Laura Hakimi - Educating Dharavi: Reflecting on the promises and realities of schooling in a Mumbai slum

Laura Hakimi, DPhil CandidateSchoolscapes: Educational Imaginaries in Comparative and International Contexts

Educating Dharavi: Reflecting on the promises and realities of schooling in a Mumbai slum

Introduction

This preliminary discussion paper addresses a subject that is not primary focus of my DPhil research. I have been investigating the use of mobile phones and associated software to support English language learning for young people living in Dharavi, a large slum area in central Mumbai. I have now spent nearly four months working in a local community centre with Reality Gives, an NGO providing English language classes and other forms of educational support to students in the community. To provide context for my study, I have been trying to understand students' experiences of and attitudes towards education and employment and the role played by English language in their narratives. The students have spoken passionately about the challenges they have faced, so I wanted to take this opportunity to explore them further.

This discussion summarises students’ reflections on their own experiences of school, the qualifications they achieve, and how this has prepared them for employment and further education. Often the first generation to receive an education to secondary level, they consider the meaning of an education in their families, and the way family expectations intersect with gender, caste and religion. They reflect on the importance of English language skills for young people in Mumbai, associating them with social advantage and greater employment opportunities. The participants describe the linguistic and cultural diversity of the schooling available in Dharavi and how this is juxtaposed with increasing demand for English-medium education. Indeed, those who have received an English-medium education reflect on the extent to which it delivers all that it promises. I hope to build on this data collection during the six weeks of remaining fieldwork, and would be grateful for any comments and suggestions on how this might best be approached.

About Dharavi

Dharavi is a slum and administrative ward in the heart of Mumbai. Dubiously labelled as the largest slum in Asia (Sharma 2000), the number of residents ranges between 700,000 and 1.2 million depending on how one draws its boundaries (Chatterji 2005). Dharavi’s population is diverse in region of origin, religion, caste and economic status. The original inhabitants of Dharavi were the Kolis, the fisherfolk, and the subsequent history of Dharavi’s development is closely intertwined with the migratory pattern that has marked the city of Mumbai. Muslim tanners from Tamil Nadu migrated and set up the leather tanning industry. Similarly, potters from Saurashtra were allocated land in Dharavi to establish what is still called ‘Kumbjarwada’ or ‘Potters’ Colony’. Today, Dharavi is a bustling collection of contiguous settlements, each with its own distinct identity and history (Sharma 2000).

Despite some recent investment in improving Dharavi’s infrastructure, the overall landscape of Dharavi remains that of low-rise structures. The major part of Dharavi remains an area like most other large slums in Mumbai: badly in need of organisation, of sanitation, of adequate and clean water, and of decent housing (Nijman 2010). However, Nijman (2010) argues that the traditional use of the term ‘slum’, with its primary emphasis on housing, shelter and infrastructure, is inadequate to describe and explain Dharavi’s complex reality. Dharavi is characterised by a hybrid social structure that is both urban (e.g. work and income) and rural (e.g. the preservation of social and cultural affiliations with rural ‘native places’ or places of origin) (ibid). There are approximately 10,000 small and large manufacturing units, with 80 percent of Dharavi’s residents employed in industries within the slum (Engqvist & Lantz 2008:49). These industrious endeavours have reaped rewards for some.

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While there remain families in poverty, Dharavi is home to families of middle class professionals - doctors, engineers and businessmen - who do not share the same socio-economic disadvantages (Sharma 2000). Dharavi’s geographical position, links with the migratory history of Mumbai and diverse socio-economic circumstances provide an interesting context for the study of educational provision within - and within reach of - the community.

Reality Gives: The Youth Empowerment Program

Reality Gives1 is a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) that provides a range of educational support for the Dharavi community. Its activities are largely funded by a partner tour company, which seeks to provide educational tours to outsiders about life in the slum. Part of Reality Gives' original vision was to assist teenagers and young adults who have disengaged from the mainstream education system, or who are struggling to find employment. Its Youth Empowerment Program2 (YEP) is an initiative that aims to help young adults in building skills for employability3 through English language skills, computer skills and soft skills, which seek to build confidence and prepare young people for the working world. The programme offers 100 day-long courses throughout the year in a small community centre to up to 30 young people aged 16 to 30.

Methodology

I have now spent a total of four months working in the Reality Gives community centre as an English language teacher and the facilitator of a mobile learning project. I have collected data using a series of semi-structured interviews, observation of English classes and the way in which students have engaged with a piece of mobile software. During the time I have spent in Dharavi, I have also been invited into some of the students’ homes and introduced to their families. Initial narratives about students’ experiences of education emerged during informal conversations in the community centre or in the students’ homes.

