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The Role of Technology and Technologybased Firms in Economic Development Alex COAD, Alasdair REID 11 th September 2012 AtlanEc Quay, Glasgow

The Role of Technology and Technology-based Firms in Economic Development

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A presentation by Alasdair Reid of Technopolis Group and Alex Coad of the University of Sussex (SPRU) of a 2012 a 'think piece' commissioned by Scottish Enterprise that investigates the role of technology development in driving growth, and notably high-growth firms, in the Scottish economy. The paper was presented to representatives of the Scottish Government services, Scottish Enterprise and other stakeholders on 11th September. The authors argue that there is a need for a rebalancing of Scottish innovation and enterprise policy to tackle a 'Scottish conundrum' (which they describe as a mix of the 'Swedish paradox' - a strong higher education research sector but low growth due to weak entrepreneurship and the 'Norwegian puzzle', low ranking on main R&D and innovation performance but a highly productive and technologically intense economy. They conclude that Scotland suffers from being trapped in an underperforming UK innovation system with a doubly whammy of 'low business innovation intensity and weak economic growth' compared to neighbouring smaller northern European economies over the last decade.

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Page 1: The Role of Technology and Technology-based Firms in Economic Development

The  Role  of  Technology  and  Technology-­‐based  Firms  in  Economic  

Development  Alex  COAD,  Alasdair  REID  11th  September  2012  

AtlanEc  Quay,  Glasgow  

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Contents  

•  Technology  and  innovaEon  – How  does  technology  lead  to  growth?  – HGFs  and  innovaEon  – Barriers  to  innovaEon  and  growth  at  the  firm-­‐level  

•  ScoNsh  case  – Does  R&D  drive  growth  –  a  high-­‐tech  myth  ?  – Entrepreneurial  dynamics  and  high-­‐growth  firms  

•  Rethinking  InnovaEon  and  Enterprise  Policy  in  Scotland  

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What  is  technology?  

•  “Technology  is  the  uElisaEon  of  natural  phenomena  and  regulariEes  for  human  purposes”  Mokyr  (2008)    

•  OECD  FrascaE  manual:  scienEfic,  technological,  organizaEonal,  financial,  and  commercial  acEviEes    

•  ‘Hidden  innovaEon’  that  is  not  reflected  in  tradiEonal  indicators  (e.g.  oil  &  energy  sector)  

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Technology  

•  Defined  broadly  to  capture  not  only  the  equipment,  sodware  or  instruments  used  to  produce  a  good  or  service  but  also  the  (tacit)  knowledge,  techniques,  organisaEonal  methods,  etc.  used  to  design,  develop  and  market  the  products  and  services  by  businesses  (and  indeed  the  public  and  not  for  profit  sector),  in  co-­‐operaEon  with  other  actors  in  the  innovaEon  system  

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How  does  technology    contribute  to  growth  ?    

•  From  neoclassical  growth  theory…  – Output  depends  on  available  labour  and  capital,  technology  is  ‘exogenous’  to  the  system  

–  But  implies  long-­‐run  stable  growth  and  convergence  over  Eme  –  not  up  held  by  facts  

•  …  to  endogenous  growth  theory  –  Key  role  of  private  sector  R&D  drives  technological  progress;  

– Appropriate  government  policies  (market  failure)  can  permanently  raise  growth  rates;    

–  But  again,  limited  empirical  support  (although  beier  than  NGT)  

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Entrepreneurship  -­‐  the  missing  link  ?  

•  Schumpeterian  models  imply  a  key  role  for  entrepreneurial  dynamics  in  explaining  growth      

•  A  higher  rate  of  firm  turnover  leads  to  higher  growth:  –  a  process  of  creaEve  destrucEon  generates  entry  of  new  innovators  and  exit  of  former  innovators.  

•  Introduces  concept  of  the  global  technological  fronEer  and  disEnguishes  between  a  ‘fronEer  innovaEon’  and  ‘imitaEon’  innovaEon.  

 ‘Innova;on  frequencies’,  strongly  influenced  by  entrepreneurial  dynamics,  determine  a  country’s  growth  path.  

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Policy  implicaEons  

•  1)  InnovaEon  policy  will  be  ineffecEve  if  the  condiEons  for  innovaEon-­‐based  growth  are  not  met:    compeEEon  policy  favouring  entrepreneurial  dynamics      investment  in  higher  (and  lifelong)  educaEon    credit  and  labour  markets  that  foster  structural  

adjustment    a  counter-­‐cyclical  fiscal  policy  (Mr  Osborne  take  note…).        

