23.6.2008 Todd Nesbitt

State University of New York

Empire State College

Before the Media, Before the Mass

The Means of Mass Communication in Ancient Egypt

Senior Thesis

Ondřej Šmejkal

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Table of Contents

Prologue: Against the Flow of Time ....................................................................................... 2

Communication and Civilization – a few thoughts ................................................................ 2

The Focal Point ...................................................................................................................... 7

Chapter One: The Empire ..................................................................................................... 12

The Nile Valley .................................................................................................................... 12

Chronicles of the Sands of Time .......................................................................................... 14

Chapter Two: Language of Nile ............................................................................................ 22

Spoken out loud, written down ............................................................................................ 22

Literacy in Ancient Egypt .................................................................................................... 23

The Speech of Kings, Elites, and Common Folk ................................................................. 24

In the Name of Thovt ........................................................................................................... 28

Discussing the Implications ................................................................................................. 35

Chapter Three: The Culture ................................................................................................. 37

Focus Shift ............................................................................................................................ 37

The Art of the Empire .......................................................................................................... 38

Monuments of Immortality .................................................................................................. 40

Of Gods and Men ................................................................................................................. 46

Discussing the Implications ................................................................................................. 50

Epilogue: The Legacy of the Ancient Times ........................................................................ 52

Egyptian Mental Template ................................................................................................... 52

The Question of Public Sphere ............................................................................................. 54

The Enclosure ....................................................................................................................... 56

Work Cited .............................................................................................................................. 58

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Prologue

Against the Flow of Time

Communication and Civilization – a few thoughts

Consider the following timeline. Around 1456, Gutenberg prints the Bible and thereby initiates

the print revolution; in 1837, the invention of the electric telegraph line brings communication to an

instantaneous level; in 1901 the wireless communication pioneer Marconi successfully transmits

messages across large distances, thus opening the door for the age of broadcasting; in 1930, the first

TV signals the upcoming proliferation of television during the postwar decades; in 1952, the first IBM

computers are produced, heralding the dawn of the digital age (Briggs, 2005: 269-80).

A question may arise, why begin like this? The answer follows, because all these milestones in

the development of the means of human communication brought profound implications for the whole

of mankind. As Briggs describes these effects in her work, printing facilitated the accumulation of

knowledge, the rise of the general literacy rate brought the proliferation of the vernacular languages

and enabled the formation of public opinion on a mass scale (2005: 13-61). The spread of telegraph

lines created the possibility of instant messaging, linked formerly isolated groups of people into one

coherent entity as well as contributed to urban growth (ibid: 100-51). The advent of wireless

communication and broadcasting in effect created a whole new source for obtaining information with

previously unseen immediacy, introduced greater educational and entertainment possibilities,

stimulated economic growth when acting as an ideal platform for mass advertising and finally created

whole new broadcast-related industries (ibid: 151-216). Television further enhanced these effects,

opening new informational, educational, entertainment and commercial possibilities, as well as

restructuring the relation of people towards time and space by bringing the entire world into our living

rooms (ibid: 151-216). Finally, the proliferation of digital technologies as means of communication

changed the relation of humans towards the world itself by transforming the mass audience into

segmented interconnected active audiences with the possibilities of participating and even shaping the

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global information flows on which today’s world became significantly dependent (ibid: 216-54). The

world shrunk.

Taking this brief outlook of recent history of communication into account, it can be claimed, as

Innis and McQuail imply, that the development of mankind itself is crucially related to the

development of the means of communication; a bold statement perhaps, but for a good reason (2007,

1999). Let us employ common logic for now, and begin with the widely repeated fact that man is a

social being. No matter how individualistic we may claim to be, we want the company of others, we

need the company of others and not just because we feel generally better surrounded by others rather

than being alone, but also because together we are stronger (DeVito, 2001: 249). From a civilization

standpoint, a collective is better equipped to deal with obstacles of the outside environment than a lone

individual. Collective existence then by its nature implies cooperation between the members of that

collective and cooperation logically rests on communication to facilitate it (Tuan, 2002). A successful

intra-collective transmission of information then increases the abilities of the whole community when

it comes to survival and development, with these two activities being interconnected, it can then be

stated that the more developed a collective/society is, the higher chances for survival it has, which then

further accentuates the pivotal role of communication as a mean of coordinating the societal

development. 1

The plausibility of this notion can be further substantiated by placing forward the concept that

the successful survival of any civilization is possible only through a concern with its limitations,

specifically through a concern with the limitations of its institutions (Innis, 2007: 22). The term

“institutions” hereby refers to broader societal structures, such as the state apparatus, religion, norms

and moral values, or worldview that act as the basic pillars of the society. For any civilization, it is

1 Intra-collective transmission of information refers to communication within a given collective; in other words, the

exchange of ideas, opinions and information going back and forth among the individual units that constitute the whole. If

the collective is to successfully deal with various tasks and/or problems it encounters, its members must reach a consensus

as to what is the best coping strategy and how to implement it (Tuan, 2002). Such consent is then generated by effective

discussion/communication among the collective members. The better such communication is, the higher the chances of

favorably solving whatever needs to be solved. If then such collective is a civilization whose primary purpose is to survive

and develop, an effective communication among the various institutions, groups and structures within that civilization then

increases its capabilities, thus providing better chances for a successful development leading to a successful survival.

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necessary to realize that these pillars are developed only to a certain extent, in other words there are

limitations, and any to attempt to use them beyond the boundary outlined by the level of societal

development can very well result in their collapse, and subsequently in the collapse of the entire

civilization. Therefore, to increase its overall functionality, the society must seek to constantly

improve and evolve its institutions, in other words, expanding their borders a bit further, which then

brings us back to the concept of greater development meaning better chances for survival. It is the

communication that forms the cornerstone of these institutions, as it acts as a crucial element for their

structure and operation (Innis, 2003: XVI). Thus, improvement in the means of communication means

the improvement of the institutions and consequently of the general standing of a given society.2 In

other words, a society thereby depends on the means of communication as a way of not only

expressing itself but more importantly as a way of functioning, as the necessity of transmitting the

general societal values, beliefs, power structures, patterns or traits to all members of a given society,

which is a process of utmost importance, is feasible only through a sophisticated and elaborated

communication network (McQuail, 1999: 21-2). Simply put, mankind must communicate to retain its

existence, and this need has been present since the dawn of humanity.

That brings forward an interesting point, which leads back to the brief look into the

communications history provided earlier, in which the implications and rapid progress of mankind

following the emergence of new means of mass communication were outlined. This entire process is

well documented in history. When discussing mass media along with its impact on human civilization,

we usually take the invention of the printing press as the point of emergence (McQuail, 1999: 33).

However, is that really true? After all, the human civilization did not begin in the 15th

century when

Gutenberg printed the Bible. Complex societies existed long before that, and since we sufficiently

demonstrated the importance of communication to societal development, it must be assumed that

2 As McQuail suggested, in modern times the means of communication, or in other words the media, became institutions

themselves in the form of mass media organizations and activities that operate in the public sphere and whose primary

purpose is the production and distribution of symbolic contents (1999: 32). Therefore, the means of communication not

only facilitate the operability of social institutions, but also they directly participate in shaping the social reality. This

notion further accentuates the significance of media, for if they were not as important as it is claimed, such unique standing

would be unnecessary.

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given the sophisticated nature of these societies an intricate network of means of communication on a

mass scale had to be present for these entities to develop as they did. In other words: “each epoch is

distinguished by dominant forms of media that absorb, record and transform information into systems

of knowledge consonant with the institutional power structure of the society in question” (Innis, 2003:

XVI). The media thereby transforms on a mass scale the loose sum of accumulated information of a

given society into a clearly structured order of knowledge in which the information can be better

articulated and used; in other words, the individual pieces of information can be linked to each other as

well as placed into larger contexts. Such transformation then transpires into a development of abstract

thought, societal progress, evolution of unified social reality and social stratification with distribution

of power among the various social strata. Since this process can be identified in the ancient societies, it

implies the existence of a media catalyst already at that time. Therefore the means of mass

communication3 are not of recent invention, but existed since the prehistoric tribal structures

transformed themselves into larger state units.

The terms “complex societies” or “larger state units” are used here as a reference to the various

ancient empires that emerged during the course of history, and by empires we mean “a sphere of

administration wider than that of the city-state and its immediate environs” (Hartwell, 2006). As

suggested previously, these administrative units should be of particular significance from a

3 The term mass communication, originated in 1930s, is in itself too broad to allow any exact universal definition to be

applied. The common sense understanding of this phenomenon sees mass communication as a process that encompasses

institutions and patterns through which specialized groups use the technological means to disseminate symbolic content

towards broad, heterogeneous, and widely diffused public (McQuail, 1999: 31). On more simple terms, the mass

communication can be defined as a process of creating shared meanings between the mass media and their audiences

(Baran, 2001: 6).

Being a broad field with various aspects, mass communication invites varying approaches in terms of study and

analysis. The general direction of research is threefold – structural, behavioral, and cultural (McQuail, 1999: 29). The

structural approach has its roots in sociology. Its primary concern is the media systems and organization and their relation

to the society (McQuail, 1999: 30). It thereby operates in the areas of history, politics or economics. The behavioral

approach is rooted, as the name might suggest, in psychology, and focuses on the human behavior when it comes to

selection, absorption and reaction to communicated messages (McQuail, 1999: 30). It thereby operates on the audience

side, studying the audience behavior and media impact. The final cultural approach originated in anthropology and

sociolinguistics. Its focal points lie in the message and its structure (ibid: 30). It thereby studies the message content, as

well as the devices and strategies used in its creation.

To do things justice, it is necessary to note that in this study we shall perceive the mass communication as a way

of communicating to large groups of people, the masses, via means used on a mass scale, with the purpose of transmitting a

variety of content ranging from abstract to concrete. We shall incline to both structural and cultural approach as we attempt

to analyze and describe the various means of mass communication and their messages in a broader context of historical

development of a given society.

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communication standpoint, since they represent the first possibility for the means of mass

communication to truly manifest themselves. As Innis suggested, the effective administration of large

territories is vitally dependent on the efficiency of communication (2007: 26). Furthermore, by taking

the Distance Concept4 into account, as presented in Falk, we can see that the situation is a bit more

complicated as distant communication must deal with not only the geographical distance that is the

spatial location of certain places, but also with the effort distance representing the economic and

political relations between various places within a given society and finally with the metaphorical

distance which stands for the socio-cultural interaction within the social entity (2006). Therefore, we

can conclude that efficient communication over certain distances must reach all the necessary places,

facilitate the creation and endurance of a unified power structure and ensure the proper transmission of

social and cultural norms and patterns. In recent history, given the invention of telegraph, broadcasting

or electronic media, all these functions can be more or less easily accomplished (Falk, 2006).

However, none of those means of communication were present during the ancient times, and yet these

empires covered vast territories under their governance and enjoyed prolonged existence, which leads

us back to the assumption of existence of ancient mass media though in a different form than what we

constitute now as being the means of mass communication.

That much said, I believe the validity and importance of attempting to identify and analyze

those ancient means of communication is sufficiently proved, with the purpose being to provide more

of a diachronic perspective to communications development, to see what the predecessors of current

mass media were, with what effects they had and what role they played. We may just find out that

despite their different appearance, they were not that far apart from their current successors.

4 Distance as defined by J. Wreford Watson is primarily a geographical concept of spatial relations between and locations

of individual places (Falk, 2006). For the purposes of this study, we are however using a broader interpretation by Thomas

Falk from the Stockholm School of Economics and Ronald Abler from the Pennsylvania State University that applies the

Distance Concept on the areas of technology and communication. The primary purpose of Falk’s and Abler’s paper is to

point out the necessity to move beyond mere geography as the distance itself has been significantly affected by

technological and communication development, and in turn include these changes in the geographical understanding of

Distance Concept.

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The Focal Point

To provide truly in-depth analysis and perspective, the most feasible approach means aiming

the focus on one specific ancient empire that would serve as a model and a case study for possible

general conclusions. In this case, that empire equates to the Ancient Egypt. The question then arises –

why this particular empire? The answer can be approached from two angles. In plain sight there is the

centuries-long fascination with the ancient Egyptian civilization. Those who ever stood in the

magnificent presence of the great pyramids would surely agree that one simply cannot help but wonder

as to what powerful and mysterious civilization Ancient Egypt must have been that it left such

impressive monuments behind; monuments that have endured until the present day. Under such an

intense impression it is hard to resist the urge to learn more about these people from the past who left

such a distinct imprint on the history of mankind.

As Vachala states in chapter 7 of his work Staří Egypťané, this mania about the Ancient Egypt

has a long tradition that traces its origins back to the incursion of Napoleon Bonaparte into Egypt

(2001: 221-3). First, a bit of historical context; by the 18th

century, Europe witnessed the establishment

of England and France as the two chief colonial superpowers. Under such circumstances it was only a

matter of before these two traditional rivals would get involved in yet another mutual conflict.

Following the pressing concerns of both sides about further expansion of the eastern colonial domain,

and the eradication of French presence in India by British forces during the Seven Years War,

Napoleonic France decided to strike a blow against Great Britain by taking control over the shortest

route to British India through the occupation of Egypt. Though initially successful, the entire

campaign ended after four years in a bitter defeat of the French expeditionary force. However, despite

such military failing, this campaign succeeded in bringing the Ancient Egypt into public attention

throughout Europe. When the French fleet set sail towards Egypt in May 19th

1798, Napoleon and his

troops were accompanied by 167 scholars and artists whose task was to thoroughly describe, study and

document everything available in the Nile valley (Vachala, 2001: 222). Upon their return to France,

this so-called “Egyptian committee” published from 1809 to 1828 a monumental literary piece named

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“The Description of Egypt” containing a total of 22 volumes, with five volumes being solely dedicated

to the remnants of Ancient Egypt (ibid: 222). In addition to that, Vachala notes, the French also

brought back with them one artifact of particular significance – the Rosetta Stone – that ultimately

provided the means of deciphering ancient hieroglyphic writing.

