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A
HISTORY OF GUJARATFROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE
PRESENT TIME
I
EDALJI \DOSA BHA I ,
Ret ired Deputy Collector ,
Ahmaddbdd .
PRINTED AT
The Un i ted Print ing and General Agency Company'
s Press
by Ranchodlél Gungdrzfi xn
AHM ADABAD.
1 89 4 .
All R ights Reserved in c lud ing the r ight of translat ion
Registered under Ac t XXV of 1 8 6 7.
Price Three R upees.
m Own um G . N. pum a! a 80m .
ANGLO-ORlENTAL l ooK-DEPOT
Kalkad ew Road Bomb ay.
TO
G . BOILEAU new,ESQ UIRE,
INDIAN C IVIL SERVICE ,
COM M ISSIONER OF THE NORTHERN D IVISION
OF THE BOM BAY PRES IDENCY,
THIS H ISTORY
OF A PROVINCE
WITH THE ADM INISTRATION OF WH ICH HE HAS BEEN
SO LONG AND HONOURABLY ASSOC IATED
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
AS A TOKEN
OE SINCERE GRATITUDE AND ESTEEM ,
THE A UTHOR.
PREFACE .
The want ofa connec tedHistory of the province ofGujarathaving been great ly felt so far back as the year 1850, the
Gujarat Vernac ular Society, then only recent ly started under
the fostering care of the lamented M r. A. K . Forbes, advert ised
that a’
priz e would b e awarded for such a history written in
the vernacular. T he present writer was at that t ime one of
the senior pupils in the Governm ent English School, and“
de
pending mainlyonBird’s Translat ion of the M irat-izAhmad
'
i and
Grant Dufi‘s H istory of the M aratha
‘
s, he’
set hims'elf to compi le
a briefcompendium ofthe History ofGujarat’
. The‘
book m ap
proved of by the Soc iety, and the priz e was du ly awarded. M r.
Forbes, in his report of the Soc iety for 18 50, wro te as follows -2
While on this subjec t , I may add that I have in my
possession a compilation by Edalji Dosdbhai,writ ten in
very good Gujarat i, andgiving a useful summary of the
History of the province . This may b e published imme
diately, and may b e a very good school-book
Doctor Seaward; in the report of the following-
year, stated
The second publication is the History ofGujarat b'
y
Edalji DosAbhai . I t is essentially a school-book and: a"
very useful one too, and is now used in all the‘
Versa
culsr schools of'
the c ity. Two hundred copies‘
wer‘
e
'
published, ofwhich very few remain
T he au thor having soon afterwards ob tained service under
Government, he could not command the leisure necessary, for
ra ising and“pub lishing thework . Portions of i t, however,
wars M ad intossvsrsl of the earlier educational tex t books.
II
and M r.,
BéJ1bhai Amichand, the proprietor of one of the verna
cular presses at Ahmadabadb ‘pi iblishéda third edition on h is
own responsibility.
On h is re t irem ent from Government service, the compiler
b ecam e desirous of re-issuing the b ook . Since i ts fi rst publ ic
ation, however, in 1 850, a vast amount of addit ional informat ion
has become availab le from the Rae Mala, a storehouse ofGujarat ifolk-lore, and from the researches ofDr. Biihler and other
em inent scholars. The au thor also though t i t desirab le to con
t inne the History to the present t ime, plac ing under“
c ontribu
t ion for this purpose several of the volum es of the Bomb ay
Gaz et teer and t he omc ial Adm i nistrat ion Reports . In the
hope that such a c onnec ted History from t he earliest to the
latest t imes m ay prove useful”
not only t o students in Gujarati tself bu t to allwho take an interest in the c ountry, the au thor,
ac t ing on the advice of several of h is friends, undertook t o c om
pile the work in English . He was great ly encouraged in h is
endeavours by the Rev . George P . Taylor, B. D.
,of the Irish
Presbyterian M ission, au thor of the Student’
s Gujarat i Gramm arl
W ith a Vi ewt o ensure correc t English idiom and general ac cu
racy, this gent lem an very k indly undertook to revise the m anu
script , and he further supplied several b ooks on loan from h is
valuab le library. Indeed it is owing largely to his c ordial as
sistance and encouragement that the work has nowb een b rough t
t o comple t ion ,and the au thor takes the present opportun ity of
e x pressing h is grateful acknowledgm ents t o h is k ind and es
t eem ed friend. He 18 also underdeep ob ligat ion t o M r. E . Giles,
M . A Educational Inspec tor, N . D . ,for his k indne ss in going
through the whole of the m anuscript and for many useful sug
gest ions and corrections. His warm interest in
“
the work has
greatlyencouraged the au thorrepressedwith its pub lication.
III
The informat ion contained in thisHistory hasbeengathered
m ainly from the underment ionedsources
1 . M r. A . K . Forb es’s Res Mela.
2 . M r. Bird’
s Translat ion of the M irat -i-Ahmadi .
3 . Sir E . C . Bayley’
s Local M uhammadan Dynasties
of Gujarét .
4 . Lieu t . Col. J. W . Watson’
s History ofGujarat .5 . Gran t Dufi
’
s History of the M arathas.
6. Volum es 2, 3, 4 , 5 , 6, 7 and 8 of the Bombay
Gaz e tteer.
7. Adm inistrat ion Reports.
Several other trustworthy works by em inent scholars such
as SirW illiam Hun ter’
s Indian Empire , Lieu t . Col. Tod’
sRAjasthan M r. Du t t
’
s Anc ient India, M r. E liot’
s Rulers of Baroda,
and Elphinstone’
sHistory ofGujarat have also been ofm u ch use .
In the spelling ofproper nam es the Hunterian system has
b een followed in the m ain.
For the sake of ready reference, in addition to the usual
inde x a detailed chronological summ ary has b een given in the
Tab le of Contents.
In conc lusion the au thor b egs to state that in the hope of
mak ing the book as usefu l as possib le, he has sparedno pains to
ob tain fu ll and accurate inform at ion ; and he will fee l him self
amply rewarded, shou ld h is work m eet wi th the approbat ion
of the reading pub lic and espec ially of scholars interested in the
annals of Gujarat .
CHRONOLOGICALTABLEOFCONTENTS.PA RT I . H INDU PERIOD .
D s'
rs . Summer.
Casrrsa I .
Subjugat ion of Okhainandal b v Krishna
T he Pi l idavs in Guja idt
Ru le o f Ashuka t he Grea t
T he Vikr:m idfl ii tya o r Sam vat era
T he sale:1 S: i livéh :m a c l a
Ku n ishk'
i s Co nq u e s t o fGuja i de
Fu i im l nt iom «if“m hm gu rT u e K s lm t m p ru le rs
T he ( 3m t n n ipu t ra s and t he G l l l otas
T he Vu ln l i h l K i l l g s
Fu d m hu iu l l u i'
Va lai b h ipi t l‘
l lu l le u T s i tt l lg'
s V is i t t o Va la b h ipur
De s l l’
t lc l lm l "f Vat lu hh ipl t l‘
u f k ingdom si t. Pauc llm
Cn l 'qnm t u i'
l’ i m -hém r b y Bhuwar ltéjd
lh ri ln a t Van li t] Un
'
V u h‘.
Fu i i m hi l iu u u i'
Au h ilu ér I’dt nu
Va n liaj'
s slm l l ll
T he ru le " t h is su c c e ssm'
s
Anv zcx r or THE Pausrs.
'
l'
lwir cm m o x in u wi t h lm lia
Tm ' i l' w i t h-Irw in u i l 'iu
Theirw u l t o Saujztu
VI
Sc emor. PAGE .
CHAPTER II .
Ac cession ofM u l Réj Solanki
Repu lse of an invasion by the s s of Tel
ingdna
Temple of Rudra Mel b u ilt
Subj ugat ion of Sorath and Kachh
Subjugat ion of the Loth country
M ul Raj ’s gifts to Brahmans and abdication.
Eb lial Valé.
Chémund’
s abdicat ion and Valabhsen’
s ac
c ession
E x pedit ion against mama, and dem ise of
Valabhsen
Ac cession ofDurlabh -sen
Construc t ion of the Du rlabh
Durlabh’
s abdicat ion in favour ofBhim Dev I .
CHAPTER I II .
M ahm ud ofGhaz nav i’
s sack ofSom nath and
c onquest ofAnh ilvvér Pé tan
His return t o Ghaz ni
Sandal-wood gates of Som nath
T he Dab isalim s
M ahmud’
s death
Bhim Dev I . Regains Gi ijarAt
Temple b u ilt at Delwara. by Bh im Dev’
s
m inister
Hindu confederacy against M usalman ru le
Regaining of Lab or and o ther c ities byHindus
10737 41
VII
SUBJECT .
Visal Dev ofAjm er’
s at tack on Gujarat .Foundat ion of Visalnagar
Subj ugat ion ofSindh
Bhojs s,the c on temporary of Bliim Dev .
The nob le works ofBhim Dev’
8 t ime .
His abdicat ion in favour ofh is son Karan .
C HAPTER IV .
Subj ugat ion of the M ewds
Foundat ion ofK arnavat i
Const ruc t ion of K aran sagar ; the c ourse
of the Rupeyn river altered
Karan’
s death
Ac cession of Siddh-Raj Jaysingh
M aldv tank at Dholké.
Mansarovar at Viramgam
Change of t he nam e Shristhal t o Siddhpurm
Twelve years’
war with Malwa, and tak ing
ofDhar
War with R6. K hengar and capture of
Fight between t he H indus and M uham
madans of Cam bay o n
Siddh Raj ’s just ice and charac ter
C HAPTER V.
Siddh Raj ’s death . Ac cession ofKumar Pal.
Defeat of the K ing of Nagor
Defeat of the K ing ofMalwa
v1 :
Scsrrcr. Pass .
E it h e t lll lu l l aga ins t t he KO l i li cm , a nd pro.
szm m t t t lun u i K l lm dl Pan’
s au x in -l u v l . 1 t ha t
C u l lu l ly o s o 0 “ 0 0 0 s o . s o .
The M o nk l lem éc lldl'
m,t he c h ic f ru iv ise l' o f
Kuu iér P6 !
Re s l o l a l iu n o f t he l l i inm l t emple o f Sam
l lé l ll , l t l l l l e l'
t ' t'
l in l i "I.
h e “ t e m ple s al l. “c lu fi i é, Ca ln lm v
,and
C HAPTER V I .
Km mi r Pdi’
s de a t h and Aj ay I’zi i
’
s su c c es
s io n
Il ls pl‘
u sc c l l l iu l l u i t he Ja i l l s ,
Suc c e ss io n " I.
lht l .\l u | lit'jIi i pu lse o f Sh i h zi i s-u ci-m n (i h u l i in t he lie
gen t Bhim l lc v n o
Bé i M i l l llfij°
s de a t h am i su c c essio n o fBhim
De v I I.
Bhim Ue v’
s e spe ilit io n aga ins t Aha and h is
capt u re "I t ha t fu l’ t
His s ub seque n t i le c a t by Prizhv i RajDefea t o fSh ihdh-ud- clin lay Prit ln i Il tijUnpreni edit a ted m assa c re of Bh im Dev
’
s
seven c ou s ins a t the Chuhé l i'
a‘ Darlié l'.
Bh im De v’s m arc h o n De lh i, and de fea t and
deat h ofk ing So nie shwar in b a t t le .
Sorraeslnva i’
s son Prithv i RAJ ave nges h is’
fa the r’
s defe a t m .t
Suc cessfu l invasion O ’ Im lin hy Sh ihéh-ltd din
Ghori. Defeat andex ecution ofPri thvi Raj.
I l 94i Si i illrih -m i i im’
s c u m pws t o fG l ljm é t
A l i -m l 1 196 llh im n -
ga im pu s 'i t'sls
‘ iu l l o fGuja iAt
1 2 112 Bh im l lc V'
s clea t h am t t he ac c e ssio n of T ri
bho n an PM
Cnarrsu V I I.
Vin iha t‘a l Vri-g hv lé'
s asc em le nc v
PEP-i" a t Cam lm v
Ru le “fKa i t li n lists» a t. Ca ln lmy
1 2 1 4 C cm q l l ch t ai l
.
Pam " am l Cn l'n l i zn in l l nfVié a l De v .
1 2 454 2 1“ Fu rm a t im l u i l lw ae vwa l in a l i c hs-s q flga l'
s.
t i Use r'
s
De a t h o f Dc,a | 1ci A ij l in De v
'
s ac c e ssion .
A 'j im l l . a m i aver-sa in ts"fai n t ing Ile v .
K i t l'
i l l l Ghe la'
s {ICCC BS IUH s o . a s .
C narrsa VII I .
A ld-m l-din’
s Kh i J! a c o nque s t ofa m dt n o
“is 2 1 1 1 ! e x pe rii t i-ol i aga ins t G l lja l'é t . A lm i
h ila t id l l o f Ku l‘
a l l'
a au t ho rity, s s s
Re v iew o f t he Hindu pe riod.
No t ic e of li te rary c harac ters.0 "
PART II M UHA M M ADAN PERIOD.
C HAPTER I .
1 297 Alaf K lutn the first Go vernor oq jarAt
I3 l 5 “is re call a nd e x e c u t ion
l g l hoec 3 l6 Ald‘ l i ‘ifl ii l l'
fl (le n t il u s e s o .
1 317 Aid. m i-din'
s v hlo fl t $0 11 b linded by d ur and
UN“pm on the throne. o s s s s o
x .
SUBJECT.
Kafur slain, and Ahi -ud-din’
s younger son
K u th-ud-din M ubarik placed on the t hrone .
Assassinat ionofSultanK u tb -ud-din,and usur
pat iou of the t hrone by K hushro Khan
Khushro_Khan slain by Gaz i
-b eg T ugh lak
who is chosen king
Succession ofM uhammad T ugh lak
His visit to Guj aratHis e x pedition against M okheraj i Gob el and
capture of Piram ac coun t ofM okheraji’
s
ancestors
Rast i Khan’
s appointment as Viceroy of
GujaratHe is replaced by Jafar Khan
Con test b etween the two viceroys, and the
v ic tory of Jafar-Khan
Foundat ion ofJitpur at the place of v ic tory.
JAfarKhan’
s e x pedit ions against Hindu Chiefs.
Invasion of India by Tam erlane m
Assum pt ion of the t it le of k ing by Jafar
K han’
s son Tam Khan the lat ter’
s death .
Resumpt ion of Government by Jafar Khan .
His assumpt ion of independenc e under the
nam e of M uz afi'
ar-Shah
CHAPTER II .
M u z afi’
ar Shah’
s conqu est of Malwa and
seiz ure ofSultan Hoshang
Hoshangfs pardon and restorat ion .
XI
SUBJECT .
Despat ch of t r00ps under prince Ahmad
against Asa. Bhil
The prince compels M uz afl’
ar Shdh to drink
poison.
0 0 0 0 0 0
CHAPTER II I .
Ac c ession ofSultan Ahm ad
Suppression of reb ellions
Founding of the c i ty ofAhm adabad
Sultén Ahm ad’
s m arch against Sorath , and
the tak ing of the lower fort of J unaghad.
Imposi t ion of t rib u tes on several chiefs of
Sorath
Despatch of an army to destroy the Hindu
t em ples at Siddhpur.
Invasion of Gujarat by the k ing of Mdlwa;his repu lse .
Destruc t ion of Nandod.
Invasion ofMdlwaby Sultan Ahmad
Su ltan Ahmad’
s m arch on Champénet"
c hief forc ed to pay t rib u te
Capture ofSdn-K heré.Bahtidarpur.
Imposit ion of t rib u te on Gohilwar.
Escape of the c hief Sérangji, who assum es
t he t it le of Rawal
Ahmad-shah’
s further ex pedit ion on Malwé .
Founding of Ahmadnagar.
Death of the Idar chiefPunjé.
M ah'
rm taken by the King ofAhmadnagar
Deccan and re taken by Sultan Ahmad.
Imposit ion of tribu te onBundi and Koté
XI!
SUBJECT.
Su ltan Ah tnad’
s las t e x uedit io u o n M élwé
His re t urn and de a t h
His charac ter and adm in is t ra t ion .
His mausoleum .
CHAPT ER IV .
Ac cession of M uhammad
H is e x pedit ion against Idar.
Plunder “fW62 1“.0 0 0 o n . 0 0 0
Dea th of Ganj Bak hsh ; h is m ausoleum at
Sarkhej .
The Su ltan’
s unsuc c essfu l a t tack on Cham
patter
M uhamm ad Shah'
s dea t h and ac c essio n of
h is so n K u t h-ud-din .
Invasio n b y the Mé lwa k in g ; h is de fea t near
Kapadvanj .
Co nst ru c t io n o f the Rs.La ria t a nk .
Inv : i '
-io t | s o f t'
h i t u r,
a nd e x a c t io n o f t ri b u t e
fro m t he “and.
l lea t h o f Ru t h -ud -u t u .
Ac ve s s iv u a nd c ie po sa l o f S u l tan l lti ud
Fu rl o fAim l u lt e l l fro m t he hi s ii. u i ( h i t
and m ade m e r t o i t s n o w r Kha'
did. lh uni.
Ca PTE lt V .
E u t hro ‘i em e n t o f Fa n-h Khan u nde r
t i t le o fSu l t zi u .‘la h tu ud
Il l s su c c e s s fu l m a rc h o n t ho Dec can
Ex pedit ions agains t. Chai r.
1 535-36
Capture and sack of Ahmadnag‘
ar b y the
same Ri na.
E x pedit ion against Ch itor and conclusion of
peace .
Sultsn M uz afi‘
ar’
s death .
CHAPTERVII.
AccessionofSultanSikandar;h isassassinat ion .
CHAPTER VIII .
Sultdn Bahadur’
s an tecedents.
Sult tin Bahi dur’
s accession .
Construct ion ofa fort at Breach .
Capture ofAhmadnagar
Conquest ofMelwa; t he murder ofM ahmud
Khi lj i and his seven sons.
M endal and Viram'
gfi m taken from the Reja
of Jhé llwér.
Capt ure of the fort of Raisin .
Flight of the Portuguese from the vic inity
ofDiu .
A t tack on Chi tor.
The Sultan’
s difi'
erences with the Emperor
Humayun
Bahadur Sha’
s capture of Chi tor
Sultén Bahadur’
s fl igh t b efore
Humayun’
s return to Delh i, and the rec overy
of Gujarét and Mdlwaby Balladur Shéh .
Construction of a fort at Diu by the Portu
guese
X?p
SUBJECT .
Suits-aBahédur’
s treacherous murder by the
Portuguese .
CHAPTER IX.
Succession and death ofMahmud Feruki .
Accession ofSultan Mahmud III.
Sack ofCambay by the Portuguese
Summary resumpt ion of Wan ts. lands, and
persecut ion ofHindus
The Sult6n’
s m urder
CHAPTER X .
Accessi on ofAhmad II.
Repulse ofan at tack of the Khandesh K ing .
Further invasion by the same king, and the
permanent alienat ion from Gujarat of
Sultanpur and Nandurbar
Cession of Daman and Sanjan to the Portu
gugge
Assassinat ion of Sultan Ahmad II.
CHAPTER XI.
Accession of M uz afi'
ar III.
Invasion ofGujardt by Akbar the Great
Seiz ure ofSultan M uz afi far
Surrender of Ahmadabad to the Emperor
Akbar 0 o o o 0 0
PART III .
CHAPTER I .
Surrender ofSurat
]) ATE.
1 577-78
1 581 -8 2
1 584
1 7 !
SUBJECT.
Appointment of M ind. Az iz Koké. as the
Fresh disturbances by the M irzas
T he emperor’
s return to Gujarat and h is
c omplete vic tory
Appointm ent ofRéjaTodarMal to ii: suit
ab le assessmen ts
Enlistm ent of the maofDharampur as a
V3 88a1 0f the empire 00 00 0 0 0000 00
CHAPTER II .
Appointment of M in d Khén as Viceroy
Taking of Idar and Siroh i
AlimadabAd b esieged by M uz afl'
ar Hussain
M irza; his fl ight and death ; c lose of the
M irzareb ellion
Appointment ofShihab-ud-dinAhmad Khén
as Viceroy e s . 0 0 0 e s .
His unsuccessful e x pedition against Am ir
Khan Ghori, ruler of Sorath
His recall ; appointment of Itimad-Khtin as
Viceroy
SultAn M uz éfi‘
ar’
s escape
He regains possession ofAhmadabad, Baroda
and Breach
Arrival ofM irzaKhita as Viceroy his vic
tory over Mu z afi'
ar at Sarkhej
Founding of Fateh-wadi
M uz afi'
ar Shah joins the JAm ofNavanagar.
Battle ofBhuchar Mori
XVII
SUBJEcT . PAGE .
M uz afl'
ar Shdh’
sdeparture for Kachh , his he
t rayal, and suic ide
Reviewof the Gujarat Sultanat
CHAPTER III .
1 594-95 Disturbances caused by the late M uz afi‘
ar
Shéh’
s son Bahadur K hAn
Akbar’
s death and charac ter
Plunder ofSurat andBaroda byM alek Am ber.
Stat ioning of a front ier force at Ramnagar.
Advent of the English at Surat
Defeat of the Portuguese by the English
Treaty b e tween the Emperor Jahangir and
the East India Company
Surat made the Presidency seat ofWestern India.
CHAPTER IV .
Sir Thomas Roe’
s arrival as ambassador
from England.s o . e s 0 s o .
Emperor Jahdngir’
s visit to Ahmadabad, and
the rule ofhis favourite queen Nur Jahén
as Lady-Governor
Estab lishment of fac tories by the Du tch
The fi rst at tempt of the French to estab lish
a fac tory "
Shéh Jahén asViceroy.
Bu ilding of the Shtihi Bi g
Building of Ajam Khdn’
s palace.
Bu ilding of a palace and cast le at Runpurm
Introduct ion of the Bhégvatai system of
assessment . 0 o o o o s
SUB-nor.
Destruct ion of the temple ofCh intfi mtni at
Saraspur.
Idar taken by the imperial troops.
I ts recovery by RRv PunjaGrant ofBombay in dowry to Charles II
Bombay given to the East India Company .
Bom bay m ade the seat of the Presidency"
Coining of the Company’
s rupee at Bomb ay
Navanagar taken by the Viceroy of Gujarét
and its name changed to Islamabad.
CHAPTER V
Birth of ShivéjiShivsji
’
s sack of Surat
Further raids on Surat
Levy of forced contribut ion from Breach
Capture of Pam eraby the Marathas
Plunder of Ahmadnagar and other towns by
the Rejaof Udaipur.
Death of Shivéji
E x ecut ion of his son Shambhdgl
Aurangz eb’
s k ind treatm ent of ShambhaJt s
son SAhu.
His release by Bahédurshéh .
SAhu ob tains the righ t to levy Chauth and
Sardeshmukhi in the Deccan
Sshu assists M uhammad Shéh inu
freeing him
from the control oftheSayyids, and obtains
2 m
CHAPTER VI .
Rise of d dji GAekWAd
d Aji’
s death , and the succession of his
nephew Pilaj i .Building of the fort of Song had
SirBu land Khdn’
s appointm ent as V iceroy of
Gujarat with Sujtit Khan as his
TheDeputy Sujét Khan is at tacked and slain .
His b rother Rustam ali Khan m arches against
the Depu ty -Vic eroy assisted by Pilaj i
Bat t le of Adds and Rustam Ali’
s v ic tory
Treachery of Pilaj i and the su ic ide of
Rustam Ali .
Barodat ak en possession of by Pilégl .
CHAPTER V II.
Sir Bu land Khan ob tains possession of
Ahmadabad
Bat t le of Shzih ibag .
Plunder ofWadnagar.
Plunder ofUm reth .
Sir Buland Khan gives the MarAthés the
righ t to levy Chauth . .
The Peshwél s interferen ce ; h is treaty with
Sir Buland KhRn .
Bat t le ofDhilapur between the Peshwaand
the Goekwsd .
Conclusion of Treaty the t it le of SenaKhés
Khel granted to -P iléji -M d.
I t .
Sen sor.
