U.S. U.S. Neoconservatism, Education and Neoconservatism, Education and the Critique of Liberalismthe Critique of Liberalism

Michael A. Peters & Tina (A.C.) BesleyMichael A. Peters & Tina (A.C.) Besley

University of Illinois at Urbana-ChampaignUniversity of Illinois at Urbana-ChampaignCal State at San BernardinoCal State at San Bernardino

Humanities Symposium 2007Humanities Symposium 2007 Columbia University, New YorkColumbia University, New York

24-26 February24-26 February

SummarySummary1.1. Neoconservatism is a US phenomenon that at one level Neoconservatism is a US phenomenon that at one level

represents a historical and ideological reaction to the sixties represents a historical and ideological reaction to the sixties counter cultural revolution that established new freedoms for counter cultural revolution that established new freedoms for Blacks, students, women, gays, and 'cultural minorities'. Blacks, students, women, gays, and 'cultural minorities'.

2.2. These movements involved the struggle for civil rights and rights These movements involved the struggle for civil rights and rights for members of new social movements. The neoconservative for members of new social movements. The neoconservative reaction is a roll back and repeal of these rights issuing in a reaction is a roll back and repeal of these rights issuing in a critique of liberalism and the alleged 'social disorder' and critique of liberalism and the alleged 'social disorder' and 'anarchy' that resulted from the counter-culture. 'anarchy' that resulted from the counter-culture.

3.3. Central to this critique is a revision of the status of the Vietnam Central to this critique is a revision of the status of the Vietnam War in American history and a new attitude to the aggressive War in American history and a new attitude to the aggressive assertion of American values in foreign policy. assertion of American values in foreign policy.

4.4. This presentation analyses these elements by reference to the This presentation analyses these elements by reference to the political thought of Leo Strauss who taught at the University of political thought of Leo Strauss who taught at the University of Chicago from 1948-67 and influenced scholars like Allan Bloom Chicago from 1948-67 and influenced scholars like Allan Bloom and Albert Wohlsetter, and through them, key personnel in and Albert Wohlsetter, and through them, key personnel in second generation neoconservatism like Paul Wolfowitz and second generation neoconservatism like Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Pearle. Richard Pearle.

5.5. The presentation also charts the significance of education as a The presentation also charts the significance of education as a battleground against multiculturalism and as a basis for a battleground against multiculturalism and as a basis for a resocialization and neoconservative remoralisation of education.resocialization and neoconservative remoralisation of education.

Structure of presentationStructure of presentation

1.1. IntroductionIntroduction

2.2. The sixties counter-cultureThe sixties counter-culture

3.3. The status of Vietnam in The status of Vietnam in neoconservatismneoconservatism

4.4. Leo Strauss & StraussianismLeo Strauss & Straussianism

5.5. Strauss on educationStrauss on education

6.6. Neoconservative educationNeoconservative education

IntroductionIntroduction1.1. The term ‘neoconservatism’, and its diminutive ‘neocons’, The term ‘neoconservatism’, and its diminutive ‘neocons’,

has been used in American politics, first, as a pejorative has been used in American politics, first, as a pejorative description that later was taken up affirmatively as a description that later was taken up affirmatively as a badge of political identity by those it was intended to badge of political identity by those it was intended to disparage. Exactly when the term emerged is unclear. disparage. Exactly when the term emerged is unclear.

2.2. What is evident and, perhaps, surprising, is that What is evident and, perhaps, surprising, is that neoconservatism as a political movement, ideology or neoconservatism as a political movement, ideology or persuasion, is now well over thirty years old, with its persuasion, is now well over thirty years old, with its theoretical roots in both the reaffirmation of classical theoretical roots in both the reaffirmation of classical political theory and the critique of modern liberalism, on political theory and the critique of modern liberalism, on the one hand, and reactions to recent events in American the one hand, and reactions to recent events in American foreign policy, on the other. foreign policy, on the other.

3.3. In this respect, the reactions to the 1960s counter-culture In this respect, the reactions to the 1960s counter-culture and the politics of the New Left by the first generation of and the politics of the New Left by the first generation of neoconservative intellectuals, including Irving Kristol, neoconservative intellectuals, including Irving Kristol, Daniel Bell, Norman Podhoretz, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Daniel Bell, Norman Podhoretz, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Gertrude Himmelfarb, Peter Berger, Nathan Glazer, Gertrude Himmelfarb, Peter Berger, Nathan Glazer, Edward Shils and Seymour Martin Lipset, provide the Edward Shils and Seymour Martin Lipset, provide the historical grounds for the rejection of many features of historical grounds for the rejection of many features of modern liberal society and politics.modern liberal society and politics.

Americanism & American valuesAmericanism & American values1.Many of these thinkers, who flirted with Trotskyism 1.Many of these thinkers, who flirted with Trotskyism

and Marxism during the 1930s and ‘40s, only to and Marxism during the 1930s and ‘40s, only to move to the right thereafter, were motivated by move to the right thereafter, were motivated by the question of values in relation to Americanism, the question of values in relation to Americanism, to American identity and the American way of life, to American identity and the American way of life, and, later, to the assertion of values (as opposed and, later, to the assertion of values (as opposed to national interests) in foreign policy and national to national interests) in foreign policy and national security. security.

2. Hence the strong interest in the realm of 2. Hence the strong interest in the realm of education as the principal area to reassert education as the principal area to reassert American values, revitalizing the western canon, American values, revitalizing the western canon, recolonizing the curriculum (against recolonizing the curriculum (against ‘postmodernism’ and Marxism), re-establishing ‘postmodernism’ and Marxism), re-establishing faith-based schools, re-revaluating science in faith-based schools, re-revaluating science in relation to classical culture.relation to classical culture.

The Geography of NeoconservatismThe Geography of Neoconservatism

1.1. In the same way that the first generation In the same way that the first generation clustered around each other at City College of clustered around each other at City College of New York; many of the second generation—New York; many of the second generation—including Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle—were including Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle—were products of Albert Wohlstetter and Allan Bloom at products of Albert Wohlstetter and Allan Bloom at the University of Chicago, who, in turn, were the University of Chicago, who, in turn, were protégés of the German Jew émigré political protégés of the German Jew émigré political theorist, Leo Strauss.theorist, Leo Strauss.

2.2. As part of my move to the University of Illinois I As part of my move to the University of Illinois I determined to teach courses on political economy determined to teach courses on political economy and to highlight both the origins of U.S. and to highlight both the origins of U.S. neoliberalism and neoconservatism ‘just two neoliberalism and neoconservatism ‘just two hours down the road at the University of hours down the road at the University of Chicago’.Chicago’.