During the most recent period of fieldwork in April 2013, I conducted a series of more focused interviews with all 25 students to gain a greater depth of understanding of their experiences of schooling, and explored issues with NGO workers and teachers for a broader perspective.

Some general characteristics of the student participants, which illustrate diversity in age, region of origin, religion, language and level of education, are set out in Table 1. Initial themes from student reflections have been identified and explored in the following discussion.

Name M/ Age Highest Religion Place of Mother Current occupation

1 It should be noted that Reality Gives are not providing any financial sponsorship to the researcher, but are facilitating access to groups of learners and take an interest in the development of a mobile resource that could benefit their learners in the future.

2 Reality Gives use the American spelling ‘program’ to denote their educational programme, and so this will be kept consistent in this document. It should not be confused with a computer program.

3 Weinart et al. (2001) defines the concept of employability as someone’s capability of gaining initial employment, maintaining employment and moving to new employment by choice. It depends on the knowledge, skills and attitudes possessed by the individual, and also the labour market information (ibid).

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F level of education

birth tongue

Afreen F 23 HSC Muslim Dharavi Urdu Nursing studentAfshan F 19 HSC Muslim Dharavi Urdu Tailoring workAhmed M 19 9th Standard Muslim Dharavi Urdu Tailoring workAmalin F 20 SYB Comm Catholic Tamil Nadu Tamil College studentAnand M 19 10th

standardCatholic Tamil Nadu Tamil Private school student

Asmabee F 25 5th Standard Hindu Kerala Malayalam Nursing studentFalak Naaz F 16 SSC Muslim Bihar, Uttar

PradeshHindi College student

Gowardhan M 30 5th standard Hindu Dharavi Gujarati CarpenterJiten M 18 9th standard Hindu Dharavi Gujarati StudentMoiz M 21 SSC Muslim Uttar Pradesh Hindi StudentNisha F 23 8th standard Hindu Gujarat Gujarati Mother and housewifePankaj M 18 SSC Hindu Dharavi Hindi CameramanParesh M 21 SYB Comm Hindu Dharavi,

Kumbharwada

Hindi College student

Prabhavathi

F 20 9th Standard Hindu Karnataka Kannada, Telugu

Mother and housewife

Pratiksha F 23 College graduate

Hindu Sion, Mumbai

Hindi Jobseeker

Reshma F 21 College graduate

Muslim Dharavi Urdu Jobseeker, carer for her mother

Rinku F 22 College graduate

Hindu Uttar Pradesh Hindi Jobseeker

Safina F 17 SSC Hindu Dharavi Hindi StudentSameer M 19 9th standard Muslim Dharavi Urdu TailorShahrukh M 18 11th

standardMuslim Dharavi Hindi College student

Sulbha F 23 College graduate

Hindu Maharastra Marathi Housewife

Tauqeer M 21 SYB Comm Muslim Dharavi Urdu College studentVaishali F 18 FYB Comm Hindu Dharavi Marathi College studentZaiba F 19 HSC Muslim Dharavi Urdu JobseekerZareena F 16 SSC Muslim Dharavi Urdu College student

Table 1: Student participant characteristics

The meaning of an education

Students have been very articulate about the significance of an education to them and their families. Many students are the first in their families to be educated, certainly to secondary school level, and describe they way in which their parents want to make sure their children do not encounter the hardship they have experienced in their lives:

“My parents want their children not to face any kind of problem in the future, you know the kinds of problems they are facing, they don’t want their children to have this. They want their children to have something different. They can sit in an office, earn lots of money. They don’t want their children to sell clothes on the streets and all this, what they are doing actually.” (Jiten; interview)

This is sometimes at great personal sacrifice, as Pratiksha explains.

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“My parents have always supported me in terms of education. They always wanted me to grow from education, you know. Even my father, he only studied until 4 th

standard, and my mum is a housewife with very little education. But still they have a dream that they can give me a good education, their daughter, so they are really working hard to save money, despite financial problems, so I can get a good education. And now I have completed the graduation, this is a really big thing for all of us, and now I don’t need anything else.” (Pratiksha; interview)

Amongst the students, there are particular - and differing - expectations for women. Whilst Pratiksha, an only child, has been well supported through her education, Prabhavati, a young mother from Karnataka who married at just 16, has had a rather different experience.