Imperial fi rman grant ing the tit le ofNagar
shet to Khusb élchand, head of them ercan
t ile community of Ahm adabad
Abhesingh’
s appo intm ent as Viceroy .
Pilaji’
s m urder.
CHAPTER VII I .
Idar tak en by the Jodhpur fam ilyIndependenc e assum ed by the Governor of
Breach .
Founding of Bhavnagar.
Appointm ent of M om in Khén as Viceroy.
Half share of the revenues of Gujarat givenjoint ly to the Peshwaand t he Griekwtid.
Half of the c ity of Ahm adabad m ade over
to the M arathas.
CHAPTER IX.
Invasion of India by NAdir Shrih .
At tack on Renpur by the Thakor ofWadh
wan . d éji’
s assistance ob tained by the
Ranpur Ch ief ; Rainpur given to t he Gask
wad as the price of h is assistance.
Death of Bej i Roe Peshwa.
Burn ing of Songhad.
Disastrous flood in the Sabarmat i.
Capture ofViram gam by Bhavsinghji Dcsai.
Pdtri and n ine v illages g iven to h im in
e x change for Viramgam .
M om in Khdn’
s death and appointment of
Fidéud'din m u: 0 o s s s o
XXII
SUBJECT .
C HAPTER II .
Release and succession ofGov ind Rae
Reversal of Gov ind Rae’
s nom inat ion in
favour of Sayrtji R60 with Fateh Singh as
h is
Brooch tak en by the English
Bat t le of Adds b etween Gov ind R60 and
Fateh Singh GaekWAd
Conclusion of Treaty b etween the Bom bay
Governm ent , Raghunath Rdo Peshwaand
Gov ind Ree Geekwérl .
Bat tle of Adas.
CHAPTER III .
Treaty with Fateh Singh Gdekwéd .
Treaty of Purandhar.
Host ilities with the Peshwa. and defeat of
t he English at Wargam .
Tak ing of Dabhoi by General Goddard.
Treaty b etween Fateh Sing Gaekwad and
General Goddard.
Tak ing of Ahmaddbdd by GeneralGoddard onb ehalfof the Gtie kWAd.
Birth of Sat nand Swam i.
CHAPTER IV .
Defeat of Sindhia and Holkar by General
Goddard.
Forts of Prim ers, Bagwaré. and Indrd-
ghad
taken by the English .
XXIII
SUBJECT .
Capture of Bassein by the English.
Confederacy against the English
Colonel Goddard’
s dem onstrat ion against
Fund, and h is defeat .
Treaty of SAlbai .
Breach assigned to Sindhia.
Great Storm at Surat .
Death of Fateh Singh Gitekwad.
Affairs at Cam bay .
CHAPTER V.
Accession ofManayi GAekwéd ,
MAERji’
s death and su ccession of Gov ind Rae .
Bat t les of Kadi.
Shelukar, the Peshwa’
s Subs. at AhmadAbod,
e x pelled by the Gaekwad.
ThePeshwa’s share ofthe Revenue ofGujaratleased to the GABkWAd for fi ve years.
Death of the last Nawdb of Surat .
The Nawab’
s heir pensioned, and assumpt ion
of Governm ent of Surat by the
CHAPTER V I .
Death of Gov ind R60 Gdekwéd and the se
cession of h is son Anand R40
Disputes between h is m inister Ravj i Apaj i
and Anand Reo’
s half b rother Kanhoji
The m in ister concludes a treaty with the
English and ob tains theirassistance
Storm ing of Kadi
DATE .
XXIV
SUBJECT .
First appointm en t of Resident at Baroda.
Imprisonm ent of Anand Rue GAekwéd by
the Arabs and the lat ter’
s e x pulsion from
Baroda by Brit ish troops .
Cession of t erritory to the English Kaira
m ade the Head Quarters of the army
C HHPTER VI I .
Defeat of Bey RAO by Yeshwant R610 Hol
kar and h is fl ight to Bom bay
Treaty of Bassein
Punaretaken from Holkar by the Brit ish
and made over to the Peshwa
Breach tak en by storm from Sindh ia
Permanent set tlem ent of the K itth i6w6r tribu te.
Steps taken for abolish ing female infant ic ide
in KethiAWtir and Kachh
Subsequent endeavours in th is behalf by
Polit ical Agents and Collectors
CAAPTER VIII .
Renewal of the Gdekwdd’
s Lease of the
Peshwa’
s share of the Revenues of Gujarat .
Depu tat ion of Gangadhar Shastri to Fund to
set tle accounts
The Shastri’
s treacherous m urder
CHAPTER IX.
Fresh treaty with the Peshwaand the further
renewal of the Guekwéd’
s lease
DATE.
XXV
SUBJECT.
Supplem ental treaty with the Gdekwdd and
ex change of t erritory
Possession ofAhm adab ttd tak en by the Brit ish .
Bat tle of K irk i and defeat of the Peshwa
The Peshwa’
s surrender and pension and the
acqu isit ion of his territory by the Brit ish .
CHAPTER X.
E ven ts in Gujardt and K achh.
Insurrect ion at Mandv i and Bodhtin.
Brit ish connect ion with Palanpur .
Treaty with the Nawdb of Radhanpur.
E x pedit ion against Kachh . Tak ing of
Fort of Anjér.
Treaty with JAm Jasdp of Navanagar.
KhumAn ou tlawry in Bhavnagar.
Suprem e power in Kathiawar vested in
Brit ish .
CHAPTER XI .
Baroda q fi‘
ai rs.
Death of Fateh Sing Gaekwéd .
Death of Anand Rifle and accession of
Sayaji R60 II.
Head Quarters of the Northern Div ision of
the army fi x ed at Ahm adAbad.
Enlistm ent of the Gujarat IrregularFresh agreem ent with the Gée kwéd.
Abetm ent of Sat i made a penal offence in.
the oakwat territory.
DATE .
XXVI
SUBJECT.
Sam. Rae’
s death
His character.
CHAPTER XI I .
Accession ofGanpat Rite Geekwad
Colonel Outram’
s Khatpat Report .
Temporary transfer ofthecontrol overBaroda
to the suprem e Government .
Death of Gunpat Rae and the accession of
Khande R60 Gitekwad.
The M ut iny year.
Rem ission to theGeiekwéd ofthe annual paym ent on account of the Gujarat IrregularHorse.
M ilitary affairs ofOkhémandal placed in the
hands of the Bri tish .
Right of adopt ion given to Khande Ree .
Khande Reo’
s death .
CHAPTER XIII .
Accession of M alhér R60
Appointm ent of a Comm ission to enqu ire
into h is m isru le
Appointm ent of M r. DRdébhai Naurozyl as
Diwan
Appointm ent of a Comm ission to enqu ire
into a charge against M alhar Ree of an
at tempt to poison the ResideiitMalhar Bee
’
s arrest and
XXVII
SUBJECT . PAGE .
CHAPTER XIV.
Malh tir REC deposed and deported to Madras.
Adopt ion of Gopa1 Ree by Khande RAC’
s
widow, and his accession to the M asnad
under the nam e of Saydji REC III.Adninistrat ion entrusted to Sir T. M aidhav
Sayayl RRo’
s invest iture with the powers of
Governm ent .
Construc t ion of the Ai water-works
Their complet ion and formal opening .
CHAPTER XV .
Declarat ion ofwar with Kachh ; deposit ion
of R60 Bharmal, and formation of a coun
c il of regency .
Restorat ion of Anjtir to Kachh .
Installat ion ofM 0 Desalji h is loyal conduc t .M anagem ent of the M ah i Khantha tak en
by the Brit ish Governm ent .
First appointm ent of Polit ical Agent in the
Mah i KRntha.
Disorders in the M ah i Kuntha. Outlawries
by Surtijmal and others.
Death ofGam b h irsingji, chief of Idar and
the immolat ion of h is
Storm ing of Ahm adnagar for defi ance of
orders in regard to Sat i.
Troubles in the M ah i x uu tht caused by t e
frac tory chiefs, their fi nal surrender.
XXVIII
SUBsECT .
Restoration of the Sdm légt fair ; raising of
the Gujardt Bhil Corpse
Dispu tes abou t succession to the Rajpiplastate. Vehrisélji
’
s installat ion ,and M r. J.
P. W illoughby’
s appointment as Adm i
nistrator.
Creat ion of the separate appointm ent of
Polit ical Agent in the RewaKunth ti.
CHAPTER XVI.
Great fi re in Surat .
Salt Tax Riot at
Introduc t ion of Salt tax .
Bu ilding of Sheth Hathishang’
s temple at
Ahmadabad.
Estab lishm ent ofFemaleschoolatAhmadabad
by Sheth Maganbhai Karamchand.
Establishm ent of the Gujarat Vernacu lar
Soc iety at Ahm adabdd.
Comm encem ent of survey for the B. B.
8: C . I . Railway .
CHAPTER XVII .
The M ut iny year .
M usalman Riot at Broach .
Trou b les at Dohad.
Tri tyaTopi’
s raid on the RewaIIiSntha.
Tatya-Topi
'
s defeat and fligh t .
Tetya’
s se iz ure and ex ecut ion.
Day of general rejoic ing and thanks giving.
DATE.
x x x
SumEoT .
2 9th Decr. Lieutenant H . L. Gordon k illed in attack ing1 892 and annihilat ing a band of dacoits.
CHAPTER XX.
Civi l adm in istration .
Passing of Act I for the adm inistration of
the Surat distric t .
Appointm ent of a Collec tor at Surat .
Passing of regu lat ion XIII defi ning the
powers of that oflicer.
Survey of the Breach distric t .
Appointm ent of v illage accountants.
Regulat ions passed relat ing to the adm inis
tre t ien of Revenue, constitution of v illage
and Distric t Police, 830.
Prohib it ion of Sat i throughout British India.
Repair of the town-wall ofAhmad‘bAd out
of funds spec ially raised for the purpose.
Introduc tion of M unic ipal improvements.
Progress of educat ion, Pub lic Works, Rail
ways, 810.
Local Self-Government system
Enlargement of the Legislat ive Counc ils.
Conclusion.
Appendix
APPENDICES.
List of the Kshatrapa
List of the Sena k ings.
List of the Chavadak ings.
List of the Solank i k ings.
List of the vaghelak ings.
List of the Sultans of Gujarat .Statem ent of the revenues of Gujaratunder the Ahmadabad Sultans.
Statem ent of the revenues of Gujaratunder the M ughal rule
Present Area, Populat ion and Revenue
of Brit ish Territory in Gujarat .Present Area, Population and revenue
of Nat ive States in Gujarat .
HISTORY OF GUJARAT ,
PART I.
EARLY HISTORY,
HINDU PERIOD .
CHAPTER I s
K RIsHNs , k ing ofDwarka,T he Pa
'
ndavs at Vail-at -nagar. Asoka the
Great . K anishka ex tends h is c onquests as far as Gujarat . His vassals
b ecom e independent under the t itle of the K shatrapas. The rule of
t he Gupta, the Valabhi, and the Chavada dynast ies.
FROM 1 400 B. o. t o 94 2 A . D.
VERY lit tle is known of the early period of the h istory
of Gujarat under its anc ient Hindu Ru lers. The au thor of
the M irat - i-Ahm adi , c ompiled in or ab ou t A . H . 1 1 75 (A . D.
1 761 ) by the then Badshah i Diwan Ali-M uhamm ad-Khan,
in h is opening chapter, states that the c ountry of Gujarat wasonce governed by Rajpu ts and Kolis, and that the Raja of
Kanauj, as the param ount power in Hindustan, used to receive
tribu te from several ch iefs, them selves independent each of
the others. Evident ly Ali-M uhammad-Khan had not ob tained
inform at ion for the period anterior to Vanraj’
s t im e, and
h is h istory , therefore, comm ences only with the reign of that
k ing . Regarding the orig in of Vanraj, he states that savat
singh , one of the slaves of the Kanauj Raja, was pu t to deathon a crim inal charge, and h is house b eing given up to plunder,
Savatsingh’
s wife fled towards Gujarat ,where she short ly after
wards gave bi rth to a son . Th is infant it was who subsequent lybecame the founder of the c ity of Anh ilvar Patan.
[PART’
1 . eHAP. 2
Later researches, however, and notab ly those by M r. A.
K inloch Forb es, au thor of the Rasmala, and Co lonel Jam esT od, the h istorian of Rajasthan , have shown that the k ing
dom of Gujarat ex isted long b efore the t im e of the Chavada
dynasty ,and also that Vanraj, so far from b eing of low origin,
was , in reality , of royal parentage . The earliest m ent ion of
a princ ipality in Gujarat, that has yet b een trac ed is in the
M ahabharata, from wh ich i t appears that Krishna, new
worsh ipped as an incarnat ion of Vishnu , who was an ally of
the Pandavs, estab lished a princ ipality in Gujarat ab ou t 1 300or 1 400 B. C . Th is princ ipality appears to have b een Ok ha
m andal, which Krishna subjugated after a hard struggle with
the Kalas (the ancestors of the present vaghers), and estab lished
h is capital at Dwarka. It further appears that the Pandvs,
in their wanderings (1 400 B. foundVairat -nagar governed
by Queen Sadishva of the Bhil race, whose b rother Kichak
was slain by Bh im for an at tempt on Draupadi, wife of the fi ve
Pandavs. T he m odern town of Dholka, situated twenty - two
m iles sou th -west ofAhm adabad, is supposed to stand on t he site
of this anc ient Vai i'at -nagar,
! bu t th is is doub ted by som e.
After th is period no further inform at ion regarding Gujarat
is ob tainab le, unt il we reach th e third century b efore Christ,
when Asok a-
rthe Great , k ing of M agadha (Bihar), who ru led
from B. C . 2 63 to 2 2 2 , caused h is fam ous edic ts to b e inscribed
on the rock at Girnar. From th is it appears that Sourashtra,'
or
at least the greater port ion of that peninsula, was under
the ru le of that k ing , and was probab ly governed through“
Satraps orDepu t ies, and their h ead quarter was, i t
is believed,
at Junaghad. W e then fi nd that in the fi rst century after
Vide Bom bay Gaz et teer Vol. IV, page 337.
1 This king b elonged to the Maurya dynasty, vide BoinbayGaz etteer
Vol ; VIII, page 272 .
3 EARLY PERIOD.
Christ , the great conqueror Kan ishk afii who ruled from Kabul
and Yarkand as far as Agra, e x tended h is c onqu ests t o
Gujarat. A race of ru lers k nown as the Kshatrapas, held
sway in Gujarat, as the vassals ofKan ishka, b u t th ese appear to
have bec om e independen t du ring t he t im e of that k ing’
s su cces
sors. They are supposed to hav e conquered Kachh , wh ich re
m ained a por t ion of the Gujarat princ ipal ity in the t im e of the
Valabh is also .Broach '
l'
andCam bay1(Kham b hayat )appear t o have
form ed port ions of their dom in ion . Th e K shatrapas are k nown
as powerfu l m onarchs. Prob ab ly they worshipped b o th the Sun
and the Fire . On their co ins,! the m onarch is depic ted wearing
t he M ac edon ian helm e t , wh ile the reverse sh ews a fire altar
and represen tat ion of the sun and m oon . They appear t o
have b een overthrown by Gau tam pu tra, the Andhra k ing of
the Dec can, abou t A . D . 330, who , it is probab le , held possession
of Sau rash tra for ab ou t a c en tu ry . Bu t the Guptas of Kanauj ,who ru led b etween the Gangaand the Jam na. were ab ou t that
Colonel Jam es T od, lat e Polit ical Agent , W estern Rajputana, in h is
annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I page 2 33, calls t he invader by t he nam e of
Knack-Sen, a descendant of the fam ous Raja Ram of Ayodhya, and adds
t hat he wrest ed dom inion from a prince of the Prammara”
prob ab ly
Parmar ) race , and founded \Vadnagar A,D. For the years and
coins ofKanishka'
s reign, see pages 2 13 t o 2 2 1 of Indian Ant iquary Vol.X,
Breach is a very anc ient town, and b elonged to the M aurya Kings,and afterwards to the Dadas, ofwhose t im e several c oins and insc ript ions
have b een found,Its original nam e is Bhrignkachha, or Bhrigukshetra,
s'
. a, t he fi eld ofBhrigu Rishi its founder.
1 Cambay is also an anc ient town . Its original name was'
Skamhha
Tirth and also T rambavat i , For further details see Bombay Gaz et teer
Volume VI, page 2 13 , also Asiat ic Researches Volum e IX, pages 1 17- 2 44 ,
sad Sir H,Ellio t
’s History of India, Vol. V, page 1 43.
T he Rev. M r. Taylor of the Irish Presbyterian Church had recent ly
the good fortune to procure in the Ahmadabad Bazar a coin corresponding
ex ac tly with the descript ion here given.
[u m I . OHAP. 4
t im e rising into power, and k ing Chandragupta II. sent an
army under the c omm and of h is son K umar-pal to Sauraéh tra,
wh ich he c onquered in or ab ou t 432 , and plac ing a v ice-regent ,
nam edChak rapal, at Vam ansthali (the m odern Vanthli) to rule
in h is behalf he returned to Kanauj . There is an insc ript ion of
the t im e of K umarpal’
s successor Skandhagupta on the rock
at Junaghad, wh ich sh ews that the Sudaréana lak e at the
foot of Girnar, wh ich had b u rst its em b ankm ent seven years
prev iously in consequ ence of ex cessive rain, was repaired in
t he 1 37th year of th e Gupta era, that is in A . D . 456. Chak ra
pal also erec ted the temple ofVishnu on the top of the Jayantah ill the ne x t year. It thus appears that the Guptas ru led su
prem e in Saurash tra ab ou t that t im e . Skandhagupta seem s to
h ave b een the last of the m ore powerfu l of the Gupta K ings.
In his t im e h is Senapat i Comm ander- in-Ch ief ) Bhatark , of
t he Ghelot race, cam e with a large army to Saurash tra,
and m ade h is ru le fi rm in that prov ince. After Skandha’
s
death in or ab ou t A . D . 468 , and du ring the decline of the
Guptas who were fi nally ov erthrown by the foreign Huns
Bhatark assum ed the t it le of K ing of Saurash tra, and founded
the c ity of Valabh ipu r (ab ou t A . D . 479) wh ich soon was m ade
the capi tal, a lieu t enan t b eing left at Vam ansthali. Traces
of thel
o anc ient c ity are ye t to b e seen near the li t tle town
of situated ab ou t e igh t een m iles to th e north -west
of Bhavnagar. Of the e x istence and importance of th is Vala
b h ipu r th ere can b e no m anner of doub t . Its nam e frequent ly
occurs in old m anuscripts, and is m ent ioned in an inscript ion-
j
Chief t own ofa 3rd Class State of that nam e under t he present Ka
thiawar Polit ical Agency. The present Chief is a Bhaiad of the Thakor
of Bhavnagar.t
1 See Indian Ant iquary Vols. XI, page 305, XIV. pages 75 and 339,
and XV, page 335.
[PART 1 . cm . l .] 6
authors, however, agree in affi rm ing that the c ity was sacked
and o verthrown by foreign invaders. The Ras Mala states
that in the t im e of the last Siladitya, a Marwadi nam ed Kaku
left h is native town Pali, and sett led in Valab hipur, where,
though originally he had b een so poor that he was known by
the appellation of Rank”
poverty-st ick en he in t ime
am assed vast wealth . One day the k ing’
s daugh ter ob served,
in the tresses of “Rank’
s”
daugh ter, a rich gold com b , studded
wi th valuab le jewels, b u t on her e x pressing a desire to possess
herself of the sam e, Rank wou ld no t c onsen t to part with the
prec ious ornam ent at any price. Thereupon the k ing caused
it to b ewrested from h im by force, b u t th is ac t of injust ice ledto the ruin of Siladitya, for the Marwadi m erchant resolved
on v engeance, and heedless of all consequences to h is country,
waited on a foreign emperor, and, ofl'
ering an imm ense sum for the
assistance h is troops cou ld render,wh ile also holding ou t hopes
of rich plunder, indu ced h im to advance against Valab h ipur.
Under th is prom ise the emperor invaded India with a
large army ,and defeated and k illed Siladitya, after wh ich the
capital Valabh ipu r was pillaged and destroyed. The e x ac t
year of th is invasion ,and the nam e of the k ing who effec ted
the destruc tion,nowhere appear. The Hon . M oun tstuart
Elph instone c onjec tu res that the emperor m ay have b een
Naush erwan the Just , b u t t hat k ing ru led in Persia from
A . D. 531 to 579, when Valab h ipur appears to have b een eu
joy ing peace under its own k ings. Hence, th ough i t is true
that this k ing carried h is arm s in to India, st ill he cou ld not
have b een the destroyer of Valab h ipur. M r. Elph instone
indeed g ives A . D . 52 4 as t he year of the destruc t ion of
Valab h ipur, b u t that year m ust b e incor rec t , i nasmuch-as
the ac count of Hiuen- Tsiang shows Valab h ipur to have
b een in a flourishing condit ion at the time of his visit in or
7 VALABHI mass.
about A. D. 640. There is, therefore, every reason to b elieve
that the foreigners who overthrew Valab h ipur were som e
early Arab invaders, who retu rned as rapidly as they cam e.
After the fall of Valab h ipur the inhab itan ts appear to have
dispersed to diflerent localit ies, and to have founded o ther
towns, am ong which were Bali, Sundari, Nandol in M arwar,
and Panchasar.
It was at the last m ent ioned place that the fortunes of the
k ingdom of Gujarat rev ived under the Chavadadynasty , bu t
whether these Chavadas were in any Way c onnec ted with t he
Siladitya fam ily has no t b een ascertained. The last k ing of
the new dynasty was Jayshek er, du ring whose re ign , in or
abou t 696 A. D. , an eloquent bu t fanat ical bard, nam ed Shan
k ar, fu lfi lling the Gujarat i say ing d li ld h as grad ed W is! an} ,
( a foolish friend m ay pro ve an enem y b rough t ru in upon
h is k ing and country. I t happened that this bard, in the
course of his begg ing—e x cursions ab road, en tered the presence
of RajaBhuwar of Kalyan in the Dec can! The k ing b eing in
open Darbar, surrounded by h is court iers and nob les, Shankar
sang som e verses in the m onarch’
s praise . T he k ingwas pleased
with the composit ion, and, when present ing the bard wi th the
usual robe of honour, enqu ired of h im , as to h is nam e and
hom e. In proud reply Shankar spok e in term s of unm easured
eulogy of h is own country, Gujarat , wi th i ts capital Panc ha
sar, and ex to lled so h igh ly the valour of i ts so vereign, Jay .
sheker, and of h is general Surpal, that jealousy was at once
k indled in the b reast of Raja Bhuwar. He determ ined on
speedily subdu ing Gujarat , and seen an army under the c om
mand of h is ch ief general, nam ed M ir, was m arch ing towards
Panchasar. It halted when only si x m iles from the capital,
0 According to Dr, Btihler Kalyan was situat ednearKanauj:
[PART 1 . can . 1 3
where,'
-however, it was surprised and completely rented by
Surpal and the Gujarat troops. M ir, having lost several of his
emeers, retreated in great confusion towards Kalyan . W hen
st ill eigh t-“
days distant from that c ity, RajaBhuwar joined the
armywi th large reinforcem ents, and inspiring his so ldierswith
fresh courage, placed h imself at their head. A second advance
was made against Panchasar. After c losely b esieging the c ity
for som e fi fty -two days, during which Surpal bravely repulsed
several at tack s, Bhuwar Rajasough t to corrupt that general
from h is allegiance to Jayshek er. Bu t the b rave Rajpu t seemfu lly rejec ted all such overtures, dec laring that he was as in
separab le from h is k ing, as is water from the m ilk with wh ich
i t has b een m ix ed.
After th is the siege was st ill cont inued, and Jayasheker
found h is troops were b eing seriously reduced in num b er. An
x ions to preserve h is dynasty , he b esought Surpal, whose sister
he had m arried, to c onvey her to som e place of security . To
th is Surpal and the Ran i consented with great reluc tance, and
the two m anaged to escape from the b esieged c ity , after
wh ich they took their course towards a forest . RajaBhuwarnow offered to leave Jayashek er in undispu ted possession of
h is territory on condi t ion of h is t endering h is subm ission in
the usual form , holding grass in his m ou th , and b owing to the
conquerer’
s feet , h is hands b eing for the t im e t ied b eh ind h im .
