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EPREUVES/PROOFSOxfordJournalofArchaeology,33.2,2014,177-191 VÉRONIQUE DASEN HEALING IMAGES. GEMS AND MEDICINE Summary. The main purpose of magical gems was to secure divine protection,avert evil influences and heal various diseases. Some body parts are especiallyaddressed, such as the stomach and the uterus. This concern seems to relate to‘societal diseases’ also found in contemporary literature. How do these ‘healingpictures’function?Theanalysisof thepictorial elements reveals different levels oftherapeutic efficacy. Some images use visual plays upon words, others combineEgyptian and Graeco-Roman elements, allowing ‘bilingual’readings.Themnemonicfunction of images, charakteres and voces magicae also requires furtherinvestigations.Objectscouldtransmitthememoryoforalritualsandknowledge.Thetransferofmagicalfiguresonothermediaisveryrare,butwhenitoccurs,asonafewmedical devices, itmay help us to understand the mechanism of medico-magicalperformance,combiningformalismandinventiveness.

Most magical gemstones had a positive function: they secured divine protection,averted evil influences, and were used to repel or heal various diseases. In thispaper, I would like to investigate further these healing qualities and the visualsystem constructed by the combination of pictures and signs (charakteres andlogoi),acombinationwhichwecoulddesignatebythe term ‘glyph’, usedby Severi(2004) in his studies on oral traditions to describe this kind of meaningfultransformationofimagesintosigns.

Morespecifically,mypaperfocusesontwoissues,thefirstofwhichconcernsthelogicguiding the engravers’ choices, with reference to medical and medico-magicalliterature.Why aresomediseasesexplicitlyshownandnotothers,thoughtheyareaddressed in other media, suchas themagicalpapyriorphylacteries? Inaddition,how do these ‘healing images’ function? Does the symbolic efficacy of the gemsrelate to the logic of medical magic, as expressed, for example, in the recipescollected by Pliny the Elder or in the later treatises of Marcellus Empiricus?The

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engravers also used a multilingual system, combining words and images fromdifferent cultures. Can we deconstruct this language, and how did thesedifferent levels of readingwork?

Secondly, Iwilldiscussthemnemonicandritualfunctionofmagical iconography.C.Severi has shown how the transmission of ritual knowledge could be realized bypictograms or glyphs in oral cultures. Similarly, is the visual language of gems apreserveoforalknowledgeandrites?

THEENGRAVERS’LOGIC

This paper focuses on gems that present a specific magical iconography andrefer explicitly to a disease or a part of the body.1A recurring notion is that ofcombat, which correspondstothewidespreadpopularideaofsicknessasanactiveagententeringthebody.Inmagicaltexts,diseasesarenotcausedbyheatorcold,orbyanunbalanceofhumours,butbya demonwhichmust beexpelled. It is clearlyexpressed inexorcism formulae found inmagical incantationsandongems,askingthedisease,addressedasasentientbeing,toflee(Heim1892;Faraone2010;2012).The procedure belongs to a very ancient tradition, which can be traced back toEgypt(e.g.Westendorf1999,524–35).

WefindsimilarspellsintheworksofmedicalauthorsoftheRomanimperialperiod,such as Marcellus Empiricus, who include incantations and charms among theirremedies(Önnerfors1988;1996;Jouanna-Bouchet2003;Gaillard-Seux2007).

This dimension also appears in medical literature, where popular representationsofdisease are preserved asmetaphors (Jouanna 1990). Diseases are not explicitlycaused by a demon,butexpressionsrelatingtoconflictandstruggleabound.Thereisasortofcompetition betweendiseaseandcure,astheauthoroftheHippocratictreatise OnArt 11 puts it: ‘For if diseaseandtreatmentstarttogether,thediseasewill not win the race, but it will, if it starts with an advantage’. This dynamic is

1This is a reducedselection,asweknow from texts thatamuch larger rangeofpictures could refer todiseases.However, when these pictures are not explicitly marked as magical, they cannot be identified as such by themodernviewerandwecanthereforeonlysuspectthesequalities.SeeNagy2002,153–79;2011;2012.

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visualized,forexample,intheiconographyofPerseuspursuing and catchingGorgo,asonthegemagainstpodagra,gout,intheHermitage(Nagy2011,76, fig.1a–b).