“I want to work. I want to study more, but my parents in law don’t want me to continue. I just want to get a proper job that will help me to look after the family….They say there’s no profit in studying. They don’t think it’s worth it actually. They just think you should get a job and earn money. Studying is a waste of time.” (Prabhavathi; interview)

Prabhavathi is instead being encouraged to undertake manual labour and, in an act of defiance is actually attending the YEP program without her parents-in-law knowing.

At 21 and already highly qualified on paper, Reshma is under pressure to marry, but is determined to continue her education to masters level via correspondence.

“I want to manage both things in house and in job. Actually at my age my family advise me to marry. In our religion, by the time we get 18, 20, we have a pressure. You must marry. You must not work – it’s not your work, it’s boys’ work. So I want to show that I can do both things properly.” (Reshma; interview)

And Rinku, whose family originates from Uttar Pradesh, describes the particular importance ascribed to educational achievement in her caste when it comes to marriage.

“So, my sister she is older than me, she is only doing 12 th education, she is not interested in study. So now my mother and father are going for the marriage and they always think ‘She is only 12th [standard], she is not able to marry.’ In my caste, U.P., if you are a graduate you will marry better. It’s really compulsory. The bridegroom is always looking for a bride who is a graduate. It doesn’t matter if she is working or not. It’s about the qualification, so that it’s just like the prestige you have in the society. They want to be able to say, ‘My wife is a graduate’.” (Rinku; interview)

The role of English

Students are all acutely aware that English language can lead to better employment opportunities and further education (see for example Graddol 2010). Reshma, a bright college graduate, notes that:

“I just want to get fluency in the language, you know, for better jobs, good posts. Without English, you get a low qualified job like call centre, shopping malls. I need a better job, so I need fluency in English, and that’s why I came here.” (Reshma; interview)

When asked why students attend the Youth Empowerment Program, teacher Rama notes:

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“I think they do realise that, wherever we go, at least in Bombay, we need to have English. Bombay is not a very Hindi-friendly city. Marathi maybe. But most of the courses, most of the jobs, require you to speak English. So they want to become part of the English-speaking bandwagon.” (Rama; interview)

Indeed, the increasingly outward, even global, orientation of the small-scale industries in Dharavi appears to be prompting families to send their children to improve their English skills to increase the scope of the business. Falak Naaz, whose father runs a leather business, is an example of this.

“Knowing English, yes, it means you can speak to the foreigners, you can trade with outside countries. And my father doesn’t understand how to talk with outside countries, so I need to know this so I can take care of the business for him.” (Falak Naaz; interview)

There is a strong sense that to learn English language skills represent social mobility and moving on in the world. Sameer, who is the sole earner in his large family and works in a garment workshop, conveys this sentiment.

“I was working I used to sit in a dark room and work all day long, morning till night, just me working. Slowly I felt somehow that I need to get up from this place. I need to learn English and get away from this place. So I am just getting this ambition and decided to learn English.” (Sameer; interview)

David Graddol (2010:10) argues that the rise of English as a global lingua franca simultaneously makes English more useful – it can now be used to communicate to people from almost any country in the world – but also erodes the competitive advantage that it brings its speakers. “When English becomes universal, no one gains advantage by having it. Rather, anyone without it suffers. We are fast moving to a world in which not to have English is to be marginalized and excluded” (ibid 2010). Vaishali, who expresses a great deal of concern about her future, articulates this very clearly.

“The whole world speaks English, and I can’t. If you go for any job, English is the first language, so for me English is the priority. I need it to pass any interview. I need it to use computers because everybody works in English on computers and if I don’t have computers then I can’t get a good job. And also if I get married in the future I will need English to help my children to get a good start in life. And I can have a better job and help to support my family. But I need to have English.” (Vaishali; interview)

The value ascribed to English language skills within this community is clear, and this in turn has heavily influenced the educational preferences of the students, either for themselves, or when it is too late, for their children. These preferences are discussed in the following section.