Jayashek er, however, replied that he wou ld prefer death in the
b at t le-fi eld to such hum iliat ion , and a fi erce fi ght ensued, in
wh ich Jayshek er fell, sword in hand. King Bhuwar to m ark his
esteem of the valour of h is adversary , perform ed in person.
the
funeral rites, ob serv ing that Jaysheker was an honour to those
who had g iven h im b irth .
Gujarat thus passed under the dom in ion of . the Kalyan
K ing, who , after receiving the subm ission of the chiefs of
9 EARLY H l x nU PERIOD .
Kac hh and Sorath , and spending a short t im e at Panc hasar,
re tu rned to h is capital, leav ing a governor to adm inister the
affairs of the newly acqu ired pro v inc e .
Su rpal, hav ing , in the m ean t im e , left h is sister in the
forests, was h im se lf re tu rn ing withou t de lay to Jayshek er’
s
assistance , when he heard of the lat ter’
s defeat and death .
H is fi rst impu lse was to rush on the enemy’
s cam p, and thus
share in the fate of the k ing , b u t on refl e x ion he reso lved
rath er t o avenge h is m aster, and, if possib le , regain the coun try
on behalf of the infan t prince whose b irth h is sister was ex
pe c t ing . A cc ording ly he withdrew to the forests and m oun tains
ofG irnar, whenc e , with a few c hosen fo llowers, h e issued ou t
from t im e to t im e to m o les t the depu ty of Raja Bhuwar.
Th e Rani Rupsundari. after her b ro ther’
s departu re , m et
in th e forest a k ind-hearted Bhil wom an , who ,rec ogn iz ing at
on c e that she was a lady of h igh rank, gav e her she lter
,and
prom ised to procure her food and necessaries. In her hum b le
abode , at the fu ll m oon ofVaishak h, Sam vat 75 2 A D . 696 )
a son , dest ined to b e the fu tu re k ing of Gujarat , was b orn to
the Ran i. Six years she pat ient ly spen t wi th her infan t in
the forest , after which period, however, a Jain M onk nam ed
Shilg un Suri wh ile on his way through the jungle , saw t he
prince sleepi ng in a cradle that was suspended from the
b ranches of a t ree , and, b e ing struck with the ch ild’
s nob le ap
pearanc e , m ade enqu iries of the m o ther. Learning from her
who she was, the pious m onk t ook bo th the m o th er and ch ild
with h im to h is m onastery , t reat ing them wi th every tok en of
respec t . T he ch ild now rec eived the nam e of Van -Raj ( forestk ing ) by reason of h is b irth in the jung le . T he ne x t few
years were spen t in the m onk’
s re t reat at or near Radhanpu r,!
0 New belong ing t o Natural) Bism illa Khan of the c elebrated
Bab i fam ily .
‘7d
[PART 1 . OHAP . 10
u n t il, at length , the t im e cam e when the boy cou ld safely join
h is m aternal unc le Surpal in the fastnesses of Girnar. Here
he ac com pan ied h is unc le in m any of h is daring e x ploits, and
b ore h imself in all so well, that Surpal grew confi dent of
speedily realiz ing h is long cherished hopes. W hen Van -Rajwas only fou rteen years of age, h is unc le died, and the you th
had henceforth to rely solely upon h is own ab ility and re
sourc es for the recovery of h is father’
s throne. He fi rst nom i
nated those who had b een of servic e to h im during h is m is
fortune to h igh honours, wh ich were, however, for a long t im e
m erely nom inal . Bu t at length an opportun ity oc curred fa
v ourab le to the estab lishm ent ofan independen t k ingdom . RajaBhuwar had assigned the rev enu es ofGujarat to h is daugh ter,and one day ,
as her ofi cers who had com e to c ollec t the tribu te
were returning t o K alyan with a vast am oun t of treasure and
m any swift Kath iawadi horses, Van -Raj at tack ed t he party,
and, k illing th eir ch ief, b ecam e possessed of imm ense b ooty.
Th is enab led Van -Raj to carry in to effec t his long c on templated
plans, and in Sam vat 802 (A . D . 746) h e founded th e once
fam ous c ity of Anh ilwar, in wh ich h e was form ally en throned
on the 7th of Maha Vad. H ith er h is m other Rupsundari and
th e spiritual prec ept or Sh ilgun Suri, who had so long protec ted
h er, were safely b rough t , and the im age that they worsh ipped
was installed in a t emple under the nam e of Panchasar Paras
nath . The power of the Solank i dynasty of Bhuwar Rajawas,in process of t im e, destroyed through ou t the prov ince, and
Anhilwar rem ained the capital of Gujarat un t il the year 1 41 2
A . D. , when Su ltan Ahm ad founded the c ity of Ahm adabad on
the b ank of th e sabarm at i river. Anhilwar is said to owe its
nam e to the fac t that when Van -Rajwas in search of a site for
the c ity , Anh il, a shepherd, consented to m ak e k nown a su it
ab le spot on the e x press condit ion that the c ity , when bu ilt,
1 1 c HA’
VADA’DYNASTY.
sh ou ld be nam ed after h im self. The k ing , t rue to h is pro
m ise , gav e i t the nam e of Anhilwar. In cou rse of t im e, how
e ver, as the popu lat ion and prosperity of the plac e inc reased,
and it b ecam e m ore defi n itely the c i ty of the prov ince, it cam e
to b e frequen t ly c alled Patan the c i ty and often the two
nam es were com b ined in the compound form ofAnh ilwar Patan.
T he re ign of Van -Raj lasted si x ty y ears, and at h is death
in A . D . 806, he left t he k ingdom ,wh ich h e had t e-es tab lished
by h is own valeur, in a prosperous condit ion.
H is su c c essor to the sov ere ign ty was h is son Yeg-Raj, who ,
lik e h is fath er, possessed m ilitary talent s. He is also said to
hav e b een c onspic uous for lite rary ab ility . Du ring h is re ign
of th irty-fi ve years, h e largely inc reased the e x tent and t e
sou rc es of h is k ingdom .
Very lit t le has b een rec orded in c onne x ion with the re
m ain ing fi ve k ings of th e Chavada dynasty . Their reigns,
howev er, appear to hav e been prosperous, the ir dom in ion was
e x tended in various direc t ions, and, according t o th e acc oun ts of
Arab ian travellers, the capi tal Anhilwar Patan cont inued to b e
a centre of inc reas ing c omm e rc e.
Sam ant Singh , the last of the Chavada dynasty ,had no
m ale issu e, b u t h e had g iven h is sister in m arriage to a ch iefof
that sam e Solank i race to wh ich b elonged the Raja Bhuwarwho had efl
'
ec ted the ru in ofVan -Raj ’s father and the destru c
t ion of the Panchasar k ingdom . A son of th is sister, nam ed
M u l-Raj, was adopted by Sam an t Singh , who one day ,in a
drunk en b ou t, abdicated in h is nephew’
s favour. Though he
revok ed h is abdicat ion after re turn ing to a sober state, t he
nephew, nevertheless, laid c laim to the Sovereign ty , and, col
leet ing som e'
t roops, overpowered and slew the k ing. M u l -Rajforthwith usu rped the throne, and to guard against possib le
[PART 1 . CRAP. l .] 1 2
reb ellions, caused all the k insm en of h is m o ther (who had died
when g iv ing h im b irth ) to b e pu t to death . Thus the k ingdom
ofGujarat passed from under the sway of the Chavadas, and
c am e under the dom in ion of the Solank is.
The Tab le in Appendix C g ives the dates of the reign of
each k ing of th e Chavadadynasty .
Before conc luding th is chapter, it is desirab le to not ice
b riefly the arrival during this period, and sub sequent set t le
m ent in Gujarat , of t he Parsis, a people new so widely k nown
for their enterprise, espec ially in c omm erc ial m at ters. It wou ld
b e foreign to the purpose of th is work to narrate the c ircum
stances that led to their losing th eir empire, one of the earliest
and m ost i llust rious in anc ien t h istory . Suffice i t h ere to
m en t ion that in A . D . 641 the ir independenc e was fi nally
overthrown by the rising power of the Arab s . In consequence of
t he fi erc e relig ious persecu t ion that ensu ed, du ring wh ich m any
of the Iran ians accepted the M uhamm adan faith , the greater
port ion of those who st ill c lung to their own re lig ion felt th ey
c ou ld preserve i t only by qu it t ing their b elov ed nat iv e land.
India had long b een k nown to them . Their religious aswell as
polit icalconnex ion with it had c om m enced in v ery anc ien t t im es.
The e x pedit ion of Darius, son ofHystaspes (B. C . 5 2 1 ) is well
k nown , and t he Punjab appears to have b een a dependency of
Persia from that year t ill B. C . 350. K ing Beh ram surnam ed
Ger is known to hav e paid a v isit to India in th e fi fth c entury
A . D.
, t o gain allies in h is st ruggles with th e Scyth ian trib es of
W h ite Huus and to have form ed a m atrim on ial connex ion with
the house of a Hindu Prince .
! Nausherwan th e Just and h is
grandson K hu sh ro Parv ez were c onnec ted by t reat ies with se
v eral Hindu K ings. Khushro Parvez’
s son Sh iroveyh is, indeed,
i t See Du t t ’s anc ient India Vo l. III Page 6 1 ,
[PART 1 . CHAP . I .) 1 4
c erem on ies in acc ordanc e with prevalen t H indu cu stom s, and
t hat the ir wom en , though allowed to re tain th e Sadra (sh irt)and K u st i (sac red thread), em b lem s of the Zoroast rian re ligion,
shou ld adopt the dress of H indu fem ales. T he Parsis ac c epted
these condit ions, and se t t led at Sanjan A . D . 71 6 wh ence,
in t im e, they sen t ou t several co lon ies, am ongst o th ers to Nav
sari , Cam bay , Breach , Su rat , Variav and Ank lesh v ar. I t sh ou ld
b e m ent ioned that ab ou t fou r c en tu ries later, one of the Rana’
s
su c c essors ab rogat ed th e proh ib it ion to b ear arm s. A t that
t im e A la-ud-din Khilji’
s arm y , under the c om m and of Alaf
K han ,when invading Gujarat and the Dec can , had approached
Sanjan , whereupon t he Parsis, in gratefu l rem em b ran c e of the
shelter g iven by t he Rana’
s anc estor, responded t o h is request
for m ilitary assistanc e . A b ody of fourteen hundred Zoroas
t rians c am e to h is aid, and repu lsed A laf-K han . Bo th t h e Parsi
c om m ander Ardesh ir and the Ranawere, howev er, k illed in a
sub sequ en t at tack on Alaf-K han’
s return W ith fresh re - inforce
m ents, and, on th e lat ter tak ing the town of Sanjan , th e Parsis
were compelled to rem ove elsewhere .
Sam vat 772 , Shrawan Shud 9 th , c orresponding t o Yaz d-e-Zardi
year 85 , m onth T ir, day Bahm an,is the dat e of th is set t lem ent as given
by Dast ur Aspandiar Kam din , high priest of t iie Parsis at Breach , in a
pamph let writ ten by h im in A . D. 1 8 26,and quoted in M r. Dosabhai
Fram ji’s Hist ory of the Parsis, vol. 1 , page 30.
1 5
CHAPTER I I .
THE SOLANK I DYNASTY ,
The re ign of M u lraj, Cham und,
Valab hsen and Durlabhsen.
FROM 94 2 t o 102 2 A . D.
M u l -Raj th e fi rst k ing of th e ab o ve nam ed dynasty c om a
m enc ed h is re ign in A . D . 942 .
.
H is energ ies had seen to b e em
ployed in protec t ing h is k ingdom from twopowerfu l enem ies,who ,
owing to the destru c t ion of the Chavadadynasty were tempted
to invade Gujarat alm ost sim u ltaneou sly . These were
1 . T he Rajaof Nagor or Sam bhar (the presen t Ajm er)from the N orth .
2 . The Raja of T e linganafrom the Sou th .
M u l-Raj estab lished h im self in the strong fortress of Kan th
K o t on t he fron t ier of Kac hh , and, see ing that i t wou ld no t be
possib le to cope wi th b o th the powerfu l enem ies at one and the
sam e t im e wi th su c c ess, he indu c ed the Ajm er ch ief by large
presen ts to re t ire to h is own coun try . M u l-Raj then at tack ed
t he army from T elingana, and pu t i t to fl igh t with the loss
of its general.
Freed thus from fear of fore ign invasion , M u l -Raj tu rned
h is at ten t ion to the capital, wh ere he caused several tem ples
to be b u ilt . A t th is period, also ,he c omm enced t he erec t ion
of the fam ous temple of Rudra-Mal at Shristhal the presen t
Siddhpur a town held in great sanc t ity by the H indus.
W h ile M ul-Raj was re ign ing at Anhilwar, the K ing in the
peninsu la of Sorath was one Grah R ipu , desc rib ed as a dem on
in the anc ien t Hindu work s . Grah Ripu was v ery powerfu l,
and h is stronghpld of'
Vamansthali (the m odern Vant hali), near
Girnar,was considered impregnab le . Hewas also m ost tyrannical
[PART 1 . CHAP . 1 6
and oppressed h is su bjec ts and the pilgrim s that resorted to
Som nath - Mahade v . Tradi t ion says that one day the M ahadev
appeared t o M u l-Raj in a dream , and direc ted h im t o destroy
Grah R ipu and h is dem ons. M u l-Raj, ac cording ly ,after c onsu lt ing
h is m in isters, de term ined to carry ou t the wishes of the M ahadev,
who had prom ised h im v ic to ry . He sum m oned h is allies, and
m arc hed agains t Sora th a t t he head of a large arm y am ong the
ac c lam a t ions of h is su bjec ts , who , as is u sual on su ch o c c asions,
thro nged in g rea t nu m b ers t o wi tness t he m ilitary proc ession.
Grah R ipu , hearing of th e approac h of M u l-Raj, a lso as
sem b led h is arm y , and ca lled h is fr iend Lakha, the Raja of
K achh , and also the Sindhu Raja, to h is aid. A sangu inary
bat t le ensued, in wh ich the Gujarat army was v ic tor iou s, and
Grah R ipu’
s arm y t ook t o fl igh t . Grah R ipu was h im se lf struck
down by the hand of M u l-Raj, and tak en prisoner. H is ally
Lakhathen proposed nego t iat ions, b u t M u l-Raj refusing to listen,Lakha assailed h im with great fu ry ,
and fell in the c ontest,
pierced by M u l-Raj ’s spear (A . D. Thus c omplete v ic tory
c rowned the e x pedit ion Of the G ujarat k ing , who m ade his
ob e isance to the idol Of Som nath,and even tually retu rned to his
capital with his arm y , b ring ing as plu nder a v ast am oun t of
treasu re and a num b er of e lephan ts tak en from the enemy .
M u l -Raj, du ring h is glorious re ign of 56 years, e x tended the
lim its of the k ingdom of Gujarat very c onsiderab ly . By
Lakha’
s death he gained possession of K achh ,in addi t ion to
Sorath Of which h e b ecam e th e lord by th e fall of Grah Ripu.
Several k ings, to propit iate h is favour, used to send h im pre
sen ts of gold, j ewels and o ther v aluab le art ic les. On one occa
sion an am bassador from Lath i f b rough t from h is Raja the
Sir W illiam Hu n t er inc ludes in t he Lath c o unt ry, t he Collec
t orat es ofSu rat , Breach , Kaira and parts of Baroda. T he grants pu b lished
in the Indian Ant iquary Vo l. XII, pages 196 to 205 ahd Vol. XIV, pages
1 96 to 203, support this View,
17 mun-M'x com m .
present of an elephant , which having been pronounced by the
astrologers as of bad omen, the k ing not only contemptuously
turnedaway the am bassador and refused the present , bu t , whena favourab le opportun ity presented itself, even at tack ed the
Lath country. During th is ex pedit ion he was accompan ied
by h is son Chamund, who , leading the van of the Gujarat army,
k illed the prince of Lath'
i n bat tle. Thus Lath also was an
usz od to the Gujarat k ingdom .
Towards the end of h is reign M ul-Rdj sufi ered deep re
m orse for hav ing unjustifi ab ly k illed h is m other'
s k insm en.
In order to ex piate his crim es hemade frequent fasts, took vows,
went on pilgrimages, and gave large presents to Brahm ans. A t
length b e resolved to abdicate the throne, and tak e up h is abode
in the holy town of Siddhpur, then known by the nam e of
Shristhal. Here he inv ited learned Brahmans" to set t le with
their fam ilies, andprostrat ing him self b efore them ofi'
ered them
h is k ingdom . The wise m en,however, refused the gift , saying
they would not b e ab le to m aintain possession of the k ingdom .
M al-RAj, therefore, alienated Siddhpur, Sihor and several v il
lages for the endowm ent of the temples and support of the
Brahmans. A.D. 997 He also gran ted Valato c ertain Brah
mans, bu t left its governm en t in the hands of its ch ieftain.
The lat ter is said to have b een a descendant of Eb hal Vala,
who flourished in or abou t 2 95 A . D . , and concern ing whom the
The following is a list of the fam ilies which em igrated to Siddhpur
M al-Raj apatronage
105 from Pray6g(Allahabad). 100 from GangtLDwar.
100 from Chyawun Ashram . 100 from Naemesha Aranya.
900 from Kapyd Kubja, 100 from Benares.
404 00m Knru Kshetra.
Vida Forbes Rama“, page 48.3
[PART 1 . cm . 18
following verse, given in the Kathiawar Gaz etteer, is still at
t imes sung
At Wadhwan resides Ebb el who can withstand the
onset of m en
He defeated the Iranis with his spear,
Of which the Sun is witness
M ul-Raj also added m uch to the importance ofCam bay by
sett ling there a colony of the newly arrived Brahmans and
grant ing them a piece of land, ab ou t twenty square m iles in’
ex tent , near the plac e where t he M ahi enters the ocean, wh ich
the Brahm ans selec ted as the m ost holy place near the temple
ofKumarika. Th is grant appears to have b een accompan ied by
the transfer of Cam bay to its present site . Before th is the
c ity is supposed to have stood three m iles inland. Th e temple
ofKumarika is said to hav e b een situated on the ground at
present oc cupied by the English Fac tory bu ilding .
After m ak ing these and other m agnifi cent gifts, Mu l-Raj
abdicated his throne in favour of h is eldest son Chamund, and
in h is b eau t ifu l palace Ram iashrum , (the hou se of del igh ts) at
Siddhpur, spen t the remainder of h is days in religious devo t ion.
Raja Cham und’s reign lasted only for twelve years and
four m onths, b u t it was one of peace and prosperity . Som e
h istorians, however, place in h is reign the invasion of Gujarat
by M ahm ud of Ghaz ni and the sack of the fam ous temple of
Som nath , b u t th is cannot b e correc t , for, according to the b est
au thorit ies, the invasion in quest ion t ook place in A . H . 460,
A . D . 102 43, and thus si x teen years sub sequ en t to the c lose of
Cham und’
s reign . In 102 5, Bhim - Dev was k ing of Anh ilwar
and if h is grand-father Cham und was t hen alive, though in
ret irem ent , th e m istak e m igh t readily b e made of asc rib ing
Mahmud’
s invasion to the period of Chamund’
s reign instead
ofmerely to his life-t ime.
1 9 CHA'MUND somsk r.
In A. D. 1009, Chamund Rajaabdicated, as h is father had
done b efo re h im , in favour of his eldest son Valab h , and pro
c eeded to Benares on pilgrim age . On h is way th ither the Raja
of Malwa insulted h im by tak ing from h im h is um b rella and
o ther royal insign ia. On h is return Cham und inform ed h is
son of the insu lt done to h im ,so Valabh marched with an army
to Malwa to pun ish the offender. On the road, however, he
succum b ed to an attack of sm all -po x . The army, therefore,
returned in great grief to Gujarat, and Cham und then seated
h is second son Durlabhsen on the throne, h im self returning as
a penitent to Sukal Tirth"on the bank of the Narbada, where
‘he passed the rem ainder of his days.
Durlab h reigned for ab ou t eigh t years. He bu ilt several
temples and the Durlabh -Sarovar ( tank ) at Anh ilwar. His
younger brother was Nag-Raj, and the wives of b oth these
b ro thers were daugh ters of the k ing of Marwar. Durlabh had
no m ale issue, b u t Nag’
s wife gave b irth to a son (Bhim -Dev ),
dest ined to b ecom e fam ous in the annals of Gujarat . When th isnephew grew up to m anhood, Durlab h resigned the k ingdom
into h is hands, and b oth he and h is b rother Nag-Raj ret ired as
pen itents, leav ing to Bhim-Dev the burden as well as the
splendour of a vast dom inion . (A. D. 102 2
O This place is ab out t en m iles above the town of Breach and a great
fair is annually held there on the day of the full m oon of the month of
which about twenty fi ve thousand pilgrims assemble.
20
CHAPTER III.
B]!m -Dnv I , M ahmud ofGhaz ni's invasion of Gujarat .
FROM 102 2 t o 1072 A . D .
Soon after the accession ofBh im -Dev agreat calam ity b efell
the k ingdom of Anhilwar. M ahm ud, k ing ofGhaz ni in Afgha
n istan , whose nam e has already b een m ent ioned, had, while
Gujarat was enjoying peace under its Hindu ru lers, made no less
than fi fteen ex pedit ions against other parts of India, and had
conquered Lahor, M irat , Delh i and other c it ies in the N orth.
In A .H. 4 16,A . D. 1024, M ahmudmade h is six teenth ex po
dit ion with a v iew to destroy the famous temple of Somnath,
and thus strik e a heavy b low at idolatry . In Septem b er of
that year he left Ghaz ni by way of M ultan , took Ajmer, and,leav ing the m ountain of Ab u in the rear, arrived by forced
m arches at Anh ilwar. Bh im -Dev prob ab ly not being fully
prepared to m eet h im fled, and Anhilwar fell into the hands of
the invader. M ahm ud then m ade his preparat ions for mar .
ching on Somnath, and in the m onth of January 102 5 A. D
reached that place.
Here, notwithstanding the suddenness and rapidity of
M ahmud’
s approach , the Hindus collec ted in large numb ers,
and m ade a b old stand in defence of their religion. On the
fi rst day of the at tack by the M uhammadan troops the battle
m ents were cleared by Mahmud’
s archers, and the Hindus, di
spirited by the fi erceness of the onset , had nearly lost the day.
Instead of remaining fi rm at the ramparts they crowded into
the prec inc ts of the temple, and prostrat ing them selves with
tears in their eyes before the idol implored its aid. The M u
hammadans immediately seiz ed the opportdnity thus offered
by the temporary desertion, and, having applied their scaling
[war 1 . ou r. 2 2
b ury som e of the fragments under the threshold of the m osque
of Ghaz ni, and others at the entrace to h is own residence in that
c ity, in order that they m igh t be trodden under foot by the
b elievers . Wh ile the work of dem olit ion was proceeding , the
devotees offeredM ahmud an enorm ous ransom ifhewou ld desist
from further m u t ilation ; b u t the only reply received from him
was that he would rather be k nown as the destroyer t han as
the seller of idols. So the work of destruc tion cont inu ed, and,
u lt im ately ,in addit ion to the prec ious stones ab ove m ent ioned,
a large am ount of treasure is said to have b een found concealed
in the vaults.
Hav ing m ade the requ isite arrangements at Somnath,
Mahm ud m arched on the fort of Gandabafi t situated ab ou t 68
m iles from Anh ilwar to wh ich Bhim -Dev had fl ed. On arrival
he found it to be a fort ifi cat ion surrounded by deep water on
all sides. Two divers were brough t to h im ,who infor med
M ahm ud that there was a ford, b u t that if the t ide cam e in
as they were crossing all wou ld perish . M ahm ud, therefore.
after humb ly invok ing the aid of the Alm igh ty, set out at an
hour when the t ide was low, and, advanc ing through the water
with h is cavalry, safely landed them b elowthe fort ifi cat ionwalls.
Seeing th is, Bhim-Dev took to fl igh t , and the fort fell an easy
prey to the invader, who here also ob tained enorm ous booty.
