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Asian Youth Culture Camp "Doing Cultural Spaces in Asia"
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Social Benefits of Communication Technologies for Aging
Population- A Case Study of Japan
Shizuka Abe / Kwansei Gakuin University, Japan
Abstract
Proponents of mobile communication technology promise borderless, flexible and ubiquitous contacts:
real time, round-the-clock, anytime and anywhere, making the geo-spatial conditions irrelevant, and for all
age groups, but are these offerings for the beneficiaries of an aging society? This paper attempts to provide
a contemporary examination on the use of mobile phones (hence mobile communication) by aging
population.
For Japan, mobile phone is part of social necessity for most people and it is used for intensive territorial-
bound social networking: the mobile phone's role in friendship-building among younger generations – but
what about the senior adults and the aged? This paper continues the line of findings for Japan that
emphasize socio-familial-spatial (social networking, location and place) relevance of mobile
communication, with an examination of mobile communication with/among aging population. It
especially considers the elderly and their families, in the need for socially and geo-spatially fixed anchors
despite the “mobile” in mobile communication.
Given Japanese demographic transitions towards a matured aging one, that it has become a low birth-rate,
rapidly aging society (in 2006, its total fertility rate was 1.25; more than 22% of the population was 65 or
older), we examine the idiosyncrasies of mobile phone use (mobile communication) – despite the low
penetration rates in comparison with the younger generations. One of our important findings highlight
that, to foster an active, healthy approach to aging, more initiatives from government and business are
needed, as programs launched by business and government to bring senior adults together with mobile
communication access appear to be successful. Overall, mobile communication technologies have been
beneficial to Japan’s elderly population, and show even greater promise for the future.
1. New Information Technologies Aging Society?
Global Policy initiatives for active aging are definitely the defining one for the coming of
information society. More specifically, they are in the context of extension of life expectancy,
for the promotion of participatory senior adults in all aspects of societal lives. In actuality, it is a
paradigmatic shift (WHO 2002). Focusing the case of Japan, this paper addresses to the possible
nexus between information and communication technologies (ICT) with and in aging population.
At the global level, aging is a challenge for us, particularly with its high speed of aging
process, juxtaposing the economic liberalization of the globalization project. The key
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issues are the shortage supply of labour and the increasing burden derived from aging
population for government. The doubling of the elderly ratio used to occur at a steady
pace. In the developed countries, it took 105 years in France, 85 years in Sweden, and but
in Japan, only 24 years. The Japanese case is in fact similar to the Newly Industrializing
Economies in Asia (NIEs, like South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore). In all
cases of aging population, they are structurally linked to the speedy industrialization,
modernization and urbanization, at a time of high and sustained economic development.
In the developing countries, the elderly ratio is a low 5.5% at present, but is forecast to
rise to 7.5% in 2020 and 14.6% in 2050. Hence, their elderly ratio is forecast to double in
around 30 years. Perhaps the most dramatic Asian demographic transition is underway in
China, where the consequences of one-child policy reinforce the rapid economic growth
driven decline of the fertility rate, resulting the speeding up of aging process. Conversely,
the direction of any country’s economy depends on longevity: the demography-driven
demands to shape community and service market.
1.1 Mobile Phone Use
For Japan, mobile phone is part of social necessity for most people and it is used for intensive
territorial-bound social networking: the mobile phone's role in friendship-building among
younger generations, as well as between family members - but what about the senior adults and
the aged, and how they will benefit from information society? This is the research question we
will explore.
Using mobile phone commonly in Japan is quite recent phenomenon (Ito, Eds. 2005), Figure 1
illustrates the hyper-raise of mobile communication in the last decade. To make a brief about
mobile phone usage in Japan, the following figures provide a glimpse of the trend and issues. In
2004, 88.1% of household used the internet (Figure 2). During the same period, mobile phones
were used by 91.1% of households, while household ownership of personal computers was
77.5% (Figure 3). Yet, the ratio of mobile phone users increased in all generations. The ratio of
users who was the age from teenagers to 60s was relatively higher than others, children and old
people (Figure 4).
Figure 1: Status of Diffusion of Mobile Phones
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(Source: MPHPT 2004)
Figure 2: Total Internet User Population and Internet Diffusion Rate
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(Source: MPHPT 2004)
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Figure 3: Current Status of Household Ownership of ICT Devices
(Source: MIC 2004)
Figure 4: Age-Specific Digital Divide: Japanese Mobile Phone users by Age Category
(Source: MIC 2004b)
1.2 Global and Japanese Aging Challenges
Aging in Japan is coupled with the lowering of birth rate, under high economic development
conditions. The Japanese post-War economic miracle – superb modernization and economic
development, is structurally linked to the demographic dynamics. First and foremost, the
healthy aging, and the societal reshaping of personal choice of having fewer children, resulting
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in declining birth rate and the rapidly aging population structure (Aspalter & Lai 2003,
Goodman, Ed. 2002, Lai 2001).