1960s Counterculture1960s Counterculture Neoconservatism in broad measure is a Neoconservatism in broad measure is a

historical reaction and backlash to the heady historical reaction and backlash to the heady days of the 1960s and early ‘70s--to the days of the 1960s and early ‘70s--to the freedoms that were asserted and reasserted freedoms that were asserted and reasserted in those decades and the new social in those decades and the new social movements that established themselves movements that established themselves permanently altering U.S. society and politics. permanently altering U.S. society and politics.

The decade of the 1960s is the historical The decade of the 1960s is the historical ground for understanding the neoconservative ground for understanding the neoconservative backlash and critique of liberalism in American backlash and critique of liberalism in American society; it is also to understand that one society; it is also to understand that one source for renewal of the Left also resides in source for renewal of the Left also resides in an historical excavation of the philosophical an historical excavation of the philosophical elements of that time. elements of that time.

Revisiting the 1960sRevisiting the 1960s The 1960s counter-culture revolution was not The 1960s counter-culture revolution was not

confined to the U.S. or the West; movements that confined to the U.S. or the West; movements that began in the U.S. and elsewhere spread rapidly to began in the U.S. and elsewhere spread rapidly to South America and the Eastern bloc.South America and the Eastern bloc.

American civil rights movement under Martin Luther American civil rights movement under Martin Luther King Jr initiated protest action to end the official King Jr initiated protest action to end the official segregation and disenfranchisement of African-segregation and disenfranchisement of African-Americans, and later produced radical groups such Americans, and later produced radical groups such as Black Power movement, Black Panther Party and as Black Power movement, Black Panther Party and Black Muslims. Black Muslims.

We should not forget the ‘race riots’ in Watts (34 We should not forget the ‘race riots’ in Watts (34 people killed in 1966), Detroit (1967), and Cleveland.people killed in 1966), Detroit (1967), and Cleveland.[1][1] It was the beginning of the official recognition of It was the beginning of the official recognition of multiculturalism as a policy (although actual policies multiculturalism as a policy (although actual policies did not emerge until the 1970s). did not emerge until the 1970s).

[1][1] This was the age of ‘postcolonialism’ at least in the sense that many countries in Africa and Asia received their independence. It was also the This was the age of ‘postcolonialism’ at least in the sense that many countries in Africa and Asia received their independence. It was also the beginning of protest against apartheid in South Africa. beginning of protest against apartheid in South Africa.

New Social Movements: StudentsNew Social Movements: Students The 1960s also heralded an age of mass protest against the The 1960s also heralded an age of mass protest against the

Vietnam War and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1960s which Vietnam War and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1960s which grew out of the 1950s ‘peace movement’ and CND and grew out of the 1950s ‘peace movement’ and CND and radicalized a generation of student-youth, based mostly in radicalized a generation of student-youth, based mostly in universities, that led to the shootings at Kent State universities, that led to the shootings at Kent State University in May, 1970 (where 4 students were killed and University in May, 1970 (where 4 students were killed and many others wounded by the National Guard). In this many others wounded by the National Guard). In this connection, we should also note the Free Speech movement connection, we should also note the Free Speech movement that began at Berkeley in 1964 emphasizing student’s rights that began at Berkeley in 1964 emphasizing student’s rights to free speech and academic freedom, and protesting to free speech and academic freedom, and protesting against a ban limiting political activities.against a ban limiting political activities.[1][1]

Associated with these movements—Black and student Associated with these movements—Black and student movements—the sixties also saw the birth of the New Left, movements—the sixties also saw the birth of the New Left, which was an imported rhetoric that had little basis in the which was an imported rhetoric that had little basis in the labor movement or, indeed, Marxist politics on the ground labor movement or, indeed, Marxist politics on the ground but, nevertheless inspired student protest and linked the but, nevertheless inspired student protest and linked the U.S. with movements elsewhere developing a significant U.S. with movements elsewhere developing a significant global civic awareness. global civic awareness.

[1][1] This was a violent period in U.S. politics--the age of political assassination: J.F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963; and his brother Robert in 1968, the same year as Martin Luther King Jr. Malcolm X This was a violent period in U.S. politics--the age of political assassination: J.F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963; and his brother Robert in 1968, the same year as Martin Luther King Jr. Malcolm X had been assassinated in 1965.had been assassinated in 1965.

Second-Wave Feminism & Gay RightsSecond-Wave Feminism & Gay Rights

1.1. Second-wave feminism took root and initiated action to Second-wave feminism took root and initiated action to improve women’s rights and gender equality. This period in improve women’s rights and gender equality. This period in feminism saw the development of radical feminist theory feminism saw the development of radical feminist theory that theorized patriarchy and held CR groups among that theorized patriarchy and held CR groups among women across class divisions to focus not only on economic women across class divisions to focus not only on economic equality, sexual harassment, maternity leave, and equality, sexual harassment, maternity leave, and affirmative action but also greater control over women’s affirmative action but also greater control over women’s health and sexuality, including ‘reproduction politics’, ‘pro-health and sexuality, including ‘reproduction politics’, ‘pro-choice’, radical lesbianism and sexual experimentation. choice’, radical lesbianism and sexual experimentation.

2.2. The women’s movement coincided with the birth of the gay The women’s movement coincided with the birth of the gay rights movement which sought greater equality for rights movement which sought greater equality for lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders. The Stonewall lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders. The Stonewall riots in New York in 1969, involving violent conflict riots in New York in 1969, involving violent conflict between police and homosexuals in a Greenwich Village between police and homosexuals in a Greenwich Village gay bar is generally taken as the beginning of modern gay gay bar is generally taken as the beginning of modern gay rights, leading to the formation of the Gay Liberation Front, rights, leading to the formation of the Gay Liberation Front, gay pride celebrations and marches, and a new era of gay pride celebrations and marches, and a new era of sexual politics that questioned gender identity, ‘normalcy’ sexual politics that questioned gender identity, ‘normalcy’ of sexual orientation and the extent of societal of sexual orientation and the extent of societal homophobia. homophobia.

Emergent Cultural FormsEmergent Cultural Forms1.1. Informing these movements and being shaped by them, the sixties became Informing these movements and being shaped by them, the sixties became

synonymous with emergent cultural forms, especially revolving popular music synonymous with emergent cultural forms, especially revolving popular music and the rapid growth of youth subcultures. and the rapid growth of youth subcultures.