M ahmud, thus v ic torious, returned to Anhilwar, and, beingm uch pleased with the open, ex tensive country, its rich soil,
and good c lim ate, ex pressed a desire to stay in Gujarat forsom e years. His nob les, however, dissuaded h im from this
intent ion , represent ing that Gujarat was too distant from hisown country, wh ich was inhab ited by a hardier race of people.
a Supposed to be the present waste site ofGhandvida the KathiawarCoast .
23 MUHAMADorGm :
Hence after lingering only a fewmonths in the Province the
Su ltan determ ined to return to Ghaz ni, tak ing with him the
treasure and jewels ob tained from
Before leaving Gujarat , the Sultan considered it polit ic to
place it in charge of som e one chosen from am ong the people
of the country, who wou ld be under pledge to govern i t for
M ahm ud as h is depu ty and send h im the annual tribu te. The
nob les inform ed h im t hat of the old dynasty there were two
m en known as Dab isalim s,'
l'
one of whom was ru ling in a
distant part of the country , and the o ther wandering ab road as
an anchore t . A lthough the nob les praised the lay Dab isalim
very m uch for h is honesty , and said they were confi dent he
wou ld send the annual tribu te faithfu lly , M aham ud’
s cho ice fell
on the ascet ic priest . Th is lat ter had prom ised to send the
k ing each year a sum equal to the revenue of Kabu l and Kho
rasan together. The anchoret found no diffi cu lty in persuading
Mahmud that if the o ther Dab isalim cont inued free he wou ld,
after the Sultan’
s departure, do every th ing in h ispower to usurp
the throne . M ahm ud accordingly m arched against h im , arrested
h im and took h im offto Ghaz ni. A fewyears after th is,when t he
i The sandal-wood gates of the temple of Som nath , taken byM uhamad to Ghaz ni as a t rophy of h is v ic tory and fi x ed to the doors of
h is mosque in that c ity, were recovered by the English t roops during the
Kabul war in A .D, 1842 ,and in that year were b rought back to India'
T he
ident ity of the gates is, however, doub ted by Sir W illiam Hunter, ,who
considers them a modern forgery. The gateswere deposited at Agra.
1» It is not c lear who these Dab isalim s were, save that they were
holy personages ofroyal ex trac t ion. They had however long since lost
t he ir pat rimonial territories, which had been usurped by the Solankis.
See Asiat ic Researches, Volum e IX, pp,
1 80—185 .
Sir II. Eliot ,calls th
‘em DevaSilaor the m editat ive kings. See Nu
hammadan Historians, Vol , IV, p,183.
It is not improbab le that the word Dab isalim may have some con
nex ion with the Dabhis, a branch of the s puta.
[PART 1 . cm . 2 4
anchoret had become fi rm ly seated on his throne, he succeeded
bym eans ofpresents to the Sultan andhis m inisters, in induc ing
the form er to surrender the st ill imprisoned Dab isalim to h im.
The re igning Dab isalim had, it is said, caused a dungeon to be
m ade under h is throne for the ex pec ted prisoner, b ut Prov idence
had willed o therwise, and the proverb Whoso diggeth apit
shall fall therein was li terally fulfi lled in th is case.
It was customary , says the M irat-i-Ahmadi, for the king,
when about to rece ive a prisoner of m ark , to advance one stage
to m eet h im , and m ak e h im run b efore h is horse, carrying a
pitcher ofwater on h is head as far as the prec inc ts of the palace.
According to th is custom Dab isalim , the anchoret , marched out
one stage from h is capital. There was, however, som e delay in
theprisoner’
s arrival, so the Dab isalim passed the hours in hunt
ing. After a t im e, b eing t ired, he gave his followers the order to
halt , and fell asleep him self under a tree, hav ing prev iously cc
v ered h is face with a red handk erch ief. There were m any vul
tures in the neighb ourhood, and one ofthese, m istak ing the red
c lo th for a piece of flesh , descended and carried it away in its
talons. In the ac t of seiz ing it , however, the b ird’
s c laws pierc
ed the eyes of the sleeping prince, who was thus permanently
b linded. A great tum u lt forthwith arose in the army, andm ean
while, the other Dab isalim arrived. The k ing’
s at tendants, per
c eiv ing that their m aster was now incapac itated for ru ling the
k ingdom , at once determ ined t o transfer their allegiance to Da
b isalim the prisoner, and accordingly they all m ade the ir obei
sance t o h im . They further constrained the b linded Dab isalim
to submit , and plac ing the pitcher, wh ich had b een b rought forthe Ghaz ni prisoner, on h is head compelled h im to run b efore
them to the palace. Here he was pu t into the very dungeon he
had him self given orders to bu ild for anothere -
i
We must now revert to Muhamad Ghaz ni after he left
2 5 Bum-15m I.
Anh ilwar. His returnm arch was not at all so prosperous or so
speedy as had b een h is advance. The rou te by wh ich he
proposed to go back was occupied by Bhim-Dev , who in the
m eant im e had m anaged to collec t a forc e, and by Visal-Dev,
the Rajaof Ajm er. His army was, by th is t im e, much redu ced
owing to losses incurred both by the at tack on Somnath and
by the change of c limate . M ahm ud therefore did not consider
i t polit ic to risk , in h is weak ened condit ion, ano ther bat tle. Ac
cordingly he determ ined to return by a new rou te through the
deserts ofSindh . In th is m arch the army suffered great distress
from wan t of water and prov isions. M any of the soldiers died
rav ing m ad from the intolerab le heat of the desert and from
th irst . In a sadly shat tered state M ahm ud at last reached
M u ltan with the remnant of h is army ,and thence proceeded to
Ghaz ni (1026- 27 A . D . His death oc curred in A. D. 1030.
After this owing to dissensions am ong h is descendan ts and to
m any other causes, Gujarat , in comm on with the rest'
of India,
enjoyed an immunity from foreign invasion for the long
period of 1 60years.
After the return of M ahm ud to Ghaz ni, Bh im -Dev regained
possession of h is k ingdom . I t is no t c lear, however, in what
year and by what m eans he did so . He certainly had assum ed
royal power before 1032 A . D.,for an inscript ion, dated that
year, tells of the temple ofYugadinath at Delwara hav ing b een
b u ilt by Vimal-Sha, Eh im
'
e v ice o regen t , so that thirteen years
sub sequent to M ahmud’
s death , when the k ings of Delh i,Ajm er,andother sovereigns, tak ing advantage of theweakness ofM ah
m ud'
ssuccessors,at tack ed and retook Hansi,Thaneshwar,Lahor,and o ther c it ies, Bh im
-Dev had already ob tained full swayover Anh ilwar, and ac cordingly he did not join the Hindu con
federacy. Th is brough t down upon h im the displeasure of the
confederates, and the Raja Visal-Dev of Ajmer accordinglymarched on Gujarat .
4
{rm 1 . CRAP. a] 2 6
Visal-Dev’
s advance on Gujarat b rough t into confl ic t the
am iss of Gujarat and Ajmer. The result being adverse to
the form er, Visal-Dev e x pressed h is willingness to withdraw
on condit ion of be ing allowed to b u ild a town at the plac e of
his v ic tory. Th is proposal was assented to , and he re t ired
after laying the foundat ion of the town of Visalnagar on the
spo t where the two arm ies had engaged in bat t le . Bhim -Dev
then m arched against Sindh , and subdued that prov ince.
H is contemporary at Malwawas the c eleb rated RajaBhoj.
There were altercat ions b e tween these k ings, in which Bhim
Dev appears on the whole to have ob tained a dec ided advantage.
It was during h is re ign that Vimal-Sha, whom Bh im -Dev had
sent as h is depu ty to Ab u , b u ilt on that mount , in A. D. 1032 ,
the superb m arb le shrine already m ent ioned as dedicated to
Yugadinath . Vim al-Shaalso erec ted the temples at Kham bhalia
on the h ill of Arasur near the shrine of MataBhavani. Bhim
Dev’
s queen Udayamat i bu ilt a very hand-som e vav ( a well
approaohed by fl igh ts of steps ) at Anh ilwar i tself, wh ich is
still known as the Rani’
s vav .
After an eventfu l reign of over fi fty years, Bhim-Dev, fola
lowing the ex ample of his predecessors, determ ined to abdicate
h is throne in favour of h is eldest son Kshem -Raj bu t on this
prince’
s refusal to b e separated from h is father, a younger bro
ther, Karan ,was installed on the throne in A . D. 1072 . Bo th
Bh im -Dev and Kshem -Raj then went into ret irement , and spent
the remainder of their days in religious m editat ion.
27
CHAPTER IV.
The reigns ofKaran Rajaand Sidh-Raj Jay-Singh.
FROM 1072 TO 1 1 43 A .
During Karan Raja’s reign there Was no fore ign war. He
was thus ab le to de vo te h im self to the consol idat ion of his
k ingdom and to the subjugat ion of that part of h is c ountry
wh ich is called the M ewas Th is was inhab i ted by wild
tribes, and was difli cu lt of ac cess owing to its dense forests. He
defeated and slewthe ch ief of theBh ils nam ed Ashaat Ashawal,
and bu ilt a temple in honour of the goddess Kochrav . He also
founded t he c ity of Karnavat ifl' Karan -Rajane x t caused to b e
construc teda. large reservo ir, calledKaran-Sagar, at a v illage not
m any m iles from Anh ilwar, and in order to b ring water into
this tank he is said to have direc ted towards it the course of
the river Rupeyn, wh ich orig inally flowed in the direc t ion of the
Ran . He also bu ilt several o ther usefu l pub lic works.
When Karan -Rajadied in A . D. 1094, h is son Siddh -RAjwas a m ere ch ild, and accordingly i t was arranged that h is
m other Mainal Dev i, the daugh ter of the k ing of Chandrapur
in the Deccan , shou ld govern in h is nam e with the assistance of
her m inisters. M ainal Devi was a v ery wise and ab le queen,
and she, like her husband b efore her, devo ted her attent ion to
M ewas em b ra c
es the v illages t o the North of the M ahi, situated
near its ravines. T hey were onc e the t error of the country. T hey are
ruled by m inor chiefs, who pay t ribute to Government .
1' T his c ity does no t ex ist at the present day, but t races of it are
to be seen in the ru ins found in and abou t Ahmadabad, There is s
Vav (well) at the village of Asarwa, ab ou t a m ile from Ahmadabad. called
was Bhavani’s well, wh ic h is said to b e the oldest work near t he c ity, and
the only rem rfant of t he old Ashaval, nearwhich Karen-Pajais supposed
to hsve built Kam avat i.
[ru n 1 . cm . 2 8
works of pub lic u t ility. The Man-Serovar, with several small
t emples on i ts bank , st ill to b e seen at Viram gam ,and the Ma
lav tank at Dholka, were bu ilt by her orders. She also induced
her son Siddh-Raj Jay-Singh to rem it the tax levied at the
v illage of Bhalod (now in the RajpiplaState) on pilgrims pro
c eeding to the shrine of Som eshvar at the v illage of K oral, to
wh ich she is said to have presented an elephant and a gold
fi gure called a Tul Furush (Th is probab ly m eans that she
gave to the shrine gold equal to her weigh t ). Several m agni.
fi cent b uildings, som e ofwh ich e x ist even at the present t im e,
are at trib u ted t o Siddh -Raj Jay -Singh , who inherited h is
father’
s b ount iful disposit ion . I t was hewho after h is conquest
of Malwa, completed the temple of Rudra-Mal founded by the
Solank i prince M al-Raj, and planted a v ic torious pendent of
M ahadev on i ts summ it . It was from th is t im e that the town,
which had hitherto b een known by the nam e of Shri -sthal, oh
tained the nam e of Siddhpur in c omm em oration of the royal
restorer of the Rudra-Mal . On th is occasion he is said to have
g iven the Brahm ans the gran t of one hundred and one v illages
in the Bhal land in addit ion to the grant by M ul-Raj.
Siddh ~Raj’
s reign was not so peaceful as that of h isfather.
W hile engaged with h is m other in the worsh ip of Som eshwar,
the Malwa k ing, an old antagonist of Gujarat , invaded itfrom the N orth . The offi cer in charge of Anh ilwar paid
h im a sum of m oney ,and induc ed h im to bu t Siddh -Raj
did not approve of th is, and b egan to m ak e preparat ions to in
v ade Malwa in h is turn . In cou rse of t im e he m arched against
that coun try, advanc ing stage by stage and sub du ing the chief
tains of th e placeswh ich cam e in h is way . Siddh -Raj cont inued
th is war with the Malwak ing for twelve years, during wh ich
he gainedm uch renown , and at last took by storm the capital
town of Dharnagar, and captured the k ing Yashovamsn,
[u m 1 . can . 30
parents, he consented t o the b etrothal. The 0d lived in Ra
K hengar’
s territory ,and the Ra
’
s sister’
s son Desal hav ing re
presented to h im that it wou ld no t b e honourab le for h im to
allow so great a b eau ty to leave h is k ingdom , the Raforc ibly
m arried her . On th is news reach ing the ears ofSiddh -Raj, heb ecam e great ly incensed, andm archedwith an army against the
Ra’
s capital, wh ich he b esieged. Though the siege lasted for
twelve years withou t any su c c essfu l resu lt , the fort b eing im
pregnab le and strongly defended, st ill Siddh~Raj
’
s pride would
no t allow h im to withdraw h is forces and ret ire . W h ile he
was wavering as to what shou ld b e done, som e quarrel arose
b e tween Ra-Khengar and his nephews Desal and Visa], who
turned traitors to the ir unc le the Ra. In secret treaty with
Siddh -Raj, they perfi diously in troducedthat k ing’
s army through
one of the gates, wh ich they had caused to b e opened by
treachery . Ra-Khengar, thus tak en by surprise , fough t de
sperat ely , b u t was at length slain . H is consort Banik -Devi
with her two sons fe ll into Siddh -Raj s hands andwere c onveyed
t o Wadhwan . Siddh -Raj did h is b est by persuasion and then
by threats to constrain Banik -Devi to m arry h im and went
so far as to cause even her two innocent ch ildren to b e pu t to
death b efore her eyes. Banik -Dev i , however, absolu tely t e
fused to consen t , and implored the k ing t o allow her to b ec ome
a Sat i , threatening h im at the sam e t im e with a sev ere curse
in the even t of h is wi tholding perm ission . In those days, a
Sat i'
s c urse was m u ch dreaded, and Siddh -Raj, part ly deterred
by the threat and part ly struck by Ranik-Dev i
’
s fi rm b ehav iour,
e ventually y ielded to her en treat ies. Sh e cheerfu lly ascended
t he funeral pile that had b een raised on the bank of t he river
Bhogawanear the town ofW adhwan .
‘
l‘ Over the spot Where
0 One , who imm olates herself after h er h usb and.
W adhwan is a very ancient town, now held by a second class
Chief in Kathiawar.
31 Smnfi -aA’J JAr-smen.
she imm olated herself, Siddh -Raj, repent ing ofhis sins, built
in her honour a temple the ru ins ofwh ich still ex ist . M ore
over, as a su itab le punishm ent for the perfi diousDesal andVisa],
who had fi rst induced Khengar to m arry Banik-Devi, and then
betrayed h im , he ordered that each shou ld sufler the loss ofh is
nose and ears. Thus the two b ro thers rec eived the due reward
of their t reachery.
Siddh -Raj was the m ost i llustrious k ing of the Solank i
dynasty . No twi thstanding h is two long campaigns ab ove
m ent ioned and h is ex pedit ions against Kanauj and o ther
places, he found t im e to superint end religious controversies
no t on ly be tween Brahm ans and Jains b u t b etween the Dig
am bars and Swetam bars, two rival sec ts of the Jain relig ion .
H is territory e x tended b eyond Abu to near Jhalor. Kachh ,
Sau rash tra and Malwa were under h is sway, and towards
the sou th h is dom in ion reached far into the Dec can . The
k ings of Ceylon and other c ountries sent ambassadors to
h is court , and, according to Colonel Tod, no less than twenty
two princ ipalit ies owed him allegiance . Siddh -Raj is also fam ous
for his pub lic work s. In addit ion to the complet ion of theRudra
m l and the construc t ion ofo ther temples and of the Shahsra
Ling many nob le reservoirs, palaces,and caravanserais are at tri
buted to h im . In short, so great was h is fame b oth in the fi eld
and in the adm inistrat ion of h is country that h is nam e is st ill
a household word amongst the inhab itants of Gujarat .
One story of h is just ice is worth recording . It appears
that in A . D . 1 100 som e M uhammadans of Cambay, whose
fac t ion had been worsted in a fi gh t b etween Hindus and Parsis
on the one hand and M uhammadans on the other, made their
way to Anhilwai'
(Patan) and meet ing k ing Siddh-Raj Jay
Singh huntingin the vic inity, informed him that the Hindus
[u m I. am . 32
had at tack ed the Musalmans, killed eighty of them and de
stroyed their m osque and m inarets. The K ing started for
Cam bay , and, wandering abou t the t own in disgu ise, satisfi ed
h im self of the t ru th of the charge. On h is return to Patan he
sent for two m en from each c lass of the inhab itan ts, and or
dered them to b e pun ished. At the sam e t im e he m ade over
to the M usalmans m oney enough to rebu ild all that had
b een
The ab ove inc iden t is recorded as showing that M usalmans
were residen t in Cam b ay even b efore Ala-ud-din’
s c onquest of
Gujarat and that that town was at th is period under the
ru le of the Anhilwar k ings.
0 Bombay Gaz etteer, Vol. VL, p. 2 15.
33
CHAPTER V.
The reign of Kurnar-Pal
FROM 1 1 43 to 1 174 A . D.
After reigning forty-n ine years, Siddh -Raj died in
1 1 43 A. D. He left no son , b u t in the line of Kshem -Raj,son of Bhim -Dev, there were three sons, by nam e M ahi-Pal,
K irt i-Pal and Kumar-Pal. The last of these was of nob le
b earing, and well fi t ted to su cc eed Siddh-Raj. Owing , how
ever, it is said, to an ob jec t ion on the score of h is m other not
b eing desc ended from a princely fam ily, K umar-Pal was re
garded with disfavour by Siddh -Raj, who even t ried to
compass h is death . Henc e du ring that k ing’
s reign Kumar
Pal was ob liged to lead a Wandering life in the gu ise of an
ascet ic , and suffer great privat ions. Hearing, When in Malwa,
of Siddh -Raj ’s death he wen t direc t to Anhilwar, where h ismaternal unc le Kahan oDev was one of the m in isters of the
state . T he lat ter rece ived h im k indly , bu t as the late k ing had
m ade known h is wish that Kumar-Pal shou ld no t b e h is suc
cessor, i t was agreed that the appo in tm en t to the th rone shou ld
be dec ided by elec tion . W i th t h is obj ec t an open Darbar was
convened, b efore wh ich the three b rothers appeared as candi
dates. The m inisters fi rst seated M ah i-Pal on t he throne, bu t
he was at once rejec ted on account of the effem inacy of his
dress. N e x t Kirt i-Pal was given the royal seat , and ask ed by
the nob les how hewou ldgo vern the eigh teen reg ions left by his
illustrious predecessor. His reply was“I shall govern them se
cording to your counsel and instru c t ions Th is sounded tam e.
Kumar-Pal was then enthroned and was asked the sam e ques
tion, whereupon , start ing to h is feet , h is eyes fi lledwith m art ial
fi re, he half unsheathed h is sword. Imm ediately the hall rang
with acc lamat ions, the nob lesprostrated themselves before him ,
5
[PART l s CHAP 5 0] 34
and in the presence of the assemb led multitude dec lared him
their chosen k ing. Thus Kumar-Pal ascended the throne ofAn
h ilwar in A.D. 1 1 43 in the fi ft ieth year of h is age . By su itable
presents he rewarded those who had assisted h im in the days
ofh isdistress, and as h is prim e m inister he appointedvaghbhat
Dev , son of his predecessor’
s m inister Udayan M ant ri who had
always helped h im wh ile under Siddh -Raj ’s displeasure.
However Udayan M an tri’
s o ther son vallad, a great favourite
of the late k ing, refused to ob ey h im , and fled to Nag or (Ajmer).
There he t ook serv ic e under the k ing Anak , grandson of Visal
Dev , and induced him to at tempt an invasion ofGujarat . Intel
ligence of th is duly reached Kumar-Pal, and h is spies informed
h im further that the k ing of Malwa was also preparing to
invade the country . Kumar-Pal’
s situat ion was, at th is t ime,
som ewhat cri t ical, for, b esides these two powerfu l enem ies,
there were som e disaffec ted nob les in his own serv ice . He,
however, made arrangem en ts for prevent ing internal out
b reak s, despatched two of h is generalswith an army to stopthe
progress ofthe Malwak ing , and him selfm arched against Nagor.
In the bat tle that ensued b e tween the two arm ies, Kumar-Pal
great ly dist ingu ished h im self by h is valour and presence of
m ind. Observing that through the intrigues ofVahad som e of
h is troops were abou t to desert , Kumar-Pal prompt ly ordered
h is M ahavat ( elephant -driver ) t o urge the elephant to the
spot where the k ing ofNagorwas standing . The driver ob eyed,
when the deserter vahad rushed b etween the two k ings, and,
with a v iew to k ill Kumar-Pal, tried to step from h is own
elephan t on to the head of that which b ore the Gujarat k ing.
The M ahavat , however, im m ediately forced h is elephan t b ack
with his goad, and thus vali ad fell t o the ground, and was
seiz ed by the Gujarat foo t soldiers . Kumar-Pal then advanced
t owards Anak , and,wounding h im with an arrow, b rough t him
t o‘
the ground. Thus Kumar-Pal gained a complete Victory.
35
Anal: had to sue for pardon, whi ch was granted on condit ion
of.h is present ing a large num ber of elephants and horses, and
giving h is daughter in marriage to Kumar-Pal (A. D. 1 1 67
vahadwas also subsequent ly :
pardoned and tak en into serv ice
by Kumar-Pal .
After th is, the k ing. received t idings that the two generals
whom he had sen t against the k ing of Malwa had gone over
to that k ing . Ac cordingly ,imm ediately after the m arriage
c eremony with the Nagor k ing’
s daugh ter was completed,
K umar Pal m arched in person against the Malwak ing ,defeated
h im , and drove h im b ack to h is c ount ry . He then sen t in the
sam e year an army in to the Konk an u nder one of h is generals,
who defeated and slew the k ing of that distric t andproc laim ed
Kumar-Pal’
s au thority over it .
In c iv il m at ters, K umar-Pal was just , religious and b ene
volent. Lik e his predecessor, he was fond of arch i tec ture, and
under the adv ic e of a c eleb rated Jain m onk ,nam ed Hema
charyn,‘ he restored the ru ined tem ple of Som nath
,
-
l'
and also
erec ted new shrines at D ilwara, Cam b ay and Dhanduka. In
later years he ab stained, in acc ordanc e with Hemac harya’
s
advice, from the use of an im al food and spirituous drinks, and
tried to prevent , as m uch as possib le , the slaugh ter of animals
throughou t h is t erritory . He was indeed one of the m ost
valian t soldiers of h is t im e , and proved h im self, b o th by h is
wisdom and h is valour, a worthy suc cessor of Siddh -Raj. The
Hemacharya was b orn at Dhanduka, of M odh Wania parents ,
At this plac e the king Kumar-Pal, wh ile on h is way t o Sat runjaya on
pilgrimage, erec ted a temple called the Cradle-Vihar.
1' Ac c ordipg to air insc ript ion in the t emple of Bhadra Kali at Dev
Patna, quot ed in the at. Mala, Valabh i year 850 (which c orresponds with
Viki-em Samvat 12 25 or A . D. 1 189) is the year of the said restorat ion.
[PART I . CRAP. 50] 36
following inscription dated A . D. 1 1 51 , engraved on the La
k han’
s M andir at Chitor, and quoted in Tod’
s W estern India,
and from it in Forb es’
Ras Mela, shews the h igh respec t in
wh ich hewas heldeven in coun tries not under h isdirec t ru le.