For the first time in Japanese history, in late 2005, the number of people aged 90 or over topped
1 million, 25.53 million of the population aged 65 or above (20% of total population of 127.68
million), including over 23,000 centenarians, and a very low birth rate (1.25 in terms of Total
Fertility Rate; below the 1.0 level in terms of Tokyo Fertility Rate). The new demographic
challenge of the fewer children and further greying population, plus the beginning of the
shrinking population in 2007, is certain to cause socio-economic adjustment problem in the
decades to come. For instance, the world’s second-largest economy will have a labour shortage,
particularly for those jobs to caring the aged, the likely erosion of the tax base, the burden on
the pay-as-you-go pension system, and increasing demand for support the expanding elderly
population (MHLW 20004, 2005a; Nikkei Shinbum 1.June 2006; Fig.5 and Fig.6).
Historically, the aging question was well articulated by the Council on Population in a report in
August 1969 which highlighted that the world’s lowest birth rate would make Japan an ‘elderly
nation’ in 30 years time. Those 30 years have passed since the Council’s advisory panel made its
recommendations to the Health and Welfare Ministry (Koseisho), but not much has been done
by way of actual policy change and systematic reform. Economic prosperity through the 1960s
to early 1980s, the political expediency of holding on to voters’ loyalty, and the powerful
professional interests such as the Japan Medical Association, which literally blocked any reform
initiative for health cost containment, reinforced the further development and expansion of
health and welfare programs with little recognition that the system was defaulting on aging
(Maeda,et al. 2000; MHLW 2004, 2005a).
The problem of declining birth rates, coupled with an aging population, is particularly acute in
Japan. According to statistics of the White Paper on Elderly, released by the Ministry of Health,
Labour and Welfare (MHLW 2005a), the fertility rate (the number of children on average that a
woman gives birth to in her lifetime) reached 1.29 in 2004 -- an all-time low. The population
pyramid is become a ‘jar’ like shape (see Figure 5).
Figure 5: Japan Population Pyramid (2004)
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1
( Source: MHLW 2004 )
Figure 6: Demographic Challenge Japan
2
(Source: MHLW 2004)
2. Mobile Communicating for Aging Population: Case Studies
We examine the socio-familial-spatial (social networking, location and place) relevance of
mobile communication with/among aging population in this part. It especially considers the
elderly and their families, in the need for socially and geo-spatially fixed anchors despite the
“mobile” in mobile communication.
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2.1 Locating (Missing) Elderly with Mobile Phone?
Given the greying of Japan's population, already there are an estimated 1.88 million elderly
people in Japan suffering various degrees of senility. We shall examine links between mobile
communication and old people. (White, 2002: pp.154-179). This end of the life-continuum is
becoming even more prominent due to Japanese demographics: Japan has become a low birth-
rate, rapidly aging society (in 2006, its total fertility rate was 1.25; more than 22% of the
population was 65 or older).
Along side this profile is the government’s promotion of the so-called ubiquitous -Japan project
to make Japan a true information society.
In Japan the location-navigation services are quite popular. The map and geo-spatial information
data-links (about where to go) ranked second among paid mobile phone services, and fifth
among the services (MIC, 2005). As the location-navigation servicing for mobile
communication contributes the process of further integration of mobile communication into
everyday life, the mediated experience for knowing “where” and “how to go to a specific
location” has strong implication for mobile phone users in terms of orienteering within the
cyber-world and beyond, namely, the (unknown) cities into which mobile phone travel and
engage in their real lives. At the very least, the location technology embedded in the mobile
phone reduces for Japanese their sense of uncertainty. This achievement is highly prized since in
Japan extensive efforts are made that every level to reducing uncertainty.
As similar but another case, if old people have their own mobile phone, we can use more
general service from NTT DoCoMo, the top share company of mobile-phone in Japan where
they are tracking them by satellite. For finding old people unable to take care of themselves, a
devise uses a satellite-based Global Positioning System and a mobile phone network. Local
governments in Tokyo and Kikuchi City tested the device in early 2000s. This technologies and
the market is recently developing. A transmitter attached to the body or on clothing beams
coordinates of the person to a local server. Concerned relatives just need to send a request by
portable terminal and up pops the runaway's location on a computerized map.
The Imadoco, offered by NTT Docomo, can illustrate this case. NTT DoCoMo, the largest
mobile phone network in Japan, has unveiled a new mobile phone model at the US equivalent
cost of about $225. It features an alarm of 100dB and an automatic emergency calling function
to three pre-registered numbers, all with the aim of keeping children / elderly (or other users)
safe. Parents or guardians may also sign up for the "ima-doco" search ("Where are you now?")
location service. In short, mobile phone with built-in location-navigation technology enables a
sense of security; allowing people to move around in often forbidding urban space.