Medical vocabulary also expresses agonistic notions. The Latin term morbus,transliteratedinGreekletters,isengravedonahaematitegemfromAquileia(Fig.1;SGG 2008, 14, no. 6). The choice of the term is significant. The Latin morbuscorresponds to theGreeknosos, which, in contrast to other terms, often has anactive connotation expressed by the associatedverbsandadjectives (Gourevitch1995,53–4).Morbusassaults,itwants,isferocious, saevus, itattacksfrominside, itmustbeexpelled.OntheAquileiagem,thewordiswrittenin reverse,visualizingtheexpected retreating process of the disease. The metaphorical vocabulary used inmedical literature also relates to a popular representation of disease as a wildcreaturedisruptingthecivilizedorder.Agrios,‘wild’,andtheriôdes,‘bestial’,describeacute pathological conditions in the Hippocratic Corpus. Like an animal, a severediseaseisdevouring,phagedaina, andeatstheflesh(e.g.OnUlcers10;LittréVI,410,2–3).

The agonistic dimension of disease and cure implies a dynamic that explainsiconographicchoices,suchasthefrequencyofwarlikefigures,referringtofight,likeAbraxas and Ares/Mars, always in military equipment, or Solomon the rider,brandishing a spear. Mythological figures find new roles, such as Herakles andOmphale,bothmasteringdangerous animalsas theymasterevil (Dasen2008).Thedisease may also be visualized as a bound or defeated enemy, as on Solomon-amuletswherethe‘holyrider’spearsaharmfulfemaledemon(Spier1993).

The figure of Herakles on medical gems also refers to a comparison relating tothe genealogyofHippocrates. Somebelieved thatHippocratesdescendednotonlyfrom Asklepios, through his father, but from Herakles, through his mother. Anapocryphal letter of Artaxerxes (Fig. 1) compares Hippocrates, who defeats ‘wild’and ‘bestial’diseases, with Herakles, who overcame so many dangerous animals,andwas also reveredasAlexikakos, ‘evil averter’, anda healer (Jouanna1992,32–3;LetterII;LittréIX,314–15).Divinized,Hippocratesallegedlyreceivedin Greece thesame honours as Herakles and Asklepios (Pliny, Natural History 7.123). RomanperiodcoinsfromCosdepictontheobverseaseatedHippocrates,inscribedwithhisname,on thereversethebustofHeraklesholdingaclub(e.g.Verbanck-Piérard1998,221, I 22, fig.). It is thus no surprise to find references to Herakles on medicalinstruments;knottyhandlesalludedtothe hero’s club, and hence aimed at guiding

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successfully the firm hand of the surgeon (e.g.Bliquez 1992, 35–50; 1994, 83–4,99–106,nos.40–1,fig.20).

WHICHDISEASES?

Ifwenow lookat the rangeofdiseasesassociatedwitha specific iconography,wenotethat very common, daily ailments such as toothache or fractures are totallyabsent. No gem alludestothecareforlimbswhereasanatomicalofferingsofarms,hands,legsandfeetabound inGreek,Etrusco-RomanandGallo-Romansanctuariesofhealingdeities.

The iconography of the gems usually relates to an internal and hencemysteriousprocess (gout, bites or stings, bleeding), though not systematically.Mastrocinque (2011) recently attempted to connect the choice of the stones’colours with bodily liquids and secretions, such as red for blood, brownish forintestinalorgastricdiseases.Wecouldexpecttofindpersonifications offever,suchasthe goddess Mefitis, of migraine, epilepsy or rabies, diseases which doctors arepowerless to cure and are addressedbymagical papyri (cf. Bonner 1950, 67–8).Acomparison with astrologicalmelothesia also produces a very selective result. Thelion-headed Chnoubisseems to rule over the stomach, the scorpion possibly overthesexualorgans,butthere isnoPiscesforthefeet,noSagittariusforthethighs,norLibraforthebuttocks(Michel2004,159–72;Michel-vonDungern2011).Therangeofanimalsandfiguresseemstoexpressotherneedsandfunctions.

The largest series of medical gems relate to afflictions of the belly, and morespecifically the uterus and the stomach, which have certain characteristics incommon.AsGalenexplains: ‘Boththestomachandthewombhavefunctionsoftheirown,whicharenotsharedbyanyother part’(AdversusIulianum,Kühn18A,246–99;transl.Tecusan2004,290–1,fr.111).