•  2)  the  policies  (and  insEtuEons)  that  favour  imitaEon  are  not  the  same  as  those  that  favour  leading-­‐edge  innovaEon.    

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Policy  based  only  on  market  failure  raEonale  will  not  be  effecEve  

•  System  failures  more  important:  –  Capability  failures  (company  level)  

•  Boost  know-­‐how  and  availability  of  skilled  people  in  companies  –  foster  innovaEon  management  to  enhance  ‘absorpEve  capacity’    

–  InsEtuEonal  failures  •  Think  ‘Freakonomics’  and  apply  to  incenEve  systems  in  main  players  of  innovaEon  system  –  financial,  academic,  etc.    

–  Network  failures  •  Not  enough  to  ‘fix’  university-­‐industry  Ees.  InnovaEon  surveys  underline  that  inter-­‐company  links  are  more  important.  

–  Framework  failures  •  AienEve  to  regulatory,  cultural,  etc  impediments  to  the  success  of  otherwise    

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Does  theory  match  real  life  ?  A  review  of  the  evidence  

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Does  R&D  lead  to  growth  ?  Yes…  

•  OpEmal  R&D  investment  is  at  least  two  to  four  Emes  actual  investment  (Jones  and  Williams,  1998)  ;  

•  Business  expenditure  on  R&D  (BERD)  is  significantly  posiEvely  correlated  with  producEvity  growth  (OECD)  

–  Effect  largest  in  countries  that  are  intensive  in  business  R&D,  and  

– With  lower  share  of  defence-­‐related  government  funding.    

•  Irish  evidence  suggests  that  domesEc  firms  improved  TFP  faster  as  a  result  of  the  increased  R&D  by  FDI  firms.    –  Suggest  need  to  develop  strategies  to  absorb  industrial  learning  in  the  

local  economy.  

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But,  evidence  confirms  that    R&D  alone  is  not  enough    

•  The  Swedish  paradox:  –  high  and  above  average  R&D  expenditure  and  below  average  growth;  

–  But,  if  Swedes  see  good  opportuniEes  to  start  a  business,  very  few  actually  do,  and  those  who  do  have  modest  growth  aspiraEons.    

•  The  Norwegian  puzzle:  – High  growth  and  wealth  levels  but  ranks  modestly  internaEonally  for  innovaEon  and  business  R&D  

– Hidden  innovaEon  (e.g.  in  oil  &  gas)  and  industrial  structure  one  element  in  explaining  puzzle.  

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R&D-­‐growth  paradox  seems  to  be  ‘disease’  affecEng  high-­‐growth  sectors  •  Fast  growing  sectors  prone  to  decreasing  returns  to  R&D;  which  slow-­‐growth  sectors  do  not  experience  (Ejermo  et  al,  2011)  

•  Effect  of  iniEal  R&D  on  high-­‐tech  firm  growth  is  through  increasing  levels  of  inter-­‐firm  alliances  in  first  post-­‐entry  years  –  exploitaEon  of  external  knowledge  is  key.  

 So  R&D  maiers  for  a  limited  but  important  set  of  new-­‐high-­‐tech  and  high  growth  firms...  

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But  R&D  is  also  a  factor  boosEng  technological  competence  of  all  firms  •  Firms  with  low  technological  competence  enhancing  capabiliEes  follow  a  convergent  declining  growth  paiern    

•  “The  success  of  high-­‐tech  industries  and  their  impact  on  produc4vity  depends  on  the  extent  to  which  they  are  adopted  by  other,  lower-­‐tech  industries.”  (BIS,  2011)  

 Need  to  focus  on  business  skills  that  enhance  technological  competence  and  absorpEve  capacity.  

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‘Sod  skills  are  increasingly  complementary  to  technical  skills  and  vital  for  successful  

innovaEon’  (BIS,  2011)  

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So  does  entrepreneurship  alone  drive  growth  and  innovaEon  ?  

•  No….  (Sanandaji  2010)  

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It  might  seem  self  evident….  

•  But  we  need  high-­‐quality  entrepreneurship  –  Industry  experience  –  InnovaEve  idea  (not  just  another  fish  &  chip  shop)  –  Efficient  start-­‐up  size  

•  Yet  policy  makers  sEll  set  targets  such  as:  –  ‘increase  the  number  of  firms/per  capita’  or  ‘create  any  old  new  firm’,    •  Carl  Schramm,  hailed  by  The  Economist  as  the  "evangelist  of  entrepreneurship”:  "As  a  naEon,  we  should  seek  to  have…  a  million  new  business  start-­‐ups  every  year  (nearly  twice  present  levels)."  