What was h e lik e, who , by the strength of his invin
c ib le m ind, crushed all h is foes, whose comm ands the other
sovereigns of the earth placed on their foreheads, who com
pelled the Lord of Sakam bhari to b ow at h is feet , who in
person carried h is arm ies t o Sh ivaLok ,m ak ing the m ountain
lords bow b efore h im even in the c ity of Salpura
[u m 1 . can . 38 .
and the k ingdom of Gujarat devolved of right on the aforesaid
Bh im -Dev who was dest ined to b e the last of the Solank i
k ings. He was b rave, bu t wan t ing in prudence, and henc e he
cam e to b e popularly called Bh im Bholo ,“that is Bh im the
Simple . After he cam e to the throne h ewas involved in con
t inual wars, som e of wh ich were the outcom e of his own stub
bornness, and though , through h is v alour and ac tivity , he
generally gained the day , st ill these c onfl ic ts t ended to weaken
h is own and the ne ighb ouring Hindu k ingdom s. United; theym igh t perhaps hav e b een ab le to withstand a foreign foe, but
~
div ided as they were am ongst them selves they were unab le to
face their c omm on enemy , and fell one after the othe r before
the M uham m adan invaders.
The ru ler ofAbu , by nam e Jetsh i Parm tir, had a daugh ter
IchaniKumariwhose b eau tywas far-fam ed,andBh im -Dev ,being
desirous of m arry ing h er, sen t an am bassador to the Parmar
RAjawith a request for h is daugh ter’
s hand. It happened how
ever, that Ichani had, shortly b efore th is, b een b etro thed to
Prith v i-Raj S( n of the Chohan k ing Som eshwar of Ajm er,and her father cou ld not with propriety b reak off the engage
m ent . M oreover Bh im -Dev , lik e Kumar-Pal, observ ed t he
Jain religion, and th is was ano ther reason for reluc tance on the
part of the ru ler ofAbu ,who ac cordingly ex pressedhis inab ili ty
to comply with the request that had b een m ade .
W hen Bh im -Dev’
s am bassador c onv eyed th is reply to h im
he was m u ch enraged, and, dec laring warwith Abu , summ oned
h is t rib u taries and vassals to join h im . Bhim -Dev then left
for Abu with a powerfu l army . The Parmar, on the other hand,
0 The real meaning of the word Bholo is a simpleton, one. who
can b e easily deceived or prevailed upon to b elievb Hpncdy .
the appellat ion Bholo does not appear very applicab le to Bhim-g
rDev,
who was, on the c ontrary, headstrong and unyielding.
’
39
was aided by the Ajmer Choh tin Prithv iQRaj, and the contest
between the opposing arm ies raged for several days. At leng th
the Chohan and the Parmar retreated, and Bhim -Dev took the
fort on the summ i t of M ount Ab u ab ou t A . D . 1 1 90
Abou t this t im e a comm on enemy , Shihab -ud-din Ghori,
was threatening to assail th e b elligeren ts, and th erefore sev eral
of Bh im -Dev’
s ch ieftains adv ised h im to be con ten t with the
v ic tory he had already gained on c ondit ion of the Par-mar
g iv ing up h is daugh ter. They also proposed that , instead of
weak en ing and t ry ing to ru in each o th er, th ey shou ld un ite
th eir forc es against the M lechhas (M uhamm adans). Bu t Bh im
in h is arrogance wou ld not l isten to their sob er adv ice , and said
that he would m arch against the Ghori after h e had stripped
th e Chohan ch ief of all h is possessions. T o effec t th is purpose
he at tack ed the Chohan ,who
,however, by a sudden n igh t at
tack'
led by h is favou rite b ard Chand, su c c eeded in repu lsing
Bh im with great loss. So comple te was the c onfus1on that the
Gujarat troops, failing to recogniz e friend from foe , cam e in to
confl ic t am ongst them selves. Bh im Bho lo , however, fought de
sperate ly t ill h is sword Was b rok en and h is e lephant k illed, bu t
at length he was c ompelled to retreat . Prov idenc e thus c urb ed
Bhim Bholo’
s pride, and Prithv i~Raj, after k eeping a forc e to
watch h is m ovements, advanced with the m ain army against
Shihdb -ud-din M uhamm ad Ghori, whom also he su cceeded in
defeat ing (A. D.
Thus Bh im the Bholo , by his ob st inacy in disregarding the
adv ic e of h is friends, lost even the advantage he had gained
by his previous v ic tory at Abu .
T h is defeat was st ill rank ling in Bhim’
s m ind,when ah
other inc ident occurred which increased his rage against , and
hatred of, the Chohan. His unc le Sérang-Dev had left seven
sons, who, for some unknown reason, had gone into ou t lawry
[u m I . can . 40
against Bhim-Dev . They removed to the mountains of Sorath,
from whence they b egan plundering travellers and o thers, and
becam e at length so powerful that Bh im was ob liged to lead
an e x pedi t ion against them . One day while h is elephan t was
bathing . in a river they k illed b o th it and its driver, where
upon Bhim dec lared that he wou ld no t rest conten t t ill h e had
avenged th e insult in their b lood. Terrifi ed at th is threat , the
seven bro thers took refuge wi th the Chohan of Ajm er, who
gladly took them under h is prot ec t ion, and gave t hem lands
for subsistence . However it so happened that one day as the
Chohan k ing Som eshwar’
s son Prithv i-Raj Was seated in
Darbar, su rrounded by h is c ourt iers, am ong whom was his
unc le K un , the seven b ro thers presented them selves. They
du ly m ade their ob eisance, and took their seats. In the con
v ersat ion that ensued, a prom inent topic was the M ahab harat
in wh ich the warlike deeds of the Chohans are related. Aatb e
rec ital proceeded, one of the unfortunate seven b ro thers, a
nob le you th ,happened to twirl the ends of h is m ustache, m ost
prob ab ly m eaning no th ing by the ac t ion . I t was however
c onstrued as an insu lt by Ku n, who at once unsheathed his
sword, and c u t the young m an in two . Th e rem ain ing b rothers
and their followers imm ediately at tacked the assailan t , bu t,
b e ing great ly ou tnum b ered, they were soon overpowered and
slain . Prith v i-Raj was m u ch displeased at th is occurrence, but
at the t im e cou ld do nothing to prevent it .
The news of the m urder of h is seven cousins soon reached
Bh im -Dev , who owing to t he approach of the m onsoon, cou ld
no t at once advance to tak e revenge . He however m arched
wi th a powerfu l army at the earliest opportunity , and en tered
the Ajm er c oun try. Som eshwar left h is son Prithv i-Raj at
Delh i, and h im selfm arched against the invader. A fi erc e hand
to hand fi gh t ensued, in which m any brave warriors were
4 1 Barn-Dav H
killedand amongst th em Som eshwar h imself. The Gujarat kingac cordingly returned v ic torious to his capital.
Someshwar’
s son Prithv i-Raj nowascended the throne, and
after performm g the ob sequ ies of h is father and giv ing large
gifts to Brahmans and donat ions to religious places, he m arched
against Gujarat to revenge h is father’
s death . In due t ime
Prithv i-Raj entered Bh im -Dev’
s territory and sent forward
Chand h is favourit e bard to inform Bh im -Dev that he would
no t wi thdraw t ill vengeance had been tak en . Chand took with
h im a ne t , a ladder, a spade, a lamp, an elephant goad and a
t riden t . As illustrat ing the freedom of speech enjoyed in
those days‘
by Bards on the occasion of their c onveying
m essages to rival k ings, the following interest ing account of
the c onversat ion between Chand and Bh im -Dev is given
from the lids Mala. On Chand’
s entering the Darbar
and announc ing the arrival of Prithv i-Raj, Bh im asked the
b ard to dec lare the m ean ing of the strange em b lem s he had
b rough t . Chand fearlessly replied that shou ld Bh im seek
escape by water the not wou ld catch h im , shou ld he fly through
the air the ladder wou ld reach h im , shou ld h e en ter the depths
of the earth the spade wou ld disc lose h im , and should he seek
the refuge of darkness the lampwou ld reveal h im . The goad
wou ld b ring h im to subjec t ion and the triden t was dest ined to
k ill h im . Bhim heard all this pat ient ly and contented h im self
with adv ising the b ard to b e m ore m odest in h is u t terances, and
to reflec t on what he, as k ing , had b een ab le to accomplish in
the war with Prithv i -t j’
sfath er. Chand thereupon replied that
s m ouse perchance m igh t ov ercom e a eat , a vu lture m igh t prey
upon a swan ,adeerm igh t prevail over a lion,ora frog m igh t chase
away a snak e, bu t su ch things happened only by som e strange
freak of fortune. Bh im -Dev was naturally incensed at hearing
such insu lting words, bu t , observing the respec t due to a bard
messenger, merely remark ed that he m ight please h imself by6
[PART 1 . can . 42
fi ght ingwi thwords,anddesired him to tell Prithv i-Raj that none
b ut a coward wou ld fear h is threats. Chand then returned and
inform ed h is k ing of what had passed, whereupon Prit hv i-Raj
prepared for bat t le . In t im e b o th the arm ies cam e in sight of
each o ther, and a fi erce contest took place, in which , acc ording
t o one account , Bh im -Dev fell desperately fi gh t ing. Though this
version m ay not b e altogether c orrec t , i t is certain he sustained
a severe defeat . Thus ended the feud b etween two of the m ost
powerfu lHindu m onarchs withou t b ringing any substan t ial ad
vantage to e ither, though great ly weak ening both , and that , at a
t im e of spec ial danger from their comm on foe.
I t m ay perhaps b e considered foreign to the h istory of
Gujarat to describ e what happened at th is t im e in the north
of India, b u t as those ev ents fac ilitated the M uhamm adan
invasion of that prov inc e , it seem s adv isab le b riefly t o allude
t o them here . Though weak ened by constant Warfare, Prithv i
Raj the Chohan was ab le , as already stated, creditab ly to
sustain the fi rst at tack m ade in A . D . 1 1 91 by Shihab -ud-din
Ghori, whom he engaged b etween Thaneshwar and Karnal
and complete ly defeated. Two years later, in A . D. 1 1 93,
however, the at tack was renewed. After a prolonged contest
on the b ank s of the Sarasvat i, the Hindus were completely
e x hausted, when, une x pec tedly, a reserve b ody of fresh
cavalry, 1 2000 strong and c lad in steel arm our,appeared as re
inforcem ent s for the enemy . The Hindus were unab le to with
stand their onset , and in the fl igh t m any of their b est generals
were slain . Prithv i-Raj h im self was captu red, and cruelly put
t o death . The enemy then took possession of Ajm er, and thefollowing year, after Kanauj and o ther plac es had b een tak en,
Ku tb -ud-din,whom Sh ihab -ud-din had left as h is lieu tenant,
invaded and c onquered Gujarat A . D . 1 1 94 Before returning
toDelhi, b e appointed aDepu ty-Governor for the province, but
43 Bum -Dav II .
this oflicerwas unab le to maintain h is hold ofthe newly acqu ired
territory . Ult im at ely Bhim-Dev su c c eeded in regaining pos
session of Anh ilwar,
\
wh ich town he held un t il h is death , wh ich
took plac e, ac cording to som e writers, in A . D. 1 2 1 5 , and ao
c ording to o thers, in A . D . 1 2 42 . It is no t c lear whether there
after Gujarat passed at once in to the hands of the vaghelas, or
whether there were any later ru lers of the Solank i dynasty .
Th is m u ch is certain,however, t hat the glory of that dynasty
and of its k ingdom passed away with Bh im -Dev .
Au thors difi er also in their stat em ents b oth as to the nam e
of Bh im’
s su cc essor, and as to the leng th of h is reign . The
M irat - i -Ahm adi m ent ions one Lak hum al-Dev ,and g ives the
period of h is reign as twenty years, and adds that as Lakhu
m al -Dev had no ch ild fi t for the soverignty,it b ecam e the
property of the Vaghelas From later researches however
the nam e of Bhim’
s suc cessor appears to b e Tribhowan-Pal.
The tab le g iven in Appendix D has b een drawn up after
reference to several au thorit ies and o ther availab le sources
of inform ation, and indicates, i t is hoped, as c orrec tly as is now
possib le, the nam e and period of the reign of each k ing of the
Solank i dynas ty .
The copper plate m en t ioned in Appendi x D was engraved
during the life t im e of Bh im -Dev II, and thus naturally sup
plies no informat ion as to that k ing’
s su c cessor. M r. Forb es
m en t ions A . D. 1 2 1 5 as the year in wh ich Bh im-Dev died. Bu t
th is is c ontradic ted by h im self when he m ent ions that k ing
as t he contemporary of a certain Abu Ch ief in A . D . 1 2 31 . In
the‘
foot -note g iven on page 34 of Sir Edward Clive Bayley
'
s
History of Gujarat , Bh im -Dev is said to have reigned from
1 178 to 1 2 41'
A . D ., wh ic h period nearly corresponds with a
statement in M r. Mah ipatram’
s Short vernacularHistory of
[pu rr 1 . cm . 44
Gujarat where A. D. is given as the year of the
close of Bhim’
s reign. The lat ter au thor states that Bhim -Dev
was succeeded on the throne by Tribhowan-Pal who re igned
from 1 2 42 to 1 2 44, and also m ent ions that in A. D. 1 2 24 a
Solank i chief nam ed Jayant -Singh had tak en Anh ilwar, but
that Bhim ex pelled h im four years later.
If, then, we consider Bhim -Dev II. to have vacated the
throne inA . D . 1 2 1 5 , the period of the Solank i dynas ty reaches
to 2 73 years, b u t if, on the o ther b and, it ex tends to the further
lim it , A . D . 1 2 44, the Solank i dynasty m ust have lasted for 302
years (A. D. 942— 1 2 44
i t T h is year appears m ore reliab le as eu
'
insc ript ion dated Vikram
Samwat 1 290 A . D. 1 2 34 on the M aha-Dev t emple attM iani m ent ions
Bhim -Dev as t he then reigning king , See Bhavnagar Prachin Shodh
sangrah by M r. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar
46 VA'GHELA' Dvm srr.
appear generally to have b een sub ordinate to theAnhilwar k ings.
T he rule of one Kalianrai, a DasaLad vania, deserves however
a passing no t ice . It appears that som e of the Parsis who had
se t tled at Sanjan were at trac ted to Cam bay b etween 942— 997
A D. ,in consequ enc e of its flourish ing trade, and these in t ime
b ecam e so num erous and importan t a c lass that they were able
t o c ompel the Hindu inhab itants to rem ove from Cam bay.
The Parsis thus remained in possession of the town for some
t im e. Kalianra i , one of the ex iles, however, by trading in pearls
in Surat , or m ore prabab ly Saurash tra, am assed a large fortune
wh ich enab led him to ob tain the assistance of a num b er of
Rajpu ts and K olis, who at tack ed the Parsis at nigh t , and, put
t ing m ost of them to the sword, burnt their houses. Kalianrai
then seems to have assum ed the governm ent h im selfand to have
ruled with m oderat ion . He increased the prosperity of the
town v ery m u ch by fostering trade, and is said to have built
the town -wall with i ts seven gates and sally-
ports, the M adula
tank and other b u ildings. The period during wh ich th is took
place is not m en t ioned in Captain Rob ertson’
s Report, No.
XXVI of Selec t ions from the Records of the Bom bay Govern
m en t (new series ), b u t i t seem s lik ely that the events here
m en t ioned occured during the dec line of the Solank i dynasty,
and Vir Dhaval m ay have b een the ch ief of the Rajq and
Kolis with whose assistanc e Kalianrai drov e away the Parsis
from Cam bay . In the M irat - i-Ahmadi (Bird’
s translat ion, page
366 m ent ion is however m ade of Sayyid-ud-dau lat , a servant
of K alianrai, hav ing collec ted t roops and seiz ed Cam bay during
the confusion which followed the revolt of M u z afl'
ar III.
( A . D. 1 583 If th is b e c orrec t , the period of Kalianrai’
s en
t erprise falls in the six teenth c entu ly .
Vir Dhaval’
s son,Visal-Dév , succeeded h im at
‘Db olkaon his
death in A . D . 1 2 42 . He is said to have m ade an ex pedit ion
against Anh ilwar Patan in A. D. 1 2 44, and annex ed it to his
[PART L em . 47
dom in ions.
’ He has, therefore, b een considered as the fi rst k ing
of the Vagheladynasty . He further assum ed the t 1t le ofRajadh iraj after e x pelling the last Solank i K ing Tribhowan-Pal.
V isal-Dev was, indeed, the m ost illustriou s k ing of the Va
gb eladynasty . He suc cessfu llv carried on a war against the
K ing of Malwa, laid that c ount ry wasteand m ade its ru ler pay
him t rib u te . He was a widely k nown patron of learn ing , and
many poets besides the celeb rated Nanak-bhat
, the c ourt poet ,
flou rished in h is t im e . Perform ing a Yajna ( sacrifi ce at
Darb havat i (Dabho i) the plac e of h is b irth , he form e’
d’
l'
the fo l
lowing b ranches of theNagars. Visalnagra, Shatpadra(Sathodra),K rishnapura (Krishora), Chi trapuras (Ch itrodas) and Prasnikas
(Prns nora) and b u ilt b eau t ifu l Brahm -Po lls for them . DuringVisal-Dev
’
s reign there was a severe fam ine, the ev i l effec ts of
wh ich he did h is b est to allev iate . He also repaired the town
wall of Visalnagar and the fort of Dab ho i.
V isal-Dev was suc ceeded on h is death in A . D . 1 2 62 by h is
son Arjun -Dev whose nam e oc curs in an inscript ion : dated A .D .
1 2 64 in the temple of Som nath at Dav-Patan (Viraval). Strange
to say , th is k ing is stated to have had two M uhamm adan oflic ers
under h im ,by nam e Horm az d of Belak ol prob ab ly a Persian
conv ert ) and KhojaIbrah im Nakhoda. The form er is said to
have b u ilt a mosque at Viraval .
Arjun-Dev appears to have b een suceeeded on h is death in
A. D. 1 2 75 by Sarang-Dev who is m en t ioned in an inscription
at A bu as the k ing of Anh ilwar in A . D . 1 2 94 . His successor
was Karan Rajaknown by the surnam e Ghelo (m ad), in whose
t im e the M uham madans fi nally ann ih ilated Hindu ru le in Am
h ilwar. The events leading up to th is result will b e related in
the fo llowing Chapter.
0 Vida M ahipatram’
s Short History of Gujarat , page 19.
1' Indian Ab t iqnary, Vol. XI, pages 98- 108 .
1 See No.
’
106 of Bhavnagar Shodh Sangrah,
48
CHAPTER VIII .
Closing years of the Vagheladynasty.
FROM 1 2 9 5 t o 1 307 A . D.
For a long t im e sub sequen t to the defeat of Prith v i-Raj of
Delhi and the seiz ure of h is k ingdom by Sh ihab-ud-din Ghori,
the at tent ion of the conqueror and h is suc cessors was engaged
in conso lidat ing and e x tending their power to the north and
east . Gujarat consequen t ly rem ained undisturb ed. Indeed we
fi nd it m en t ioned by the great h istorian Ferish ta t hat , fi fty
years after the death of the celeb rated Bhim -Dev , Gh iyas-ud
din the emperor of Delhi was advised by h is m in isters to
undertake an e x pedit ion against Gujarat and Malwa, wh ich had
b een annex ed to the empire by Ku tb -ud-din, bu t wh ich had
since shak en off the M uhamm adan yoke. A t that t im e however
there was som e fear of the M ughal Tatars invading India from
the north and th is prevented Ghiyas-ud-din from turn ing his
at tent ion to Gujarat .In A . D . 1 295 , Ala-ud-din Kh ilj 1 ascended the throne of
Delhi after t reacherously m urdering h is uncle Jalal-ud-din.
In 1 2 97 he sent a large army under h is b rotherAlaf-Khan and
a general nam ed Nasru t -Khan Jalesri to re-conquer Gujarat.Plundering and lay ing waste t he country , the army appeared
b efore Anh ilwar, where RajaKaran gav e them bat t le. Being
however defeated, he fled to Dev -Gadh in the Deccan . His
t reasure, elephants, baggage and even h is wife nam ed Kaula
Dev1 , all fell into the hands of the v ic tor. After this, Cam bay,
Somnath and Siddhpu r were successively plundered, and the
idols in the last two places were m u t ilated. The treasure and
jewels were sen t to Delhi together with the captured queen
Kaula-Dev i. She was adm it ted in to the. emperor’
s harem , and
soon b ecam e, by reason of her great b eau ty and accomplish
m ents his favourite queen .
49 Va’egnga
' Dryasrr
Though Anhilwar and the neigh bouring distric ts had thus
fallen in to the hands of the M uhammadans, still not all the
country was subdued, and through the support of the RajaofDevgadh the unfortunate Karan was ab le to hold ou t in the
passes at the sou th -eas tern corner of Gujarat . In A . D. 1 307
A la-ud-din sen t another army to conquer the Deccan under one
Kafur, a slave who had b een captu red at Cam bay during its
sack in A . D . 1 2 97 b u t who had since b een raised to h igh
rank . I t was at th is t im e that the ill-fated Karan Raja’sfurther m isfortuneg b egan through the selfi sh dev ices of h is
own wife Kau la-Devi . She represen ted to A la-ud-din that
she had two daugh ters by her form er husband, that the elder
girl had died, bu t that the yo unger, nam ed Dewal-Dev i, who
was only four years of age when separated from her, was st ill
liv ing . Kau la-Dev i therefore b egged of the emperor to ob tain
her, in order that she m igh t have the sat isfac t ion of again
m ee t ing her child. In compliance with this request , the em
pero t comm anded Kafu r t o ob tain Dewal-Dev i , and to send her
t o Delh i with every m ark of respec t . Alaf-K han t he Go vernor
of Gujarat alsd rec eived orders to c c -operate wi t h Kafur. The
lat ter encamped at Su ltanpur, and sent orders to Karen Raja,in h is ret irem ent in Bagiana, t o de liver up Dewal-Dev i.
Karan Raja however wou ld no t subm it to such a dishonour,
and ac c ordingly refused to ob ey the order. Kafur then
marched towards the Dec can,and the difi cu lt task of ob taining
Deval-Dev i alive fell t o Alaf-Khan . He ac cordingly led h is
army t hrough the m oun tains of Baglana, b u t Karan opposed
him , and, fi ght ing desperately for two m on ths, fo iled h im in
all h is at te m pts to force a passage . In the m ean t im e in the
hope of indu c ing the M uhamm adans to despair of ob taining
Dewal-Dev i, Karen Raja readily consented to her m arriage
With the Hindu Prince of Devgadh , though under ordinary
7
[Pm Law . a] 56
c ircum stances this match would not have been cons1dered
desirab le . While the princess was b eing taken to that fort, a
party of Alaf-Khan’s soldiers, who had set off to ex plore the
wonders of Ellora, ac c identally m et som e Devgadh horsemen.
and a sk irm ish ensued, in wh ich the horse t hat carried Deval
Dev i was wounded by an arrow, and the princess fell to the
ground. A b low from one of the enemy’
s soldiers wou ld have
saved the honour of the Vaghelafam ily , b u t the cries of Deval
Dev i'
s fem ale at tendan ts caused them to recognise the prostrate
fi gure, and they gladly took her off to A laf-Khan. The lat ter
knewwell the influence wh ich Kaula-Dev i ex erc ised ov er the
emperor, and, therefore, t reat ing the princess with due respect,
he took her to Delh i, where she soon found herself in the arms
of her fond m o ther. In t im e K h iz ar Khan, the eldest son ofAla
ud-din,b ecam e enam oured of Deval-Dev i, and to h im she was
m arried under the nam e of Daval-Ran i. So tender was the love
between them that it was m ade the subjec t of a long b u t beautifu l Persian poem , Ashak i Bahar, composed by Am ir Khushro.
After h is fi nal m isfortune and disgrace no th ing further is
known of the unfortunate Karan Raja, the las t of the Hindu
k ings of Gujarat . It is probab le, however, that he died of a
b roken heart .
Thus ended the reign of the last vaghelak ing of Gujarat
after the Hindu k ingdom had ex isted for several cen turies.