Both are credited with unusual capacities, such as an independent will anduncontrolled, usually dangerous, movements. Both have their seat in theabdomen, amysterious area that producesnoises.Nodemonentersthebody,butthe organ itself is active; it must be mastered with stronger magical powers.Perhaps because the belief in these capacities is common to EgyptianaswellasGreek tradition (Dasen 2002; 2008), the images relating to these diseases arecomposedofvisuallybilingualelements,EgyptianandGraeco-Roman.

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Theuterus

On uterine gems, a series of specifically Greek components allude to themechanicsof the womb described in medical treatises of the Greek and Romanperiods. The organ is depicted as a cupping vessel (Fig. 2; Michel 2004, cat. no.54.2b,pl.70,3),animage suggestingitscapacitytodrawupsemenandretainit.AstheHippocratic treatiseOnancientmedicine22explains: ‘Cupping instrumentsaresoconstructedonpurposetodrawandattract bloodfromtheflesh.Ofthepartswithin the human frame, the bladder, the head, and the womb are of thisstructure. These obviously attract powerfully and are always full ofafluid.’

However, the cupping vessel is more than just a metaphor in Greek culture, it istheemblemofmedical art. In iconography, it denotes themedical profession (e.g.Berger 1970,62–85).Uterinegemsthusdepictadevicethatnormallysymbolizesarational activitybuthere (Fig.2) transferred to amagical context.Was the aim ofthis paradoxical use intended to add medical legitimacy and greater efficacy to amagicalpractice?Itmayalsoillustratethecontiguitiesofmedicalanddivineaction.The image of a cupping vessel occurs on Greek coins in places with a healingsanctuary, such as in Epidaurus (Berger 1970, 70–2, figs.81–4; Penn 1994, 142–3,fig.101);sinceitdenotesoncoinsadeityactingasahumandoctor,ongemsitcouldalsoinvoke thehealingactionofAsklepios.

The key often represented beneath the cupping vessel is another typical Graeco-Roman image,alludingtotheexerciseofcontrolovertheopeningandclosureofthewomb. Its symbolic value in connection with pregnancy and childbirth is wellattested in Italico-Roman culture. According to Festus, Roman women madeofferings of keys in return for a deliverywithout difficulties (Festus, De verborumsignificatu p. 49, 1 Lindsay), a statement confirmed by archaeologicalevidence.AbronzekeyfromcentralItalydatingtothethirdorthesecondcentury BCbearsaninscription for the femaleOscandivinityHerentas, similar toVenus: ‘IamHerentasfromAgello’(DasenandDucaté-Paarmann2006,254–5,pl.18,5).UninscribedkeysofbronzeorironhavealsobeenfoundinvotivedepositsofRepublicandate.

But the iconography of the gem can also be read with Egyptian eyes. Severalelements have purely Egyptian references, such as the ouroboros (the snake thateatsitsowntail),which encirclesthesceneinordertocreateamagicallyprotectedspace.Wavylinessproutingfromthe cuppingvesselareusuallyidentifiedasuterineligaments alluding to the discoveries of Herophilus in Alexandria, who dissected

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femalebodies, butother interpretations arepossible. They could also refer to thehieroglyphic determinative for the word uterus . On a haematite gem, theyresemble the horns of the ram-headed god Chnum, who moulds into existencefoetuses onhispotter’swheel(Fig.3;Zwierlein-Diehl1992,no.27a;cf.Dasen2004,135,fig.4).

These additions could also be intended to give the impression that an inanimateobject isinfactalive.Theideaofreplacingahumanpartwithaninorganicobjectmayhaveoriginated in Egypt, where pictures of containers can denote human organs,like the hieroglyphic sign/ determinative for heart ib . In Egypt as in Greece,believedtomoveindependentlyofthewill, thewombisregardedasthemaincauseofwomen’sdiseases,whicharegroupedtogetherunder thegenerictermhysterikaor hysterika pathe. The most feared are upwards movements causing suddensuffocation, the famous hysterike pnyx (King 1998, 80–1, 225–6). The wombsuffersfrom being barren, and if it remains sterile for too long, it strays throughthe body in an uncontrolledway, causing all kinds of diseases. Comparedwith a‘wild creature’,agrion,with ‘ananimal intheanimal’,zôonenzôôi(Plato,Timaeus91c 4; Areteus of Cappadocia, On acute diseases 2.11), the wandering wombbecomes a threatening creature in formulae of exorcism (Faraone 2003, 189–97;2011, 3–9). On gems, it is addressed by powerful deities, such as Seth-Typhon,whoorders: ‘Contract,stalethi (or: stay inyourplace,statheti),womb, lestTyphonseizeyou(katalabe)’(e.g.Michel2001a,BMnos.351,379).OntheGettygem(Fig.2), three Egyptian deities act as protectors and surround the uterus, the lion-headedChnoubiswithIsisandNephthys.