All this combined then sparked an unprecedented interest in everything connected with Egypt.

Those who could, traveled to Egypt – to visit the great pyramids and the Sphinx, to explore the ruined

temples and tombs, to lay their eyes on the ancient walls covered with hieroglyphs and try to

understand the meaning of the messages left there for us. This fascination, or even obsession if you

please, had an unfortunate darker side, which was a souvenir hunt on a mass scale. Many of those

visiting Egypt were not entirely satisfied by simply looking at the remnants of this ancient civilization,

as they also desired to have at least a mere fragment of it in their possession (Sphinx, 2007). As a

result of this rather aggressive tourism, many of the ancient sites were ransacked and many artifacts

disappeared into private collections never again to be known to the outside world (ibid). This interest

has endured till present times, fortunately in less dramatic form. Thus it is that archeologists are still

digging in the Egyptian desert to uncover the still hidden remains of this ancient civilization; historians

are meticulously analyzing the ancient artifacts to further deepen our understanding of the complex

fabric of the Pharaoh state; anthropologists and even forensic specialists are carefully studying the

mummified corpses of the ancient Egyptians to shed more light on the life and death of the Pharaohs.

Even the occultists and mystics are relentlessly trying to interpret ancient hieroglyphs in the hopes that

these fascinating symbols hold the key to the ultimate knowledge of the universe (Sphinx, 2007).

Simply put, Ancient Egypt keeps provoking our imagination and curiosity and it is highly plausible

that it will continue to do so in many years to come.

As stated earlier, there is a second angle to the answer as to why placing the focus on Ancient

Egypt. This said angle, more important for the purposes of this study, represents the communication

standpoint. From the perspective of communications and mass media development, the Pharaoh state

embodies an important milestone as it gave birth at that time to a completely new medium, the papyrus

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scroll (Innis, 2007: 32-45). To elaborate a bit further on the importance of such a breakthrough, we

must once again consult the Innisian concepts of communication, specifically those related to the

dimensions of time and space. As Innis suggested: “the way time and/or space are accentuated through

communication is a crucial factor in the rise of civilization and its eventual collapse” (2003: XVII).

Under this concept the media are thereby perceived as fitting into either of two specific

categories, the time-emphasizing media or the space-emphasizing media (Innis, 2007: 26). Those

media which place emphasis on time, such as clay or stone, are in terms of character heavy and

durable, and under such predispositions are well suited for usage in architecture or sculpture (ibid: 26).

In terms of state apparatus, the time-emphasizing media place the favor in decentralization and

hierarchical types of institutions. The space-emphasizing media, such as papyrus or paper, are quite

the contrary. As Innis suggests, they are light and portable, and thereby can be easily employed in

administration or trade (2007: 26). When it comes to the broader societal structure, this category

favors centralized organization with less hierarchical systems of government (ibid: 27). The state

dimension of these two categories can be easily illustrated by making a quick comparison of

Mesopotamia, where the Sumer empire dominated solely by the durable media never got past a loose

association of city states, with Egypt where the proliferation of papyrus brought the emergence of

centralized state with an absolute monarch at its core. It is safe to state then that papyrus had indeed

profound implications for Ancient Egypt. Furthermore it is also necessary to note that its qualities

were appreciated not only in Egypt, but elsewhere in the Ancient World, be it in Mesopotamia to a

certain limited degree, or to a more important degree in Rome (Innis, 2007: 32-138).

However, we must be careful not to place too much emphasis on papyrus. Yes, it means an

important step forward in the history of human communication. Yes, given its characteristics it could

easily cope with the distance issues outlined earlier and thereby became the administrative mass

medium. But (and I emphasize but) it was not the only mass medium of Ancient Egypt. The advent of

papyrus did not mean abandonment or termination of stone or clay as a medium and therein rests

another significance of Ancient Egypt from the communication perspective, as it presents a chance of

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studying the time-emphasizing media and the space-emphasizing media operating side by side. In fact,

the papyrus was a heavily restricted medium; we may even call it elitist. Its usage and thus the usage

of writing, was expressly limited to governmental, fiscal, magical and religious purposes (Innis, 2007:

37). As a consequence, literacy was not a widespread phenomenon on Ancient Egypt, but rather

remained entrenched among the priests and scribes, with the latter being established as a closed and

privileged class acting as a cornerstone of the central administration (ibid: 37). For the priesthood,

literacy became the key for accessing power and wealth.

Yet, both priests and the scribes represented only a small portion of the Egyptian society.

Beside them, there were the masses – the craftsmen, the farmers, the soldiers, the merchants, the

artists, the slaves and ordinary citizens. As outlined earlier, there was the need for the society to

transmit its values, beliefs and norms to its people. With papyrus being employed for other purposes,

different means of transmission had to be present and used. The question then seems to be, what kind

of means of mass communication were present at that time to act as these social transmitters. The

answer encompasses, first, the spoken word, as the oral tradition is clearly identifiable in Ancient

Egypt, being coined, apart from everyday conversations, in song, stories, fairy tales, morals, mythic

tales, or religious incantations; second, the time-emphasizing media of art and architecture, with

statues, murals, temples, pyramids, tombs, or obelisks; and finally third, the religion along with its

related activities of cult and rites (Verner et al., 1997). The ancient Egyptian mass media landscape

thereby begins to crystallize before our very eyes and thus let me encapsulate what was said here so

far about the ancient Egyptian means of mass communication. Those statements will also serve as

working hypotheses for the remainder of this study.

The claims are as follows: (1) Ancient Egypt represents a social entity with a developed fabric

of the means of mass communication. (2) Within its social structures, different media were employed

for different purposes, operating inside the framework of two main dimensions – the state

administration and transmission of social norms, values and beliefs. (3) In the case of state apparatus,

the papyrus scroll acted as the chief administrative mass medium that given its characteristics

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successfully facilitated communication and consequent governance over large distances. The

proliferation of papyrus then had profound implications for Egyptian society, with priesthood

enhancing its power due to literacy and scribes emerging as a distinct elite social stratum. (4) Within

the sphere of socialization, several media acted as the main transmitters – namely the spoken language,

art and architecture, religious ceremonies and burial rites. Verbal communication passed on the social

norms, values and beliefs to the people chiefly through storytelling; art and architecture provided the

means for preserving the Egyptian civilization legacy and at the same time acted as powerful

instruments of state propaganda; religion and its ceremonies acted as instruments for communicating

Egyptian cosmogony to the masses. (5) Given their nature, employment and impact, all those means of

communication can be labeled as mass media from our perspective today.

In the following chapters and sections we will embark on an in-depth journey into the land of

the Pharaohs. At first we shall take a brief moment to get ourselves properly acquainted with Ancient

Egypt and its historical development; all that will constitute the first chapter of this study. In chapter

two we will analyze the Egyptian language, both spoken and written, in terms of its characteristics,

genesis and usage. Chapter three will encompass the analysis of the remaining Egyptian social

transmitters – art, architecture, and activities. Finally, we will conclude with discussing further the

implications of ancient mass media, along with a general comparison of ancient and modern media

landscapes.

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Chapter One

The Empire

The Nile Valley

Before initiating the analysis of the ancient Egyptian means of mass communication, it is

prudent to get better acquainted with the civilization that created them, including its historical

development. As Vachala tells us in chapter 1 of Mír na Nilu, when we speak of Ancient Egypt, we

usually mean a civilization that developed during the prehistoric and ancient times in the narrow valley

and wide delta of river Nile (1997: 11-9). The conditions for such a civilization outburst began to form

about 25 000 years ago, when the geological processes in Northeast Africa connected the river Nile

with the rainfall outflow system of the volcanic Ethiopian highland. The melting of snow in spring,

along with heavy rainstorms in this area, then initiated regular flooding of the Nile from June to

September that reached as far as the river delta. According to Vachala, these periodic floods had

profound importance for this area as the waters brought fertile black soil along, which enabled

advancement of agriculture around 7th

millennium B.C. that served as the basis for the latter ancient

Egyptian empire. It is no wonder then that the importance of Nile-based agriculture resulted in a

special relationship between the people and the river, which led the Greek historian Herodotus to call

Egypt “The Gift of the Nile”. Indeed, the periodicity of Nile floods set the pace of Egyptian life. As

Vachala states, the river dictated the time of sowing and the time of harvest during individual flood

cycles, as well as the time when the people could be relocated as workforce elsewhere, for example to

build the monuments of the Pharaohs, which occurred during the floods when the fields were

submerged. This relationship and dependency of ancient Egyptians on the life-giving nature of Nile

led consequently to the perception of the river as a divine entity and a subject of worship. It is also

interesting to note that the word “Kemet” used as a name for the whole area of Nile valley from the

cataracts to the delta also reflects this unique symbiosis, as it means in translation “The Black Land”

and thereby stands for a reference to the fertile black soil that was regularly brought during the floods

(Vachala, 1997: 11-9).

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The sharp opposite to the life-flourishing shores of Nile was the so-called Dešret, the Red

Land; a term used by the ancient Egyptians to name the deserts extending both east and westwards

from the Nile valley (ibid: 11-9). The Egyptian mind perceived these vast dune seas stretching as far

as the eye can see as a source of grave danger. In plain reality, the sand drifts were constantly

threatening to devour the fertile soil, the deserts were home to wild predators and savage tribes, as well

as a place from where a full-scale invasion of Egypt could come at any time. On a more abstract level,

Vachala suggests, the deserts represented a sphere of chaos, evil and death; the realm of the deity

Sutech, who gradually became the embodiment of these negative principles. Despite such perception,

the Egyptians regularly entered these hostile grounds. The Eastern Arabic Desert had an important

economic dimension attached. It was not only a prime source of stone and various ores for the Pharaoh

state, but also contained trade routes to its eastern edge, where the desert meets the Red Sea, on which

the Egyptians built a number of ports connecting Egypt with the land of Punt located on the Somalian

coast of Eastern Africa (Vachala, 1997: 11-9). The Western Libyan Desert was significant mainly

from a mythological standpoint, as it was the domain of the dead and a place where the Sun “died” at

dusk. It is then of little surprise that the bulk of the ancient Egyptian necropolises, be it the Valley of

Kings, Sakkara, Abuser or Giza, were situated on the western shore of the Nile. Interestingly however,

this land of the dead was not dead at all. The Libyan Desert contains a chain of oases spreading from

north to south, all of which were during the ancient times inhabited and under direct control of Ancient

Egypt. The most famous of those was the Siva oasis, where the Oracle of god Amon resided (ibid: 11-

9). Thus, we can see a clear distinction between these two areas. As the Sun passed away on the West

entering the Underworld, so the land was devoted to spiritual matters. As the Sun rose again on the

East in its rebirth, bringing new day and metaphorically new life, so the land provided wealth and

resources to Egypt and was thereby entitled to the economic role.

To do things justice when describing the Ancient Egypt, we must also consider two adjacent

geographic regions. The first one is Nubia, present-day Sudan. This southern neighbor was in the

scope of Egyptian attention for many centuries mainly for economic reasons, as the land was a source

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of precious commodities, specifically gold, slaves, cattle, wild animals, animal skins, ivory, ebony,

mineral ores and precious stones and oils (Vachala, 1997: 11-9). With such a diversified portfolio of

resources, the importance of Nubia for Egypt is unquestionable. This high degree of economic

importance consequentially meant that Egypt repeatedly sought to gain greater control over these lands

to ensure the steady influx of this merchandise fueling the Egyptian economy. Such attempts

culminated during the rein of the 18th

dynasty, when the sovereign Nubian empire was conquered by

Egypt and the whole land became an Egyptian province for the following 500 years (ibid: 11-9).

The second region worthy of mentioning is the Sinai Peninsula. Its southwestern part attracted

the Egyptian presence solely because of the vast mineral deposits of copper, turquoise, azurite and

malachite. Since the Old Kingdom the whole area thus witnessed countless Egyptian expeditions sent

there by the Pharaoh to mine the ores; expeditions that left behind a fascinating collection of

inscriptions carved into the rocks of the Sinai mountains serving as the “we were there” signs

(Vachala, 1997: 11-9). The northern part of Sinai was significant mainly because of the so-called Road

of Horus leading to southern Palestine. In ancient times this route was frequently used for diplomatic,

trade, or military purposes. Nine wells and water reservoirs were situated all along the route to help the

passing travelers quench their thirst. The safety on the road was ensured by eleven Egyptian

strongholds (ibid: 11-9). With the exception of the naval ports at Nile delta, it was the Road of Horus

that represented for Egypt a gateway to the rest of the Ancient World and vice versa, since the chief

partners and/or rivals of Egypt, such as Phoenicia, Babylonia, Assyria, or Persia were all situated in

the Near East region.

Chronicles of the Sands of Time

The unification of Egypt into a coherent centralized state unit was not something that would

happen overnight, but rather a continuous process that had started already during the prehistoric times

and culminated in the 4th

millennium B.C. (Vachala, 1997: 23). At that time the land was imaginarily

divided into two distinct regions – the northern Lower Egypt that encompassed the Nile delta and the

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surrounding areas, inhabited by settled farmers and the southern Upper Egypt that contained a portion

of the Nile valley with the adjacent deserts, populated by hunters and nomads. The merging impulse

came from Upper Egypt. At the turn of the 4th

and 3rd

millennium B.C. the local rulers of Upper

Egyptian settlements of Cinev, Abydos, and Hierakonpolis accumulated enough power to begin an

expansive incursion northwards. Especially the kings of Hierakonpolis took the leading role in

unifying Ancient Egypt under one banner. At first, the king we know only as Scorpion managed to

extend his control over Egyptian lands as far as to the area of present-day Cairo (Vachala, 1997: 23).