2.2. This ‘alternative culture’ was to some extent the inheritor of the 1950s This ‘alternative culture’ was to some extent the inheritor of the 1950s experimentation, Beat Generation, and perceived ‘teenage crisis’. Musically, experimentation, Beat Generation, and perceived ‘teenage crisis’. Musically, the era is perhaps best symbolized by Bob Dylan’s ‘The Times They Are A-the era is perhaps best symbolized by Bob Dylan’s ‘The Times They Are A-Changing’ which served a rallying cry. (Joan Biaz’ concert in Bristol)Changing’ which served a rallying cry. (Joan Biaz’ concert in Bristol)

3.3. Dylan, drawing on the American folk tradition symbolized by Woody Guthrie, Dylan, drawing on the American folk tradition symbolized by Woody Guthrie, provided a new lyricism combining poetic and philosophical elements that provided a new lyricism combining poetic and philosophical elements that commented on what was happening and challenged the political status quo. commented on what was happening and challenged the political status quo. His folk protest music gave way to rock ‘n’ roll, a genre that developed in the His folk protest music gave way to rock ‘n’ roll, a genre that developed in the South during the 1950s combining elements of blues, jazz, rhythm and blues, South during the 1950s combining elements of blues, jazz, rhythm and blues, boogie woogie and also aspects of gospel, and country and western. boogie woogie and also aspects of gospel, and country and western.

4.4. The first generation of Bill Haley, Elvis Presley, Fats Domino, Little Richard, The first generation of Bill Haley, Elvis Presley, Fats Domino, Little Richard, Chuck Berry and Jerry Lee Lewis Chuck Berry and Jerry Lee Lewis of the later 1950s gave way during the 1960s of the later 1950s gave way during the 1960s to the British rock invasion of the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, the to the British rock invasion of the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, the proliferation of youth subcultures, a youthful rebelliousness and proliferation of youth subcultures, a youthful rebelliousness and experimentation with drugs, sex and music.experimentation with drugs, sex and music.

5.5. These developments in music were, of course, echoed in the whole range of These developments in music were, of course, echoed in the whole range of arts, architecture, humanities, TV, film and the new communication arts, architecture, humanities, TV, film and the new communication technologies, and, indeed, the social sciences. These new freedoms and technologies, and, indeed, the social sciences. These new freedoms and rights, above all, appeared in the form of a new curriculum in higher rights, above all, appeared in the form of a new curriculum in higher education with the development world-wide of ‘studies’– Black studies and education with the development world-wide of ‘studies’– Black studies and later indigenous studies; feminst, women and gender studies; media studies; later indigenous studies; feminst, women and gender studies; media studies; psychanalytic studies; and, the dubious area studies that originated as part psychanalytic studies; and, the dubious area studies that originated as part of Cold War intelligence (beginnings of ‘democracy promotion’?).of Cold War intelligence (beginnings of ‘democracy promotion’?).

Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism and the U.S. Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism and the U.S. UniversityUniversity

During the 1980s and 1990s the liberal university in the U.S. During the 1980s and 1990s the liberal university in the U.S. increasingly found itself caught in a pincer movement between increasingly found itself caught in a pincer movement between neoliberal economic policies and the technical demands of the neoliberal economic policies and the technical demands of the market, on the one hand, and the bitterness and acrimony of the market, on the one hand, and the bitterness and acrimony of the culture and science wars that emanated from the neoconservative culture and science wars that emanated from the neoconservative critique of liberalism and liberal institutions, on the other. critique of liberalism and liberal institutions, on the other.

Allan Bloom’s (1987) Allan Bloom’s (1987) Closing of the American MindClosing of the American Mind seemed to fuel seemed to fuel a spate of different works from the Right aimed at the so-called a spate of different works from the Right aimed at the so-called ‘illiberal university’ that was untrue to its Platonic origins and ‘illiberal university’ that was untrue to its Platonic origins and infected by Marx and Nietzsche and their intellectual progeny. infected by Marx and Nietzsche and their intellectual progeny. Bloom’s Bloom’s conservative critique signalled for him not only a crisis of conservative critique signalled for him not only a crisis of the university and a devaluation of the the university and a devaluation of the Great Books of Western Great Books of Western Thought but more broadly a crisis of U.S. society which had Thought but more broadly a crisis of U.S. society which had become afflicted with moral and cultural relativism. become afflicted with moral and cultural relativism. Bloom’s book Bloom’s book appeared at the beginning of a period of renewed controversy appeared at the beginning of a period of renewed controversy regarding the politics of universities and their effects on the regarding the politics of universities and their effects on the ‘American mind’, and therefore not just American politics and ‘American mind’, and therefore not just American politics and culture but American identity and values. culture but American identity and values.

The Neoconservative Attack on Higher The Neoconservative Attack on Higher EducationEducation

1. Many of the conservative critiques that emerged in the 1980s and 1. Many of the conservative critiques that emerged in the 1980s and 1990’s constituted a savage and deliberate reaction against the 1990’s constituted a savage and deliberate reaction against the counter-culture of the sixties and its consolidation in U.S. student counter-culture of the sixties and its consolidation in U.S. student and academic cultures in the 1970s. and academic cultures in the 1970s.

2. A wave of popular neoconservatism generated a notion of crisis 2. A wave of popular neoconservatism generated a notion of crisis based upon the state of the humanities. One example was the based upon the state of the humanities. One example was the publication of Lynne V. Cheney's (wife of current vice-president) publication of Lynne V. Cheney's (wife of current vice-president) first report as the Chairman of the National Endowment for the first report as the Chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, Humanities, The Humanities and the American PromiseThe Humanities and the American Promise (1987). (1987).

3. Cheney was concerned about the state of the humanities because 3. Cheney was concerned about the state of the humanities because he saw a variety of approaches, including feminist criticism, he saw a variety of approaches, including feminist criticism, Marxism, various forms of poststructuralism, coming to bear on the Marxism, various forms of poststructuralism, coming to bear on the concept of western civilisation and threatening to displace it. concept of western civilisation and threatening to displace it.

4. The displacement of the concept of western civilisation -- attacked 4. The displacement of the concept of western civilisation -- attacked for being elitist, sexist, racist, and Eurocentric -- Cheney for being elitist, sexist, racist, and Eurocentric -- Cheney maintained also threatened the American education system and maintained also threatened the American education system and American intellectual heritage for which the concept was a central American intellectual heritage for which the concept was a central and sustaining idea.and sustaining idea.