Thestomach

Similar reflections can be made about the stomach, another organ credited withan independent will and strong needs. The stomach is hungry or lazy, enjoys orloathes food. It is also the seat of uncontrolled emotions, usually negative. InLatin literature, the adjective stomachosus denotes a bad-tempered person, orsuffering from unpleasant feelings, anger, irritation, anxiety (Gourevitch 1976;1977).Adiscontented stomach caneven speak. Its language is made of rumblingnoises, expressed by a number of verbs: crepare, crepitare, murmurare, latrare(e.g. Horace, Satires 2.2.17–18). Doctors mention its complaints, the querelastomachi (Tecusan 2004, 242–3, fr. 77). The stomach even has a memory of its

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own. For Augustine (Confessions 10.14.21), the assimilation of knowledge iscomparedwithdigestion–memoryis ‘thebelly’(venter)of themind (Baroin2003,171–5).

So-called digestive amulets are common, and they display with manyvariations.Herakles,forexample,fightscolics,possiblydesignatedbytheinscriptionofthetripleKappas (KKK),anevocation fromthehero’sproverbial reputationasaglutton (Dasen 2008, 269–70). Alexander of Tralles (sixth century) prescribes thefollowing image against colics: ‘On a Median stone, engrave Herakles standinguprightandthrottlinga lion;set it inagoldringandgiveitto thepatient towear’(transl.Bonner1950,62;Guardasole2004,81–99,esp.95).

Another figure, too, rules over the belly, namely the lion-headed snake Chnoubis,which isusuallyengravedongreenstones(Michel2004,168–70,cat.no.11;DasenandNagy2012).Galenrecommendsagreenjasper:

Wornas an amulet, it benefits the stomachandoesophagus. Somealso set it in aring, andengraveonittheradiateserpent,justasKingNechepsosprescribedinhisfourteenth book, I myself have made a satisfactory test of this stone. I made anecklace of small stones of that variety and hung it frommy neck at just such alengththatthestonestouchedthepositionof thecardiacorifice.Theyseemedjustas beneficial even though they had not the design that Nechepsosprescribed(Desimpliciummedicamentorumtemperamentisetfacultatibus9.2.19,KühnXII 207, 2–12;transl.Bonner1950,54;Jouanna2011,74–5).

ThisdescriptioncorrespondstotheprescriptionintheLithikaofSocratesandDionysios:‘Engraveonit(akindofonyx)aserpentcoilwiththeupperpartorheadofalion, withrays.Wornthusitpreventspaininthestomach;youwilleasilydigesteverykindoffood’ (Lithika35;transl.Bonner1950,55).

TheinscriptiononthereverseofagemdepictingChnoubisspecifies:‘KeepProclus’sstomach healthy’ (Delatte and Derchain 1964, no. 80; Dasen and Nagy 2012, 310withsimilar inscriptions).Butthefigureispolysemicandgovernsotherorgansinthebody, such as the heart (Fig. 4) and the uterus. On a haematite in the Skoludacollection(Fig.4;Michel2001b,no.145,pl.24),thesnakestandsuprightbesidethewomb,whereastheinscriptionadvertisesthatitwillappease pains in the stomach.This polysemy corresponds to that found in medical and non-medical literature.GreekandLatintermsdenotingthebellyareoftenvagueandcandesignatedifferent

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regionsoftheabdomen,includingthewomb.Stomachosisconstructedwithstoma,themouth, andcandescribeotherorganswithanopening,suchastheuterus,thebladder, theoesophagus and the larynx. The range of ‘stomachic’diseases is thusverylarge(Berg1935;Roura1972,320–1).

Another variant of so-called digestive gems depicts an ibis, either tied to an altar,with clumpsofpapyruson top,ordevouringa snakeor scorpion,with inscriptionscommanding: pesseorpepte, ‘digest!’(Seyrig 1934, 1–5; Bonner 1950, 51–3). Theinscription,asonuterine gems, addresses the organ itself, as if the stomach wasan autonomous being. The symbolic efficacyof thebirds is basedon apersuasiveanalogy: just as the ibis devours even venomous animals, so the stomach shoulddigestwhatitreceives.