By 3100 B.C. the successors of king Scorpion, kings Narmer and Aha, effectively gained control over

the entire delta, thus completing the merge of two regions. This important milestone in the history of

Ancient Egypt is well-documented on the so called Palette of Narmer, an oval stone tablet covered by

figural imagery and inscriptions that commemorate the king’s conquest of the Nile delta (Verner et al.,

1997: 308-309).

With both parts of Egypt now standing as one, the stage was set for an impressive civilization

development. On former borders of Upper and Lower Egypt a new capital city named the White

Walls, or Mennofer, was built as the seat of the king, who now ruled as an absolute monarch over the

entire Egypt (Vachala, 1997: 23). The state was divided into 42 provinces called noms and governed

by a central administrative apparatus that had its member initially selected by the monarch, mainly

from his own family. As Vachala states, this administration was led by a vizier, who orchestrated the

collection of taxes, acted as the chief judge, and supervised all state builds. It is necessary to note that

by this time the Egyptians already possessed the knowledge of writing and the calendar. Thus began

the Old Kingdom, a period also known as the era of the builders of pyramids. The true founder of this

first centralized state on the Egyptian soil is considered to be the Pharaoh Djoser of the 3rd

dynasty,

who initiated the construction of the first pyramid, stepped shaped, on the necropolis of Saqqara (ibid:

24). It was indeed an ambitious project, as for the first time in human history stone was used for

construction purposes on a truly massive scale. The reign of Djoser was a period of general prosperity

for Egypt. Various aspects of Egyptian civilization, be it art, crafts, mathematics, astronomy or

Šmejkal 16

geodesy, all thrived to unprecedented levels. The Old Kingdom reached its climax during the

subsequent reign of the 4th

dynasty, when the Pharaohs Chufu, Rachef and Menkaure constructed the

most famous edifices of Ancient Egypt, the monumental pyramids of Giza. The land retained its

prosperity for the following two dynasties, but when the reign of 6th

dynasty was coming to an end, a

vast economic and social crisis steadily settled in, hallmarked by the disproportionate increase of

expenditures for construction of royal tombs, disintegration of central government, administration, and

the overall decline in agricultural production (Vachala, 1997: 25-26). By 2155 B.C. the Egyptian

civilization thereby entered what historians call the First Intermediary Period, an epoch of state-wide

regression and anarchy during which the eastern part of the Nile delta was repeatedly attacked and

captured by Asian nomads.

The time of chaos lasted for approximately six decades. It was only after the 9th

and the 10th

dynasties established their reigns, when Egypt began to enjoy a renewed ascension. Around 2040 B.C.,

Pharaoh Mentuhotep II. successfully reunited the land, thus giving birth to the second centralized state

in ancient Egyptian history, the Middle Kingdom (Vachala, 1997: 26). The capital city was moved

from Mennofer to Veset that became an important religious center for entire Egypt. Further positive

development occurred during the 12th

dynasty. Amenemhet I. initiated the construction of a large

system of strongholds know as the King’s Walls to secure the northern borders of Egypt, as well as

dispatched armies against the tribes in the Libyan desert, and made several incursions into Nubia to

gain valuable resources; another king, Amenemhet II.5, established a profitable trade with Punt, Asia

Minor and Crete; and the last of the notable Pharaohs of the 12th

dynasty, Senvosret III., made a

significant administrative reform that transferred the power from the rulers of individual provinces

back to the hands of the king (ibid: 27-29). Thus, Egypt was once again centralized and prosperous.

However, the development of the Middle Kingdom was abruptly cut short, this time not because of an

interior crisis, but because of an external factor. In the first half of the 17th

century B.C. Egypt was

5 It is interesting to note that Amenemhet II. was not a direct successor of Amenmhet I., though his name suggests

otherwise.

Šmejkal 17

attacked by Hyksos, a Semitic tribe from Asia Minor (Vachala, 1997: 30). Thanks to new types of

weaponry and sophisticated military tactics, the Hyksos quickly managed to defeat Egyptian armies

and conquer the entire Nile delta. Once done, the invaders founded their own imperial dynasty in the

delta region, which resided within the citadel of Avaris that served as the center of Hyksos power in

Egypt and was probably located somewhere in the eastern part of Nile delta (Verner et al., 1997: 151).

During the time the Hyksos spent in Egypt, they absorbed numerous aspects of Egyptian culture and at

the same time transmitted few novelties of their own to the Egyptians, mainly in the area of military

technologies. Those innovations, specifically horse-driven war chariots, composite bows, bronze

swords, sabers and axes, significantly contributed to the downfall of Hyksos as the Egyptians were

quick to use those against them (Vachala, 1997: 31). The birthplace and center of anti-Hyksos

resistance was the Upper Egyptian city of Veset, former capital of the Middle Kingdom that managed

to retain some degree of independence after the Hyksos conquest of Lower Egypt.

Thus, when the 18th

dynasty was founded, Pharaoh Ahmose successfully banished the Hyksos

invaders from Egypt, reunited once again the Upper and Lower Egypt, regained control over Nubia

and Sinai and thereby laid the foundations for the third centralized state in Egypt that bears the name

the New Kingdom (ibid: 33). Central administration was renewed and a new group of state officials

was selected to help the Pharaoh govern the land. The reign of Ahmose also witnessed a sharp increase

in power and significance of the cult of god Amon. As Vachala explains, though being initially a local

god worshiped by the rulers of Veset, Amon was appointed the chief deity of the entire New Kingdom,

for it was the kings of Veset who defeated the Hyksos and who attributed their victory to Amon’s

divine intervention. This religious development later influenced significantly the nature of the whole

kingdom. When Ahmose was succeeded by his son Amenhotep I. a new impulse was given to the

Egyptian culture, as the new Pharaoh gathered around him a large group of artists, architects and

scholars and granted them more than favorable conditions for their intellectual and creative pursuits

(ibid: 33). The followers of Amenhotep I., Pharaohs Thutmose I. and Thutmose III., turned their

attention to large-scale expansion. The Egyptian armies marched southwards deep into Nubia, as well

Šmejkal 18

as northeastwards into Palestine and Syria. Thus, when Thutmose IV. succeeded Thutmose III.

Ancient Egypt was now truly an empire, an ancient superpower stretching from the fourth Nile

cataract to the shores of the river Euphrates (Vachala, 1997: 35-36). The following Pharaohs

Thutmose IV. and Amenhotep III. further accentuated the Egyptian foreign affairs, but this time

through peaceful means of politically arranged marriages with Babylonia and the Mitanni Empire.

The reign of Amenhotep III. also witnessed quite an alarming interior development. At that

time, the construction of the temple complex in Karnak, dedicated to god Amon, reached its climax,

thereby making the structure the largest temple in the Ancient world. Such an event signified the

increasing status and influence of the Amon priesthood to a point at which the clergy contested the

Pharaoh for power (ibid: 39). A resolute attempt to combat this unsettling development arose from the

Pharaoh Amenhotep IV., who initiated and advanced a vast and indeed a revolutionary religious

reform. Amenhotep IV. renounced the entire pantheon of Egyptian gods and established a worship of a

single universal deity named Aton, the Solar Disc (Vachala, 1997: 39-40). The Pharaoh proclaimed

himself the only son of Aton, harbinger of Aton’s will and the sole mediator between the god and the

people. To further substantiate his conversion, Amenhotep changed his name to Achnaton, which can

be translated as “the embodiment of Aton” or “the one who is of benefit to Aton”, as well as founded a

new capital city of Achetaton, meaning “Aton’s horizon” (ibid: 41). However, this first and last

Egyptian experiment with actual monotheism outlived its founder for but a brief period of time. When

Achnaton died, the suppressed cult of Amon began to rise once again and the inauguration of

Tutanchamon, Achnaton’s son-in-law, in the 14th

century B.C. meant a symbolic swan song for Aton

and his worshipers (ibid: 43). Nevertheless, the dissolution of Aton’s cult can hardly be attributed to

the Pharaoh himself, as Tutanchamon was just a young boy when enthroned. The real person behind

such act was the High Priest Aje, who de facto ruled in Tutachamon’s stead. During his reign, Aje

successfully revived the Egyptian polytheism, abandoned Ahcetaton as the empire’s capital and

transferred the central authority back to Mennofer, Vachala contends. One can indeed say that the

Egyptian priesthood saw a dream fulfilled, for the land was now ruled by one of them in a theocratic

Šmejkal 19

manner. At the end of his rule, Aje, without an heir of his own, chose his long time supporter

Haremheb, the chief commander of Egyptian armies, as a successor to the throne (Vachala, 1997: 44).

Haremheb focused on the economic and administrative restoration of the empire and issued a new

legislature codex, the so-called Laws of Haremheb, which was severely punishing corruption. Foreign

affairs-wise, Egypt experienced a bit of decline, as revolts in Palestine and Syria terminated Egyptian

control over these lands and furthermore, Egypt got into conflict with the Hittite empire.

Haremheb then passed the kingship to one of his loyal military officers, named Paramesse, who

in 1350 B.C. sat on the Egyptian throne as Ramesse I., founder of the 19th

dynasty (ibid: 47). This

dynastic period along with the subsequent one is called by historians the Ramessean Era and

represents the last greatest epoch of Ancient Egypt. Ramesse’s son Setchi I. managed to stabilize the

empire both internally and externally. As the cities of Mennofer, Veset, Abydos, or Iven began to

thrive once again, Setchi reconquered Syria to regain what once belonged to Egypt. In 1289 B.C.

Setchi was succeeded by Ramesse II. This young Pharaoh began his rule by focusing on internal

matters. At first he confirmed or, where necessary, replaced key state officials to ensure the stability of

the government structure. Religion-wise, Ramesse granted greater privileges to the clergy of the Sun

god Re, whom he worshiped, but at the same time confirmed the unique status of the still powerful

cult of Amon (Vachala, 1997: 48). By this sophisticated maneuvering the Pharaoh sought to keep the

priesthood content and not causing any major trouble for the king. Ramesse II. is also remembered as a

great builder. As examples of monuments created during his reign we can mention the mountain

temple of Abu Simbel located southwards from present-day Aswan and a majestic metropolis Per

Ramesse, meaning “the City of Ramesse”, which served as the new capital (ibid: 49-51). On the

international scene, the Egyptian king initiated a large military campaign against the Hittites, who yet

again challenged the Egyptian presence in Syria after the death of Setchi I. The combat operations

culminated in 1285 B.C. when Ramesse II. decided to assault, besiege and conquer the Hittite

stronghold Kadeš (ibid: 59). Against him stood the Hittite king Muvatalliš with the full force of his

armies. After an intense fight, with fortune constantly shifting from one side to the other, the battle

Šmejkal 20

ended indecisively. With neither side being able to defeat the other, space was given to negotiation.

The result was the first documented peace treaty between two nations in the history of mankind (ibid:

76-77). The years following this momentous act were hallmarked by vivid diplomatic relations

between Egypt and Hittites that even resulted in an official state visit of the Hittite king in Egypt.

The reign of Ramesse II. was the terminal golden age of the ancient Egyptian civilization. The

successors of Ramesse II. had to deal with a sudden and devastating invasion of the so-called Sea

Nations coming probably from the area of the Black Sea (Vachala, 1997: 133). These invaders

annihilated the Hittite empire and ravaged Asia Minor and the Eastern Mediterranean. Egypt however

withstood their attack. Ramesse III. of the 20th

dynasty managed to defeat the attacking hordes and

retain the strength of the Egyptian state (ibid: 136). On the other hand, the rule of Ramesse III.

witnessed an internal decline. As Vachala substantiates, the economic situation worsened, corruption

became widespread and prices of food sharply increased. All this resulted in state-wide public

discontent, strikes and even a conspiracy against the Pharaoh himself which ended up in the

assassination of Ramesse III. To make things worse, especially for the Egyptian state treasury, the

proliferation of iron demoted the importance of numerous copper mines in Egypt, thereby causing a

serious cutback of state income. Furthermore, the entire reign of 20th

dynasty was marked by a steady

transfer of power from the Pharaoh and chief state officials to the priesthood and the Nubian viceroy,

who acted as an Egyptian overseer in the conquered Nubia (Vachala, 1997: 138). In consequence, the

state lost a unified political and military leadership. In 1090 B.C. the land was desolated by civil war

and famine, after which the kingdom became fragmented into minor territories controlled by local

rulers.

It was only after the Pharaohs of the 26th

dynasty established their reign, Egypt was

consolidated once again (ibid: 139). This period brought a renewed stability, as well as frequent

contacts with Ancient Greece. However, in 525 B.C. the empire was conquered by Persians and

despite the fact that Egypt managed to regain independence in 404 B.C., in 343 B.C. the Persians

returned and conquered the land for the second time (ibid: 140). This second occupation was

Šmejkal 21

terminated by the military intervention of Alexander of Macedon in 332 B.C. This year serves as a

milestone for us, as it concludes the history of a uniquely Egyptian civilization. Since then the history

of Egypt was written by others, namely by Greeks, Romans and later Arabs.

Šmejkal 22

Chapter Two

Language of Nile

Spoken out loud, written down

With the historical context set, we can submerge into the analysis of individual means of mass

communication in Ancient Egypt. Our starting point will be the most obvious communication

instrument – the language, which for the sake of clarity shall be distinguished into verbal and textual

form. Such logical division however brings a certain rather problematic issue that is important to note

and that stands for insufficiency of conclusive evidence of extensive oral tradition in Ancient Egypt. In

simple terms, we cannot clearly validate whether the Egyptians indulged themselves to a significant

degree in the art of rhetoric as for example the Greeks did. As will be presented later on, there is only a

limited understanding regarding the nature of the spoken Egyptian. The language itself is long dead,

which means that despite our decryption of the writing system, there is no-one to confirm whether our

pronunciation of the Egyptian words is truly correct (Davies, 2002: 5-9).