The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous

Academics in AmericaAcademics in America Much attention focused on political correctness, the culture wars, Much attention focused on political correctness, the culture wars,

relativism, feminism, rock music, race and ethnicity, and identity politics. relativism, feminism, rock music, race and ethnicity, and identity politics. The Closing of the American MindThe Closing of the American Mind bloomed into a thousand flowers on the bloomed into a thousand flowers on the Right including Right including - Roger Kimball’s (1990) - Roger Kimball’s (1990) Tenured Radicals: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Tenured Radicals: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Higher EducationHigher Education- E.D. Hirsch's (1987) - E.D. Hirsch's (1987) Cultural LiteracyCultural Literacy - Dinesh D'Souza’s (1991) - Dinesh D'Souza’s (1991) Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex On CampusOn Campus- Richard J. Ellis (2000) - Richard J. Ellis (2000) The Dark Side of the Left: Illiberal Egalitarianism in The Dark Side of the Left: Illiberal Egalitarianism in America America - David Horowitz’s (2003) - David Horowitz’s (2003) Left Illusions: An Intellectual Odyssey Left Illusions: An Intellectual Odyssey and and The The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America (2006). (2006).

These critiquesThese critiques attacked not only the new curriculum but also the set of attacked not only the new curriculum but also the set of academic practices that had resulted as part of the counter-cultural academic practices that had resulted as part of the counter-cultural movement. It was alleged, for instance, that affirmative action policies movement. It was alleged, for instance, that affirmative action policies virtually guaranteed the future of minority students. It was argued that the virtually guaranteed the future of minority students. It was argued that the emphasis on ‘multiculturalism’ denigrates the western tradition and emphasis on ‘multiculturalism’ denigrates the western tradition and encourages a form of democracy that deviates from liberal pluralism. It encourages a form of democracy that deviates from liberal pluralism. It attacked identity politics and the influence of cultural studies that attacked identity politics and the influence of cultural studies that questioned western science and culture. It questioned views of the western questioned western science and culture. It questioned views of the western tradition that attributed its Greek origins to black Africa. It railed against tradition that attributed its Greek origins to black Africa. It railed against the prohibition of free speech and coined a whole literature against the prohibition of free speech and coined a whole literature against ‘politically correctness.’ It chastised the onslaught against moral and ‘politically correctness.’ It chastised the onslaught against moral and cultural values associated with the west under the guise of impartiality to cultural values associated with the west under the guise of impartiality to differing points of view.differing points of view.

The Revised Status of VietnamThe Revised Status of Vietnam1.1. For both first and second generations of neoconservatives, the For both first and second generations of neoconservatives, the

Vietnam War took on momentous significance not only as a Vietnam War took on momentous significance not only as a recent and defining episode of U.S. contemporary history and the recent and defining episode of U.S. contemporary history and the growth of postwar anti-Americanism (and counter-Americanism) growth of postwar anti-Americanism (and counter-Americanism) at home and abroad but also in terms of strategic value in at home and abroad but also in terms of strategic value in relation ‘the lessons of Vietnam’, U.S. foreign policy, ‘neo-war’relation ‘the lessons of Vietnam’, U.S. foreign policy, ‘neo-war’[1][1], and a global unilateralism based on American virtue and the , and a global unilateralism based on American virtue and the willingness to use preemptive military force. willingness to use preemptive military force.

2.2. U.S. neoconservatism, thus, has a historic dynamic that has U.S. neoconservatism, thus, has a historic dynamic that has changed over the years and transformed itself and its self-image. changed over the years and transformed itself and its self-image. Even with George W. Bush’s lowest ever popularity ratings (in Even with George W. Bush’s lowest ever popularity ratings (in early December 2005), ‘neocons’ are assuming positions of early December 2005), ‘neocons’ are assuming positions of significance—Wolfowitz as head of the World Bank and Bolton as significance—Wolfowitz as head of the World Bank and Bolton as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations—in world organizations U.S. ambassador to the United Nations—in world organizations that signal a new international phase. that signal a new international phase.

3.3. One thing is clear neoconservatism is uniquely American and tied One thing is clear neoconservatism is uniquely American and tied to Americanism and to American’s future role in world affairs. In to Americanism and to American’s future role in world affairs. In this sense, it is different from both conservatism at home and this sense, it is different from both conservatism at home and political traditions in Europe.political traditions in Europe.

[1][1] ‘Neo-war’ denotes changed conditions both of war (under globalization) and of the technology of war that minimizes collateral damage (and U.S. military, and civilian deaths in theaters) while ‘Neo-war’ denotes changed conditions both of war (under globalization) and of the technology of war that minimizes collateral damage (and U.S. military, and civilian deaths in theaters) while maximizing strike capability.maximizing strike capability.

Three Interpretations of VietnamThree Interpretations of Vietnam ‘‘Two sharply differentiated views emerged in that first wave of Two sharply differentiated views emerged in that first wave of

scholarship about the Vietnam War, views that continue to be scholarship about the Vietnam War, views that continue to be echoed in today's debates. The first characterizes American echoed in today's debates. The first characterizes American involvement in the war as an avoidable tragedy. American involvement in the war as an avoidable tragedy. American policymakers, according to this liberal realist perspective, foolishly policymakers, according to this liberal realist perspective, foolishly exaggerated Vietnam's importance to the United States.’exaggerated Vietnam's importance to the United States.’

‘‘The other major interpretive approach offers a far more radical The other major interpretive approach offers a far more radical critique of American intentions and behavior. It depicts the United critique of American intentions and behavior. It depicts the United States as a global hegemony, concerned primarily with its own States as a global hegemony, concerned primarily with its own economic expansion, and reflexively opposed to communism, economic expansion, and reflexively opposed to communism, indigenous revolution, or any other challenge to its authority. indigenous revolution, or any other challenge to its authority. Authors writing from this perspective typically characterize Authors writing from this perspective typically characterize American intervention in Indochina as the necessary and logical American intervention in Indochina as the necessary and logical consequence of a rapacious superpower's drive for world consequence of a rapacious superpower's drive for world dominance.’dominance.’

Neoconservative ‘Lessons of Vietnam’Neoconservative ‘Lessons of Vietnam’Vietnam ‘a failure of circumstance, not motive or morality’. Vietnam ‘a failure of circumstance, not motive or morality’. Podhoretz – Vietnam served to delegitimize US military commitment Podhoretz – Vietnam served to delegitimize US military commitment abroad in general. The debate served also to identify anti-abroad in general. The debate served also to identify anti-Americans, undermining the will toward the use of force and Americans, undermining the will toward the use of force and embrace ‘lessons’ of Munich’ interpreted as the virtues of embrace ‘lessons’ of Munich’ interpreted as the virtues of preemptive military action (Halper & Clarke, 2004: 52-3, 11).preemptive military action (Halper & Clarke, 2004: 52-3, 11).