Therangeofdiseasesmaybelarger.Thewombisalsotreatedbythistypeofgem.OnastoneintheBritishMuseum,theibisstandsononeside,ontheotherChnoubiswatchesover theuteruswithtwootherdeities (Michel2001a,BMno.409).Couldthestonealsocareforthe heartaswell?Theshapeofsomegemsalludestothatoffunerary heart scarabs, also carved with ibis birds, but with another, funerary,meaning(Michel2004,cat.no.27.2.d).

Another type of ‘digestive gem’ depicts the radiate phoenix standing on aglobe, surrounded with various animals (crocodile, scarab, bird, scorpion, snake,crab). The bird was believed to survive without food, and the figure isassociated with inscriptions similarlyaddressing theorgan,stomachou, andpepte(Nagy 2001; Michel 2004, cat. no. 43). (Fig.5) Why do so many gems insist ondiseases originating in the belly? Certainly, partly because food poisoning andintestinal parasiteswere not rare. Just as in certainmodern nations thedoingsofone’sbowelsarewidespread,almostobsessive,concerns,sothestomachosanditsailmentsbecameasortof ‘maladiedesociété’inRomanantiquity.Procreationwasalsotheaim of a woman’s life, and a pregnancy a dangerous time. Hysteria anduterine disorders hencebecameacommontoposinLatinliteratureandonmagicalgems.

THEMNEMONICFUNCTIONOFIMAGES

Faraone (2010) has demonstrated that a spherical magical gem from Anapa(Russia) could represent a miniature handbook, collecting different prayers for

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makingamulets.Howfar couldpicturesalsokeepandtransmitthememoryoforalrituals and knowledge? The memory of ritual gestures and practices may berecovered from the state of preservation of the stone, polished or broken. Someclearly keep thememory of incantations,with images combining referencestothedesired effect of the incantations, as in the famous pterygôma motifs. QuintusSerenus Sammonicus (AD 200) describes the procedure against fever: themagicalword Abracadabramustbewrittenonapapyrus,and repeated,droppingthelastletterofthelineat each repetitionuntilonlyone letter remains, so that itdisappears as the fever should vanish, thanks to the efficacy of visual analogy(Önnerfors 1988; 1996, 163–6; Michel 2004, 149–52). The pterygôma or wingedformation is often used for fevers but also applies to other diseases, such asbleeding (Barb 1952;Michel 2001a, BM nos. 382–4; Faraone 2009; 2010;2012).Itoccursonageminlapis-lazuliintheCabinetdesMédailleswithanadditionalvisualandverbalpuntocurepaininthethroat;itdepictsononesidetheimageofagrape,ontheback an inscription inpterygômaofthefruit’sname,staphyle (Fig.5;DanielandMaltomini1989,93–4). In Greek and Latin, thewords for grape, staphyle anduua, also designate the uuula (Skoda 1988, 103–5, 247–8), a metaphor used inmagicalformulae.Thus,MarcellusEmpiricus advisesplacing a grapeon the throat,while reciting:uua uuam emendat, ‘the grape cures the throat’(Demedicamentis14.25). On the gem, a visual play is added by the shape of the fruit itselfwhichlookslikethepterygômamotif.Thesymbolicefficacyofthegemisalsoenhanced bythecolourofthestone,bluelikethefruit(cf.blueglassorfaienceEgyptianamuletsinthe(Fig.6)shapeofgrapes;HerrmannandStaubli2010,136,no.82).Anyimageofagrapeonagemmighttherefore refer to amagical procedure, but good practiceforbidsustoclassifysuchgemsasmagicalwherethereisnoinscription.

Eyediseases

The best example of a single picture alluding to a whole procedure is that of thelizard for eye diseases. Ancient authors report the details of the magical processinvolving the animal (Gaillard-Seux 1997; Pardon-Labonnelie 2005).A green lizardmustbeblindedandshutintoapotwithpebblesorringsofironorgold.‘[When]thelizardhasrecovereditssight,theyletitout, andusetheringsforophthalmia;othersusetheashoftheheadinsteadofantimonyforscabrous eyes’,saysPliny(NaturalHistory29.129–30).Aelian(OnAnimals5.47)addsthatthe ironring can be carvedwiththepictureofalizard.