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Figure 7: Location-based People Searcher (Imadoco)
(Source: NTT DoCoMo, 2006)
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Figure 8: Imadoco: Positioning, Locator & Finder
(Source: NTT DoCoMo, 2006)
Figure 9 : Imadoco: Time-Place Locator
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(Source: NTT DoCoMo, 2006)
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The use of mobile communication technologies have been extending to other related usage for
locating elderly. By the same token, some taxi companies in Japan have work with mobile
communication technologies, attaching the aged with Radio-Frequency-Identification (RFID)
tags, and locating the where-about of the elderly.
2.2 The Intelligent Tea- Pot (i-Pot)?
The i-Pot looks like any other item typically found in a Japanese kitchen, but it is far more
sophisticated than the average teapot (see Fig.10). The Zojirushi Corporation, NTT DoCoMo,
and Fujitsu Corporation expand upon a common Japanese household appliance, electric teapots
and created a user-friendly teapot that also allows distant relatives to monitor the well-being of
their loved one, especially those living alone.
Figure 10: i-Pot (intelligent-Pot?)
(Source: Zojurushi, 2006)
Two devices are imbedded in the i-Pot. A device developed by Zojirushi catches the when i-Pot
use (see Fig.11), and another device developed by NTT DoCoMo transmits a signal to a remote
server using NTT DoCoMo’s wireless communication line (see Fig.12); the subscribers receive
two e-mails in mobile-phone and/or PC in a day automatically at the time they set in advance
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documenting the activity which is also posted online. The report specifies when the i-Pot was
turned on, how often hot-water was supplied, and how long the electric kettle was in use. If the
subscribers want to know the use of i-Pot more, they can get the latest information anytime by
e-mail recall. In addition to this e-mail service, the subscribers can check a weekly i-Pot use on
the personalized homepage run by Fujitsu; the data is up-dated every thirty minutes, therefore
they can get almost real time information about the loved one (Figure 13).
Figure 11: Device Monitoring i-Pot Use
(Source: ASCII, 2006)
Figure 12: Transmitter - Sending signals to the Server
(Source: ASCII, 2006)
-Figure 13: Users-personalized Homepage Check-Up
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(Source: ASCII, 2006)
Figure 14: The i-Pot System and Safety Linkage
Old people’s home Identifier
(Source: Zojirushi 2006)
For using this service, Zojirushi charges a monthly fee of $30 for e-mail alerts and Internet
service, and users can rent the i-Pot for a $50 deposit. Relatives living as far away as outside
Japan can use the i-Pot to monitor elders living in Japan. (Zojurushi, 2006; ASCII, 2006).
Attaching to water or tea availability – a common part of daily life in Japan, makes the i-Pot a
logical device for this type of unobtrusive observation. Especially for Japanese old people,
electric pot is one of the most frequent use household appliances, and depend on the person, the
time to drink a tea and frequency are constant, so this information become one of the barometers
for the person’s condition.
The case of i-Pot, and the new ICT in elderly life, highlights the potential for ICT to promote
active aging. In Japan from teenage to 50s use mobile-phone and/or PC more than 60 or older
people. Conversely older people do not feel familiarity with ICT devices. Therefore by blending
a familiar household device with innovative technology, without harming their feeling, ICT
mitigate some of the loneliness that older adults may feel while providing a sense of comfort to
family members unable to provide direct assistance and at the same time, adult children can
respect their parents lifestyle; on the other hands adult children can get relief that their parents
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are still spend normal daily life with the most convenient way, using mobile phone and/or PC.
Now the style of households is changing rapidly; first nuclear family were increasing and
following up with this independent living old people are increasing. Under these situations,
several accidents are reported: living alone old people are injured/died in their own house, but
no one notices the fact for long time as they live alone… To avoid this sad situation for both old
people and children, plus respect their own life, this kind of the innovation is welcome one in
Japan.
3. Mobile Communication for Active Aging: Agenda Setting
Mobile communication for active aging will be shaped by four separate yet inter-related
dynamics in terms of demographic challenges and technological development. Below we will
briefly highlight the case.
3.1 Connecting Solo Living Senior Adults
Given Japanese demographic transitions towards a matured aging one, that it has become a low
birth-rate, rapidly aging society (in 2005, its total fertility rate was 1.25; more than 20% of the
population was 65 or older), the more worry trend is the singleton elderly households, which are
on the raise, quicker than the aging rate (See Fig.15).
Since 1995, the number households with a family member aged over 65 (old person) has gone
up by 2,264,377, a 17.7% increase to the current total of 15,044,608 (32.2% of all households).