Leo Strauss – Brief BiographyLeo Strauss – Brief BiographyIt would be wrong to overestimate the extent of the direct It would be wrong to overestimate the extent of the direct influence of Strauss as some commentators have done and influence of Strauss as some commentators have done and yet his biography, his teaching in classical political theory yet his biography, his teaching in classical political theory and written work indirectly has led to the formulation of a and written work indirectly has led to the formulation of a very persuasive critique of liberal modernity that has very persuasive critique of liberal modernity that has formulated a basis for neoconservative political philosophy formulated a basis for neoconservative political philosophy in the U.S. and a guide to the best political order and in the U.S. and a guide to the best political order and ethical form of life. ethical form of life.

Strauss taught at the New School for Social Research in Strauss taught at the New School for Social Research in the decade 1938-48, and thereafter at the University of the decade 1938-48, and thereafter at the University of Chicago from 1948 to 1967. Strauss was a strong Zionist in Chicago from 1948 to 1967. Strauss was a strong Zionist in his youth and also addressed himself to the question of his youth and also addressed himself to the question of Nazism (Heidegger’s Nazism) and the theological-political Nazism (Heidegger’s Nazism) and the theological-political problem of the good life through engagement with Islamic problem of the good life through engagement with Islamic and Jewish philosophy, including the thought Maimonides, and Jewish philosophy, including the thought Maimonides, the mutual influence of theology and philosophy, and the mutual influence of theology and philosophy, and Spinoza’s Critique of Religion (1930). This goes some way Spinoza’s Critique of Religion (1930). This goes some way to understanding the importance of religion to to understanding the importance of religion to neoconservatism, including forms of Christian neoconservatism, including forms of Christian fundamentalism, and the significance of Israel to fundamentalism, and the significance of Israel to neoconservative foreign policy. neoconservative foreign policy.

Strauss and the Revival of Classical Political Strauss and the Revival of Classical Political PhilosophyPhilosophy

Strauss is responsible for the revival of classical political Strauss is responsible for the revival of classical political philosophy as it was practiced by Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes & philosophy as it was practiced by Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes & Montesquieu.Montesquieu.

Strauss almost single-handedly was also responsible for importing Strauss almost single-handedly was also responsible for importing the European conception of the ‘crisis of modernity’ into the U.S. the European conception of the ‘crisis of modernity’ into the U.S. and making it a central problem in political theory.and making it a central problem in political theory.

Strauss traces the origin of modern political philosophy as a Strauss traces the origin of modern political philosophy as a science to Machiavelli and Hobbes – Hobbes on a science of politics science to Machiavelli and Hobbes – Hobbes on a science of politics that deserved a place alongside the achievements of Copernicus, that deserved a place alongside the achievements of Copernicus, Kepler & Galileo.Kepler & Galileo.

A new science of politics associated with belief in ‘progress’ and A new science of politics associated with belief in ‘progress’ and beneficial social effects.beneficial social effects.

Efforts to found a new science of politics continued in the present-Efforts to found a new science of politics continued in the present-day attempt to sustain the distinction between facts and values day attempt to sustain the distinction between facts and values that Strauss thought untenable.that Strauss thought untenable.

Neo-positivist repudiation of traditional or classical political Neo-positivist repudiation of traditional or classical political philosophy. philosophy.

Strauss defends classical political philosophy from antidemocracy Strauss defends classical political philosophy from antidemocracy objection and the claim that it is based on classical natural objection and the claim that it is based on classical natural philosophy or cosmologyphilosophy or cosmology

Source: ‘Leo Strauss ‘What is political philosophy?’ 1954.Source: ‘Leo Strauss ‘What is political philosophy?’ 1954.

The Crisis of ModernityThe Crisis of Modernity Strauss writes ‘The Three Waves of Modernity’ in Strauss writes ‘The Three Waves of Modernity’ in An Introduction to An Introduction to

Political PhilosophyPolitical Philosophy (1989) originally in (1989) originally in Political PhilosophyPolitical Philosophy (1975) (1975) Begins with Spengler’s Begins with Spengler’s The Decline of the West The Decline of the West to assertto assert ‘ ‘crisis’crisis’

‘‘To understand the crisis of modernity, we must first understand the To understand the crisis of modernity, we must first understand the character of modernity. The crisis of modernity reveals itself in the fact character of modernity. The crisis of modernity reveals itself in the fact … that modern western man no longer knows what he wants—that he no … that modern western man no longer knows what he wants—that he no longer believes that he knows what is good and bad, what is right and longer believes that he knows what is good and bad, what is right and wrong. Until a few generations ago, it was generally taken for granted wrong. Until a few generations ago, it was generally taken for granted that a man can know what is right and wrong, what is just or good or the that a man can know what is right and wrong, what is just or good or the best order of society—in a word that political philosophy is possible and best order of society—in a word that political philosophy is possible and necessary. In our time this faith has lost its power. According to the necessary. In our time this faith has lost its power. According to the predominant view, political philosophy is impossible: it was a dream, predominant view, political philosophy is impossible: it was a dream, perhaps a noble dream, but at any rate a dream’ (p. 81).perhaps a noble dream, but at any rate a dream’ (p. 81).

‘‘Modern culture is emphatically rationalistic, believing in the power Modern culture is emphatically rationalistic, believing in the power of reason; surely if such a culture loses its faith in reasons ability to of reason; surely if such a culture loses its faith in reasons ability to validate its highest aims, it is in crisis’ (P. 82).validate its highest aims, it is in crisis’ (P. 82).

‘‘modernity is secularized biblical faith,’ ‘secularization means … the modernity is secularized biblical faith,’ ‘secularization means … the preservation of thoughts, feelings, or habits of biblical origin after preservation of thoughts, feelings, or habits of biblical origin after the loss or atrophy of biblical faith (p. 83)the loss or atrophy of biblical faith (p. 83)

Note the Nietzschean thematic here and links with Lyotard’s Nietzschean Note the Nietzschean thematic here and links with Lyotard’s Nietzschean analysis of the ‘postmodern’ as ‘incredulity of metanarratives’analysis of the ‘postmodern’ as ‘incredulity of metanarratives’

‘‘The Three Waves of Modernity’The Three Waves of Modernity’Strauss divides modernity into three stages or "waves." Strauss divides modernity into three stages or "waves." 1. The first wave began with Machiavelli and was crucially 1. The first wave began with Machiavelli and was crucially

modified by Hobbes and Locke to produce the modern modified by Hobbes and Locke to produce the modern doctrine of natural right. Its contemporary correlate is doctrine of natural right. Its contemporary correlate is capitalist liberalism, the acquisitive consumer society capitalist liberalism, the acquisitive consumer society dedicated to fulfilling human needs. dedicated to fulfilling human needs.