The study of Ancient Egyptian is solely based on the written remnants of the language that

endured till present times. The impressive amount of texts left behind, ranging across genres from

literary to non-literary, can easily lead to question what the dominant form of this historic tongue was -

spoken or written – when it comes to acting as a true mass medium. Of course, we can logically

assume with certainty that the spoken Egyptian was used in everyday matters; people simply talked to

each other. Yet, which form was more exploited in case of the typical mass media functions, that is, in

transmitting the social values, norms and beliefs, in creating the shared understanding of social reality,

as an arena for public affairs, or as means of entertainment (McQuail, 2002: 21)? Rephrasing this

question, was the written Egyptian a mass medium in terms of these functions, whereas the language

was a merely an instrument for idle conversation, or was it vice versa, or do both exhibit the mass

medial traits? The richness of the inscribed relics speaks for the latter variant, yet the nature of some of

these texts and the suspected literacy rate in Ancient Egypt indicates the predominance of the spoken

form.

Šmejkal 23

Literacy in Ancient Egypt

According to the archeological and historical research, widespread mass literacy among the

ordinary population of Egypt seems highly improbable (Davies, 2002: 33-5). Given the authorship

identified in certain texts, the creation of written documents along with a direct access to writing was a

privilege restricted to the educated elite of the Egyptian state. Such elite stratum was composed of the

Pharaoh and his family, the priesthood, high-level state officials and professional scribes.

Consequentially, the general literacy rate is estimated to hold the value of less then 1% of the entire

population. Ordinary Egyptians were either completely illiterate, or possessed merely the ability of

writing down their name. In case of more complicated matters, a visit to a scribe was necessary

(Davies, 2002: 33-5).

Despite its low augmentation, literacy was held at a very high esteem in Egypt. As Davies

explains, it allowed advancing socially to the upper classes of Egyptian civil hierarchy, as well as

professionally to the top state offices and well-rewarded careers (2002: 33-5). Simply put, literacy

significantly increased one’s chances of accumulating power, wealth, position and influence in the

empire. Being a necessity for anyone with political or professional ambitions, the way to gain literacy

skills was through the Egyptian educational institutions. Of course, the educational system back then

was in no way as elaborate as it is now. Mandatory school attendance never existed and the general

approach to education differed from era to era. In the Old Kingdom, it was the father who educated his

children, both in his craft as well as in general knowledge (Verner et al., 1997: 422). The real schools

appeared during the Middle Kingdom. The children entered these institutions at five to ten years of age

and were taught by scribe. Should we decide to make a parallel to the current levels of education, then

the Egyptian schools were by character the elementary schools of today. Children studied only what

they needed for their future occupation and the length of studies depended solely on the child’s ability

to master the subjects (Verner et al., 1997: 422). As Verner further states, typical Egyptian curriculum

consisted in its core of reading, writing and mathematics, with some more advanced subjects added,

Šmejkal 24

such as geography. Further education was gained solely by practice, as no advanced schools existed in

Egypt.

The Speech of Kings, Elites and Common Folk

The Ancient Egyptian is one of the oldest documented languages and was continually used for

approximately 4000 years. To the regret of all the researches the language disappeared during the

Middle Ages when the Muslim expansion introduced Arabic as the official language on conquered

territories, Egypt included (Davies, 2002: 5-9). The last remnants of Egyptian can be found in the

liturgy of the Coptic Christian Church, yet from those the true character of Ancient Egyptian can

hardly be reconstructed. Linguistically speaking the Ancient Egyptian belongs to the Afro-Asiatic

language family and is closely related to Semitic languages, such as Aramaic, Hebrew or Arabic, in

terms of grammar or vocabulary (Davies, 2002: 5-9). Such resemblance indicates a common

prehistoric origin for all these language, from which Egyptian diversified as a separate branch

sometime during the period from 12 000 B.C. to 6000 B.C. Whether the Egyptians themselves sought

to explore the depths of their language remains unclear, as not a single written grammar of Ancient

Egyptian was found (Davies, 2002: 5-9).

According to research based on the historical development of the Egyptian writing system, we

can identify five evolutionary stages of the language itself: (1) Old Egyptian, spoken in the epoch of

the Old Kingdom. (2) Classic Egyptian, spoken during the First Intermediary Period, the Middle

Kingdom and the Second Intermediary Period. It was also used during the New Kingdom for literary

texts. Structure-wise Classic Egyptian is similar to Old Egyptian. (3) New Egyptian, initially a

colloquial dialect around the city of Veset that was ordained as the official state language during the

reign of Pharaoh Achnaton (Amenhotep IV.). The language differs from the previous two types

especially in its morphology. (4) Demotic Egyptian, spoken from the beginning of the reign of the 26th

dynasty to the end of the Roman period and instituted in relation to the transition from hieratic to the

demotic system of writing. (5) Coptic Egyptian, used from the 3rd

century A.D. by the Egyptian

Šmejkal 25

followers of Christianity. It is the only stage of Egyptian with known vocal structure and dialects. The

Coptic Egyptian then can be divided according to two main dialects into Sahid branch, which was a

standard literary dialect originally from Veset or Mennofer used till the 10th

century A.D. and the

Bohair branch, formerly a dialect of the western Nile delta that became the official version of Coptic

Egyptian in the 11th

century A.D. (Davies, 2002: 5-9) (Verner et al., 1997: 186).

Besides the obvious conversational purpose, we can also postulate that the Egyptian language

was employed to a greater degree to transmit various symbolic contents to the Egyptian folk. This

aspect of social transmitter manifested itself in a number of fictional genres that, albeit being written

down on papyri, were clearly intended for reading out loud or recitation to a wider audience. Apart

from the artistic value, the majority of the texts carry a deeper social meaning. One such popular genre

was the hymnic poetry that found its purest embodiment in two monumental hymns. The first one is

the “Hymn for Nile”, a poem of 14 verses composed in Classic Egyptian (Verner et al., 1997: 237).

The content glorifies the river Nile as a personification of fertility and as a guarantee of wealth and

prosperity for the land and its people. Furthermore, the hymn contains a proclamation to the people of

Egypt to worship the Nine Gods6 and be helpful and obedient to the Pharaoh (Verner et al., 1997:

237). Such appeal reflects the concept of close relation between the king and his authority on the one

side and the periodical Nile floods on the other. The second most popular is the “Hymn for Sun”,

which is dated to the New Kingdom, specifically to the times of the Achnaton’s religious reform

(Verner et al, 1997: 237). The hymn is a glorification of the god Aton as the creator of the world,

granter of life, light and love. Its authorship is attributed to the Pharaoh himself. Besides the high

esthetic value of the verses, the Hymn for Sun is also a textbook example of New Egyptian language.

Another frequently exploited genre was songs and lyrics. Ancient Egyptians indeed had an

impressive repertoire of songs for various opportunities, such as labor songs, entertaining songs, court

6 The term “Nine” refers to a group of Egyptian deities, whose mythology explained the creation of the world, and the

essential principles of cosmos. Over the course of history there were numerous Nines created by priests all across Egypt in

the important religious centers, such as Veset, Mennofer, or Abydos. The oldest Nine was created in the times of the Old

Kingdom by the priesthood of Heliopolis, and comprised the following deities: Atum (the creator), Šu (the symbol of air),

Tefnut (the symbol of humidity), Geb (the earth), Nut (the heaven), Usirev (the underworld), Eset (life), Nebthet (guardian

of the dead), and Sutech (chaos) (Verner et al.: 1997: 176-7).

Šmejkal 26

songs, religious and cult songs and many more (ibid: 225-6). During performances, the singers were

usually accompanied by a wide range of instruments, whether they be drums, flutes, harps, horns, or

lyres. As an example we can take the so-called “Harpist’s Song”. True origins of this song are

unknown to us, yet we do know that it was frequently performed in the Ramessean Era during

celebrations, feasts, or requiems in the necropolis of Veset (ibid: 208). Content-wise, the song tells

about the transience of life and inevitability of death and encourages the listeners to enjoy the earthly

delights, basically while they still can. A unique branch of Egyptian lyrics are the love songs. These

were usually sung or recited by professional chantresses during banquets at the houses or gardens of

wealthy Egyptians (ibid: 297). Whether these were chanted by ordinary folk as well we cannot say

with certainty. Egyptian love songs vary greatly in themes and types. There is for example a so called

descriptive love song, which as its name suggests glorifies the characteristics and appearance of the

beloved person, or a morning love song, which was suitable when lovers parted ways after a night

spent together. In all cases, the authors of these chants remain anonymous.

Parallel to these poetic genres, the Egyptian culture also projected an extensive proliferation of

prose, especially in the genres of fables, tales and short stories (Verner et al., 1997: 273). In the case of

fables, these displayed the usual characteristics of being highly allegorical and carrying a strong moral

message. The oldest recorded fable comes from the New Kingdom and discusses an argument between

the head and the body about which one of those is superior to and more important than the other (ibid:

154). Considering tales and short stories, we can see a great diversity of themes. Some of those reflect

the Egyptian mythological conceptions, such as the “Tale of two brothers” that is based on the myth of

death and rebirth of the god of fertility (ibid: 323). Others have an actual historical background, as for

example the story named “Of the feud between Sekenenre and Apopi”, which takes place during the

Hyksos occupation of Egypt. Generally speaking, many Egyptian tales were assimilated by other

cultures, or served as an inspiration for their own fictional creations. Trace of ancient Egyptian tales

can for instance be found in the famous Arabic “One Thousand and One Nights” stories (Verner et al.,

Šmejkal 27

1997: 323). The most famous Egyptian story is the “Tale of Sinuhet”7. The narrative takes place in the

Middle kingdom during the reign of the 12th

dynasty and describes the adventures of an Egyptian

official named Sinuhet (ibid: 355). The plot begins with a conspiracy against the Pharaoh Amenemhet

I. that is to result in the king’s untimely demise. One such meeting of the future assassins is

accidentally overheard by Sinuhet, who, after the Pharaoh is indeed killed, is forced to flee Egypt in

fear of his own life. In foreign lands he undergoes many hardships and even finds himself near death,

but thanks to his wisdom and strength Sinuhet is able to survive, defeat his enemies, gain wealth and

power and finally return home thanks to the wish of the new Pharaoh (Verner et al., 1997: 355).

Purpose-wise, this tale has a political-propagandistic character. It presents the listener or reader

basically a role model of an ideal Egyptian state official gifted with all the important virtues; an idol to

be emulated by all those who enter state services. Furthermore, this narration serves to clear the

Pharaoh Senvosret I. of any suspicion regarding his possible involvement in the death of his father

Amenemhet I. (Verner et al., 1997: 355).

Though it may appear that the Egyptian poetry and prose served to lionize the Egyptian state,

its dogma, or elites, the truth is that criticism was also widely employed, mainly in the form of so-

called “complaints” or “laments”. Topic-wise, various matters were criticized in the ancient times,

ranging from conditions in the empire, over conduct of certain individuals, to more abstract

philosophical or metaphysical levels. As an illustration, we can take the “Conversation of man with his

own soul”, which is a fictional dialogue about the meaning of life, afterlife and about the reasons for

the complex burial rites (ibid: 382). For the first time in Egyptian history, the meaning and

significance of burial and mortuary cult are subjected to doubts and scrutiny. Another famed piece is

the “Complaints of the eloquent villager”; a tale composed in Classic Egyptian, created sometime

between the 9th

and 10th

dynasty (ibid: 416). The hero of this narration is a common man of the land,

who dwells in an oasis. One day he embarks to the city to sell his goods for crops and food. During his

journey however, he is tricked and robbed by an official named Nemteinachte. When the countryman

7 It is necessary to note that this Egyptian tale is in no way related to the novel “Egyptian Sinuhet” by Mika Waltari.

Šmejkal 28

arrives at the city, he visits Nemteinachte’s superior, the chief administrator Rensi, and asks for

justice. As Verner suggests, the purpose of this tale was twofold. On one hand it served as

denouncement of conditions within the Egyptian judiciary and on the other hand it praised the value of

eloquent rhetoric (1997: 416).

To complete the traditional triad of fiction, that is, the poetry, prose and drama, we must also

consider the Egyptian theatre. Though ancient dramatic works are usually associated with Greece,

these are detectable in Ancient Egypt as well. A number of old religious texts contain fragments of

unspecified dramatic scripts. A complete dramatic text was preserved in only one case of the play

called “The Victory of god Hor”, which was carved onto the western perimeter wall of the temple of

Edfu around 110 B.C. (Verner et al., 1997: 177). The play is written in Classic Egyptian, with

elements of New and Coptic Egyptian. It is composed of a prologue, three acts and an epilogue.

Theme-wise, the plot reflects on an older series of myths about the god Usirev, his son Hor and their

war with the god Sutech. The play itself was performed every year at the temple of Edfu during the

celebrations of the Victory festival that commemorated the mythical defeat of Sutech by Hor (Verner

et al., 1997: 177). Given the fact that Sutech often acted as a personification of foreign invaders, and at

that time Egypt was under Greek influence, it is plausible that the purpose of this play was to reinforce

the Egyptian national spirit.