–  ignoring  evidence  on  link  between  scale,  producEvity  and  innovaEon.  

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HGFs  play  a  disproporEonate  role  

•  4%  of  firms  create  50%  of  the  jobs  (Storey,  1994)  

•  HGFs  have  an  impact  on  subsequent  industry  growth  (Bos  &  Stam,  2011)  

•  HGFs  play  a  complementary  role  on  labour  markets,  recruiEng  ‘outsiders’  (Coad  et  al  2011)  

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Can  we  pick  out  HGFs  ex  ante?  

•  Firm  growth  is  essenEally  a  random  walk  

•  Very  difficult  to  predict  which  firms  will  grow  

•  Perhaps  idenEfy  which  firms  will  NOT  grow  –  founder’s  educaEon,  sector,  venture  capital  investment,  patents,  business  plan,  start-­‐up  size,  etc  

–  Loiery  winners  vs  loiery  losers  (had  a  try  but  did  not  ‘win’),  vs  those  that  don’t  even  buy  a  Ecket  (no  hope  of  a  ‘win’)  

•  In  sum:  HGF  policy  risks  being  a  blunt  instrument.  

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Reality  check  1:  HGFs  ≠  high-­‐tech  

•  In  theoreEcal  discourse,  entrepreneurship  is  synonymous  with:  –  InnovaEon  (e.g.  Dennis,  2011)  –  High  growth  (e.g.  Henreksson,  2005)  

•  Anecdotes  focus  on  high-­‐tech  HGFs:  –  Apple,  Microsod,  Google,  Genentech,  etc  

•  However,  empirical  evidence  does  not  support  idea  that  HGFs  are  more  common  in  high-­‐tech  sectors  –  Survey  by  Henrekson  and  Johansson  (2010):    

•  “Gazelles  exist  in  all  industries.  They  seem  not  to  be  overrepresented  in  high-­‐technology  industries,  but  there  is  some  evidence  that  they  are  overrepresented  in  services.”    

–  If  anything,  HGFs  are  under-­‐represented  in  high-­‐tech  sectors  (Mason  and  Brown,  2012)    

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Reality  check  2:  USOs  ≠  HGFs  

•  Need  for  a  reality  check  in  terms  of  expectaEons:  –  Reid  et  al  (2011):  it  takes  about  90  million  dollars  on  average  of  research  spending  to  generate  one  spin  off  from  the  top  200  US  universiEes.  EsEmated  figure  is  similar  for  the  UK's  top  universiEes.  

– Wennberg  et  al  (2011):    Corporate  vs  University  SOs  •  “CSOs  outnumber  USOs  14  to  1”  •  “the  vast  outnumbering  of  CSOs  compared  to  USOs  in  combinaEon  with  the  performance  advantages  of  CSOs  calls  into  quesEon  the  dominance  of  public  policy  singling  out  and  supporEng  USOs.”  

•  “an  important  imperaEve  to  assist  USOs  is  building  viable  teams  that  have  the  requisite  commercial  experience  to  succeed.”  

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So  we  need  to  look  for  other  pointers  towards  growth  potenEal…  

•  “Across  a  wide  range  of  countries  and  industries,  exporters  have  been  shown  to  be  larger,  more  producEve,  more  skill-­‐  and  capital-­‐intensive,  and  to  pay  higher  wages  than  non-­‐exporEng  firms.  Furthermore,  these  differences  exist  even  before  expor;ng  begins.”  Bernard  et  al  (2007,  p105)  

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…focus  policy  support  on  ‘growth  trigger  points’…  

•  EffecEve  intervenEons  at  growth  ‘trigger  points’?  (cf  Brown  and  Mawson  2012)  – Hiring  first  employee  =  doubling  in  size!  – First  steps  in  export  markets  – Opening  a  new  plant  in  a  new  region  – New  product  introducEon  

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…and  explore  more  objecEvely  barriers  to  growth  and  innovaEon  

•  Studies  tend  to  focus  on  ‘subjecEvely-­‐perceived’  barriers  

•  Not  all  firms  deserve  finance,  not  all  R&D  projects  should  be  pursued  

•  Not  all  barriers  should  be  removed  (e.g.  ‘intense  compeEEon’)  

•  Some  barriers  should  be  heeded  (e.g.  lack  of  skilled  employees,  recruitment  of  staff,  bureaucracy,  finding  partners  &  collaborators)  

•  Others  less  so  (e.g.  too  much  compeEEon,  inefficient  size,  lack  of  demand)  

•  Main  reported  barrier  to  innovaEon  is  cost-­‐related  

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Exploring  the  ScoNsh  conundrum  

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A  ScoNsh  Conundrum  ?  