2. The second wave, initiated by Rousseau, absorbed nature 2. The second wave, initiated by Rousseau, absorbed nature as a standard by taking it into human history which now as a standard by taking it into human history which now served as the source of moral and political guidance. Freed served as the source of moral and political guidance. Freed from notions of a natural necessity, this wave produced a from notions of a natural necessity, this wave produced a more radically utopian--and hence more deeply alienated--more radically utopian--and hence more deeply alienated--form of humanism. Its contemporary correlate is form of humanism. Its contemporary correlate is communism. communism.

3. The third wave, which Strauss sees as our contemporary 3. The third wave, which Strauss sees as our contemporary crisis, began with Nietzsche's questioning of the rationality crisis, began with Nietzsche's questioning of the rationality or "humanity" of both history and nature: humanity finds or "humanity" of both history and nature: humanity finds itself in the midst of a terrifying existence, free to create itself in the midst of a terrifying existence, free to create the values by which to live. The contemporary correlate of the values by which to live. The contemporary correlate of this wave is fascism.this wave is fascism.

Strauss, Heidegger, and the Crisis of Western Strauss, Heidegger, and the Crisis of Western CivilizationCivilization

Yet Strauss can not be understood except through his engagements with Yet Strauss can not be understood except through his engagements with the thought of Heidegger, whom he regarded as the then greatest modern the thought of Heidegger, whom he regarded as the then greatest modern philosopher, (and Nietzsche), who talked of nihilism and the history of philosopher, (and Nietzsche), who talked of nihilism and the history of European nihilism, and provided an existentialist and historicist response European nihilism, and provided an existentialist and historicist response to ‘the crisis of Western civilization’. to ‘the crisis of Western civilization’.

Strauss returns to classical political philosophy—to the thought of Plato—Strauss returns to classical political philosophy—to the thought of Plato—was inspired and mediated by Heidegger’s attempted recovery of classical was inspired and mediated by Heidegger’s attempted recovery of classical ideals and Greek ontology. Classical political philosophy provided Strauss a ideals and Greek ontology. Classical political philosophy provided Strauss a means to find a way out of the relativism of modern liberal society and means to find a way out of the relativism of modern liberal society and democracy that put the freedom of the individual above societal order, democracy that put the freedom of the individual above societal order, virtue and natural right. virtue and natural right.

‘‘Like Nietzsche and Heidegger, Strauss sees that the West is in the grip of Like Nietzsche and Heidegger, Strauss sees that the West is in the grip of a profound spiritual crisis. And following Nietzsche and Heidegger, Strauss a profound spiritual crisis. And following Nietzsche and Heidegger, Strauss sees that this crisis itself opens up the possibility of a release from sees that this crisis itself opens up the possibility of a release from modernity. This release both brings to light a principle that is beyond, but modernity. This release both brings to light a principle that is beyond, but forgotten by, modernity, and points to a return to origins, free from and forgotten by, modernity, and points to a return to origins, free from and prior to the sources of modernity…. prior to the sources of modernity….

Unlike these two thinkers, Strauss does not trace modernity to the Unlike these two thinkers, Strauss does not trace modernity to the metaphysical turn which began with Socrates and Plato, nor to the slave metaphysical turn which began with Socrates and Plato, nor to the slave revolt of morality that received its most decisive impetus from Judaism. revolt of morality that received its most decisive impetus from Judaism. Rather, Strauss sees the roots of contemporary nihilism in the deliberate Rather, Strauss sees the roots of contemporary nihilism in the deliberate reformulation of political philosophy achieved by the great early modern reformulation of political philosophy achieved by the great early modern thinkers, above all Machiavelli and Hobbes’thinkers, above all Machiavelli and Hobbes’Source: RobinsonSource: Robinson

The Philosopher and the CitizenThe Philosopher and the Citizen Strauss argues that the practices that establish the virtuous Strauss argues that the practices that establish the virtuous

life arise, not out of the spontaneity of human communality, life arise, not out of the spontaneity of human communality, but out of the work of legislators who have the wisdom or but out of the work of legislators who have the wisdom or foresight to establish those practices that most fully bring foresight to establish those practices that most fully bring forth human sociality. In this, Strauss takes up the forth human sociality. In this, Strauss takes up the Nietzschean principle that there is a fundamental difference Nietzschean principle that there is a fundamental difference in the ranks of human beings.in the ranks of human beings.

The way of the philosopher is utterly in contrast to, and The way of the philosopher is utterly in contrast to, and destructive of, the way of the citizen. The philosopher leads destructive of, the way of the citizen. The philosopher leads a life open to the whole; the citizen's virtue and nobility a life open to the whole; the citizen's virtue and nobility depend upon his attachment to the closed world of his city. depend upon his attachment to the closed world of his city. The citizen requires of the philosopher that he confirm as The citizen requires of the philosopher that he confirm as natural the virtues by which he, the citizen, lives. The natural the virtues by which he, the citizen, lives. The philosopher knows those virtues to be groundless in the philosopher knows those virtues to be groundless in the sense intended by the citizen. sense intended by the citizen.

Source: RobinsonSource: Robinson

Strauss, Multiculturalism & PostmodernismStrauss, Multiculturalism & Postmodernism

‘‘Besides his teaching activities, Strauss rather skillfully Besides his teaching activities, Strauss rather skillfully turned his attention, after he got to the University of turned his attention, after he got to the University of Chicago, to struggles within academe rather than struggles Chicago, to struggles within academe rather than struggles in the popular, political arena. Positioned in a social science in the popular, political arena. Positioned in a social science department, he started attacking social science for its value department, he started attacking social science for its value neutrality. He and his associates began attacking elements neutrality. He and his associates began attacking elements of contemporary society through their supposed of contemporary society through their supposed representation in social science and other academic representation in social science and other academic disciplines rather than out in the open as a direct political disciplines rather than out in the open as a direct political attack, and doing it in a way that made it seem that he and attack, and doing it in a way that made it seem that he and his students and friends were defending the principles of his students and friends were defending the principles of liberal-democratic society at the same time. This collective liberal-democratic society at the same time. This collective struggle was another element in the building of a struggle was another element in the building of a Straussian network, one that continued after his death Straussian network, one that continued after his death primarily through attacks on so-called multiculturalism and primarily through attacks on so-called multiculturalism and post-modernism.’post-modernism.’Nicholas Xenos,Nicholas Xenos, ‘Leo Strauss and the Rhetoric of the War on Terror’‘Leo Strauss and the Rhetoric of the War on Terror’

Strauss & the Critique of LiberalismStrauss & the Critique of Liberalism In 1932, he wrote an extended review of a book by the German legal In 1932, he wrote an extended review of a book by the German legal

and political theorist Carl Schmitt entitled and political theorist Carl Schmitt entitled The Concept of the The Concept of the PoliticalPolitical, in which Schmitt articulated his notion that the core of the , in which Schmitt articulated his notion that the core of the political problem is the distinction between friends and enemies. political problem is the distinction between friends and enemies.