Angrezi ka revolution; private ka sapna4

The majority of the students have attended municipal, vernacular medium schools, at least to 7th standard (age 14). Khan (2013) describes how this is the most common option for children in Dharavi - that is if they make it to school. She notes that, marred by an image of poor-quality teaching, truant teachers, bureaucratic systems and high dropout rates, government school education is often the only option, a grim choice for the children of the poor. Khan (2013) interviews Bhau Korde, a seventy-three-year old Dharavi-based social activist, who highlights the apparent stigma attached to attending a government school:

‘When poor parents are forced to send their child to a municipal school, that is when

4 Meaning: The English revolution; the private dream.

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a child experiences discrimination at the first level…The child knows “I am poor, so I go to municipal school.”” (in Khan 2013:189)

Whilst the students have not explicitly express this sentiment during interviews, they are acutely aware of the relative costs schooling. Anand, for example, notes that it was “only Rs.400 a year” to go to the Shree Ganesh Vidyamandir High School, the government-run school adjacent to the community centre, and price was a major factor in his parents’ choice.

In all, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) runs more than forty tuition-free schools in Dharavi, in no less than seven language mediums, almost all of them are primary schools that do not cater for students above 7th Standard. The one secondary school, running to 10th standard) is run by the corporation at Dharavi Transit Camp (DTC) and is a fairly new Urdu-medium school that is only open to girls. This school does provide an English-medium ‘section’, but as Khan (2013) remarks, for a population of almost a million people, “obviously this is woefully inadequate.”

According to Khan (2013), more than 1,200 children study in two shifts at DTC English School No.1. Space is at a premium.

“Another 800-plus students study in DTC English school No.2, which is housed in the same building. The building also has the DTC Urdu School with over 1,400 children, and another two Urdu Shramik schools with over 1,600 students. The venue also runs two shifts of DTC Marathi School (almost 450 children) and one shift each of DTC Telugu and Tamil schools (with more than 200 students). Between 7.00am and 6.30pm, the building holding these multi-level, multi-shift and multi-lingual schools is humming with the activity and noise of nearly 6,000 students. To teach them, there are about 120 teachers on the books and not all of them show up every day.” (ibid:188).

In response to my obvious disbelief at the complexities of such educational provision, Lakshmi, an experienced English teacher now employed by Reality Gives explains: “This is not uncommon. We don't have a lot of space, so different vernacular mediums take place on different floors, you might have Tamil, Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati…all in one building. As a foreigner you should not try to understand this.” (Lakshmi; interview)

Anand admits he did not concentrate well at school. He also notes that he never achieved any sort of literacy in Marathi or Hindi, yet he managed to progress through the year groups:

“You know, they don’t take it seriously at these schools, you know the teachers will give you the marks, that’s it. Doesn’t matter. If you fail also, that’s fine, they give you the marks. You get to the end of the standard, they give you marks and that’s it. They want to just show that the children have passed, you know. They don’t want to show that the children are getting fail. So they write the marks. “Okay, you have passed. Go.”

Bhau Korde explains the problems faced by government schools as being two-fold: the hierarchy and bureaucracy in the school system and the lack of accountability among municipal school teachers despite their earning more than average wages. “The parents who send their children to municipal schools in Dharavi are poor and busy with making ends meet. So they don’t have time to meet with the school authorities or follow up on school issues… As a result, these parents demand virtually no accountability from the school or from the teachers.” (in Khan 2013; 190)

However, teachers working in these schools face considerable challenges. Lakshmi described how teachers are forced to teach large classes of 60 or more students and often two classes simultaneously: “Usually a single municipal teacher has to teach all the subjects to his or her

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class, and they are employed because they are able to deliver the curriculum in a particular language rather than their subject expertise. This happens not just at primary school level but even in middle school (classes five to seven), where there are many subjects.” (Lakshmi; interview)

The students discuss some of their own strategies for negotiating the shortcomings of their government schools. For example, Prabhavathi, was frustrated at her lack of progress, requested to change ‘shifts’ from morning to afternoon, where the teachers had a better reputation. This meant she also shifted from Kannada- to Marathi-medium, but despite the linguistic challenges she reports being pleased with her decision.

At his Hindi-medium government school, Moiz explains that although English lessons were supposed to feature in his curriculum, his English teacher never came. The English classes in the YEP were his first opportunity to learn. Indeed, Graddol (2010) notes that there is a huge shortage of teachers who can implement the English programmes now being started or envisaged in primary schools, secondary schools and vocational education (Graddol 2010:14).

This discussion does not mean to imply that all municipal education in Dharavi is ineffective. Asim, the operations director for Reality Gives, recalls students from municipal schools who have become doctors and engineers, and attributes their success to individual motivation and determination. However, as a response to the poor reputation of local municipal education, and their own negative experiences, the apparent benefits of private, English-medium education, are articulated very clearly by the students:

“If we talk about the municipality school, the teaching is okay but the thing is the…the teachers don’t take much time, they don’t focus on each and every one…. for them it’s not important how much that person has improved, or how can we help that student, how can they learn English better, you know? The people who go to private schools, you know, at least they spend money but still they can get good education…and they can speak English very well. I have seen many people who don’t do very well at municipality school but they move to a private place, they have really improved in their English. So it all depends on the system we have.” (Rinku; interview).

