieshowever,
demonstratethattheyweremuchmorepessimisticandanxiousaboutthis
country’sfuturethanwastheaveragecitizen.AGallupstudy,havingconducted
surveysofvoters,foundthatthemoreeconomicallyanxiousahousehold,themore
likelyitwastoharborfavorableopinionsofTrump.216Duringtheprimaryseason,
Trumpsupporters,thoughwealthierthantheaverageRepublican,weremorethan
twiceaslikelytoagreethat“thefutureofthenextgenerationofAmericanswillbe
worse”aswereClintonvoters.IncreasedTrumpsupportforexample,was
correlatedwithlowercreditscoresandincreasedsubprimemortgagesacross
counties.217
Fromapoliticalstandpoint,TrumpappealedtodisaffectedAmericansthathad
feltdispossessedandvoiceless.Havingoftenspokenofa“silentmajority”,he
claimedtobespeakinfavorofthoseAmericanswoundedbyeconomic
215Rothwell,Jonathon.ExplainingNationalistPoliticalViews:TheCaseofDonaldTrump.Rep.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.ExplainingNationalistPoliticalViews:TheCaseofDonaldTrump.Gallup.Web.15Aug.2016.216Gallup,Inc."FinancialInsecurityHigherforThoseWhoFavorTrump."Gallup.com.N.p.,10Oct.2016.Web.17Mar.2017.217Casselman,Ben."StopSayingTrump'sWinHadNothingToDoWithEconomics."FiveThirtyEight.FiveThirtyEight,09Jan.2017.Web.21Mar.2017.Web.
83
globalization,aWashingtonelite,andcronycapitalists.Hisbluntandsimple
speakingstyleappealedtomanyAmericans,because“hespokelikethem”.
Culturally,manyruralAmericans,mostofwhomsupportedTrumpinthe
election,hadbecomeincreasinglyfrustratedwithurbanelites,whatpolitical
scientistKatherineCramercalled“thepoliticsofresentment".Inher2016bookThe
PoliticsofResentment:RuralConsciousnessinWisconsinandtheRiseofScottWalker,
Cramer,usingethnographictechniquesandinterviews,arguesthatscholarshave
longunderestimatedtheforceandbreadthofruralculturaldiscontent.Centralto
Cramer’sargumentistheresentmentfeltbyrural“have-nots”whofeelthat
increasedcentralizationhasonlyyieldedbenefitsfortheurban“haves”.218Though
her2016workwasfocusedonWisconsinvoters,Cramerhasmorerecentlyargued
thatthesameforcesofresentmenthelpedpropelTrump’snationwidevictory.
Besidegeographicisolation,“Racialisolation”,orlivingincommunitieswith
comparativelylittleracialdiversity,wasstronglypredictiveofsupportforTrump.219
JonathonRothwellfoundthatzipcodeswithadisproportionatelyhighshareof
whiteresidentsweremorelikelytoviewTrumpfavorably.220Hewrites:
“Limitedinteractionswithracialandethnicminorities,immigrants,and
collegegraduatesmaycontributetoprejudicialstereotypes,politicaland
218Cramer,KatherineJ..Thepoliticsofresentment:ruralconsciousnessinWisconsinandtheriseofScottWalker.Chicago:UofChicagoPress,2016.Print.219"Subtractanddivide."TheEconomist.TheEconomistNewspaper,22Oct.2016.Web.24Mar.2017.220Rothwell
84
culturalmisunderstandings,andageneralfearofrejectionandnot-
belonging”.221
Trump’sParanoidStyle
Duringhispresidentialcampaignandadministration,Trump’sparanoid
tendenciesspannedacrossanarrayofpublicpolicyissuesandreflectedabreadthof
anxieties.Hiscampaigncommercialsattackingthefinancialindustryforexample,
exclusivelyfeaturedJewishbankers,whichmayhavereflectedbotheconomicand
culturalanxieties.Heevenquestionedthevalidityandintegrityofanelectionthat
hewon.BarackObama,Trumprecentlyclaimedwithoutanyevidence,had
wiretappedhiscampaignphones.
Hisparanoiawasalsodirectedoutward.UnlikethePopulists,Trumpdidnot
energeticallytouttherevolutionaryAmericanspiritandtodayofcourse,Great
Britainisnolongertheworldpoweritoncewas.ItposesnothreattoAmerican
independence.Whereaslate19thcenturyAmericawasanindustrializingcountry
insecureofitseconomicandpoliticalsovereignty,theAmericaoftodayisthe
world’sforemostsuperpower.
Thus,incontrasttothePopulists,Trump’sinternationalparanoiainsteadfocused
notonAmericanindependence,butAmericanhegemony.Hisparanoiafrequently
tookaimatChina,whichhassuccessfullychallengedtheU.S.abilitytodominate
globaleconomicandpoliticalaffairs.TheAsiansuperpower,hedeclared,was
221Ibid.
85
rippingusoffontrade,hackingourcomputers,andconjuringtheoriesofglobal
warmingtoundermineAmericanmanufacturing.
ReminiscentofPopulistchargesthatEuropehadbeen“dumping”“paupers”on
Americashores,TrumpproclaimedinhiscandidacyannouncementthatMexicohad
deliberatelysenttheir“worst”totheUnitedStates.Boththenandnow,theseclaims
groundedthemselvesinculturalandeconomicparanoia,butwithoutregardto
reality.
TheEndoftheModernGildedAge?
ThePopulistimpulsecoincidedwiththeculminationoftheGildedAge,as
reformerseffectivelyshedlightontheera’sexcessesandinequities.Itwasthe
ultimateexpressionoftheera’sanxietiesandwidespreaddiscontent.Aproductof
modernGildedAgeanxieties,theTrumpsurgehastransformedAmericanciviclife
andpoliticsforyearstocome.WhetherTrump’svictorysignalstheendofthe
modernGildedAgehowever,isaquestionthatcannotyetbeanswered.
86
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