M any of its k ings m ay for b ravery and enterprise tak e rank
wi th the nob lest sovereigns of their day ; and the foregoing
pages have bu t indicated som e of their ex plo its and foreign
conquests. The sway of Gujarat , during the period ofits pros
perity ,e x tended to the neighbourhood of Jhalor beyond M ount
Abu . I t inc luded Kachh as well as parts of the Deccan, and
at one t ime even Malwa was a dependency
'
of the Gujarat
monarchs. Sindh also was subdued. In the m idst b f all the
5 1 Saoar Rrvmw.
frequent wars, m easures conduc ive to the prosperity of the inha
b itants had not b een neg lec ted. It has been t ruly stated by the
au thor of the Ras Mala, in apprec iat ing the lab ours of the
Gujarat k ings, that their greatest m onum ent is to be seen in the
fac t that when they took possession of the country they found
i t a waste , yet left i t a land flowing wi th m ilk and h oney
W hen Van-Raj fi rst estab lished h im self at Patan,large t rac ts
of Gujarat had no other popu lat ion than that of the wild ab
o rig inal t rib es, whereas, u nder h is i llustrious suc cessors of the
ChavadaandSolank i dynast ies,the country soon b ecam e studded
with wealthy towns andadorned with popu lous c it ies. Norwere
arch itec tural bu ildings andwork s ofpu b lic u t ility neglec ted. Of
th is we have ample ev idenc e in the nob le shrines on M oun t Abu
and o therplaces,and in the large reservo irs andwellswith fl igh ts
of steps, constru c ted in several parts of the prov ince . It is
further a m at ter of consolat ion that though the Hindus have
ceased to reign as m onarchs, som e‘of the sub ordinate b ranches
of the original dynast ies st ill cont inue, and, under the fostering
c ontro l of the param ount Brit ish Governm ent , enjoy their pos
sessions in peace and prosperi ty .
It may not be ou t of plac e, b efore conc luding the account
of the Hindu period em b raced in the foregoing pages, b riefly to
m ent ion that the internal condit ion of the people of Gujarat ,inc luding Saurashtra, appears, on the whole, to have b een pros
porous. At the t im e of Houen Tsiang’
s v isit to India in the
beginning of the seventh century , the inhab itan ts of the capital
The Rajaa of Lunawada c laim desc ent from the Solanki kings
of Anhilwar. The Thakors of Marisa and Varsoda are said to b e des
m dcdjfrom the ChavadaKings, and the ThAkors of Pethapur, Limbodra,
Kath and Gaugad from the VaghelaKings, of Anh ilwar, Bapa, the ninth
ia du eant from the last Siladitya, is known as the founder of the present
[Pa ir 1 . can . 5 2
Valab h ipur carried on a b risk m arit im e trade, as the prov ince
possessed several b eau t iful and important ports wh ic h still
e x ist . It is said that imm ense t reasure was accum u la ted by
t rade with foreign c ountries, and that there were at the capital
no less than a hu ndred fam ilies wi th fortunes of one k rore
of rupees one m i llion of pou nds During the re ign of the
Solank is the prosperi ty of the c ountry seem s to have reached
i ts cu lm inat ing po in t .
The prevailing religions appear to have b een Buddhism,
Brahm an ism and Jain ism , b u t e x cept in the t im e of som e ia
toleran t princ e, thero does no t seem to have b een m u ch reli
giou s persecu t ion ; and we fi nd from an insc ript ion of the fi rst
century b efore Christ in the cave at Nasik that Usava-data,
the son -in -law and vassal of t he fi rst Kshat rapa k ing N aha
pana, though a Buddh ist , m ade presen ts of v i llages and cows
to Brahm ans, and defrayed the m arriage e x penses of their
daugh ters. After th is when we c om e t o the t im e of t he last
Siladitya‘“
abou t the seven th c en tu ry we fi nd that h is twin
sister, who was m arried t o the k ing ofBreach , t ook the asc etic
vow after her husband’
s dem ise, and her son M u l did the
sam e. In reply to her son’
s enqu iry as to whether Jainism
had always b een at the sam e low eb b 1n wh 1ch he found it , the
m other told h im that it had once ex tended to every t own of
Gujarat , bu t that after the death of the fam ou s religious pre
ceptor Vir Surrendra, the Buddh ists ob tained the ascendancy.
M ul accordingly proceeded to h is m aternal uncle Siladitya’
s
court , and, defeat ing the Buddh ists by h is eloquence, ob liged
T his Siladitya is said to have b een the ofi'
spring of Surya Narayan
( the sun-god and t o have b een prov ided by the lat terwith certain
peb b les, b y wh ich he was enab led t o k ill h is pompanions who jeered
at h im on ac count of his myst erious b irth, and also to k ill th e king of
Valabhipur and usurp his kingdom . See as. Mas, Pafe l -o,
[Paar 1 . can . 54
The system of co llec t ing revenue from cultivators appears
t o have b een the Bhagvatai, under which the Crown received
a share of the produ ce from each c ult ivator through paid
v illage M an tris accou ntants and in som e cases through
superior land-ho lders. In addit ion to land revenue , there
were o ther sou rc es of revenue, such as town and transit
du t ies and Veras ( tax es ). A tax 011 pilgrim s ap
pears also to have e x isted. The v illage head-m en were
the Patels as at present .
55
PART ll .
M UHAM M ADAN PERIOD.
FROM 1 2 97 t o 1 572 A .
CHAPTER I .
Viceroys from Delhi
FROM 1 2 97 t o 1 407 A . D.
The conquest Of Gujarat and the fi nal overthrow Of Karan
Vaghe la have already b een narrated. Su bsequent to th is
the governors Of the prov ince were appo inted by t he em
peror of De lhi. A laf-Khan was the fi rst nob lem an honoured
wit h th is post , wh ic h h e h e ld for twenty years, ru ling with
prudence. He bu ilt t he Friday m osque of white m arb le at
Anh i lwar (Patan). It was then in the c entre Of the c ity , bu t ,
owing to the sub sequent transfer Of the capital to Ahm adabad
and consequen t dec line Of the popu lat ion Of the form er town, the
m osque is now isolated from the inhab ited port ion of the c i ty .
It is a m agnifi c ent b u ilding with pillars so num erous that in
the m ere count ing of them one m ay easily m ak e a m istak e .
At the end of 20years ofgood serv ice and effi c ien t m anage
men t of the provinc e, Alaf-Khan was recalled to De lh i on a false
accusat ion Ofconspiring against the life Of the k ing ,wh ich charge
was b rough t against h im and the heir-apparent Kh iz ar-K han
through the intrigues Of the slave M alek Kafur who had now
risen to the rank Of M inister. Alaf-Khan was unjust ly pu t todeath , and Kh iz ar-Khan was confi ned in the fortress ofGwalior.
Soon after th is ac t of injust ice, Ala-ud-din’
s career was
cut short by dropsy , to which he succum b ed on the 1 9 th
Of Dec ember 1 316.
Malek Kafur, ignoring the right OfKhiz ar-Khan and hi
s
[PART 2 . cm . 1 56
younger b rother, placed a young b oy, nam ed Sh ihab -ud-din
Um arKhilji,on t he throne ,anddeprived the unfortunate Kh iz ar
K han Of h is sigh t . The nob les, intensely disgusted wi th these
c ru el proceedings and wi th his gross abuse of au thority , were
ab le to eflic t M alek Kafur’
s death after h is nom inee had reigned
for 45 days on ly . They then placed on the throne Ala-ud-din’
s
younger son Ku th-ud-din M u barik Shah .
M eanwhile Gujarat had b ecom e asc ene Of great disorder
after Alaf-Khan’
s recall to Delh i,and reb e llions had b rok en
ou t in every direc t ion . Su ltan K u th-ud-din was therefore Ob
liged, in the v ery b eginn ing Of h is reign , to send a force under
general M alek Kamal-ud-din to qu ell the disturbances, b u t the
M alek was slain in ac t ion short ly after h is departure from
Delh i, and one Ainu l M u lk M ultani was depu ted as h is suc
c essor. Th is Offi c er, with the assistance Of the arm y placed
at h is disposal, was ab le even tually t o restore order in the
prov ince ( A . D .
After th is the su ltan sen t h is father- in- law M alek D inar
wi th the t i tle Of Jafar-K han as Governor Of Gujarat , who,with in the space Of ab ou t fou r m on ths, com pletely se tt led the
prov ince and sen t large sum s of m oney t o the royal treasu ry.
However h e too , lik e A laf-K han,fell a v ic t im to the intrigues
of those near the k ing, and b eing recalled was pu t to death on
a false charge . One Khu sh ro -Khan at th is t im e enjoyed the
k ing’
s confi dence , and h is b ro ther H isam -ud-din was sen t as
Gov ernor OfGujarat . Both the b rothers were orig inally Parmar
Rajpu ts, and accordingly the H indu chiefs, prom ising their as
sistance , inc ited h im to reb el, b u t the plo t was discovered in
t im e by the M uhamm adan c om m anders, who, after arrest ing
H isam -ud-din , sent‘
h im b ack to Delhi . M alek . Vaj 1-.ud-din
Khoresh i, desc rib ed as a b rave and ac t ive offi cer ,was then sent
to Gujarat, and during h is tenure Of offi ce t he country enjoyed
5 7 VrofiROYsa MDams
peace . In t ime he was rewardedwith the t itle of Taj-ul ulk
and recalled to Delh i .
Khushro K han the k ing’
s m inister was then appo inted to
the Go vernm en t of Gujarat . He however was no t sat isfi ed wi th
this post , and, c ollec t ing h is re tainers around h im , reb elled, and
pu t the Su ltan,h is b enefac tor, t o death (A . D. He then
usurped the Governm en t Of Delh i, assum ing the t it le of Nas irud-din . H is reign lasted for ab ou t fou r m on ths, when a nob le
nam ed Ghaz ib eg Tughlak ,indignan t at h is flagran t c rim e, col
lec ted an arm y and m ade h im a prisoner . He afterwards gave
orders that Nas ir-ud-din’
s b ody shou ld be cu t to piec es and sent
to the capital.
There was now no surv ivor Of A la-ud-din’
s fam ily , and se
c ordingly the nob les elevated to the throne th is Ghaz ib eg , who
assum ed th e sov ere ign ty under the t i t le ofGh iyas-ud-dinTugh lak
Shah A . D . 1 32 1
Gujarat b e ing st ill in a disorderly condit ion, the newSu ltan
appo in ted one Taj-u l-m u lk to be the Governor Of that prov ince
with instru c t ions to b ring the c oun try into complete subjec t ion‘
Su ltan Ghiyas-ud-din was, howe ver, k illed in the fourth year
Of h is go vernm ent by the falling Of the roof Of a summ er
house . He was suc ceeded by h is son Su ltan M uhamm ad Tugh
lak in A . D . 1 32 5 . In h is reign M alek M ukb il, the son of a
celeb rated m usic ian,h eld the Governm en t Of Gujarat under the
t it le ofK han Jahan . Wh ile h e was m arching to Delh i by way
Of Baroda and Dab hoi with treasu re and horses, certain M ughal
ch iefs plundered h im and ob liged h im to flee to Anhilwar. The
Sultan ,on hearing th is, m arc hed to Gujarat with an army to
avengc the insu lt . H is stay in the c ountry was protrac ted to
two years, duringwh ich he at tempted, though it appearswithou tsuccess, to capture the strong fort Of Junagadh He however
met with bet ter fortune elsewhere. M okheraji, the chiefOfPiram ,
8
{Pa ra cm .L] 58
an island near Gogha, took that town from its Musalman Kas
bat i. The Emperor accordingly sent an army against Mok heraji.
Th is chief made a bold defence, bu t was at last slain, and the
fort of Piram was destroyed (A . D. After the wi thdrawal
Of the imperial ar my , M ok eraji’
s son Dungarji suc ceeded in t e
possessing him self Of Gogha, and h is younger bro ther, Samar
singhji fled to Rajpiplato h ism aternal grandfather, Chok Rana‘,
whom he eventually succeeded.
It is interesting to no te that the M okheraj 1 here men
t ioned is the ancestor Of the present M aharaja of Bhav
nagar. His grandfather Sejakji c laim s descent from salivahan
(A. D . Sejakji was driven into Kathiawar by the
Rat t from h is ancestral seat at K herghad on the Luni in
Marwar (A. D. 1 2 60 He had given h is daughterW tilam
Kunvarba in m arriage to the son of th e then Rav Of Junagadhnam ed Kawad. T he Rav treatedSejak ji k indly and gran t ed h im
Shahpur and twelve v illages. Sejakji b u ilt a new town on the
lands Of Shahpu r and calling it by his own nam e m ade i t his
capital, whence b e c onquered som e m ore v illages, which he an
nex ed to h is territory . He was suc ceeded by h is son Banaji
(A. D. 1 2 90- 1309 who, strengthening Sejakpur with a fort,
changed its nam e tO Ranpur. Ranaj 1’
s son the M okheraji above
m ent ioned ex tended the power of h is c lan andm oved sou thwards
(A .D. 1 309 tak ing Bh im rad, Um rala, Khokhraand the island
OfPiram wh ich last was then in the possession Of a Baria Koli
chief. He further at tack ed Gogha, bu t th is ven ture drew’
on him
the ex pedition Of M uhamm ad Tughlak referred to above.
On Muhamm ad Tughlak’
s death in A . D . 1 351 , his nephew
Sultan Firu z Shah was c rowned k ing Of Delhi o n the 2 4th Of
March 1351 . After at tending to m ore urgent affairs Of state and
Chok Ranawas the son OfSaidamat king Of Ujjt in. He quarreled
With his father and settled at Juna(Old) Rajpipla.
59 1710111107 ! FROMDirt-m .
conquering Nagark ot , he v isited Gujarat in A. D. 1361 ,when b e
displac ed N iz am-u i-M u lk and appointed one Jafar Khan to the
governm ent . Th is ofli c er died in A . D . 1 371 , and h is elder son
DariaKhan was nom inated to su c c eed h im ,b u t Sham s -ud-din
Danghani hav ing offered to give the Su ltan 40 lab s ofTankahs‘,
one hundred elephan ts, twen ty two hundred Arab horses and
fourhundred slaves ov er and abov e the usual co llec t ion received
from Gujarat, the Su ltan’
s cho ice eventually fell on h im .
Sham s o ud-din Was however unab le to fu lfi l h is agreemen t
and went into reb ellion in wh ich he was slain . One M alek
Muz afl'
ar was then appointed Gov ernor, and subsequent ly Ob
tained the t it le Of Rast i K han A . D . 1 387
T he last nam ed Ofi ic er’
s adm in istrat ion was, however, felt
to be so tyrannical that the inhab itan ts of Cam bay c omplained
to the Emperor who , in the m on th of Feb ruary 1 391 A . D. , sen t
Jafar Khan wi th the t it le Of A z im Humayun to depose the ex
ist ing Go vernor. JafarKhan ac cordingly proc eeded to Patan and
sen t the Su ltan’
s order to Rast i Khan, b u t the latter wou ld not
subm it . A bat t le took plac e near the v illage of Kam bb u in the
Paton distric t b etween Rast i Khan and the imperial troops, in
which the form er was defeated and slain (A. D. At the
plac e of t he v ic tory , a v illage , nam ed Ji tpur, was founded bythe v ic torious v iceroy . He then returned to Patan , redressed
O T he value of a Tankah is variously est imated. Ifa silver Tankah
it must have been about i ofa rupee.
As regards the copper T ankahs, t he M irat -i-Ahmadi says there were
a hundred Tankahs to the rupee in the t im e of M ahm ud Begada,In eu
ot her plac e, ia or about A . D. 1 5 1 2 , the value Of a copper T ankah has been
given at two pics or half an arm s, Stanley Lane Poole in his re cent ly
pub lished life of Aurangz eb , Ruler: of India Series states, T he fi scal
unit Of the nat ive retards is t he dam , andforty dams went to the rupee
and fhrther “the terms Dam and Tankah are interchangeable,
as is proved by the insa-ipt ions on the coins themselves (p.
[PART 2 . cm . l .] 60
the grievances Of the Cam bay people and of o thers whom the
late Rast i K han had oppressed, and by h is conc iliatory and fi rm
b ehav iou r estab lished h is au thority througou t the prov ince.
Jafar Khan ’
s father Saharan and unc le Sadhu b e longed to
the fam ily of Tank Rajpu t chieftains then holding Thasra in
the Kairadistric t . Here prince Firu z Tughlak , one day hap
pened to com e , hav ing lost h is way whi le on a hunt ing e x cursion.
The two b rothers, though unaware of h is princely rank, treated
him m ost hospitab ly . W h ile staying with them , the prince
was charm ed by the b eau ty Of their sist er,whom t hey readily
gav e in m arriage t o the ir guest after learning who h e really
was. Firu z took them with him t o Delh i, where h e induced
them to em b race the faith Of Islam,and in A. D . 1 35 1 on his
accession to the throne he conferred on Saharan t he t it le of
Vej i -u l-m u lk and on Sadhu that Of Sam sher Khan . They
sub sequ ent ly rose t o h igh em inence , and Vaji-u l-m ulk’
s son
Jafar Khan was ev en tually gran ted,as above m en t ioned, the
v ice royalty of Gujarat with the t it le of Az im Hum ayun .
Jafar Khan ,after hav ing spen t som e t im e in set t ling the
country ,led a warlik e e x pedit ion in A . D. 1 393 against the
Rathod chief of Idar" who had refused to pay the custom ary
t ribu t e. After enforcm g his dem and on Idar,Jafar Khan m et
Adil Khan Asiri Of Burhanpu r , who had invaded Gujarat , and
com pelled him t o ret ire . He then m arch ed against Junagadh
and ex acted t ribu t e from the Rav (A. D. His ne x t e x pe
dit ion was against Som nath, and destroying the t emples there,
he in t rodu c ed the M uham m adan faith into that in tenselyHindu
ldar,form erly known as Ild1 ug, is a very anc ient town and 18 said
t o have b een 1n t he Dvapur Yug, or t h i 1d age, t he residence OfElvah the
Rakhsb as and h is b 1 ot her Vatapi It has,e x c ept during short intervals,
always b een under Hindu ch iefs Of one dynasty or another. The present
M ahaRajaSir K esrisinghji Javansm ghp K C.S I is a llescendant of thecelebrated JOdhpur family. See Bombay Gaz etteer Vol. V page 4 46.
[PART 2 . can . 1 62
and Jafar Khan either resigned h is power to his am b it ious son
or was compelled to yield t o him ,and forthwith Tatar Khan,
assum ing the nam e of M uhamm ad Shah , proc laim ed h im self
k ing of Gujarat . He fi x ed h is capital at Asawal , and aft er sub
du ing the chi ef of Nandod (Rajpipla) m arched against Delhi to
rev enge h im self on Ekbal Khan ,who
,on hearing ofh is approach ,
b ecam e great ly alarm ed. But Tatar Khan fell ill on the road,
and before reach ing Delh i died in the m onth of Shaban A. H.
806 (A. D. His dead b ody was tak en back to Patan,
where it was int erred with due honours. Tatar Khan’
s death
is at tribu ted by som e to a slow po ison adm inistered by one of
h is father’
s friends,bu t the early h istorians state that Jafar Khan
m ourned for h is son unt il the day of his own death .
On receiving th e sad t idings, Jafar Khan at once joinedthe camp, where, b eing welcom ed by the arm y ,
he resum ed
the governm ent of Gujarat . The disorders at Delh i cont inued
to in crease and,ac cordingly ,
after the lapse of som e si x years,
Jafar Khan ,who ou t ofrespec t for the throne ofDelhi had hither
to refu sed to call h imself king ,assum ed that t itle in A. D.
at the requ est of his nob les, and, tak ing th e nam e M uz afi'
ar
Shah , struck coins in h is own righ t . Thus was estab lished the
separat e M uhamm adan k ingdom of Gujarat , which lasted unt il
A. D. 1 573, when the great Ak bar conquered it and reannex ed
it to the empire of Delh i.
CHAPTER II .
The reign of Sultan M uz afi'
ar 1 .
FROM 1 407 t o 1 4 10 A .
Som e of M uz afl'
ar Shah’
s e x ploits wh ile he was yet v ic e
t egent in Gujarat have been already m en t ioned. After form ally
assum ing the t it le ofking ,he learnt that Dilawar Khan , the v ice
regent at Malwa,with whom he had b een v ery int im ate when b o th
were at Delhi ,hadbeen poisoned by his sonAlpKhan. Accordihgly
he march ed against that country with the objec t of chast ising theungratefu l son. The. lat ter opposed h im , bu t was defeat ed and
tak en prisoner (A D . M u z afi'
ar Shah then him self
appoin ted a governor over Malwa, and k ept Alp Khan in con
fi nem en t for upwards of a year, b u t ev en tually pardoned and
re instated h im in his dom in ions . To do th is, howev er, it b ecam e
necessary to send an arm y under the comm and of the Su ltan’
s
grandson Ahmad Khan ,inasm u ch as one of the Malwa chiefs,
nam ed M usa Khan , had grown suffi c ient ly powerfu l to gain
possession of the capital Mandu M uz afl'
ar Shah then sent an
army against the Hindus of Kanth-Kot in Kachh and subdued
them (A. D.
At the end of the m onth of Safar, A. H. 8 13, A. D. 1 4 10,
the Ko lis of Asaval and its v ic inity ,hav ing b ecom e disob edien t ,
comm enced plundering on the h ighways. M u z affar Shah, there
fore , sent an army against them under his grandson Ahm ad
Khan. Th is young prince , who had already gained renown
in the ex pedit ion against Malwa, encam ped at the Khan Sarovar
(lake) ou tside Patan . Here he summ oned an assem b ly of m en
noted for piety and learning , and qu est ioned them as to whether
the son of a man who had been unjust ly m u rdered ough t or
ough t no t to e x ac t retribu t ion . No t understanding the real objec tofthe prince idput t ing thisquest ion ,all replied in the affi rmat ive.
64 SULTA’N M UZAFAR I.
Ahmad Khan then took theirwrit ten reply and k ept it with him .
The nex t day he went in to the c ity ,m ade M uz afi
'
ar Shah prisoner,
and gav e him a cupofpo ison to drink The oldm an ,m u ch struck
by this condu c t of h is grand son whom since the death ofTatar
Khan he had nom inat ed h is su c cessor, and to whom h e had g iven
a princely training ,addressed h im as follows M y child,
all that
I have is b u t in k eeping for you ,why su ch unseem ly hast e for
you r inheritan ce These gent le words seem to hav e had no
effec t on the heart o f the you ng m an, who , b eliev ing , W hether
righ t ly or wrongly ,that h is father had b een m u rdered, was
b urn ing with a desire for v engeance . He ac c ordingly replied
All m en hav e their t im e appoin t ed, and when the hou r is com e
they cannot delay or advan ce it a m om en t M u z afl'
ar Shah,
after‘
counselling him on v ariou s t opics, and aft er cau t ion ing him
against indu lgence in wine , raised t o hi s own lips and drained
the b it t er cup of death . The founder of the M uham m adan Sul
tanat ofGujarat thus depart ed from th is world (A. D. 1 4 10) after
a ju st and wise reign of e igh teen years, e igh t m on ths and
fourteen days, in wh ich period is included the t erm of his v ice
regen cy . His rem ains were b uried in the m ausoleum erec ted in
the c entre of Patan .
[Paar 2 . ou r. 66
Sultan Ahmad carried out h is arrangem ents abou t the founding
of the city . In th is he was assisted by three other Ahm ads, by
nam e Shekh Ahm ad Khat tuGanj -Bakhsh ,.Kaz iAhm ad andM alek
Ahmad, who , as well as the Sultan , superin tended each div ision
aided by twelv e persons , called Bawas’ or Babas (A. H.
‘ 8 14,
. l 1 1hed in Al H.
,
A D 4 1 2 ) For b is new capi tal, Sultan
820. A. D. 1 4 1 7.
Ahm ad bu ilt a c itadel ofm uch strength and
b eau ty ,whic h is known by the nam e of the
Bhadar (propit ious), andwh ich . is st ill the quarter‘wh ere the Go
v ernm ent offi ces are located. A fi ne m osque,’
C°mpletedm A H called after Ahm ad Shah , was also bu ilt8 1 7,
'A .