Indeed, one study has suggested that slum children in private English-medium schools did 246 per cent better on standardised English tests than children in government schools (Tooley and Dixon 2003). Three students have benefited from an entirely private, English-medium school education. Falak, Pankaj and Reshma by attending schools outside of Dharavi and at considerable expense to their parents. Others, such as Pratiksha and Jiten, have been moved after 7th Standard to benefit from three years of private English-medium education in the lead up to the SSC.

Yet an English-medium education does not necessarily lead to proficiency in the language. In his English-medium school, Jiten describes a scenario in which the majority of the 65 students in his class are uncomfortable with English. Whilst the classroom materials are in English, teachers tend to provide all explanation in Hindi, so he does not have to engage with the language and is not therefore developing any skills of language production.

Bhau Korde is not in favour of the private English-medium options. He believes that most private schools, particularly those in slums like Dharavi, are only marginally better than municipal schools. The answer is not private English-medium schools but putting energy into improving the municipal schools. He suggests a radical mass movement wherein all kids under fourteen, including those of the middle class and elite, are put in government schools.

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“Within two years, you will see a change in the system. Middle class parents will not sit still; they will demand accountability from the government educational system and change it.’(in Khan 2013:190)”

However, Rama, a teacher in the Reality Gives community centre, argues that there is a more fundamental reason for difficulty in acquiring language proficiency:

“I went to English-medium school. But it’s not just what you do in school. It’s part of your entire upbringing. Here it is very complicated. You can speak in three languages at the same time. I grew up with four languages spoken around me. You see if you want to really be good at those languages you have to have the discipline at home to really practise. Just doing at school is not enough. You see a lot of people who come out at the end of English-medium school and they are not capable of speaking English at all.” (Rama; interview)

Indeed, none of the students have confident English speakers in their families with whom they are able to practise. Students describe other strategies they are using to improve their English schools, which include online chatting, speaking with school friends who are more competent in the language, and reading dictionaries.

Managing transitions

After the Secondary School Certificate, practically all college provision is English-medium. For those who want to continue their education but have been, until this point, enrolled in vernacular medium schools, it is a particularly difficult transition to manage. Rinku, who attended Hindi-medium college until completing her SSC, describes her experience:

“…So difficult, because in college, for six months, they are translating in Hindi so we can understand, but after that they are stopping this and we don’t know what they are saying. And it’s too difficult for all the students. Even some students, they have good marks in English before, but they too are finding it too difficult. Because we always using Hindi language at home, with friends, Hindi movies, you know, everything in Hindi. So then they are only using English, and I not even understand one paragraph. Too difficult, na? Most problem is when we are learning things, we learn everything by heart, and if we forget one thing, we forget everything.” (Rinku; interview)

Vaishali, who had a Marathi-medium until 10th standard, describes the strategies she and her fellow students have employed to understand her college course material:

“Suddenly, it switches to English and it’s really difficult to understand. So whatever notes and whatever syllabus we get we have to sit and translate what it says in Marathi, we had to be clear. And then we have to make copies of this and give to all the students.” (Vaishali; interview)

At the end of my most recent period of fieldwork, Vaishali admitted that she did not intend to continue into the next year of her college studies, because she was fed up of sitting in lectures that she didn’t understand.

Asim, the Operations Manager for Reality Gives describes how, for a long time, the students in Dharavi from vernacular medium schools have struggled:

“In Dharavi, lot of people are from vernacular medium. Hindi-medium, Urdu medium. Sheeba, Amreen, they are highly qualified girls, but mostly if you are from an Urdu medium school or Hindi, Marathi, you don’t have good access to English. Then they get 80%, 90% marks in the 10th grade, when they have the education in Urdu. After that, everything is in English, so their marks very quickly drops. I’ve seen thousand of cases you will not believe this. Very good students, they suddenly

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getting 40%, 50% in the exams, or they are just failed the exams. So it’s a big problem for them.” (Asim; interview)

And even those who manage to complete their college studies and have benefited from a great deal of English-medium education, like Reshma, note their frustration at a lack of confidence in spoken English:

“Even after graduation, I feel a very shyness. You know when I was at the graduation, I had some problem with the administration and I went to the principal’s cabin and was just like…what to talk, what to say…and I am just speaking in Hindi. And I can’t believe this, I am completing the graduation and still I don’t know what to say in English.” (Reshma; interview)

Graddol (2010) argues that English-medium education is actually major cause of educational failure. “Children do not learn English simply by being taught through English. A hasty shift to English medium without appropriate teaching of the language causes educational failure. Sustained education in, and development of, the mother tongue remains important.” (Graddol 2010: 15)

Reflections on the future

During the interviews, students have begun to reflect on how things might change in the future.