In the Name of Thovt

As we noted in the very first section of this chapter, the Egyptian language is known to us

solely from the preserved written records. It is therefore apt to encapsulate the genesis of the Egyptian

writing system, which also underwent several evolutionary stages corresponding to the development of

the spoken form. The first writ developed in the Nile valley was the famed hieroglyphic scripture that

has its origins in the second half of the 4th

millennium B.C. (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). It is still

questioned whether it was a system of purely Egyptian origin or whether its basis was adapted from

elsewhere and then reformed to fit the Egyptian needs. The chief hypothesis advancing the latter

Šmejkal 29

possibility indicates that part of the writ came from Sumer and Elam, which were the first to develop a

concise writing system (Davies, 2002: 50-1). According to the Egyptians themselves, the writing was a

divine gift from the god Thovt, who was considered to be the inventor of scripture, the scribe of all the

gods and the deity presiding over wisdom and knowledge (Verner et al., 1997: 434). In consequence,

the whole writ was named accordingly as “the scripture of divine words” or “the scripture of the

House of Life8” (ibid: 346-8). Egyptologists, as Verner informs, identified three main reasons behind

the introduction and evolution of writing within the society: (1) the need to chronicle important events

that would awake the historic consciousness of the Egyptian nation; (2) the necessity to keep extensive

records of economic activities; and (3) to codify religion.

In terms of linguistics, the hieroglyphic system initiated as a pure pictographic writ in which a

certain picture represented exactly its denotative meaning. However, very soon the Egyptians

introduced the anagram principle, meaning that the pictograph additionally represented also things

related to its denotation (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). Thus, a picture of a circle that formerly stood

only for “the sun” began to mean also “the day”, “the time”, and “the light”. As Verner elaborates,

later on the meaning was expanded further in an abstract direction, thereby adding the connotative

meaning to Egyptian hieroglyphs on the basis of coincidental vocal match or similarity of the words.

For example, the picture of a lotus flower on one hand denoted this plant, but on the other it connoted

the number “one thousand”, because both words had a very similar pronunciation. Furthermore, the

Egyptian writing recorded only the consonants that were the primary carriers of meaning in the

language. The vowels signified the grammar form of the words and as such were not written down,

which thereby means that we do not know how they looked like and sounded like (Verner et al., 1997:

346-8). Structure-wise, a hieroglyph combines three symbols. The first one is the ideogram, bearer of

meaning that represented what it depicted along with the closely related things. The second symbol is

8 The House of Life, or Per Anch in ancient Egyptian, is a term referring to an institution in which the Egyptian scribes and

scholars created, copied and preserved in libraries scientific and religious works considered secret. The House of Life was

usually part of a temple and acted as a shrine where a special ritual aimed at the preservation of life itself was taking place.

In Egyptian mind it was thereby a true bethel of life, in which the masterpieces of human spirit were given form and

conserved; masterpieces that in conjunction with the ritual guaranteed the endurance of all living things on the face of the

earth (Verner et al., 1997: 181).

Šmejkal 30

the phonogram signifying the pronunciation, as well as clarifying the meaning. The final symbol is the

determinative, which provides definite identification of the exact meaning of the whole hieroglyph

(Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). The direction of the writ was determined by symbols in shapes of people

and animals that hinted to the reader as whether the glyphs should be read from left to right, from right

to left, or from top to bottom. The total number of letters varied over the course of Egyptian history

from 800 to several thousands (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8).

Given their presumed divine origin, the hieroglyphs were mostly used for sacred purposes and

their application was thereby limited to carvings or murals on the walls of Egyptian temples,

monuments, palaces, or tombs. For more earthly matters the Egyptians developed, already in the pre-

dynastic period, the so-called hieratic writing, which was a simplified version of the hieroglyphs

(Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). The magic of hieratic writ was that given its simplicity, one could write

relatively fast on various surfaces. This type of writing was rarely carved into stone and can be

envisaged mostly on papyrus scrolls. It was always read from right to left and was mostly written in

lines or columns. Given its advantages, the hieratic version was employed for a variety of purposes;

primarily for administration and trade, secondarily for literature, science and religion (Verner et al.,

1997: 346-8). In the 7th

century B.C. in Lower Egypt, the hieratic writ underwent a further

simplification into a form we call the demotic writ. It was the most proliferated type of writing in the

Greek and Roman period of Egyptian history. Character-wise, the demotic type was an italic writing

with very little iconic appearance, filled with abbreviations and simplifications, which was written

solely on papyrus or ostraca (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). Under such conditions, deciphering the

demotic writ is almost impossible without a thorough knowledge of the previous two writing types.

Considering its employment, this type was used chiefly for administrative, economic and legislative

purposes. Around 220 A.D. Egyptian writing experienced the last evolutionary leap into the so-called

Coptic writ. As its spoken counterpart, the Coptic Egyptian, this writ was associated with the spread of

Christianity in Egypt. Consequently, the bulk of the records that survived are religious texts containing

biblical themes (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). Linguistically speaking, the Coptic writ was a sort of

Šmejkal 31

hybrid. It is composed of 24 letters of the Greek alphabet complemented by seven phonograms of the

demotic writ. It is a completely alphabetical writing system, which means the inclusion of vowels in

the text. The direction and style is identical to Greek, that is, written in lines and read from left to right

(Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). In terms of material, the Coptic writ was inscribed upon papyrus,

parchment or paper and usually compiled into codices.

When speaking of Egyptian writing, it is worthwhile to note the media that carried the various

writs; in other words, the writing materials. We mentioned those during our discussion of the origin of

the writing system itself, yet it needs a bit of elaboration. It is assumed that the oldest records were

inscribed onto vegetal materials, such as wood, bark and leaves (Verner et al., 1997: 346-8). There is

of course no way of knowing for sure as none of these materials were able to survive over the

centuries. What we do know, however, is that prior to the first unification of Egypt, the most

commonly employed material was stone, clay or ivory. The craft of making papyrus scrolls was

already known at that time, but this revolutionary medium experienced extensive proliferation only

after the emergence of the Old Kingdom. The oldest circumscribed scrolls are dated to the 4th

and 5th

dynasty (ibid: 338-9). The scrolls were made from the papyrus plant growing in the Nile delta, whose

shank core was cut into thin slices that were put side by side to each other to form two layers, one

upright to the other. These layers were then compressed to form individual scrolls which were initially

white, but over time turned yellow or brown. The scribe used a sharpened shank to write on the scroll,

using black and red color. It was also a common practice that a particular text was washed away from

the scroll and replaced by a new inscription. In terms of storage, the scrolls were placed into casings,

which were then kept in oval boxes or clay containers. Because the production of papyrus was lengthy

and expensive in case of everyday records, it was the ostraca that played the leading role. These

fractions of calcite or shatters of clay pottery carried school texts, architectural sketches, letters, bills,

various notes and even satirical or erotic images (ibid: 332-3). Its extensive usage was determined by

its high availability.

Šmejkal 32

Since the days of the Old Kingdom, the papyrus scrolls were concentrated in libraries and

archives that were quite extensive, as the ancient Egyptians tended to meticulously document

everything important. Both facilities were usually integrated within temples, palaces or important

administrative buildings (Verner et al., 1997: 145). In Egyptian, they were called “Per medžat”, the

House of scrolls, or “Per medžat necer”, the House of scrolls of the god, which in this case is a

reference to Thovt, who held both libraries and archives under his divine protection (ibid: 257). We

are lucky that some of these treasures of knowledge survived the ages and were discovered during

excavations. Chambers containing written records along with their catalogues were unraveled in the

temple of Edfu, the island temple of Fílé, or in Achetaton where the private royal library of

Amenhotep III. was kept. In the case of the archives, the most notable discoveries are: the archive of

Abusir that was discovered by Czech Egyptologists in the mortuary temples of Abusir necropolis,

containing scrolls that provide unique insight into economic matters of the 5th

and 6th

dynasty; and the

archive of Amarna, discovered at the site of the ancient metropolis of Achetaton, that was comprised

of approximately 379 diplomatic letters from rulers of neighboring empires to Egyptian Pharaohs,

written on clay tablets in Babylonian, which was the official language of diplomacy at that time (ibid:

145).

When speaking of archives, scrolls and writing in general, we must also consider those who

created all those texts we now have the privilege to study. As we suggested earlier in the section

regarding literacy, only the national elite was able to read and write fluently. From this elite, it was the

scribe that had the utmost significance for the entire state. Since the establishment of the Old

Kingdom, the professional scribes quickly emerged as the backbone of the branched state

administration. They not only possessed the knowledge of the writing system, but also acted as

powerful state officials (Verner et al., 1997: 345-6). Among their competences was for instance the

collection of taxes, which made the scribes respected members of Egyptian society. In addition, the

knowledge of writing enabled them to gain further education and expertise in other areas, such as

architecture, medicine, or astronomy (Verner et al., 1997: 345-6). The scribe indeed accompanied

Šmejkal 33

every Egyptian from the cradle to the grave. Soon after birth, he inscribed the name of the newborn

into the lists of citizenry, archived for state purposes, and in the end it was once again the scribe that

wrote the burial incantation on the coffin of the dead, as well as the text from the Book of the Dead on

a scroll that accompanied the spirit on its way to the afterlife (Verner et al., 1997: 345-6). The scribes

were mostly trained in Egyptian temples, thus the offices of scribe and priest were closely associated.

One of the main proliferations of papyrus and writ occurred in the administrative sphere. As

our hypothesis states, papyrus scroll personified the chief administrative mass medium. Indeed, it was

used on a mass scale to convey information among the relative mass of state officials, as well as to

transmit messages indirectly via the voice of someone to the mass of Egyptian illiterate public. In

terms of governance-related texts, those worthy of mentioning are the King’s edicts and administrative

letters. The edicts were direct orders of the Pharaoh and whatever the Son of gods commanded

immediately became the law. These legislative rulings were either inscribed on a papyrus scroll or

carved into stone (Verner et al., 1997: 170). The edicts were issued for various purposes. For example,

edicts found at Abusir administered the status of mortuary priesthood; other ones sent expeditions to

the Eastern desert to obtain precious stones and ores for Egypt; historically important are the so-called

immunity edicts that assigned special privileges to specific temples. It is interesting to note that the

Rosetta Stone is also a King’s edict. Other administrative affairs were dealt with via correspondence.

The official letters carried numerous messages from requests, over reports, to executive orders for

provincial authorities. These were usually written on papyri or ostracas (ibid: 178). In the second half

of 12th

dynasty, the letter outline and form was settled in the following order – name of the sender,

established courtesy greetings, short notice about the situation and health of the sender, the main

message, compliments to kith and kin of the recipient, final remark about the importance of the

message and the address of the recipient. In terms of deliverance, there is no conclusive evidence to

suggest the existence of an institutionalized postal service in the Pharaoh state. Letters, notes, or

documents were sent as needed via fast messengers, travelers, cargo ships etc (ibid: 355). Under

Šmejkal 34

special circumstances, it was the armed and security forces that carried out this duty. It is assumed that

more important Egyptian institutions had their own messengers.

Besides the administrative aspect, the Egyptian writ transpired into specialized literary texts

that were assumingly intended for momentous occasions or for certain people only. The most notable

of those are the so-called maxims and religious texts (Verner et al., 1997: 273-4). The maxims are

basically collections of useful advice for life passed from father to son. Those maxims we have at our

disposal are written by Kings themselves, aristocrats, or high state officials. The oldest complete text

of this kind is the “Maxims of Ptahhotep”, written by the chief justice and vizier of Pharaoh Džedkare

Isesi of the 5th

dynasty named Ptahhotep. His text composed of 37 chapters giving advice to his son,

who is to succeed him in the office of vizier. Ptahhotep instructs his offspring on how to perform the

state duties related to this title, as well as on how to live according to the Egyptian virtues (ibid: 311-

2). On the religious level, the Egyptian papyri carried incantations, spells, rituals, or mythical tales, but

first and foremost, the burial texts. The sheer vastness of this genre can easily create an impression that

the Egyptians were a nation obsessed with death. The reality is quite the contrary, as we demonstrated

previously in the case of Egyptian poetry, prose and drama that overflow with life. Yet, the truth is that

in case of religion, the burial texts were particularly proliferated to ensure the smooth passage of soul

to the Great Beyond. These mortuary inscriptions were comprised of the Book of the Dead, the Texts

of the Coffins, and the Texts of the Pyramids (ibid: 273-4). These were designed as guides through the

underworld that would help the spirit to reach a peaceful existence in the afterlife, as well as instructed

the living on how to honor the dead through rituals or hymns. In all three cases, the texts were written

on scrolls placed inside the sarcophagi, bandages of the mummified corpses, the sarcophagi

themselves, statues, amulets, or on walls of the tombs (ibid: 256-7).

Šmejkal 35

Discussing the Implications

With the Egyptian language sufficiently explored, it is apt to step back for a moment and

encapsulate what we have uncovered thus far. Given the significantly low literacy rate in Ancient

Egypt, it was the spoken version that played the prime role when it comes to considering language as a

means of mass communication. The transmission of symbolic contents, upon which mass

communication is based, occurred primarily within the aspect of folk oral tradition manifested in

Egyptian fables, tales and stories and theatre plays. Apart from the obvious entertaining values of

some of these artifacts, as in the case of Egyptian love songs, the vast majority of those carried deeper

messages implanting shared ideas and perceptions within the Egyptian minds. Their underlying

purpose can be identified, upon looking at the nature and content of the illustrations described earlier,

as the transmission of core beliefs, values and morals upon which the Egyptian society was resting. In

other words, the fables, tales or plays clearly defined what is considered normal and appropriate, and

what is pathological and worthy of nothing but scorn in the land of the pharaohs, by placing forward

specific, albeit in some cases fictional, real-life examples and role models to enlighten the mass

audience. In some specific instances, such as in the case of the “Hymn for Sun” or the “Victory of god

Hor” as well as in case of the written burial texts, we can additionally detect transmission of wider

mythological beliefs and perceptions that formed the dominant Egyptian state ideology and social

reality, yet as the available evidence suggests the main thrust of communication of these highly

abstract mythic, social, religious and cosmogonic concepts occurred in the sphere of art, architecture

and religious rites, and will be discussed in the following chapter.