‘ D. 1 4 1 4 .
and appears to hav e b een set apart as a
chapel for the Royal fam ily . He fu rther erected a "
palace and
other magnifi cent bu ildings. Though these do no t now ex ist in
their ent irety , port ions of them hav e b een thorough ly repaired
and are now used as pu b lic b u ildings. For the c ity itself the ‘
Sultan laid out fi ne'b road st reets and cau sed n ob le edifi c es to b e
constru cted, the m arb le . and stones forwh ich were :b rought from
Patan , Chandravat i ,Dhrangadhraand other places. W ith a View
to secure an adequate supply ofwat er for the i nhab itants, the
Sultan divert ed the course of,the riv er Hathm at i so as to make
its waters flow into the Sabarm at i . He also
Comm enc ediDA-H bu ilt in the heart of the c ity a superb Juma.
£3315:t (Friday ) M osqu e ,wh ich is one of the largest
8 27.A.
.D in India
,the e x terior dim ensions b eing 382
feet by 2 38 feet with a heigh t of 49 feet .
The m inaretswere or1g1nally of a great heigh t bu t port ions of
them fell down du ring the sev ere eart hquak e of A. D. 1 8 1 9. .A
These Rawas m ust not b e c onfounded with Hindu ascet ics,
They
were M uhammadan holy personages, su ch as Bawa A li Sher, whose
mosque is at Sarkhej, and BawaLu lu i who is b uried in the m ausoleum
near the Rushi ford on the eastern bank of the Sabarmat i near the c ity.
67
strange archi tec tural phenomenonwas not iceab le 1n these m inarats, whi ch has b een described l n som e detail by Colonel M onier
W illiams who v isited the m osque on the 31st M ay 1 809.
the shaking of the other m igh t b e'
supposed to becomm u
while people above were shak ing them , bu t I was not sen
sib le of the sm allest mot ion or agitat ion whatever in the
b uilding under m e .
(Quoted m Grindlay’
s“Costum e and Arch itec ture of
India, page 6
Sultan Ahmad gathered m erchants, weavers and sk illed
craftsm en from m any different places and set t led them advan
tageously ia the new c ity , g iv ing them every encouragem ent .
By bestowing m uch at tent ion and sparing no e x pense on the
city , he m ade it a cen tre of t rade and manufac tu re , wh ich it
cont inues to be upto the present day .
Popu lar tradit ion has an am using story of a certain difli
cu lty encountered by the Sultan in erec t ing the town-walls. It
is said that a saint nam ed Maneknath Godaria liv ed in’
a shed
near the river,who , with a v iew to thwart the Sultan in h is at
tempt to found the n ew city ,used to busy h imself in st itching
threads in a quilt du ring the dayt im e‘
whi le the Work of b uild
ing the ramparts was progressing , but’
each evening , after all
(Paar 2 . cm . 68
the workm en had dispersed to their several hom es, Manelmath
used to unravel the threads from the quilt , when 10 ! all the
port ions of the wall built during the dayt im e would crum b le to
the ground. The Sultan was e x trem ely annoyed by this re
peated m isfortune, and on mak ing enqu iries learnt that the
saint possessed m agical powers, so he sent for Maneknath , and
ask ed him what further wonders he was ab le to perform . He
replied that he cou ld enter a a d (a vessel shaped lik e a tea
pot ) and com e ou t through its spout . The Su ltan ask ed him to
sat isfy h is doub ts by doing this. Maneknath imm ediately
entered the vessel, but b efore he could ever issue from its spout
the Sultan cov ered it with his fi nger, and thus efl'
ectually
preventedManeknath’
s ex it . Maneknath ex claim ed, 0h k ing,
you have comm it ted treachery . The k ing replied You do not
lik e good work , and are by m agic hindering us in building the
c ity , so treachery m ust b e m et by treachery . Having spoken
thus, he refused to allow h im to com e ou t , andManeknath was
sm othered to death. Before death , howev er, he b egged the Sultan
to do him the favour of im m ortaliz ing hi s nam e by connect ing
it in som e way with the city . The k ing was pleasedwith this re
quest ,and complied. Hence the sou th -western tower oftheBhadar,
which is supposed to con tain the foundat ion stone of the c ity, is
called, ev en at the present day , the Manek Buruj , and the squarein which the ch ief m ark et is held is known as the Manek Chok.
The saint’
s tom b or sm all pagoda (Dehri ) is st ill to b e seen in
a c orner of the square , and an annual allowance of fi ve Rupees
is st ill paid by Gov ernm ent to its custodian .
That Maneknath ac tually possessed such supernatural
powers as are ascrib ed to him by tradit ion is c ertainly b eyond
b elief, bu t inasmuch as his nam e is so int imately connected
with the c ity , and the tradit ion is st ill in vogue , some mention
of it has seemed desirab le. _.Tradit ion further \supplies two
[Paar 2 . cm . 70
storm Ran -Mal andM oid-ud-din then fled to ~Idar, and the other
chiefs dispersed in different di rec t ions. The Idar Raja nex t hit
e x pedient ofpu rchasing peace , andwith this View'
h e collec ted the
elephants and horses of h is unfortunate allies,and; sending them
as a present to the Su ltan ,cau sed their baggage to b e plundered
Th is m ollifi ed the Su ltan ,who was con t en t to return to his capital
after e x ac t ing from the Idar Rajaa su itab le tribu te . Both M oid
ud-din andM ast i Khan took shelt er with their unc le Sham s Khan
who ru led at Nagor!,bu t were k illed in an ac t ion which took
place between Shams Khan and the Ranaof Chitor.
In those t roub led t im es,however, neither the king
.
nor the
coun try was dest ined to enjoy a long cont inued peac e . In A. H.
8 1 6 A D . 1 4 1 3 c ertain h igh-
placed M uhammadan ofi cers ,of
Anhilwar Patan,the form er capital, opened a secret corres
pondence with Su ltan Hoshang ,k ing of Malwa, incit ing h im to
invade Gujarat . They further won ov er several Z’
am indars
( landholders and indu ced them also to revolt .
The ungratefu l Hoshang despatched a force under sev eral oi
c ers towards Gujarat . The Sultan ,hearing of th is, sent his troops
in different direc t ions to at tack the reb els, and, him self marched
t owardsCham paner ,i'
andthence also sent an arm y undera general
nam ed Imad-u l -m u lk to engage the MalwaKing . Th e lat t erwas
g reat ly alarm ed and, on the prete x t that it wou ld b e a disgrace
t o fi gh t with any one not h is equal, retreated. Imad-u l -m q
was thus enab led to devastate a port ion of Malwawithout
0 N ow in the Jodllpur State ,
1 T his anc ient c ity is said t o hav e b een founded by Champa, the
m inister of Van Raj in the 8 th Cent u r
y of the Christ ian era Journal OfA siat ic Soc iety of Bengal, Vol . 9 page 1 99 It is now in a deserted state,t he only inhab itants b eing a few Naekras and Bh ils who gain their sub
sistence by carrying the lit ters and baggage afgent lem enevisit ing the Pava
gadh h ill. The c limate has for years b een very unh ealthy.
71 SULTA’N Anm n
‘
I.
opposit ion. The other generals, of whom one was Lat if
Khan (the Sul tan’
s own b roth er), drov e the insurgents of Patan
and Satarsal the chief of Jhalawar b efore them as far as the
province of Sorath.Accordingly in the year (A H. 8 1 7 A .D . 1 4 14)the Sultan m arched against the strong fort ress ofGirnar in that
prov ince . The chief, Rao M andlik ,also assem b led
‘
his arm y
near the base of the m ountain and gav e bat t le to the Su ltan ,
bu t was defeat ed. The Rao fled to the fort ress, deem ed impreg
nab le , and the Su ltan conten ted him self with tak ing the lower
fort o f Junagadh and subdu ing sev eral Zam indars upon whom
as we ll as on the Rao M andlik,he im posed an annual t rib u te .
Thereafter Ahm ad S hah returned to Ahm adabad.
The nex t year , A. H. 8 1 8 (A. D . he employed h is
army in destroying the temples and idols in the t own ofSiddh
pur, a plac e held espec ially sacred by the Hindus.
I
Nasir-ain -u l-m u lk,ru ler of Asir and Burhanpur , hav ing
dared to at tempt an encroachm en t on the Gujarat k ing’
s b order
towns of Su ltanpur and Nandarbar, Su ltan Ahm ad proceeded
thither in order to punish Nasir (A D . 1 4 1 6 Consideringthis a fi t opportunity for assailing Su ltanAhm ad
,Su ltan Hoshang
again m arched on Gujarat with the conn ivanc e of the ch iefs "of
Idar, Nandod, and Jllalawar, and halted at M odasa. Nothing
daun ted , Su ltan Ahm ad at once left Nandarbar , although i t
was now the rainy season ,and within sev en days arrived at
Modasa. He pitched his camp with in fi ve k os of Su ltan Ho
shang'
s arm y . The lat t er, seeing th is, was m u ch am az ed, and
not less alarm ed. Upb raiding h is allies for no t hav ing k ept h im
properly inform ed regarding the Gujarat k ing’
s m ovem en ts,he
fi ed by n igh t , leav ing to the ir fate the unfortunate Rajas abov e
nam ed,wh o fogt hwith beat a prec ipitate ret reat . Su ltan Ahm ad
then destroyed Nandod, and the chief, Harising was driven into
[35317 72
the jungles and became an out law. He was however pardoned
and his estate was resto red to him after twelve years.
Thus Sultan Hoshang himself gained nothing by his
treachery , bu t his arrival had inspired false hopes in the m inds
of the chiefs of Sorath ,who now withh eld their tribu te , and
Nasir of Burhanpur was also indu ced to renew his sedition.
Ahm ad Shah. howev er, by div iding his forces, was ab le to m eet
h is enem ies separat ely ,and defeated them all
After th is the Sultan ,fu lly bent upon effec tually subduing
Hoshang ,m arched on Malwa (A D. At that t im e
,all the
Rajas who had prev iously aided Hoshang in hi s invasion of
Gujarat sen t envoys to crav e pardon on their b ehalf from Sultan
Ahmad which that k ing from m ot ives of policy was glad to
grant . He th en proceeded towards Malwa by regular stages,
and, on h is arrival at the bank s of the Kaliada river near
Ujjain ,he found Su ltan Hoshang in a camp, which he had al
ready strongly entrenched. Short ly afterwards a sev erly
contested bat t le ensued, in wh ich the Gujarat army proved vic
torious, and all the enem y’
s treasu re and baggage fell in to its
hands. Su ltan Hoshang fled to the fort of Mandu , whither,
however, he was followed by the Gujarat k ing , who , halting in
its v icinity ,ravaged the country round abou t . He then set out
for h is capital , wh ich he ent ered in triumphal procession.
Thereafter, although h is m ind was engrossed with t he pro
jcet of redu c ing the strong fort of Mandu , the Sultan delayed
tak ing ac t ion . He m arched,howev er
, on Champaner (A.D.
the Rajaof wh ich distric t he compelled to pay t ribute , and
turned nex t towards Sank heda Bahadurpur, which he t ook
( A D. 1 4 1 9 Here h e subsequent ly b u ilt a fort and a
m osque. Further, with a v iew to estab lishing t he M uhammadan
faith in that district , he appointed a Kaz i and bther relig ions
[i’aar 74
but without success. The rainy season having set in , the Sultan
halted at Ujjain , once the capital of Malwa, and situated in the
very heart of that country ,a great part ofwhich he subdued.
At the end of the rainy season , Mandu was again inv ested,
but Sultan Hoshang had in the interim m aterially streng thened
it , and accordingly Sultan Ahmad, feeling himself unab le to
effec t its capture, m arched on sarangpur, anoth er fortress of
Malwa. He had hoped by this change in his plans to draw
Hoshang ou t ofhis stronghold, bu t that k ing now employednew
tact ics. He sent ambassadors to the Su ltan with instruct ions
to represent to h im emphat ically the impiety of his at tacking
and laying wast e the country of Islam , at the sam e t im e asking
on Hoshang’
s part forgiveness for all his offences, and prom ising
henceforth t o b ehav e loyally . Su ltan Ahm ad, m ov ed by this
appeal to his religious feeling , and ac t ing on the adv i ce of
h is m in isters, pardoned Hoshang and gav e orders for the troops
t o return to Gujarat . However, on the 26th of Decem ber 1422 ,
when the generou s m inded Su ltan Ahmad was ab ou t to start
on the return journey ,Hoshang perfi diously made a nigh t at
tack on his camp, and ev en penet rated as far as Ahm ad Shah’
s
own t ent , which was guarded by 500Rajpu t soldiers under the
comm and of Samant , a Garasia of Dhandhuka. These b rave
soldiers, tak en by surprise , were nearly all k illed, bu t Ahmad
Shah effec ted his escape. The Gujarat troopswould have tak ento fl ight bu t for Ahmad Shah
’
s intrepidity . He hovered about
the sk irts of the camp unt il dayb reak , when he led a small but
resolu te band against theMalwasoldierswhile theywere engaged
in plundering . A hand- to -hand confl ict ensued,and both the kings
were wounded, bu t eventually Su ltan Hoshang b eing defeated
fled to the fort of Sarangpur. The Gujarat army not onlyrecovered all they had lost , bu t captured twentyseven of
Hoshang’
s elephants. Ahmad Shah then returlied thanks to
75 SULTA’N AHMAD I .
the Alm ighty, and retraced his steps towards Gujarat . Hoshanghowever pursued him , and Ahm ad Shah was thus compelled
to halt and giv e h im bat t le . On th is occasion Hoshang was
again defeat ed, and he fled a second t im e to sarangpu r, while
som e nob le elephant’
s which he had b rough t with great
troub le from Jijnagar, fell into the hands of the Gujarat k ing ,who now returned v ic to rious t o h is capital m idst the glad
greet ings of h is subjec t s.
For th e nex t Lthree years the army enjoyed rest , and the
k ing devoted hi s sole at tent ion to the int ernal m anagem ent of
his k ingdom . In,A H. 820(A D. 1 426 he m arched against
Rav Punja the Rajaof Idar, who was in secret correspondence
with th e Malwa Sultan . Ahm ad Shah drov e the Rav to the
hills and plundered his capital. He then founded, on the con
fi nes ofhis territory and on the bank of the Hathm at i riv er, a
strong-Walled town ,
which he nam ed Ahmadnagar (A. D.
and which st ill ex ists about eighteen m iles distant from Idar.
Punja, however, did not give up h is host ile projec ts, and the
very ne x t year at tack ed a forag ing party sent by the Su ltan .
He assailed it wh ile off its guard, and captured one of the
elephants, bu t the party rallied as soon as Punja ret ired, and,
pursu ing him , overtook him and h is m en near a defi le on one
side ofwhich was a h ill and on the other a deep rav ine. Bet
ween these was a narrow pass, along which Punja t ried to
mak e his way. Taking advantage of th is spot , the M ahawat
( driv er ) of the captu red elephan t v ery pluck ily turned the
animal at Punja’s horse which was c lose b ehind, whereupon the
lat ter sh ied, and falling with h is rider into the rav ine both
were ki lled ( A D. 1 428 A few days aft erwards Rav Punja’
s
head was b rough t to the k ing by a wood cu t ter, and was du ly
recognised. After th is Rav Punjas son Narandas agreed to pay
an annual tribute of Rs . 3000, and m thisway purchased peace.
[Paar 2 . can . 3 76
Narandashaving howev erfailed thenex t year to pay his tribute,
Su ltan Ahmad againm arched on Idar, and carried by storm that
st rong fortress on the 1 4th of Novem ber 1 429, where h e now
built a m agnifi cent m osque.
The thorn in the Gujarat k ing’
s side b eing rem ov ed by the
death of Rav Punja, he again confi ned h is at tent ion to the
managem ent of his territo ries, and for two years there was no
foreign war. But after that period, Su ltan Ahm ad Bahmani,
k ing of the Deccan ,hav ing , on the death of the Gov ernor of
M ah im ( near Bom bay ) dared to seiz e that fort , Sul tan Ahmad
sent an army from Gujarat under the comm and of h is son Jafar
Khan , and also a squadron from Cam bay ,Goghaand Diu to t e
capture it . Success at tended this ex pedit ion ,and the fort was
retak en in A. D. 1 4 2 9.
In 1 431 A. D. , tak ing opportun ity ofAhm ad Shah’
s advance
upon Cham paner, the Bahm an i k ing laid wast e the country
round abou t Baglana, and seiz ed Tam bol, a fort in that province.
Ahm ad Shah, on hearing of th is, m arched to its relief and de
feated the Bahmani k ing . Before returning to his capital a
t reaty was entered into with the Rai of M ahim , according to
the term s of wh ich the lat ter k ing gav e his daughter in mar
riage to Ahm ad Shah’
s son , prince Fateh Khan. The Sul tan
nex t imposed a trib u te on the states of Bundi and Kota in
M ewar, and then returned to Gujarat .
In A D 1 435 princ e Masud Khan , grandson of Ahmad
Shah’
s old antagon ist Su ltan Hoshang, fled to h im for protec
t ion against h is father’
s m inister M ahm ud Kh ilji , who had
poisoned his m ast er Gh irani Khan Bin Hoshang and usurped
the throne . The Sultan , m ov ed by pity, espoused his cause and
marched with an army (A. H. 84 1 A D. 1 437 to chast ise the
usurper and reinstate Masud on h 1s father’
s throne. On this
ex pedit ion, however, the Gujarat m onarch was nt t at tended by
78 SULTA'N Am p 1.
W ith a v iew t o the collec t ion of the revenue , and prev ention
of fraudulen t c om b inat ion, it was a rule with the Su ltan to ap
po int jo int revenue oflicers fi , of whom one was in the Su ltan’
s
pay , b u t the o ther am an of independen t m eans and good fam ily.
Ahm ad Shah was very rig id as regards the adm in ist rat ion of
ju st ic e . 011 one oc casion h is son- in -law in the passion of youth
k i lled a personal enemy ,whereupon the Su ltan h im self is said
to have giv en orders that the m urderer shou ld b e hanged b efore
his own house . The Kaz i had sough t to sat isfy the relat ives of
the m urdered m an by the paym en t of twentytwo gold m ohurs,
b u t the Su ltan indignan t ly dec lared that su ch a comprom ise
wou ld t end on ly to encourage ev il disposed andweal thy persons
in the com m ission of c rim e .
On another oc casion , the Su ltan was seated in the balcony
of a pleasu re h ouse on the b anks of the sabarm at i, when he
no t ic ed that the water was disturb ed and that a b lack object
was fl oat ing down the stream . Orders were given to b ring it
t o the river- side , when it Was discovered to b e a jar containing a
dead b ody . The Sul tan ordered all the po t ters of the c ity to be
col lec ted, and asc ertain ing from one of them that h e had sold
that jar to the M ukh i (head-m an ) of a v illage in the ne ighbour
hood of the c ity, th e lat terwas sent for. It was even tually proved
that he had m u rdered a m erchant , and with a v iew to conceal
h is-crim e had pu t the dead b ody into the jar and set it adrift.
The M uk h i Was pub lic ly e x ecu ted. These severe e x amples
served th e ir purpose as an effec tual restraint on crim e.
i f T he sam e syst em prevails up to this day in regard t o v illages ,The
Talat is (ac c ountants) are st ipendiary servants, and the Patels belong to
the villages themselves, and are either hereditary employees or serve by
rotat ion ac cording to the custom of the village.
79
CHAPTER IV .
The reigns of M uhammad Shah,Kuth-ud-din and Daud Shah.
FROM 1 44 2 t o 1 4 59 A . D.
On the death of Ahm ad Shah h is son M uhammad Khan
asc ended the throne on the 3rd Rab i-u l-Akh ir A . H . 8 46 (1 2 th
August 1 442 under the t it le of M uham m ad Shah . He spent
much of h is t im e in ease and pleasu re , and b eing ex ceedingly
lav ish in h is g ifts, soon acqu ired the surnam e of Zar Baksh
(Giver of Gold). In A . H. 8 49 (A . D . 1 445 ) he led an ex pedi
t ion against Rav Bhan the Raja of Idar, whom he dro ve to
the hills. From thence the Rajasen t am b assadors ask ing for
forgiveness, and a t reaty was eventually c onc luded, by which
the Raja’s dom inionswere restored to h im , and h is daugh ter was
given in m arriage to M uhamm ad Shah . From Idar the Su ltan
carried h is army into waged, which he plundered, and there
after returned to h is capital.
The sam e year witnessed the death of the holy sain t Shekh
Ahmad Khat tu Ganj -Bakhsh , on whose adv ice Su ltan Ahm ad
had founded the c ity of Ahm adabad. He was b uried at
Sarkhej , where M uhamm ad Shah caused a superb m ausoleum"
and m osque to b e erec ted in h is m em ory .
In A. H. 854 (A . D. 1 450) the Su ltan m arched against
Champaner, at wh ich place the RajaGangadas gave h im b at t le .
Be ing defeated, however, t he Rajaretreated to the st rong fortress,
0 The mausoleum was c ompleted by M uhamm ad Shah'
s su c cessor
K u tb -ud-din, and is an objec t ofgreat interest to t ravellers. An uras (fair)at tended by som e four thousand pilgrim s from far and near is annually
held there on the 14th of Shawal and t he two following days in honour
of this saint . T he v illage of Chaf of t he est im ated annual revenue of
Rupees h'as been assigned for the support of the mausoleum .
80 SUL'rA’n M UHAMMAD.
wh ich the Sultan fortwith invested. At length the Rajahav ingbeen reduced to great straits sent secret em issaries to the k ing
of Malwa the inveterate enemy ofGujarat en treat ing h im to
m arch to h is assistanc e, and prom ising a large sum of m oney to
m eet the ex penses of his troops. The MalwaK ing M ahmud
Kh ilj i eagerly se iz ed th is opportunity of revenging h imself
upon Su ltan Ahmad’
s suc c essor, and m arched with a large army
towards Gujarat . On M ahm ud’
s arrival at Dohad the GujaratSu ltan raised the seige of Champaner and rem ov ed to Godhra.
Falling i ll he was tak en to Ahm adabad, where he died in the
m onth of M uharram A . H . 855 (A . D . 1 451 h is rem ains being
interred c lose to h is father’
s tom b in the m ausoleum at Manek
Chok . The M irat - i -Sik andari at tribu tes this k ing’
s death to
poison adm in istered to h im by som e of h is nob les b ecause of his
c owardice in retreat ing b efore the MalwaK ing , and thus provingh im self an unworthy son of h is i llustrious father.
Su ltan M uham m ad was su c c eeded by h is son Sultan Kuth
ud-din , who asc ended the throne on the 1 1 th of M uharram
A . H . 8 55 1 3th Feb ruary M ahm ud Kh ilj i, encouraged
by h is recen t suc c ess, m arched withou t delay against Gujaratv ia. Su ltanpu r and Baroda . Ku tb -ud-din set ou t from
Ahm adabad to oppose h im , and encamped at K hanpur
on the bank of the M ahi river. On h earing th is M ahmud
Khilj i advanc ed on Ahm adabad via Kapadvanj , near which
town t he arm ies m e t in a fi erc ely con tested bat t le. in which
M ahm ud Kh ilji’
s arm y was ab le at one t im e to penetrate to the
rear of the Gujarat force, and carried off from Su ltan Ku th-ud
din’
s pav ilion h is crown and jewelled g irdle of imm ense value.
In the end, h owever, the Malwa K ing suffered a sev ere defeat
on the l st day ofSafar A . H . 856 (2 2 nd February Sultan
Ku th ud din , thus v ic torious re tu rned te the capital, and com
plet ed th e m au soleum of Ganj Bak hsh , wh ich h ad been com
m enced by h is father. Abou t that t im e he also caused to be
[Paar 2 . can . 8 2
owner Khat ia Deorah , the Rajaof Siroh i, from whom it bad
lately b een usurped by the Rana. Su ltan Ku tb -ud-din then
advanced on Kum bhalner which he plundered. N ear Ch i tor the
Rana and K u tb -ud-din m et in bat t le for fi ve days, in wh ich
the Ranawas eventually defeated and pu t to fl igh t . He was,
however, pardoned by t he Su lttin on h is b inding h im se lf to pay
tribu te and never again to m olest Nagor.