“Now I’ve really totally realized that it’s important to have English from the start, because I am struggling now, and the school they said I should go to college but I was not prepared. I mean, it’s too late for me now, it doesn’t matter, but for other people it should not happen like this. For small children we should have a different approach.” (Vaishali; interview)

And, with the help of a range of intermediary structures and organisations, different approaches are starting to make their mark. The Youth Empowerment Program is an example of free, community-based and appropriate provision for students. Asim is clear that the course is of most benefit to students “who are dropouts and for the vernacular medium who have just completed the tenth grade and they want to do the college in English.”

It is increasingly common for parents to enroll their children in extra tuition. Khan (2013) interviewed Aas Mohammed Shiekh, who runs a zari karkhana (embroidery unit) on 90 Feet Road. Currently his son, Asif, is in class one of the English-medium section and his daughter, Shifa Parveen, studies in class three of the Urdu-medium section of the DTC school. He wants both to be fluent in English, so he has enrolled them both in what he calls ‘double tuition’ – which is morning and evening supplementary classes in English language skills. ‘The English taught in government schools is not of the same level as in private schools, so I have to ensure that my children are not left behind and acquire more than adequate proficiency in the language,’ says the thirty-two year old father, who feels the additional expense of a few hundred rupees every month is worth it (Khan 2013:188).

As part of a Reality Gives English language support programme, Lakshmi and her team are trying to counter an obvious impediment to student learning: the standardised rote teaching system which encourages memorisation over innovation and does not take into account how students process knowledge. The programme is attempting to introduce a more child-centred methodology in schools, via teacher training, teacher language support and direct support for preschool children, aiming to improve the quality and methodology of English language provision in Dharavi’s schools.

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Potential contributions

At this stage, this discussion remains superficial, and the themes I have identified do not differ greatly from those that are already present the literature about the Indian education system. Yet I hope that, with additional data collection, the reflections from those living and working in Dharavi will contribute to the understanding of educational provision within this community and the challenges described so passionately by the students. Graddol (2010) suggests that the place of English in India cannot be understood without simultaneously understanding both the local detail and the bigger national and global picture. I hope that, in time, this will provide an example of such local detail. However, it must be recognised that the majority of the participants in this study, by virtue of their enrolment on the YEP, feel that they do not have sufficient English language skills and are committed to improving them. Their perspectives are therefore limited, and not necessarily representative of the community as a whole. It is hoped that these perspectives can be broadened, for example, with periods of observation in local schools during the next periods of fieldwork.

References

Chatterji, R. (2005). Plans, habitation and slum redevelopment: The production of community in Dharavi, Mumbai. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 39(2), 197-218

Tooley, J. and Dixon, P. (2003) ‘Private Schools Serving the Poor: A Case Study from India’, CfBt Report, reading, 2003.

Engqvist, J. & Lantz, M. (2008) Dharavi: Documenting Informalities (Sweden: Falth & Hassler, Varnamo).

Graddol, D. (2010) English Next India (British Council) Available at https://www.bebc.co.uk/english-next-india/9780863556272/

Nijman, J. (2010), A Study of Space in Mumbai’s Slums. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 101: 4–17.

Patel, S. & Jockin, A. (2007) An offer of partnership or a promise of conflict in Dharavi, Mumbai?, Environment and Urbanization, 19, pp. 501–510.

Sharma, K. (2000) Rediscovering Dharavi: Stories from Asia’s Largest Slum. New Delhi: Penguin Books.

Khan, S. (2013) Schooling Dharavi: Agrezi ka Revolution, Private ka Sapna in J. Campana (ed) (2013) Dharavi: The City Within (Harper Collins: India)

Weinart, P, Michele B, Patrick B, Marina. P, and Walwei, U. 2001. Employability: From Theory to Practice. London: Transaction Publishers.

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https://www.bebc.co.uk/english-next-india/9780863556272/

https://www.bebc.co.uk/english-next-india/9780863556272/