Schmitt later became a member of the Nazi party and a leading figure Schmitt later became a member of the Nazi party and a leading figure in the main legal organization of the Third Reich. In Strauss’s review, in the main legal organization of the Third Reich. In Strauss’s review, he criticized Schmitt from the political right. He argued that ‘the he criticized Schmitt from the political right. He argued that ‘the critique introduced by Schmitt against liberalism can . . . be critique introduced by Schmitt against liberalism can . . . be completed only if one succeeds in gaining a horizon beyond completed only if one succeeds in gaining a horizon beyond liberalism. In such a horizon Hobbes completed the foundation of liberalism. In such a horizon Hobbes completed the foundation of liberalism. A radical critique of liberalism is thus possible only on the liberalism. A radical critique of liberalism is thus possible only on the basis of an adequate understanding of Hobbes.’ basis of an adequate understanding of Hobbes.’

His point was that Schmitt was, in his criticisms of liberalism, His point was that Schmitt was, in his criticisms of liberalism, working within the bounds of liberal society because liberalism had working within the bounds of liberal society because liberalism had become so dominant that it was difficult see beyond it anymore, and become so dominant that it was difficult see beyond it anymore, and it was thus necessary to go back to Hobbes to see what was there it was thus necessary to go back to Hobbes to see what was there before.before.

Strauss wrote to Löwith in May 1933, five months after Hitler’s Strauss wrote to Löwith in May 1933, five months after Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor and a month after implementation of the appointment as Chancellor and a month after implementation of the first anti-Jewish legislation, that ‘Just because Germany has turned to first anti-Jewish legislation, that ‘Just because Germany has turned to the right and has expelled us,’ meaning Jews, ‘it simply does not the right and has expelled us,’ meaning Jews, ‘it simply does not follow that the principles of the right are therefore to be rejected.  To follow that the principles of the right are therefore to be rejected.  To the contrary, only on the basis of principles of the right—fascist, the contrary, only on the basis of principles of the right—fascist, authoritarian, authoritarian, imperialimperial [emphasis in original]—is it possible in a [emphasis in original]—is it possible in a dignified manner, without the ridiculous and pitiful appeal to “the dignified manner, without the ridiculous and pitiful appeal to “the inalienable rights of man” to protest against the mean nonentity’ inalienable rights of man” to protest against the mean nonentity’ Source: XenosSource: Xenos

Some distinguishing aspects of a Straussian Some distinguishing aspects of a Straussian approach to political philosophyapproach to political philosophy

  (1) A return to treating old books (1) A return to treating old books seriouslyseriously, reading them , reading them slowlyslowly and with an effort and with an effort

to understand them as their to understand them as their authors authors did, rather than as History does.did, rather than as History does.(2) A recognition of the (2) A recognition of the politicalpolitical nature of philosophy, that most philosophers nature of philosophy, that most philosophers

who wrote did so with a political purpose. who wrote did so with a political purpose. (3) A recognition that the greatest thinkers often wrote with both (3) A recognition that the greatest thinkers often wrote with both exotericexoteric and and

esotericesoteric teachings, either out of fear of persecution or a general desire to teachings, either out of fear of persecution or a general desire to present their most important teachings to those most receptive to them. This present their most important teachings to those most receptive to them. This leads to an attempt to discern the leads to an attempt to discern the esotericesoteric teachings of the great teachings of the great philosophers from the clues they left in their writings for careful readers to philosophers from the clues they left in their writings for careful readers to find. find.

(4) A recognition of the dangers that historicism, relativism, eclecticism, (4) A recognition of the dangers that historicism, relativism, eclecticism, scientism, and nihilism pose to philosophy and to Western culture generally, scientism, and nihilism pose to philosophy and to Western culture generally, and an effort to steer philosophy away from these devastating influences and an effort to steer philosophy away from these devastating influences through a return to the seminal texts of Western thought. through a return to the seminal texts of Western thought.

(5) Careful attention paid to the dialogue throughout the development of (5) Careful attention paid to the dialogue throughout the development of Western culture between its two points of departure: Athens and Jerusalem. Western culture between its two points of departure: Athens and Jerusalem. The recognition that Reason and Revelation, originating from these two The recognition that Reason and Revelation, originating from these two points respectively, are the two distinct sources of knowledge in the Western points respectively, are the two distinct sources of knowledge in the Western tradition, and can be used neither to support nor refute the other, since tradition, and can be used neither to support nor refute the other, since neither claims to be based on the other's terms. neither claims to be based on the other's terms.

(6) A constant examination of the most drastic of philosophic distinctions: that (6) A constant examination of the most drastic of philosophic distinctions: that between the Ancients and the Moderns. An attempt to better understand between the Ancients and the Moderns. An attempt to better understand philosophers of every age in relation to this distinction, and to learn philosophers of every age in relation to this distinction, and to learn everything that we as moderns can learn about ourselves by studying both everything that we as moderns can learn about ourselves by studying both eras.eras.

Source: Source: http://www.straussian.net/straussianism.htmlhttp://www.straussian.net/straussianism.html

Strauss & EducationStrauss & Education "What Is Liberal Education?" Commencement address at University "What Is Liberal Education?" Commencement address at University

College, University of Chicago, 6 June. Chicago: University of College, University of Chicago, 6 June. Chicago: University of Chicago. Reprinted in Chicago. Reprinted in Education for Public ResponsibilityEducation for Public Responsibility, edited by , edited by C. Scott Fletcher, 43-51. New York: Norton, 1961. Also in C. Scott Fletcher, 43-51. New York: Norton, 1961. Also in Liberalism Liberalism Ancient and ModernAncient and Modern, 3-8, 1968. , 3-8, 1968.

"Liberal Education and Responsibility." In "Liberal Education and Responsibility." In Education: The Challenge Education: The Challenge AheadAhead, edited by C. Scott Fletcher, 49-70. New York: Norton. , edited by C. Scott Fletcher, 49-70. New York: Norton. Reprinted in Reprinted in Liberalism Ancient and ModernLiberalism Ancient and Modern, 9-25, 1968., 9-25, 1968.