•  We  suggest  Scotland  is  a  mix  of  :    –  the  Swedish  case  with  a  strong  higher  educaEon  research  sector  and  weak  entrepreneurship  but  without  the  home-­‐grown  mulEnaEonal  industrial  ‘powerhouses’  which  drive  Swedish  innovaEon;    

– &  the  Norwegian  case  where  innovaEon  is  under-­‐esEmated  due  to  industrial  structure  and  the  specific  types  of  non-­‐technological  or  ‘resource  based’  innovaEon  occurring  in  the  economy.    

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Business  R&D  and  economic  growth  

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Does  ‘technology’  contribute  to  growth  in  the  ScoNsh  economy  ?    

•  1)  Scotland’s  ‘world  beaEng’  academic  research  appears  to  count  for  liile:  – Spin-­‐offs  have  a  marginal  direct,  short-­‐term  impact  (TargeEng  InnovaEon,  2008)        

– Knowledge  transfer  :  there  is  a  posiEve  impact  of  HEI-­‐firm  links  on  producEvity,  but  ScoNsh  firms  that  source  knowledge  from  HEIs  do  worse  than  their  counterparts  in  other  UK  regions,  while  foreign-­‐owned  subsidiaries  in  Scotland  do  much  beier  (Harris  et  al,  2012)    

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Does  ‘technology’  contribute  to  growth  in  the  ScoNsh  economy  ?    

•  2)  Penny  for  penny  of  science  spend,  Scotland    outperforms  neighbouring  Nordic  countries  in  terms  of  scienEfic  impact,  but  this  is  not  being  turned  into  technological  leadership  – High-­‐tech  patenEng  trends  declining  over  last  decade  (similar  to  rest  of  UK)  

– No  noEceable  growth  in  patenEng  in  any  high-­‐tech  field  !  

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Does  ‘technology’  contribute  to  growth  in  the  ScoNsh  economy  ?    

•  3)  Linear  model  –  basic  research  translates  into  new  innovaEons  and  economic  growth,  right?..  –  Partly  true,  but  very  

complex  and  unpredictable,  there  are  fricEons,  boilenecks,  interacEons  and  feedbacks,  huge  Eme  lags  involved  (decades),  hard  for  a  small  country  to  appropriate  all  commercial  benefits  from  its  basic  research,  etc…  

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So  what  about  business  R&D  and  growth  ?    

•  Evidence  suggests  that  over  last  decade:  – Absolute  growth  in  ScoNsh  BERD  driven  by  ‘other  sectors’  (oil  &  gas…)  and  by  ScoNsh  owned  firms!  

– No  growth  in  high-­‐tech  sector  BERD  !  – No  growth  in  R&D  intensity  of  high-­‐tech  sectors  !  – High-­‐tech  sectors  have  experienced  posiEve  GVA  growth  but  declining  employment.  

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ScoNsh  business  R&D  has  been  growing  

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And  ScoNsh  owned  firms    are  closing  the  ‘R&D  gap’  

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But  growth  in  BERD  is  not  coming  from  the    high-­‐tech  sectors…  

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…which  have  a  declining  R&D  intensity  

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However,  high-­‐tech  sectors  do  contribute  to  ScoNsh  growth  

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But  not  employment  

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So  is  there  ‘hidden  innovaEon’  in  the  ScoNsh  economy  ?  

•  Industrial  structure  is  more  important  explanaEon  than  class-­‐size  (Turnbull  &  Richmond,  2011)  –  TradiEonal  manufacturing  innovaEon  performance  above  UK  average,  

wholesale  &  retail  perform  below  –  Scotland  has  smaller  %  of  former  and  higher  percentage  of  laier.  –  InnovaEon  investment  more  widespread  than  R&D  staEsEcs  suggest.  