The 3,661,271 households comprising an old married couple (households comprising a man
aged over 65 and a woman aged over 60) accounted for 24.3% of all households with a family
member aged over 65. Since 1995 this category has increased by 898,686, or 32.5%. There are
3,032,140 households that comprise an old person living alone (household comprising a solitary
person aged 65 or older). Since 1995, this number has increased by 829,980, or 37.7%.
Households with old people have shown a steep tendency to become smaller, with great
increases in the number of old people living alone.
Moreover, in the population of people aged 65 or older the solitary proportion, from 12.1% in
1995, has also increased to 13.8%. There were 3.1 times more single old women (2,290,493)
than single old men (741,647). Moreover, 8.0% of old men, and 17.9% of old women, lived
alone. In short, one out every 5.6 old women lived in a solitary household. (MIC, 2000).
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Figure 15: Trends of the Elderly Living Alone
(Source: Cabinet Office Japan 2005)
More problematically, recent survey indicated that the two generations familial living is
withering away and elderly will have to face the reality that they have to be self-independent
and sufficiency on their own. For this condition alone, ICT can provide the basic
communication media for the aging population to make their socio-familial contacts.
3.2 From Digital Divides to Social Inclusion
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Japan is concerned about its aging society and demographic crises it entails. Like other societies
in the information age, there is well concern over an age-specific digital divide in terms of the
usage of mobile communication. Although older people are increasingly becoming owners of
mobile phones, with about one out of five owning there is a huge gap relative to younger users
(who have in some cases over 80% penetration), as shown in Figure 5, giving the results of
2003 national survey (MPHPT, 2004b)
Despite low penetration rates, mobile communication technologies have been beneficial to
Japan’s elderly population, and show even greater promise for the future. In its early stages, the
location-based service “ima-doco” was used to find children and senile elderly. Mobile
communication service oriented toward elderly health needs is also reflected in au-KDDI’s
Helpnet and NTT’s Life Support. The former is a one-button push emergency service to signal
the location of the caller, the latter connects volunteers with elderly people living alone
(Srivastava, 2004, p.249).
To foster an active, healthy approach to aging, more initiatives from government and business
have been launched to bring senior adults together with mobile communication access. These
initiatives appear to be successful. The predominant mode of activities is health and sport relate
(25.3%), followed by hobbies (24.8%) and community festival alike (19.6%). All types of major
participatory activities showed an upward growth compared to survey results of 5 years earlier.
One new and important aspect of their community activism is their high utilization of
information and communication technologies (ICT) and mobile communication. The study
found that 17.9% of the surveyed elderly were frequent users of mobile phone, followed by fax
(10.3%), and the internet and e-mailing (4.7%) (DG-PCS 2005). Though Japanese elderly use of
ICT is lower than that of younger generations, it appears to be much higher in comparison to the
elderly in other Asian countries (Wong, et al. 2005).
3.3 Better Familial Dynamics with Mobile Communication?
Our case studies on location-base mobile technology (Imadoco) and i-Pot highlight that the
fundamentals of making better (informational) society are not the ICT per se, but it is the human
communication wishes, as represented by familial concerns over family members in general, the
vulnerable and aged in particular. Hence, the importance of socio-familial relationship and the
strengthening of them are critical for any project or promotion for mobile communication for
active aging – this is in line with strengthening of human relationship by mobile phone (Ito, et al.
2005).
In other words, the strengthening of communication, mobile and cyber-communications, among
family members and neighbourhood should be fostered, along with other non-mobile (geo-
community based) face-to-face communication and human interaction activities by old and new
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social institutions, like family, school, church, and social and community groups. Hence, the
specific role of geo-graphical community, enhancing face-to-face contacts, should be stressed
here. In short, mobile communication can help to reduce the anxiety and problems of living
alone, yet it can only be beneficial if geo-community and physical contacts among social beings
are available – this is the essence of social networking for elderly.
One of our important findings from our previous investigation highlight that, to foster an active,
healthy approach to aging, more initiatives from government and business are needed, as
programs launched by business and government to bring senior adults together with mobile
communication access appear to be successful. Overall, mobile communication technologies
have been beneficial to Japan’s elderly population, and show even greater promise for the future.
Yet, the beneficiaries of mobile communication are contingent upon actual social experience
and engagement with socio-technological skills.
Last but not least, it is the important to make mobile communication (and the relation ICT
applications) to be part of social exchanges – Machines that Become Us (Katz, Ed. 2003). The
conditions that quite a number of working generations use mobile phone, contrasting so many
children and elderly don't use mobile phone (see Fig.5) should be improved by designing and
enabling more young-and-old user-friendly mobile devices. Therefore the connection between
mobile phone and normal instrument, for example i-Pot and GPS become important. In short, a
family can put something on the elderly or children, and they can check them by mobile phone.
As shown in our case studies, innovative application of mobile communication technologies can
help aging population with good communications with not just their family and relatives but
also extending their social life.
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