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On a series of gems, usually made of green jasper suggesting the colour of theengraved animal (Fig. 6; Michel 2004, cat. no. 14.1a), the depiction of the moonoccursandcouldrefertothe time of the procedure (Bonner 1950, 69–71; Michel2001b, no. 92, pl. 15). MarcellusEmpiricussaysthat‘thelizardmustbecaughtandtheremedypreparedintheoldmoon,thatis,from the nineteenth to the twenty-fifth, on a Thursday in the month of September’ (De medicamentis8.49;transl.Bonner1950,71).

The transfer of magical figures into other media is very rare. When it occurs, itprovides agoodexampleofhowmagicalpracticedidminglewiththemedicalone.Wesawthatuterinemagicalstonesusedacupping,i.e.medical,device;alternatively,amagicaldevicemayoccuron a medical stone, in this case a collyrium stampfrom the Roman site of Augusta Raurica(Switzerland)(Fig.7;Lieb1981,207;Riha1986,90,no.680,pls.62,72;Voinot1999,no.274).It belongs to a well-known typeof stone stamp used to mark solid sticks of eye ointments, usually made ofgreenish-blacksteatite,withanengravedtext,cutinreverse,ontheflatfaceofeachedge (Fig. 7). About 300 collyrium stamps are known today (Voinot 1999). Thecontent of theinscriptionisstandardandconsistsusuallyofthreeparts:thenameof thepersonwhoprobably invented the salve, thenameof an affliction, and thenameofthesalveforitstreatment.Onthe example fromAugst, however, we readonly the words diapsoricum, eye-salve, on one side, nardinum(valerian-scented?)ontheother.

This stamp has another unusual feature, too, since two images have been rathersketchily carved into the flat surface: a bird is depicted standing, holding in itsbeaka circularobject, probablyaring,withafrog,seenfromabove,toitsright.Thebirdisnotcock-headed,nordoes ithavethelongcurvedbeakofanibis(cf.thecock-headedfigurewithbirdfeetinMichel2001a, BMno.232).Coulditbeapoorlycarvedsort of hawk?We find in theCyranides (1.21.61–9) a hawkassociatedwitha frog:‘Engraveahawkinthefrog-stoneandafrogatitsfeet,andenclose afrog’stongueandarootletoftheplantandthetopofthetongueofthebirdandgiveittowearafter setting’ (Waegemann 1987, 169). A large range of ailments is cured by thisamulet, from haemorrhageandvomitingofbloodtojaundiceandstingsorbitesofvenomousanimals.

Thepracticeofplacingimagesoncollyriumstampsisnot,however,unparalleled.Afewpieceshavebeencollectedthatshoweitheragod,anauspiciousdevice,orimagesthat

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alsooccur on magical gems (Voinot 1999, no. 52:Asklepios; no. 240: sun, moon,sevenstars.SeeDasen2011ongemsasstampedremedies).

The collyrium stamp fromAugst thus recalls the dual range of action of a Romanoculist,who printed his collyriawith an object that had an added,magical, value,possibly alluding to a parallel procedure. His clients were perhaps treated notonly with composite remedies but with rings that had been kept in a vesseltogether with a green lizard. The object reminds us that magical and medicaltherapies coexistedandwerenot conceivedasdistinct practices(Nutton1991,esp.19–20; Manniez 2011). Künzl (1996, 2464–73) collected details of a number ofdoctors’graveswithamulets,suchasamberbeads,andsilverphylacteria,besidethestandardmedicalequipment,whichmayhavebeenusedinhealingpractices.

Themnemogems

A final example is associated with another mnemonic use of images. In the well-knownmnemogems,earandmemoryareputintorelationbyagesture.Theseatofmemoryis intheear lobe (Fig. 8), as Servius comments (onVirgil,Eclogues6.3.4):eachpartofthebodyisassociatedwithaspecificdeityandcapacities,‘thepartsofthebodyareconsecratedtodeities,suchastheeartomemory’.Wemeetagainaninternal, mysterious activity visualized by means of an image evoking a common,shared knowledge. Several authors allude to it. ‘I offer my ear to touch’, opponoauriculam,saysHoracetotheplaintiffcallinghimtowitness (Satire1.9.74–8). ‘Thememoryisseatedinthelobeoftheear,theplacethatwetouchincallingapersontowitness’, repeatsPliny(NaturalHistory11.251;cf.Baroin2003,169–70).