•  But  type  of  innovaEon  is  equally  an  explanaEon:  –  ScoNsh  firms  innovate  much  more  than  UK  average  through  bought-­‐in  

technology  and  training,  much  less  in  markeEng  and  internal  R&D.  –  ScoNsh  Internal  R&D  -­‐  key  condiEon  for  knowledge  absorpEon  -­‐  is  ¾  

of  UK  average.      •  Need  to  expand  base  of  ScoNsh  SMEs  undertaking  internal  R&D  

(Roper,  2006,  Harris  et  al,  2011).  

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If  overall  entrepreneurial  drive  in  Scotland  is  low  (Levie,  2009)…  

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…are  HGFs  driving  ScoNsh  growth  ?  

•  HGFs  are  indeed  present…  –  “the  single  most  striking  observaEon  [is]  the  heterogeneous  nature  of  HGFs”  (Mason  and  Brown  2010)  

–  Found  in  all  sectors  –  Based  around  Scotland’s  main  ciEes  – Most  are  private  firms,  many  foreign-­‐owned  

•  …if  high  growth  is  not  a  characterisEc  of  a  sub-­‐set  of  firms  but  rather  a  ‘state’  that  firms  experience.  –  Then  policy  support  needs  to  be  constantly  ‘on  its  toes’  to  be  ‘dancing  with  the  right  partner’.  

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Rethinking  InnovaEon  and  Enterprise  Policy  in  Scotland  

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Summing  up  

•  BoosEng  R&D  intensity  of  an  economy  is  a  necessary  but  not  sufficient  condiEon  for  growth  

•  Enhancing  ‘absorpEve  capacity’  –  ‘imitaEon  innovaEon’  and  (non-­‐technological)  innovaEon  -­‐  in  a  broader  range  of  firms  is  necessary  

•  Similarly,  a  high  entrepreneurial  propensity  does  not  guarantee  growth.    

•  Firms  in  a  transitory  ‘high-­‐growth’  state  are  key  to  growth  and  ‘creaEve  destrucEon’  leading  to  structural  change.  

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What  does  our  work  imply  for  ScoNsh  business/innovaEon  policy  ?  

 Scotland  does  face  a  ‘technology  deficit’:   Even  accounEng  for  industrial  structure  and  hidden  innovaEon,  the  R&D  intensity  of  the  economy  is  too  low  to  increase  compeEEveness.  

 Need  to  think  of  HGFs  and  high-­‐tech  firms  as  different  categories  (with  a  small  overlap)     Both  types  of  firms  play  an  important  role  –  the  former  boost  employment  and  GVA  growth  in  the  short  term,  the  laier  foster  structural  change  and  producEvity  growth  over  the  longer-­‐run.  

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RedirecEng  policy  to  the  trigger  points  of  innovaEon  based  growth  

•  Redirect  support  for  technology  development  towards  business-­‐business  collaboraEve  projects  targeted  at  ‘emerging  clusters’  rather  than  ‘individual  innovaEon  events’  in  the  ‘usual  suspects’:  –  84%  of  Smart  and  R&D  awards  concentrated  on  just  three  sectors  over  last  three  years  (SE  data,  June  2012).  

•  Broaden  the  efforts  to  idenEfy  and  support  (account  management,  etc.)  high-­‐growth  companies  across  Scotland  and  across  all  sectors  –   58%  of  SE  account  managed  high-­‐growth  companies  are  from  only  three  sectors  (SE  data,  June  2012)  

–  Explore  potenEal  for  corporate  spin-­‐offs  ?  

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RedirecEng  policy  to  the  trigger  points  of  innovaEon  based  growth  

•  Challenge  sectoral  &  regional  partnerships  to  increase  the  number  of  innovaEon  acEve  firms    –  through  tailored  acEon  to  enhance  absorpEve  capabiliEes  and  internal  R&D  management  of  firms  with  ‘ambiEons  to  innovate’  

–  Seek  to  increase  number  of  ‘innovators  in  business’  -­‐  graduate  placement  type  schemes.  

•  Rebalance  support  for  knowledge  transfer  towards  broader  learning  in  the  economy:  –  Half  of  spending  in  Scotland’s  innovaEon  system  focused  on  two-­‐way  knowledge  transfer  (SE-­‐HIE-­‐SFC,  June  2012).  

–  Foster  both  internal  learning  by  doing  and  external  learning  from  other  firms  (suppliers,  etc.).  

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A  taxonomy  of  learning  mechanisms  (Radosevic,  2011)  

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Comments  /  QuesEons  

•  Alasdair  Reid  -­‐  alasdair.reid@technopolis-­‐group.com  

•  Alex  Coad  -­‐  [email protected]    

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