To provide a fairly clear outcome of this discussion, it is then highly feasible to postulate that

the construction of normality, as well as pure entertainment, were the prime purposes of the Egyptian

oral tradition. It is however necessary to note that in this aspect the verbal fables or tales were

complemented by the written literary texts, namely the maxims that served as moral guidelines for the

elite strata of Egyptian society.

Šmejkal 36

The primary purpose of the Egyptian writ was however different. Coming back to Innis, the

writing and papyrus were first and foremost instruments of administration (2007: 26). The mass

proliferation of writ within the state sphere enabled the creation of a central governance network,

binding the Egyptian social and state institutions into a single cohesive apparatus, with the king at its

head. Such unification of power and efficient rule over the land then facilitated the impressive

expansion of Egypt into the form of an ancient empire. Such significance then inevitably led to

positioning the writ as the instrument of gaining power and influence within the empire. Those

possessing literacy skills were then easily able to acquire positions within the state or religious

apparatus, which in consequence meant higher social status, wealth, respect and the ability to co-shape

the course of the Egyptian development. The Egyptian elites were therefore able to manipulate the

masses with relative ease as they were in a position to influence the internal policies of the empire,

which then implies the employment of writ as a mean of societal control.

The available evidence thereby revealed the following: (1) the Egyptian oral tradition acted as

the prime denominator of socially acceptable behavior, whereas (2) the writ basically held the empire

together by enabling a unified structure of governance and social control, and at the same time acted as

the key to power and privilege for the elites. Now both functions of these two dimensions of language,

spoken and written, are included among the main roles of mass media within any given society as

outlined by McQuail (1999: 21).

Šmejkal 37

Chapter Three

The Culture

Focus Shift

With language explored, we can now move forward to the other means of transmission of

symbolic contents. As we suggested in the previous chapter, the Egyptian speech constituted of its

verbal dimension manifesting in the variety of poetic genres with the purposes of conveying the

Egyptian social and societal standards onto the masses, and of its written dimension employed for the

smooth governance of the empire. Yet, with the sheer vastness and richness of the Egyptian

civilization, there was also the need to communicate a little more abstract concepts to the general

population to ensure their proper understanding of their place and role in the grand design of things –

concepts explaining the origin and principles of the world, the Egyptian state dogma, or the notion of

history. For the sake of proper transmission and reception, such abstractions had to be communicated

extensively, constantly and on a long term basis. Under such conditions, the language, no matter how

extensively proliferated, had to be supplemented by other means of transmission, as using only the

speech would be by logical assumption highly impractical, when trying to encompass such a large

society as was the civilization of Ancient Egypt.

Therefore, it is necessary to look outside the domain of language for these supplements. With

electronic media being out of the question, the answer lies in what Fiske named the representational

media – that is, numerous forms of media that can exist independently from the communicator, that

are creative in their nature, and that use cultural and aesthetic conventions to create a text of some sort

(2001: 18). By all means, those are a perfect choice when it comes to communicate abstract and

symbolic messages onto the receivers. This category of media encompasses such artifacts and

activities as paintings, architecture, design, or aesthetics – in other words, all the elements constituted

under the umbrella of culture (Fiske, 2001: 18). At this point, it is necessary to note that written

language also counts as a representational medium, yet as was demonstrated in the previous chapter,

Šmejkal 38

its employment was very specific, and thus for the purposes of this study it is better to consider the

Egyptian writ separately.

The Art of the Empire

The Egyptian art constitutes the majority of the material legacy left behind by the Pharaoh

state. Such heritage includes painting, sculpture, artistic craft, as well as architecture, which will be

discussed later on in a separate section. Generally speaking, Egyptian art worked in conjunction with

the official state image, which thereby allowed the art and architecture to achieve unity in style and

certainty in a form that lasted throughout the entire duration of the Egyptian civilization (Siliotti, 1994:

444-8). As Sliotti describes, the origins of the Egyptian art can be traced back as far as the prehistoric

epoch, where it was especially the period known as Nakáda II that brought the first manifestation of

painting on the prehistoric ceramics, and the late pre-dynastic period that witnessed the first usage of

paint for decoration of buildings. All this time, Egyptian art was still in the process of searching for its

definite forms of expression. The formulation and codification of the cornerstone aesthetic and artistic

forms and principles was brought by the advent of the Old Kingdom. The result was a primary canon

used in the official art, which provided, especially in the case of figural depictions, a synthesis of

elementary components of expression displayed from a profile view and from en face, thus allowing

the artists to create abstracted imaginative figures, with head, hands, waist down body parts and legs

being displayed from profile, whereas the eye and the shoulders were portrayed en face (ibid: 444-8).

This combination of forms is one of the key characteristics of Egyptian art, making it easily

identifiable among the other artistic expressions of the Ancient Times. Principle-wise, the most

significant were the overall composition and two-dimensional depiction. The expression of space was

generally considered less important and, if used at all, then it was most often only in the form of

horizontal projection. Also very common was the employment of the so-called hierarchic principle,

which means that the size of figures or features signify their importance.

Šmejkal 39

The Egyptian aesthetic canon was primarily conceived for the painted art, which is documented

to project mainly in the form of wall paintings within tombs and habitat structures. Another widely

proliferated practice was to use the paint to mimic other materials, especially more precious ones, on

building walls or artifacts; to create an illusion of those materials being used when in fact they were

not. In terms of technique, the pure color was distributed in compact layers in the form of tempera

onto the prepared undercoat. In some cases the final surface layer was then protected by yet another

layer of varnish lacquer (Siliotti, 1994: 444-8). Subject-wise, the Egyptian painting depicted a whole

range of motives from everyday life scenes, over religion and mythology, to politics and famous

events in the history of Pharaoh state.

Apart from painting, the Egyptian art also explored the realm of embossed art. This artistic

form was already highly developed in the pre-dynastic period, and was used mostly to decorate walls,

furniture, tools, weapons, steles and many other things. The most employed was the bas-relief,

supplemented by the embedded relief that had a two-fold usage of being either applied on directly lit

superficies to reinforce the contrast of light and shade, or was filled with colored glass, faience, or

glaze (Siliotti, 1994: 444-8).

As Siliotti outlines, a third major dimension deeply explored by the Egyptian artists was

sculpture (1994: 444-8). Statuary was known to the Egyptians since prehistoric times, and over the

course of its development, it assimilated with certain adjustments the primary canon used in painted

art. The most common statues that one could see in Egypt were those of gods, pharaohs, and

dignitaries. For their depiction, the canon dictated quite a limited number of forms – walking,

standing, sitting on a throne, or kneeling in prayers or during sacrifices. All those types were used

continually in the course of Egyptian history. Beside individual statues, it was very frequent to

encounter groups of statues, most often composed of the king and a god, or king and two gods forming

a triad, or a dignitary and a god. It is interesting to note that during the Old Kingdom, the so-called

pseudo-groups were also very usual; those being groups of statues of the same person. In addition,

Egyptian sculpture exhibited close ties to religion. The cult statues of gods, kings and the dead, placed

Šmejkal 40

within tombs and temples, were to guarantee the everlasting existence. Furthermore, the so-called

servant statues, or vešebts, were an integral part of the funeral equipment entombed together with the

deceased, so that he or she would have servants even in the afterlife.

Throughout the course of its development, Egyptian art often blended together with the artistic

craft. Fast progress and high quality of this discipline were enabled mainly due to a sufficient quantity

of available materials, both natural (stone, wood, ivory, hide, shell) and artificial (metal, glass, faience,

ceramics) (ibid: 443-4). The artistic forms imbued on the products were usually very realistic, with

décor being composed of variations of a quite limited amount of geometric or natural themes and

motives. Other popular decorative elements were religious symbols repeating over and over the

artifact, as well as writing. The most typical areas of artistic craft were plastic and glyptic (amulets,

charms, cult artifacts) pottery, jewelry, joinery, weaving and metal manufacturing (ibid: 443-4).

It is interesting to note that artists in general most often gathered in state or temple services,

and worked almost exclusively on state or temple commissions according to set models.

Commissioning artwork for trade or private ownership is very rarely documented. Since the times of

the Old Kingdom, the artists enjoyed an elaborated organization and internal work division within

their “caste” (Siliotti, 1994: 444-8).

Monuments of Immortality

The official Egyptian state dogma, mentioned in the previous section as the crucial influence

upon art, transpired all the more significantly in the principles followed by Egyptian architecture.

Under this concept, the Egyptian state was of a divine origin. It was the gods who created the Egyptian

civilization and gifted it with a sacred order, named Ma’at9, to spark a beacon of light in an endless sea

of evil and chaos (Verner et al., 1997: 142-45). As these dark powers constantly threatened to devour

Egypt, it was the task of the Pharaoh to act as a guardian of Ma’at, and to guarantee that chaos would

9 The divine order of Ma’at also found its personification in the Egyptian mythology as the goddess Ma’at, daughter of the

Sun god Re, who presided over justice and order. Ma’at was usually depicted as a woman with an ostrich feather on her

head, which in Egyptian hieroglyphs stood for truth and justice (Verner et al., 1997: 278).

Šmejkal 41

never triumph over the order. According to Verner, the architecture then embodied this state dogma to

a great extent, as its first and foremost function was to reflect this divine order of the world, not to be

just aesthetically pleasing (1997: 142-45). The Egyptian buildings were thus more than a mere

materialization of the constructive intentions. The form, construction plans and layout, astronomical

orientation, decoration, along with all the other aspects were entirely subjected to the function, which

varied given the type of building. For example, a tomb was an instrument and an assurance of reaching

afterlife; a temple was the residence of a god and a place of the cult. Still, no matter what the

individual roles were, the common denominator was always the Ma’at. To mirror this cosmic order,

very strict rules determined by mathematical methods were applied to the layout of each and every

Egyptian building. All structures had to be symmetrical with all their parts in a mutual proportional

balance, to achieve a perfect architectural harmony (ibid: 142-45).

As Verner further elaborates, Ancient Egypt is generally considered as the cradle of

monumental architecture. Its development had begun already in prehistoric times and the early historic

period. In the early days, the most usual building materials were clay, wood and dried bricks, all of

which were used primarily for the construction of habitat structures. Later on, architecture began to

use stone as the prime material. Yet, it is interesting to note that certain shapes and textures formed by

these early materials were adapted as decorative motives carved into stone (Verner et al., 1997: 142-

45). In the following paragraphs we shall look more deeply at the most significant types of Egyptian

buildings and monuments, namely temples, tombs, the royal palace and obelisks.

An idea that every deity must have its own residence existed in the Egyptian mind since the

prehistoric times. The eldest temples were constructed of plant materials and dried bricks, later from

stone. The vast majority of the temples had east to west orientation – that is, upright towards the flow

of the Nile (ibid: 233-6). Generally speaking, the temples became important centers of religious,

economic, cultural and political life and throughout the course of Egyptian history, many of them

indeed gained a great significance and enjoyed special rights and privileges granted by the Pharaoh.

There were many types of temples distinguished by their architecture, interior layout, function, or

Šmejkal 42

decoration, yet all of those had several elements in common, such as the position of the inner

sanctuary containing the cult image of the god in the farthest section of the temple, a place for ritual

cleansing near the temple entrance, or special places reserved for bringing and storing oblations.

According to Verner, the basic typology of Egyptian temples is as follows (1997: 233-6):

The House of Millions of Years. This type became widespread during the New Kingdom. It

synthesized the cult of the king together with a cult of one of the important gods of that time.

Its name is derived from a particular decorative element, an image depicting a line of gods

giving the Pharaoh stems of the palm leaves, thereby wishing him symbolically an eternal

reign.

The House of Birth. It was used to celebrate the birth of a certain deity. Most often, the House

was part of a larger temple complex, where his or her divine parents were worshipped, thus

forming a divine triad. The birth of god the child usually blended with the cult of the young

Pharaoh and with the restoration of the kingdom by his enthronement.

Kiosk. This type represented a small open temple that resembles a pavilion by its shape. The

interior of the kiosk contained a small barge with the cult image of the deity.

Meret shrine. This temple category is known only from the written records dated between the

4th

and 6th

dynasty. Its existence has not yet been physically proved. The widely accepted

theory states that Meret shrines were devoted to the worship of the Pharaoh, who was

identified with the god Re, as well as to the worship of the goddess of fertility Hathor. It is

speculated that the shrines were built on the edge of the Nile valley near the pyramid

complexes.

The Rock Temple. A temple that was either entirely or partially embedded within a solid rock.

These were mostly constructed in Upper Egypt, Nubia and Sinai. The eldest rock temple is

from 12th

dynasty and was devoted to the goddess Hathor. The most famous one lies at Abu

Simbel, constructed by Ramesse II.

Šmejkal 43

The Sun Temple. Dedicated to the worship of the Sun God Re. It is documented that during the

5th

dynasty six of these temples were built across Egypt, yet so far only two were uncovered

during excavations near Abusir. It was an open type of temple that had a massive obelisk, with

an altar at its base, as its centerpiece. In terms of religion and function, the Sun temples were

closely related to the adjacent pyramid complex near which they were built.

The Valley Temple. It was sort of a monumental gateway to the Pharaoh’s burial complex. The

temple was comprised of a port that enclosed an artificial channel connecting the burial

complex with Nile, and the actual gate to the complex itself. It was a site where certain rituals

related to the king’s funeral took place.