Themotif appears on cameos by the late second century (Nachtergael 1982, 115–29). Weseea righthandpinchinganear lobebetween thumband forefingerwithan injunction in Greek, Mnemoneue, Memneso, more rarely in Latin, memento,‘Remember!’Variants suggest that the ringwishes good luck to thewearer (Henig1990, 30, no. 56: ‘Grace to the bearer’), or is a present to a beloved one whoshould remain faithful (Fig. 8; Boardman 1968, no. 79: ‘Remember me, kalepsyche, good luckSophronios’; seevandenHoeket al.1994,47,appendix F). Themnemotypecouldalsorefertoaspecific,butunspecified,happyevent.Orwasitakind of carpe diem?When the end approaches, Death also pinches the ear as areminderto‘livetoday’ (cf.[Virgil]Copa27:Morsauremuellens:‘Viuite’ait,‘uenio’).

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In some examples, elements relating to magic appear, such as the image of fourknots (Fig.8), possibly used to ‘bind’a wish or a person. Nachtergael (1982, 121–2) relates the number four to the fourthmonth ofApril, which is consecrated toAphrodite according to Lydus (De mensibus 4.64), or to a symbol of the soul,composed of four elements according to Pythagoras (Lydus,Demensibus2.9); henotes that the fourthdayof theweek ismoreover ruled byMercurywho governsthesoul.Visualplaysalsotransformthepictureof theear. In a few examples, theengraver replaced the image of the ear with the letter O of the word Mnemo(Nachtergael 1982, 118–19,no. 3, pl. I, 4).Ona carnelian inMadrid (Marco Simon2002,93–4,fig.4), theearstandsabovethehand,as if itwereasign.OnageminCopenhagen (Fig.9; Eitrem1939, 80–2, fig.5), logoi surround the ear: XIEXE ZAΣE.The hand is no longer visible and the ear lobe has become a sign(Fig.9), as ifwe were observing thecreationof oneof thesemysterious charakteres. It shouldbenosurprise,asweallknowthatmemory ismorethana littlemagical.

Acknowledgements

ThispaperwasfirstpresentedatthecolloquiumMagicalGemstones,heldatTheJ.Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, on 13 February 2009, and afterwards at variousseminars in Switzerland and France. I am grateful to the audiences and mycolleaguesfortheircommentsandsuggestions,especiallytoChrisFaraone, RichardGordon, Attilio Mastrocinque and Árpád M. Nagy. I would also like to thank B.Bundgaard Rasmussen, A. Mastrocinque, S. Michel, K. Lapatin and B. Rütti forprovidingmewithphotographs.

InstitutdumondeantiqueetbyzantinRuePierre-Aeby16CH1700Fribourg

SwitzerlandE-mail:veronique.dasen@unifr.ch

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TRANSLATIONS

Whennototherwisementioned,translationsarecitedaftertheLoebedition.

ABBREVIATION

SGG2008:Mastrocinque,A.(ed.),SyllogeGemmarumGnosticarum,II(Roma).

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure1Haematite(2.3x1.35cm),Aquileia,Museoarcheologiconazionale,26,242.Photo:A.Mastrocinque.

Figure2Haematite(2x1.5cm),TheJ.PaulGettyMuseum,VillaCollection,Malibu,California,GiftofDamonMezzacappaandJonathanH.Kagan,83.AN.437.59.Photo:GettyMuseum.

Figure3Haematite(1.65� 1.37cm),Köln,InstitutfürAltertumskundederUniversität,27.Photo:IsoldeLuckert.

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Figure4Haematite(4.62x2.29cm),Skoludacoll.M085.Re roducedwiththekindpermissionofS.Michel-vonDungern.Photo©afterMichel2001b,pl.24,no.145.

Figure5Lapis-lazuli(1.9x1.8cm),Paris,CabinetdesMédailles,BibliothèqueNationale.Photo:A.Mastrocinque.AfterFaraone2012,fig.1.3.

Figure6Greenchalcedony(1.2cm),TheJ.PaulGettyMuseum,VillaCollection,Malibu,California,81.AN.11.1.Photo:GettyMuseum.

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Figure7Collyriumstamp,greenschist(35x31x9cm),AugustaRaurica,74.6260.Photo:UrsiSchild.

Figure8Cameosetintoamodernmount(3.5cm),TheJ.PaulGettyMuseum,VillaCollection,Malibu,California,2001.28.11.Photo:GettyMuseum.

Figure9Carnelian,CollectionofClassicalandNearEasterAntiquities,theNationalMuseumofDenmark,DFa547.Photo:museum.