"Liberal Education and Mass Democracy." In "Liberal Education and Mass Democracy." In Higher Education and Higher Education and Modern DemocracyModern Democracy, edited by Robert A. Goidwin, 73-96. Chicago: , edited by Robert A. Goidwin, 73-96. Chicago: Rand McNally. (A composite of "What Is Liberal Education?" and Rand McNally. (A composite of "What Is Liberal Education?" and "Liberal Education and Responsibility.")"Liberal Education and Responsibility.")

"Exoteric Teaching." Edited by Kenneth Hart Green. "Exoteric Teaching." Edited by Kenneth Hart Green. InterpretationInterpretation 14, no. 1 (January 1986): 51-59.14, no. 1 (January 1986): 51-59.

Writings of Straussians like Allan Bloom (see Reading The Closing of Writings of Straussians like Allan Bloom (see Reading The Closing of the American Mind at: the American Mind at: http://www2.bc.edu/~wilsonop/discus/messages/25/25.html?11316http://www2.bc.edu/~wilsonop/discus/messages/25/25.html?113164315143151).).

Accounts of Strauss’ and Straussian pedagogy – e.g., Norton, Anne, Accounts of Strauss’ and Straussian pedagogy – e.g., Norton, Anne, Leo Strauss and the Politics of American EmpireLeo Strauss and the Politics of American Empire. Yale University . Yale University Press, 2004. Press, 2004.

‘‘What is Liberal Education?’What is Liberal Education?’ Liberal education is education in culture (Liberal education is education in culture (culturacultura – as – as

cultivation of the mind)cultivation of the mind) Access to the greatest minds only through the great booksAccess to the greatest minds only through the great books ‘‘Liberal education will then consist in studying with the Liberal education will then consist in studying with the

proper care the great books which the greatest minds have proper care the great books which the greatest minds have left behind’ (pp. 311-12)left behind’ (pp. 311-12)

Discussion of cultures and ‘democracy’Discussion of cultures and ‘democracy’ ‘‘Liberal education is the counterpoison to mass culture, to Liberal education is the counterpoison to mass culture, to

the corroding effects of mass culture’ (p. 314) (Cf. the corroding effects of mass culture’ (p. 314) (Cf. Horkheimer & Adorno)Horkheimer & Adorno)

‘‘The greatest minds to whom we ought to listen are by no The greatest minds to whom we ought to listen are by no means exclusively the greatest minds of the West’ (p. 317)means exclusively the greatest minds of the West’ (p. 317)

Paradox: ‘Since the greatest minds contradict one another Paradox: ‘Since the greatest minds contradict one another …they compel us to judge…; yet we are not competent to …they compel us to judge…; yet we are not competent to be judges’be judges’

‘‘we have lost all simply authoritative traditions in which we we have lost all simply authoritative traditions in which we could trust, the could trust, the nomos nomos which gave us authoritative which gave us authoritative guidance’ (p. 318)guidance’ (p. 318)

Neoconservative EducationNeoconservative Education The conservative critique of the counterculture, from Ronald The conservative critique of the counterculture, from Ronald

Reagan to Newt Gingrich, saw it leaving a legacy of Reagan to Newt Gingrich, saw it leaving a legacy of individualism and consumerism, leading to nihilism. individualism and consumerism, leading to nihilism.

Education must be re-moralized at all levels to anchor Education must be re-moralized at all levels to anchor American values & identity and overcome the problem of American values & identity and overcome the problem of disorder.disorder.

Attack on multiculturalism & cultural relativismAttack on multiculturalism & cultural relativism Attack on ‘postmodernism’; repeal of ‘rights culture’Attack on ‘postmodernism’; repeal of ‘rights culture’ New religious fundamentalism and emergence of ‘faith’ New religious fundamentalism and emergence of ‘faith’

schools with restyled curriculum, e.g., creation scienceschools with restyled curriculum, e.g., creation science Re-assertion of American values and identity:Re-assertion of American values and identity:

• Re-establishing the American canon and WASP values as a Re-establishing the American canon and WASP values as a basis for American identity (Bloom; Huntington);basis for American identity (Bloom; Huntington);

• Export of American values e.g., as a basis for cultural Export of American values e.g., as a basis for cultural ‘reconstruction’ in Iraq‘reconstruction’ in Iraq

Neoconservatism and NeoliberalismNeoconservatism and Neoliberalism

From the neoliberal to the From the neoliberal to the neoconservative state (Harvey, 2005, neoconservative state (Harvey, 2005, A A brief history of neoliberalismbrief history of neoliberalism))

Is there an economic theory?Is there an economic theory? Globalization of American values through Globalization of American values through

educationeducation Americanization of world institutions: Americanization of world institutions:

– – appointment of Bolton & rejection of UN appointment of Bolton & rejection of UN as moral arbiteras moral arbiter- appointment of Wolfowitz to World Bank- appointment of Wolfowitz to World Bank

ReferencesReferences Shadia DruryShadia Drury, The Political Thought of Leo Strauss, The Political Thought of Leo Strauss, Revised , Revised

Edition. New York: St. Martin's Press,(originally published in 1988) Edition. New York: St. Martin's Press,(originally published in 1988) 2005.2005.

Shadia DruryShadia Drury, Leo Strauss and the American Right, Leo Strauss and the American Right. Palgrave . Palgrave Macmillan. 1999. Macmillan. 1999.

Norton, Anne, Norton, Anne, Leo Strauss and the Politics of American EmpireLeo Strauss and the Politics of American Empire. . Yale University Press, 2004. Yale University Press, 2004.

Kochin, Michael S., "Morality, Nature, and Esotericism in Leo Kochin, Michael S., "Morality, Nature, and Esotericism in Leo Strauss’s Persecution and the Art of Writing." Strauss’s Persecution and the Art of Writing." The Review of The Review of PoliticsPolitics 64 (Spring 2002):261-283. 64 (Spring 2002):261-283.

Ted V. McAllister, 1996. Ted V. McAllister, 1996. Revolt Against Modernity : Leo Strauss, Revolt Against Modernity : Leo Strauss, Eric Voegelin & the Search for Postliberal OrderEric Voegelin & the Search for Postliberal Order. Lawrence, KS: . Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. University Press of Kansas.

Mark Lewis Taylor, ‘Mark Lewis Taylor, ‘Liberation, Neocons and the Christian Right: Liberation, Neocons and the Christian Right: Options for Pro-Active Christian Witness in Post-9/11’, Options for Pro-Active Christian Witness in Post-9/11’, Constellation, Fall, 2003. Constellation, Fall, 2003.

Political Philosophy in the Tradition of Leo Strauss , at Political Philosophy in the Tradition of Leo Strauss , at http://www.straussian.net/http://www.straussian.net/