The Mortuary Temple. Acted as the site of Pharaoh’s mortuary cult. The temple was located

near the actual grave, and was comprised of an open courtyard, a chapel containing the statues

of the dead king and a sacrificial chamber. It was accessible from the east, from the Nile valley

through the ascending path.

Leaving temples for now, the tombs were next in the line of importance for the Egyptians. The key

factor in the development of the Egyptian burial architecture was the idea that death itself is not, so to

speak, the end of the road, but rather a continuation of existence in a different non-corporeal form

(ibid: 223-4). All the Egyptian tombs therefore assumed to a certain extent the look and the function of

normal houses, to act as a residence for the spirit of the dead. The oldest graves were pits of oval or

rectangular shape, with low-lying roof, sometimes covered by stone blocks. Later, these were replaced

by shafts with side niches for the funeral garniture, Verner notes. It is interesting to note that in the

case of ordinary people, this type of tomb was used throughout the course of Egyptian history. When

considering the burial sites of Egyptian upper classes, the Old Kingdom saw the emergence of the so-

called mastaba, which was a tomb with underground and above-the-ground part. On the surface,

mastaba consisted of a massive block of walling made of dried bricks, or later of limestone. The outer

walls were decorated with niches, plastered, whitewashed, and sometimes painted with wide range of

natural motives (Verner et al., 1997: 223-4). In front of this block lay a space devoted to the mortuary

Šmejkal 44

cult of the dead. The underground section consisted of the burial chamber itself, as well as of storage

compartments containing the necessary funeral garniture. The peak of mastaba construction came

during the reign of the 4th

dynasty. The same period also brought the construction of rock tombs in

Upper Egypt. Those began originally as mastabas partially embedded within the rock, but later on the

exterior part was eliminated and the tomb itself was fully entrenched within the mountainside.

Archeologically speaking, the most interesting of these tombs are the richly decorated ones belonging

to the provincial rulers of Upper Egypt. Lower Egypt on the other hand gave birth to a different type

of burial site, a tomb that above the surface resembled a small temple, and had the burial chamber

deep underground accessible only by a shaft. This type was used continuously all the way to the

Hellenistic period. Furthermore, the Third Intermediary Period established yet another type, built on a

mass scale, a deep shaft grave (sometimes even 30 meters in depth) with a burial chamber at its bottom

containing a massive stone sarcophagus. It is no question that the most fascinating tombs in all Egypt

are those of the kings. Till the 2nd

dynasty, the royal tombs were the same as the ordinary burial sites,

just larger and more decorated. All that changed with the enactment of the 3rd

dynasty that introduced

pyramids as the sole type of Pharaoh’s tomb. The pyramidal shape of the tomb symbolized the

primordial mound that according to Egyptian mythology ascended from the ancient ocean of chaos,

and on which the life was created (Verner et al., 1997: 223-4). The eldest pyramids were stepped ones,

and were interpreted as a staircase through which the spirit of the king shall ascend onto the Heavens.

Later on, the pure pyramidal shape was established as the norm. Yet no matter, what these looked like,

their design was always the same. Each pyramid consisted of a core made of roughly pecked stone,

and a casing of high quality white limestone (ibid: 223-4). Furthermore, each pyramid had an adjacent

temple and other areas for the mortuary cult, thus forming what the Egyptologists call the pyramid

complex. By 18th

dynasty, the use of pyramids however declined, and royal burials now took place in

the Valley of the Kings. There, as Verner explains, the Pharaohs built themselves truly impressive

rock tombs, systems of staircases, halls and corridors stretching as far as 200 meters into the mountain,

leading to the actual burial chamber containing the king’s remains sealed in a stone sarcophagus. The

Šmejkal 45

interior walls were richly decorated with paintings and embossments, mostly depicting religious texts

and Egyptian gods. Still, this practice had a short life. When the 21st dynasty began its reign, yet

another change in royal burial practices occurred, and the tombs of the Pharaohs were now situated

within the great Egyptian temples (Verner et al., 1997: 223-4).

When considering Egyptian royal architecture, the obvious centerpiece was the royal palace, seat

of the king, and heart of the empire’s central government. The palace itself was indeed a very

impressive structure. It consisted of habitat spaces, representative rooms, a harem, baths, and splendid

gardens (ibid: 336-7). It also acted as the seat of the various offices of state administration, as well as

archives to store all the necessary information of imperial governance. In addition, the palace also

contained various economic structures, such as workshops, storage compartments, or workers’

habitats. The core of the palace was logically the throne room, where the Pharaoh presided over Egypt,

as well as the audience hall, and a large decorated window in which the king appeared on certain

occasions before the assembled official or foreign envoys. From this window, the Pharaoh also granted

rewards and honors for the services to state. Apart from the political and administrative dimension, the

royal residence also served an important religious purpose, as it acted as a shrine for the cult of the

Pharaoh, the living god. Given its importance, security was indeed of great concern, and thus the

palace possessed the character of a military fortress. Archeologically speaking, the Egyptian kings had

their palaces built since the birth of Egyptian monarchy, yet thus far, only those of Middle and New

Kingdom have been physically confirmed (ibid: 336-7).

Another significant phenomenon of the Egyptian sacral and royal architecture, as Verner suggests,

was the obelisk (1997: 323-4). On a symbolic level, the obelisks represented stylistic imitation of a

fetish know as “benben”, a sacred stone worshiped as an idol in the city of Heliopolis that symbolized

the ancient mountain from the Egyptian mythology. The stem of the obelisk has the shape of a

tetrahedral prism that narrows in the upward direction, with a pyramidal headpiece at its top, which

was often covered by plates from copper or precious metal. The most common material for the body of

the obelisk was red granite from the mines of Asuan. The oldest obelisks found in Egypt can be dated

Šmejkal 46

to the times of the 5th

dynasty. Purpose-wise, the obelisks acted as a subject as well as an instrument

for the Sun cult. In addition, they were also an important state symbol. They were usually covered

with hieroglyphic writing glorifying the deity to whom that particular obelisk was dedicated, as well as

the Pharaoh who erected it. The obelisks were most usually to be found at the entrances to temples and

burial complexes, and they were generally erected in twos, often in times of religious festivals or

celebrations.

Of Gods and Men

When exploring Egyptian culture, it is very noticeable that there was a significant influence of

religion, mythology and cosmogony on the various aspects of Egyptian culture and civilization, be it

art, architecture, or state dogma. All these areas operated closely in conjunction with the religious and

mythical ideas of the Pharaoh state, and it is thereby apt to explore it a bit deeper. As Gahlin describes

in his work, the Egyptian religion was a national religion, based primarily on cult, created during the

historic development of Ancient Egypt (2004: 13-7). It constituted a quite intriguing mixture of

religious ideas and experiences, ranging from the simplest animistic ones to very complex theological

assumptions. In general terms, the sum of the religious background was never scholastically unified

into a single dogma canonized by some certain prime, sacred text. It was a very diversified and

tolerant polytheistic religion.

The Egyptian pantheon encompassed an impressive amount of deities. Those were gradually

created by personification of previously abstract phenomena, theological elaboration of older ideas,

and partially also by divination of certain kings and other people (ibid: 17-49). The basic identification

traits of any god were both the name and attributes. The gods could manifest themselves in various

forms, often as a particular animal or an artifact considered sacred. It is typical for Ancient Egypt to

depict its deities with a human body and an animal head. Such specific representation is however

necessary to be considered only as a symbolic emphasis of the divine attributes belonging to individual

gods and goddesses, Gahlin adds. Throughout Egyptian history, the pantheon was never thoroughly

Šmejkal 47

systemized. In certain periods, particular gods were placed forward above all others, such as Amon

since the 12th

dynasty in Veset, or denounced, such as Sutech since the 21st dynasty. Overall, the

Egyptians often perceived their gods as a neutral force. Their mutual relationship can be defined as

being reciprocal, meaning that the attitude of particular gods towards mortals was determined by the

attitude of the mortals towards their gods.

The Egyptian gods and tales about them featured prominently in the Egyptian mythology that

was forming the cornerstone of abstract beliefs of Ancient Egypt along with cosmogony. For the

Egyptians, the myths acted as an instrument for interpretation and understanding of the world

surrounding them. Mythological elements were already present in the Egyptian society by the advent

of the historic epoch, yet a certain ordination of them occurred later either towards the end of the Old

Kingdom, or sometime during the Middle Kingdom (ibid: 49-89). It was common practice in the

Ancient Egypt to connect myths into chains, based on similarities of the topics they discussed. The

most famous chain is devoted to the god of Underworld Usirev, and serves as a reflection of the never-

ending cycle of life, death and rebirth. Another important mythical area is the series of tales about the

eye of the Sun god that wandered away from Egypt to Nubia, as it basically explains the movement of

the sun. The final most widespread chain was that of the afterlife existence in the Underworld (Gahlin,

2004: 49-89). A specific category of myths were those related to the Egyptian cosmogony (the

creation of the world) and theogony (the creation of the gods). It was those that basically defined the

overall Egyptian perception of the entire universe, as well as the underlying principles of the material

plain on which all life exists. As Gahlin indicates, these ideas were greatly influenced by the natural

environment surrounding the Egyptian civilization, especially by the periodically repetitive Nile

floods. The cosmogony portrayed the situation prior to the creation of the universe as a boundless

corporeal chaos, associated with the primordial ocean. From these chaotic waters, the primeval

mountain emerged and from it god the Creator arose, who then sparked the existence of other deities

and life itself. The creation was most often perceived as a process of separation of previously

undifferentiated elements; soil from water, earth from heaven, light from darkness etc. (Ghalin, 2004:

Šmejkal 48

49-89). This procedure then had to be constantly repeated on a symbolic level through the cult and

rituals to ensure the endurance of the cosmic order of Ma’at.

Another important aspect of Egyptian religion in general was its close bond with magic.

Egyptian magical practice was based on the attempt to control supernatural forces. To accomplish such

undertaking, the range of instruments consisted of magical incantations, supplemented by certain acts,

and if need be, even artifacts (ibid: 190-6). The force itself was perceived as being of a material

character. To control, it was necessary to understand its essence, along with the way it was created, or

at least to know its name, and the areas presided over by a particular deity or demon, whose help was

being enlisted in the ritual. The purpose of such ritual was mostly to gain fulfillment of certain desires

that were normally very difficult or impossible to fulfill by other means, such as to have a happy life,

good health, better social rank, etc. It is necessary to note that the practice of magic was usually

associated with priests or physicians (Ghalin, 2004: 190-6).

As was mentioned earlier, the prime exponent of the Egyptian religion was the cult,

specifically the cult of gods and the cult of kings. According to Verner, it rested upon the basis of

satisfying the needs of the deities as a way of preservation of the cosmic order (1997: 267-8). The

prime subject of the cult was the image of the god or the king, most often in the form of a statue, kept

within the shrine deep in the temple. During regular morning ceremonies, the statue was ceremonially

cleansed and dressed, and was presented with sacrifices in the form of food and beverages to act as

sustenance. This entire procedure was accompanied by recitation of the sacred religious texts. Simpler

variations of the morning ceremony were performed at noon and in the evening. Formally, only the

Pharaoh possessed the mandate to perform cult-related tasks, yet in reality he often let the priesthood

to act in his stead. For the most part, the cult ceremonies occurred within the Egyptian temples without

the participation of the ordinary population. A significant exception to this trait can be found in the

various religious feasts, during which the cult idol left the temple shrine to be displayed to the masses

(Verner et al., 1997: 267-8). Ancient Egypt truly had an impressive range of feasts and celebrations

connected with agricultural, astronomical, calendar, political, religious, or family-related events. These

Šmejkal 49

often occurred on a fixed day in the year; only some, especially the religious ones, were subjected to

the lunar calendar. The Egyptian feasts and ceremonies often lasted for several days, the biggest ones

even weeks. A lot of those had nationwide importance. The celebrations mostly occurred within the

Egyptian temples, and consisted of sacrifices and other rituals, as well as of the ritual procession with

the cult idol of the god (ibid: 418-9). It was this part of the celebrations, occurring outside the temple

that attracted wide attention and participation of the masses. From the most important feasts we can

name two. The first one was called Ipet, and it was a symbolic journey of the god Amon from Karnak

to Luxor and to Medinit Habu, to make a ritual sacrifice to his ancestors. The second one bears the

name Sed, and was considered as the royal jubilee, an anniversary of the Pharaoh’s reign over Egypt

(Verner et al., 1997: 418-9)10

. It is necessary to note that important feasts such as these two were

“time-off” days.

A specific variation of the religious cult was the mortuary cult. Its form originated from the

idea mentioned previously (see Monuments of Immortality) that death was merely a transition from

one form of existence to the next. The Egyptian ideas related to death, and life after it, were indeed

vast and complex. Simply put, successful afterlife existence required preservation of the body, proper

ritual burial, tomb with the necessary funeral garniture, and the mortuary cult that similar to a normal

religious cult served to fulfill the needs of the dead on a continual basis, specifically in the form of

every-day presentation of sacrifices and commemoration of the deceased (Gahlin, 2004: 139-71).

Maintenance of the mortuary cult was considered a primary duty of every Egyptian family, namely of

the eldest son, who often acted as the mortuary priest. Another prerequisite for existing in the Great

Beyond, according to Gahlin, was the possession of knowledge of various dangers lurking in the

Underworld, and ways of successful defense (2004: 139-71). That is where the mortuary texts came

into play to guide the spirit (see Ch. 2, In the Name of Thovt). Making a short detour back to the

mythology, it is interesting to note that since the 3rd

millennium B.C., the Egyptian mortuary

10

The true nature of the Sed festival still eludes our full understanding. It is known what the individual parts of the feast

were, yet its detailed purpose is still not fully comprehended. One of the main reasons for such lack of understanding is the

fact that Egyptologists are not certain what the word “Sed” means.

Šmejkal 50

mythology was dominated by the idea of the so-called Final Trial. It was believed that when the spirit

successfully completed its journey to the Underworld, it was brought forth to the god Usirev. In front

of Usirev, accompanied by other gods, the heart of the dead was weighed on scales against an ostrich

feather of the goddess Ma’at, to see whether the deeds of the dead were in accordance with the grand

order of things; simply put, to determine if the spirit is good or evil (ibid: 144-5). If the heart was

lighter, the spirit was then allowed to enter the Underworld. In the opposite case however, the spirit

ended in the jaws of the Great Devourer, a mythical creature, and ceased to exist once and for all.

To conclude our exploration of Egyptian religion and related areas, it is apt to mention that

many of the Egyptian ideas and concepts were either reflected, or directly assimilated by other

religious and philosophical systems of the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean. It is also speculated

that the image of the goddess Eset breastfeeding her infant son Hor may have inspired the portrayal of

the Christian Madonna with the newborn Christ (Verner et al., 1997: 303-5).

Discussing the Implications

Now that we have all the facts laid out in front of us, it is time to determine what conclusion we

can draw from them. First it is necessary to observe the close proximity of art, architecture, and

religion. These three areas operated within the Egyptian society in very close conjunction, being

highly interconnected and reflecting each other. Such circumstances thereby gave birth to an intricate

network of societal instruments, whose purpose was solely to communicate and propagate the

Egyptian dominant state ideology and status-quo on a mass scale. Such ideology, to make a quick

recall, proclaimed the divine origin of Egypt gifted with the cosmic order of Ma’at that was necessary

to preserve and guard. Such guardianship was then entrusted to the Pharaoh, as the living god, and if

he was to successfully fulfill this role in the grand design, he needed the support and obedience of his

subjects, as well as the entire Egyptian society, to mirror and follow Ma’at. In simple terms, the order

of things given by the gods had to endure for Egypt, and the whole world, to survive and resist the

destructive forces of chaos.

Šmejkal 51

Such perception was coined in Egyptian religion, mythology and cosmogony, and propagated

mainly through the religious cult on the inside and religious festivals on the outside towards the

masses. After all, the worship of gods and of the king was required for Ma’at to continue existing. This

practice was then reflected in Egyptian art and architecture. As we demonstrated in the previous

sections of this chapter, there was no such thing as private art or private architecture. In the sheer

majority of cases, the Egyptian artists and architects were working on state or religious commissions.

Their task was to create artworks and construct buildings that would on the one hand fulfill their

specific assigned role in preservation of Ma’at, and on the other hand, with equal importance, to

communicate the principles of Ma’at to the masses, so that when an ordinary Egyptian rested his or

her eyes on the temples, obelisks, or statues of the pharaohs, or attend a religious ceremony, he or she

would know what they symbolize – these are our gods, they gave us life; this is our king, he guards

our wellbeing; we must worship the gods, and serve the king so that we are spared the desolation of

chaos; we must accept our roles as Ma’at dictates it so that the order remains, and we may live in

peace and prosperity.

To put it bluntly, the Egyptian art, architecture and religion acted as the main projectors of

the Egyptian culture and its underlying Ma’at based ideology and philosophy, constructing, storing

and displaying the state dogma onto the masses, thereby shaping a shared perception of unified social

reality, a worldview in other words common to any and all members of the society. And such function

of creating the grand perception of reality is yet another main role the mass media play in any given

society (McQuail, 1999: 21).

Šmejkal 52

Epilogue

The Legacy of the Ancient Times

Egyptian Mental Template

At this point, our exploration into the areas that were for the purposes of this study labeled as

prospective ancient mass media is done. The remaining effort now rests in an attempt to analyze their

role and impact in Ancient Egypt to determine whether it is even plausible to consider those as means

of mass communication. As a recapitulation, the general theory defines the roles and functions of mass

media embodying the mass communication as being: (1) the source of power – that is, a potential

instrument of influence, control and innovation within the society, as well as the repository of

information vital for operations of societal institutions, and the basic instrument of their transmission;

(2) the arena for public affairs to unfold on an national as well as an international level; (3) the

important source of definitions of social reality and ideas about it – that is, a place where the culture of

societies and groups, along with its possible changes, is constructed, stored and displayed; (4) the key

to fame and high social status, as well as an instrument for effective public presentation; (5) the source

of organized and publicly shared meaning systems that empirically and value-wise define what is

normal and what is pathological within the society; (6) the means of entertainment – that is, not only

providing it, but also defining the most common ways to spend leisure time, as well as helping to

organize it (McQuail, 1999: 21). Given the state of development of current mass media, it is no doubt

that one particular medium can fulfill several of these functions gradually, or even simultaneously, yet

there is no rule stating that an instrument of communication can be considered a mass medium only if

it fits into all of these categories. Such assumption is vital as we match the individual Egyptian means

of communication with the above-described categories.

Thus far we have explored several areas of means of mass communication, namely the spoken

and written language, the art, the architecture, and the interconnected triad of religion, mythology and

cosmogony propagated mainly through cult and religious rites. Each of those impacted the Egyptian

mind in a certain way. In case of spoken language, the stories, fables, tales, or theatre plays, the

Šmejkal 53

categories in play are primary those of entertainment and a definition of normality. Be it the Hymn for

Nile, the Tale of Sinuhet, Complaints of the eloquent villager, or the Victory of god Hor, the conveyed

symbolic content not only provided an interesting story to spark the fantasy of the listeners, but also

transmitted Egyptian core morals, beliefs and values onto the audience; those such as the belief in the

divine origin of things, the need for obedience to the king and for the worship of gods, or the moral

virtues of loyalty, courage, wisdom, or devotion that every Egyptian should possess. The Egyptian

mind was thereby implanted with a code of what is right and wrong, what a true Egyptian should do

and what s/he should not. In short, while the audience was entertained, the normality was clearly

defined and transmitted.

The Egyptian writ was without question, first and foremost, the key to power and fame. Those

who could write and read, were fit to gain positions among the Egyptian elite, to act as scribes, state

officials, ambassadors, priests, physicians, or scholars. Such social status meant wealth, respect,

influence, and even a chance to participate in the governance of the whole empire. Those with such

abilities could successfully present themselves and their deeds to others to gain the public support for

whatever reasons. They could shape the society as they saw fit; present the history and events in

accordance with the dominant ideology and dogma; and in an extreme case even challenge the rule of

the Pharaoh as it happened in case of the Amon’s priesthood in Veset prior to the religious revolution

of Amenhotep IV.

As we demonstrated earlier, the purpose of Egyptian art and architecture was twofold. On one

hand it served to glorify the king and his rule over Egypt. On the other, it mirrored and propagated the

religious, mythological and cosmogonic principles on which the Egyptian state rested. The statues and

images of kings and gods, the temples and tombs, these all served to instruct in and remind the

Egyptians of the divine order of Ma’at and their role in it. The religious and burial cults along with

rites and feasts then significantly reinforced these perceptions. Simply put, the Egyptian sacral and

royal art and architecture, in conjunction with the religion, mythology and cosmogony conveyed

through cult and rites, created this vast network of instruments devoted to the construction,

Šmejkal 54

preservation and transmission of shared Egyptian social reality with all its principles and related

concepts.

As presented in the theoretical background of Chapter one, mass communication is all about

symbolic contents and shared meanings. Thus far, we have clearly demonstrated that each and every

one of the areas we explored contained and conveyed symbolic content of some sort, and were directly

involved in the creation of shared meanings among the masses. The Egyptian mind was shaped by

those in a fashion not that much different from the way that current mass media shape our minds.

Furthermore, each and every area fulfilled some of the roles and functions reserved for the mass

media. In addition, be it language, art, or rites, they were all employed on a mass scale, which is

another common trait that comes to mind when speaking about means of mass communication.

Therefore, it is safe to conclude that these were indeed mass media of their time as they, simply put, fit

the profile.

The Question of Public Sphere

As we matched the general roles and functions with the Egyptian means, one category was left

rather untouched – mass media being the arena for public affairs on a national and an international

level. This particular function is linked directly to what Jürgen Habermas named and advanced as the

Public Sphere – that is, a social space, or domain, freely accessible to all citizenry, to assemble and

unite, as well as to express and publicize their opinion on affairs of general interest and concern

without the interference of state power (1989: 92-3). In other words, the Public Sphere enables the

formation of public opinion, which stands for the instrument of criticism and control of the organized

state authority that the public exercises informally, as well as formally during election periods

(Habermas, 1989: 92-3). Mass media then acts as a vital conduit disseminating the necessary

information to the public, as well as facilitating public debate, so that the general position of citizenry

towards public affairs can be established, and such dissemination and facilitation is what is meant by

Šmejkal 55

the idea of mass media being the arena for public matters. The existence of the Public Sphere is

thereby crucial for the masses to be truly able to exercise their citizenship rights.

Of course, when Habermas originated his concept, he did so in conjunction with the general

theory of liberal democracy, therefore the Public Sphere can exist only in social orders that allow the

citizenry to act freely. Simply put, the Public Sphere exists solely in democracies. Ancient Egypt on

the other hand was a monarchy, an autocracy, where the authority of the king was unquestionable.

Does that mean that the ancient Egyptian mass media defined in this study did not act as an arena for

national and international public affairs? For the most part, it is safe to assume that they did not. The

existence of population-wide debate of state affairs both internal and foreign has not been proved, and

given the character of the Pharaoh state it stands to reason that it was virtually absent. The matters of

general interest indeed did unfold throughout the course Egyptian history, yet these were dealt with

within the circle of Egyptian elite, by the state apparatus alone, without any major participation of the

general public. The Egyptian citizenry possessed some knowledge of these affairs, as they were

reflected in the official art, architecture or folk tales (e.g. “Of the feud between Sekenenre and Apopi”,

see Chapter Two, section The Speech of Kings, Elites, and Common Folk). Yet, these reflections acted

more like a mere presentation of the events in accordance with official ideology, rather than an

opportunity for the ordinary Egyptians to debate these at large and form some shared opinion about

them. As an illustration we can take the Battle of Kadesh (see Chapter One, section Chronicles of the

Sands of Time). Though the battle between the forces of Egypt and the Hittite empire ended

indecisively, when Ramesse II. returned home, he presented this entire skirmish as a great Egyptian

victory (Vachala, 1997: 66). Given the fact that for the most part the Egyptian mass media operated in

accordance with the state dogma, the general public simply did not have enough information to

question such a claim, despite its falsity.

It is plausible that the common folk discussed what unfolded around them, in private talks, or

perhaps in marketplaces, yet there is no conclusive evidence to that. Thus, we can assume that they

mostly accepted what was presented to them. There may have been doubts or questions, yet as the

Šmejkal 56

Egyptian state dogma clearly stated, Egypt was ruled by a living god, and gods are generally infallible.

There is one interesting exception though, with a trace of dissent. As we showed in Chapter Two, the

complaints and laments often served to criticize various aspects of Egyptian society (see section The

Speech of Kings, Elites, and Common Folk). Yet, to do things justice, it is necessary to say that

despite their popularity among the Egyptians, there is no conclusive evidence that these complaints

and laments had the power to shake the status-quo, or to spark any general debate of the criticized

issues among the population. Be as it may, they suggest however that not everyone took things for

granted in Ancient Egypt. Still, despite this element of disagreement, we can conclude the absence of

Public Sphere in Ancient Egypt, as well as the inability of Egyptian mass media to act as an arena for

public affairs.

The Enclosure

Compared to the current mass media landscape, it is clear that the ancient Egyptian mass media

system cannot compete with all the advancements in communication we now have at our disposal. The

advent of electronic media greatly influenced and improved our means of communication, and we

could hardly imagine today’s world without them. Yet, as demonstrated earlier, the tasks and trials of

the Egyptian civilization were not that different from those our civilization faces – it had to develop,

govern itself, or defend itself. For all that, communication was the key. Of course, Ancient Egypt

would have been much better off, should it have possessed means of audiovisual or wireless

communication as we do now. Yet, the level of civilization development was less than it is today, and

thus the Egyptians had to devise other methods based on the extent of their capabilities.

Indeed they did. Instead of print, radio, television, or internet, they employed speech, writ, art,

architecture and rites to unite their civilization, to create a shared sense of order and purpose, to

facilitate the growth and progress of the land they inhabited from a single state among many to a great

empire that stretched across the ancient Near East. Such employment, simply put, allowed the

Egyptian civilization to endure as long as it did. As Innis suggested, the ancient mass media, especially

Šmejkal 57

the writ, eventually brought the collapse of the Egyptian civilization (2007: 44-5). The proliferation of

papyrus and access to writing allowed the elites to accumulate enough power to challenge the king’s

authority, shatter the general social order, and thereby orchestrate the demise of the Pharaoh state

(Innis, 2007: 44-5). Such a statement is partially true. As we demonstrated, the writ was indeed the key

to power and influence, and the Egyptian priesthood did use it to become a very powerful factor in the

Egyptian state. The Egyptian mass media therefore truly enabled such transition of power, thereby

weakening the strength and unity of Egypt, yet after every period of internal decline, the state

managed to recover. It was only after the external interferences of foreign invaders, the Persians, the

Greeks, the Romans and finally the Arabs, that the Ancient Egyptian civilization ended (Vachala,

2001: 203-21).

From the perspective of the history of communication, Ancient Egypt can be considered a

significant step forward, as in times when mankind was relatively still in its infancy, the Egyptian

civilization managed to create a fully functional network of mass media, and benefit from it greatly.

Those ancient mass media are still present with us even now. Though their function and level of

importance have changed, we still use verbal storytelling, the writ, or the art to convey symbolic

contents onto the receivers. Such may be the legacy of the ancient times.

Šmejkal 58

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