Som e si x m on ths later, however, the Rana, disregarding
h is t reaty ob ligat ions, advanced against Nagor, bu t the Su ltan,
on ob tain ing inform at ion of th is, at onc e proc eeded against
Kum bhalner, whereupon t he Ranare treated to h is capital .
In A . H . 862 (A. D . 1 457) the Su ltan wen t to Siroh i, and
thenc e entering the c oun t ry of the Ranaof Ch itor and devas
tat ing it , returned to h is capital. Here , on the 6th of Rajah
A . H . 863 (13 th M ay 1 459 A . D. ) after a short reign of eigh t
years and a half,he fe ll sick and died. He was bu ried in
Su ltan Ahm ad’
s m auso leum in the Manek Chok by the side
of h is father and grandfather.
The t hird day after the death of Su ltan Ku th-ud-din,his
unc le Daud asc ended the throne in M ay 1 1 59, b u t by showing
a disposit ion to raise to power m en of low rank who had b een
h is friends wh ile he was ye t a princ e, and by e x hib it ing e x tra
ordinary m eanness in reduc ing the grain allowance for pigeons,
and the o il for ligh ts , he soon proved h im self unfi t for the
m anagem en t of a k ingdom , and the nob les, within seven days
de throned h im , plac ing on the t hrone M uhamm ad Shah’
s second
son Fateh Khan ,a young princ e of m u ch prom ise , who had re
ceived h is educ at ion u nder t he i llustrious Saint Shah Alam .
Daud Shah , hearing the no ise of trum pets, enqu ired the reason ,
and on learn ing that Fateh Khan was b e ing b rough t to the
palace in order to b e installed as k ing , fl ed th rough a wick et
fac ing the Sab arm at i, and spen t the rem ainder of h is life as a
devotee and disciple of Shekh Adhan Rum i.
88
CHAPTER V
The re ign of Su ltan M ahmud Begacla.
FROM 1 4 59 TO 1 5 1 1 A . D.
Sultan M ahm ud was en throned at Ahm adabad on the 1 2 th
of Shaban A . H . 863 1 8 th June 1 459 A . D . He was b orn
on t he 20th Ram zan A . H . 8 49 (A . D . and was thus only
fou rteen yearsof‘
age when the cares ofa large k ingdom devo lved
011 h im . Bu t he proved h im self equal to the diffi cu lt ies he had
to enc oun ter, and added g lo ry and lu stre t o h is th rone . Bene
fi t ing by the instru c t ion he had early rec eiv ed from h is relig ious
prec eptor Shah Alam , son of K u th -nl-A lam of Batwa, he dis
played, even in you th , singu lar soundness of judgm ent .
Som e m onths after h is ac cession ,se veral of the nob les who
were enem ies of the m inister Imad-u l-M u lk,o therwise nam ed
Shaban ,repaired early to the k ing
’
s pri vate audienc e cham b er,
and there represen ted t o the Su ltan tha t Imad-u l-M u lk wasm edi
tat ing treason and intended to raise h is own son to the th rone .
Ima'l -u l-M u lkfi n com ple te ignoranc e of the ir designs, presen ted
him self at the usual hou r, and the nob les fe ign ing z eal and fi de
lity at once openly ac c used h im to the k ing. The m inisterwasacc ordingly fet tered, and c onfined on the roof of one of the
gates of the Bhadar under the custody of 500 so ldiers,whom
the nob les had won o ver to the ir cause . The k ing ,in the hu rry
and confusion of the m om ent , fe lt u nab le to in terfere, b u t , re
co gnising the grav itv of the situat io n ,h e determ ined upon a
stric t invest igat ion i n order to asc ertain the tru t h . A t n igh t
he learn t from the Daroga in c harge of the e lephants t hat the
nob les had t reacherously c onspired against Imad-u l-M u lk the
faithfu l Vaz ir. The Su ltan ne x t c onsu lted h is m o ther, herself
the daugh ter pf a prince in Sindh, and o ther trusty adv isers,
and from the informat ion he ob tained, having good reason to
[Pa r 2 . can . 84
suspec t that the persons who had calumniated Imad-ul-Mulk
were them selves the real t raitors, he gave instru c t ions to the
Daroga to b ring ou t all the elephan ts fu lly equ ipped to the
approach ing Darbar. He then ordered Imad-u l-M u lk to be
summ oned, ostensib ly fo r pun ishm ent , b u t as soon as he came
near caused h is fe t t ers to b e stru ck off. When the nob les
heard what turn affairs had tak en ,they assem b led the ir ad
herents and followers,and m arched towards the ch ief gate of
the Bhadar in bat t le arrav . Th e young k ing , however, was
equal to the em ergency, and, ac t ing on the adv ice of M alek
Shaban, at once gave orders for the elephan ts, som e six hundred
in num b er, to c harge the reb els. This was done, and the Am irs
with their rabb le fe ll in to confusion and fled ou t of the c ity
in differen t direc t ions. In course of t im e each of the ch ief con
spirators was apprehended, and severe ex amples were made of
some. The head of one was hung up near the Bhadar gate,
ano ther was tram pled to death under the feet of an elephant,
wh ile o thers were imprisoned. So deep was the impression
caused by the you ng Su ltan’
s fi rm ness and courage that no one
thereafter dared to disob ey h is orders . Wh ile punish ing the
refrac tory , he did no t , on the o ther hand, fail su itab ly to reward
those who were faithfu l to h im .
After sat isfac torily arranging the in ternal affairs of h is
k ingdom the Su ltan was at pains to inc rease the effi c iency ofhis
army ,which he raised to doub le its form er strength . Thus sup
ported,he advanc ed towards the Deccan in A .H . 866 (A.D. 1 461
62 )at the u rgen t requ est of its ru ler N izam Shah Bahm an i,whose
count ry had b een invaded by M ahm ud K hilj i of Malwa. The
lat ter, as soon as he heard that the Gujarat Su ltanwas m arching
to the relief of the Deccan by way of Burhanpur, imm ediately
retreated via Gondwana. His troops, however, b efore reachingtheir own country, suffered severely from want bf waterand
[PART 2 . can . 5 86
M andlik Raja begged for t im e to consider what answer
he shou ld g iv e and fled by n igh t to the fort of Girnar. The
lat ter was forthwith b esieged by the k ing’
s troops, and its gar
rison and people were reduc ed to the u tm ost straits. At length
th e Rajadeliv ered up t he k eys of the fort to the k ing’
s general
and ac cepted the fait h of Islam . The t it le of Khan Jahan was
sub sequ en t ly conferred on h im, and he b ecam e a fo llower of
Haz arat Shah Alam . Thus the fort of Girnar, considered one of
the st rongest in all India, and well n igh impregnab le , surren
dered t o the Gujarat Su ltan in A. H. 877 (A D . 1 472
The Su ltan now b u sied h im self in set t ling the newly con
quered t erritory of Sorath ,and, calling t ogether Sayyids and
learned m en from every quarter , indu c ed them to tak e up their re
sidence in that coun try . He reb u ilt the fort and laid the founds
t ion of a grand palace . His nob les also,following his e x ample,
b egan to erec t m agn ifi cent b u ildings ,and thus there soon erose s
new c ity to wh ich the Su ltan gave the nam e of M ustafabad
In A . H . 878 A . D. 1 473- 74 M ahm ud Begadam arch ed on
Sindh ,the Zam indars of wh ich prov inc e assem b led a forc e of
ab ou t 2 4000m en ,and took upa st rong defensive posit ion. Bu t as
soon as the Gujarat arm y approached, they sent envoys to offer
their subm ission,wh ich was accept ed on the ground that they
were M uham m adans. The Sultan ,howev er, fi nding that they
st ill c lung to m any Hindu custom s, took several of them with
him t o Junagadh that they m igh t receiv e instru c t ion which
shou ld enab le them , on their return to teach their fellow count ry
m en the tru e faith of Islam . He also defeated and su bdu ed the
Hindu chief of Kachh .
The ne x t year the Su ltan subdued the Hindu Zam indars
Some au thors m ent ion th is conquest as having taken plac e two
years earlier a , A .H
,875 , A. D. 1470,
87 Susan’s M ansion“ear .
of Sindh ,and sent m any of their wom en and ch ildren as capt ives
to Junagadh. In that sam e year, som e pirates ofJagat (Dwarka)and Sankhodhar (Bet ) plundered a sh ip b elonging to a M uham
m adan M ullah of Sam arkand, and se iz ed h is wives and property .
Th e Su ltan ,on the M u llah’
s com plaint ,m arched against Jagat on
the 1 7th o f Ju lhaj. On his approach the inhab it ants fl ed to the
island th e place was given up to plunder , the t em ples
were destroyed and their im ages b rok en up. Th e Su ltan
then at tac k ed the island with h is fleet,bu t was ob st inat ely op
posed. At leng th ,howev er , the arm s of Islam prevailed, and
M ahm ud landed v ic torious. Im m ense b oo ty in pearls, ru b ies
and rich stuffs fell in to the conqu erer’
s hands. The capt iv e
m em bers of the M u llah’
s hou seho ld were released. After
spending som e t im e on the island,where he laid the founda
t ion of a m osqu e ,and appo int ing a Depu ty to gov ern in
h is nam e , the Su ltan left for Junagadh ,tak ing with him as
prisoner Bhim Ssigar the Rajaof Jagat on the 1 3th of Jumadul-swal A. H. 878 (A. D. M ahm ud had
, m eanwhile ,o r
dered t he Sam ark and M u llah to com e from Ahm adabad to m eet
him . On h is arr ival his fam ily was m ade ov er to h im,and with
t hem t he captu red Bhim Raja. At the M u llah'
s requ est Bh im
was sen t to Ahm adabad, where he was barbarously m urdered,
and port ions of h is b ody were hung ov er each gate of the c ity
as a fi t t ing punishm ent for h is hav ing plundered a holy m an and
imprisoned h is family . On h is way back , the Su ltan received at
Junagadh the su bm ission of sev eral Sorath ch iefs, after which ,
it hav ing b een b rough t to h is not ice that som e M albariswho lived
b v piracy were harassing the Gujarat po rts, he wen t to Gogha
and there equ ipped som e vesse ls,wh ich he sent against the pirates,
him self ret urning by way of Cam b ay . The Su ltan en tered
Ahmadabad in t rium ph and spent the ne x t few years in peace .
In A H. 880, AD. I ~175, Shah Alam , the religious precept or
88
of the Su ltan died,and a beau t iful mausoleum"i was erected to his
m emory by TajKhan , a nob leman ofM ahm ud Begada’
s Court . To
this b u ilding sev eral addit ions have been m ade from t im e to t ime,
and AsafKhan ,b rother of the celeb rated Nu rjahan Begam ,
wife
of the em peror Jahangir, ornam ented the dom e with go ld and
prec ious stones in the beg inning of the si x teenth cent ury .
In 1479,during one of h is hunt ing ex cursions, being much
pleased with a site on the bank of the river vat t ak , the Sultan
founded there the town of M ahm udabad (M ehmadabad) twelve
kos sou th -east ofAhm adabad,and, hav ing fort ifi ed som e rising
ground on the river-side , he ordered som e nob le palaces ito be
b u ilt , the ru ins ofwh ich are st ill to be seen . The Bham ariafwell,
constru c t ed in the t im e of this Su ltan as a hot weather retreat
in the v ic in ity of M ahm udabad, is an object -o f spec ial interest
It is 74 feet long by 24 feet b road with en trances from four
winding fl igh ts of stairs, and has eight underground chambers,
four large and four sm all.
In 1480A D. wh ile the Su ltanwasatM ustafabad(Junagadh)
som e of h is nob les and offi cers at Ahm adabad, t ired of the con
stant wars, and dreading the Su ltan’
s con templated ex pedit ion
T h is m ausoleum is an objec t of interest t o t ravellers.Several
v illages have b een set apart fo r its m aint enanc e and the support of its
c ustodians. T he present Pirjada is M 11 36 M ian Saheb Valade Ahmad
M ian saheb .
Governm ent a fewyears ago sanc t ioned Rs . for t he repairs of
t his m ausoleum , and Rs ,for t he Roja
'
. of Ganj-Bakhsh at Sarkhejo
Both these t om b s are now in good c ondit ion.
An Urus ( fair ) is annually held here on the 2otb Jamadi-ul
Akh ir and four fo llowing days, at wh ich abou t people at tend from
Bom bay, Surat , Cam bay, Kath iawar and other plac es ,
T he well is now in a ru inous c ondit ion, and might Well be restored
from the sun] annually set apart by Government for~the restorat ion of
anc ient b uildings .
[Pa r 2 . csu .5 .] 90
urged t o accept the religion of Islam ,bu t , unlik e the Mandlik
Raja, dec lined the proposal, and were ac cordingly ex ecu ted
Champaner, another great bu lwark ofHindu ism in Gujarat ,thus fell in to the hands of the M uhamm adans, though not nu
t il six of the RAjas, who had assem b led for its defence , fell, and
a large num ber of the besiegers as well as the besieged were
k illed. So great ly was Su ltan M ahm ud pleased with th e place
and its surroundings that he m ade it for som e t im e h is capital,
caused a m osqu e and other beau t iful bu ildings to be constru cted,
and gave orders that the town shou ld henceforth be known bythe nam e of Mahm udabad Cham paner. Either in this h is new
capital, or in M ustafabad ( Junagadh ) or in Ahm adabad, the
Sultan spent the greater part of the ne x t fi v e or six years, free
from foreign em b roilm ents.
Besides the foreign e x pedit ions m ent ioned in the foregoing
pages, Mahm ud Begada’
s ann ih ilat ion of the small chieftainship
of Ranpur, situat ed abou t 1 1 2 m iles south -West of Ahm adabad
at the confluence of the Bhadar with the Goma riv er, m erits
m ent ion. That t own was, as has b een already stat ed,founded by
Gohel Banaj i , son of Sejakji the ancestor of the present Bhav
nagar ruling fam ily. Ranaji’
s descendants appear to have been
in peacefu l enjoym ent of their estate for upwards of a century,
bu t in the t im e of Ranaji II. ill-feeling arose b etween that
ch ief’
s wife and her sister. The lat ter b eing m arried to M ahmud
Begada, the ch ief’
s wife regarded her as hav ing lost caste, and
ac cordingly refused an inv itat ion to dine with her. The Sultana,
on her return to Ahm adab ad, com plained to her husband of the
insult . At th is t im e Ranaji also happened to b e in Ahmadabad.and the Su ltan ob taining under som e slight pretence certain
symbols belongi ng to that ch ief, treacherously sent them to his
sister-in-law by a discharged servant of Ranaji with a m essage
that the latterwished her to join him 1n Ahmadt bad. The lady
9 1 Su n’s M ansonBrawl .
obeyed the summ ons, and appeared before her lord, who im
m ediately perceived som e plot was b rewing . He prompt ly sub
st itu ted another woman for h is wife , and took her back in safetyto Ranpur. Here however he soon afterwards killed a young
M uhammadan lad,who with hism otherwasproceeding on pilgri
mage , and who, early one m orning ,happened to c ry aloud the
call to prayer. The injured m other retraced her steps and laid
her complaint before the Su ltan ,who forthwith sent a forcenu
der his sister’
s son Bhandari Khan against Banaji . Bhanderi
Khan’
s m arriage had b een celeb rated only that day , yet against
th e earnest entreat ies of h is friends he v olun t eered to lead the
e x pedit ion . Ranaji II opposed the Su ltan’
s arm y at Dhandhuka.,
bu t was b eaten and driven back to the gat es of Ran pu r. Hence
he sen t word to h is wives that if they sawhis um b rella go down
they should understand that he had b een slain . It happened
that the um b rella-b earer,feeling thirsty ,set it down for a m om ent
to tak e a drink ofwater. The unfortunate Rania b eliev ing their
lord to have fallen , threw them selv es in to awell in the fort and
perished. Short ly afterwards the ch ief, who had cont inued the
bat t le , also fell, and the Su ltan’
s troops took possession of the
fort , though with the loss ofth eir ch ivalrous young comm ander
Bhanderi Khan M ahm udBegadaafterwards presented Ranpur
to the deceased RAnAji’
s sister’
s son,Haloji Parmar of M u li
,who
em b raced the faith of Islam , and h is desc endants , now div ided
int o fi ve fam ilies, st ill hold n ine of the v illages under the
Tfl ud ri tenure.
In A. D. 1 494 the Su ltdn had occasion to m arch against
Bahadur KhAn Gilani , a vassal who had revolted against the
Bahmani k ing of the Deccan ,andwho , from his fort of Dabhol in
the present Ratnag iri distric t ,was comm it t ing piracy on Cam bay
and other Gujarat ports. The Sultan prepared and sent a fleet
against the rebel, but the Bahmani king, fearing that the
[Fa rmem .a} 92
invasion of his territory by th e Gujarat troops would lead to
disastrous results, himself took the fi eld against his refractory
vassal, and having succeeded in capturing him and his fleet ,
delivered ov er the lat ter to the Sultan, to whom he also sent
the head of the rebel.
The ne x t year the Sultan marched on Wagadh and Idar,
from the Rajas ofwhich prov inces he ex acted large ofi'
erings, and
returned to Mahmudabad Champaner.
In A. H. 904 (A. D. 1 498 ) Adil Khan Faruk i of Khandesh
hav ing neglect ed to send the usual tribute, a forcewas despatched
against that country. As soon however as the SultAn reached
the banks of the Tapt i, Adil Khan paid up the tribute in full,
ofl'
ering ex cuses for the delay , and the king , accept ing this
apology, returned with h is troops to Ahm adabad.
In A. D. 1 507, the Sultan led an ex pedit ion against the
Portuguese“, who , hav ing b ecom e powerful on the western coast
of India, had of late usurped the dom inion of the sea, and had
at tacked the Gujarat possessions of Mahim and Bom bay. On
his. arrival at Diu , however, the Sultan learnt that M alek Aiaz ,
his depu ty at Sc rath , had already collected a fleet , and with the
aid of a squadron sent by the Su ltan ofTurkey ,whowas jealous
of Portugu ese influence in India, had infl ic tedon the Portuguese
a terrib le defeat and sunk one of their largest vessels. Thiswas
a m ost splendid ach ievem ent on the part of M alek Aids, and
the Sultan , conferring h igh favours on him ,sent h im a robe of
honour in recognition of h is serv ices, and, after a stay of a week
The Portuguese were the fi rst Europeans to settle in India,Their
emissary Covilham reached Calicut about A . D.1 487 by land, and a fleet
under Vasco-da-Gama cast anchor ofl‘
the same c ity on the 2oth May 1493.
000.was seiz ed in A. D. 15 10, and has since remained the capital of Pop
[Paar 94
quant it ies of food Su ltan M ahmud was capab le of eat ing. His
daily allowance is stated in the M irat -i -Sikandari , to have been
one Gujarat i maund of 40 lb s. weigh t . Th is m ust of cou rse have
included m uch that remained ov er. In the m orning aft er his
prayers it is said that he u sed to tak e a cupfu l of honey and
another of b u t ter, and along with these a hundred plan tains.
Even if the lat ter were of the sm aller k ind, st ill the allowance
above stated wou ld b e altogether e x traordinary . There are other
curious legends relat ing to h im,one ofwhich is that sundry
poisonous drugs produ ced no effec t upon h is system . His sk in ,it
is stated, was itself so satu rat edwith po ison that if a fly chanced
to set t le on h is hand it fell to the ground dead. To showhowfond
he was of the display of grandeu r, the t raveller Varthem a nar
rates that every m orn ing when th e Su ltan left hi s b ed there was
a parade of fi fty elephan ts in front of h is palac e wh ich returned
to their stab les after do ing h im rev erenc e . They did h im the sam e
rev erenc e at the hou r ofdinner. Abou t fi fty k inds of m usical
instrum en ts were played during the t im e occupied in dining . He
had very long m ustaches, wh ich were twisted lik e a cow’
s horns.
To th is fac t som e hav e at tribu t ed h is surnam e of Begada; but
another and m ore plausib le origin of th e nam e has b een conjee
tured, v i z . ,that hav ing conqu ered and annex ed to his t erritories
the two (Be) strong fort resses (Ghad) ofGirner and Champaner,
he b ecam e widely known as the Begada. M ahmud Begadawas
v ery fond of trees and encou raged their growth throughou t h is
dom in ions. The ab undance of m ango groves and of other fruit
t rees in and ab ou t Ahm adabad,and the long avenue of m ango
t rees near the v illage of Bag Fardosh’, comm only called Am rai,
are ascrib ed to h is care and encouragem ent . It is further stated
a Heavenly garden . Lands in the v ic in ity of this once favoured spot
have, for the last fewyears, been t urned by the Ahmadabad Municipalityinto a night-soil depot .
t
95 Su n’sM Asuns sneu n
’.
thatm ost ofthe elegant handicrafts andarts carried on in Ahmad
abad were introduced under th is m onarch’
s favou ring protect ion.
He was, m oreover, a great lover ofarchitec ture, and bu ilt m agni
fi cent caravanserais and lodging places for trav ellers. He also
founded several colleges and m osques. His generous ex ample
was followed by his nob les and offi cers, who v ied with one an
other in the splendour of their architectural b u ildings, to which
the num erous m ausoleum s in and around Ahm adabad b ear
ample test imony. The beau t ifu l wav ( a well with galleriesand fl igh ts of steps at Asarvaabou t a m ile from Ahm adabad,
known as the DadaHari’
s well, was bu ilt by a lady nam ed Bai
Hari of Mahm ud Begadéfs household. The Sansk rit inscript ion
on one of the galleries of th is well shows that it was bu ilt on
M onday the 1 3th of the light half of the m onth ofPosh Sam vat
1 556, which corresponds to A D . 1499- 1 500. The cost is
est imated at abou t three lacs of rupees. A sim ilar well at Adalajon the road to Disa dates from A D. 1 499
,hav ing been con
struc t ed by Rudbai Rani , the consort of one Vir Singh Vaghela,
then Thakor of Kalol , at a cost of abou t fi ve hundred thousand
Tankahs. Here it will perhaps not be am iss if we dev iate
short ly from M ahm ud Begada’
s t im e to trace the origin of
Vir Singh. He is supposed to hav e b een a descendant of the
old VAgheladynasty ofwhom two b rothers Warsoji and Jetoji
had b een driven into ou t lawry by the loss of their estates. One
day in their despair they intercepted and at tack ed the carriages
of Sul tAn Ahmad’
s ch ief queen and her fem ale companionswhile
they were going one Friday to the m ausoleum ofShekh Ahmad
Khat tu Ganj -Bakhsh and the escort was lagging behind. On the
queen’
s earnest entreat ies and on her prom ises to have their
grievances redressed, the b rothers allowed her and her com
panions to go unm oles'
ted. The queen , true to herword, interfered
on their behalf. They also gave their sister Lalan in mariage to
96
the Sultdn,who was pleased to grant them fi ve hundred villages
in theKalol distric t for th eir support. Vir Singh took as his share
Kalol and two hundredand fi fty villages in th e neighbourhood of
SAnand. The lat ter,owing to its splendidwheat crops,eventually
becam e a very valuab le possession. Kalol was lost in A. D. 1728
by Vir Singh’
s descendant Bhagat Singh , who ret ired to
Lim bodra, which is st ill held by his descendants.
M ost ofSu ltAn M ahm udBegada’
sm ilitary ex ploits have been
already m ent ioned. He was the m ost renowned ofall th e GujaratSulténs,and during his reign the splendour ofGujarat was greatlyincreased Even the Em peror of Delhi sent him presents, and
thus v irtually acknowledged Gujarat as a separate k ingdom .
[Parr 2 . cm . 98
v iewing the act ion of the Gujarat k ing in its proper ligh t , suddenly left for h is own coun t ry , hav ing received an inv itat ion
from som e of his nob les,and a bat t le took place b etween him
and h is b rother’
smin ister nam ed M edni Rae in which the form er
was defeated. The v ic torious m inister had already gained
great influenc e ov er M ahm ud and the whole power of Mandu
now fell into his hands. He ent rusted even the household
affairs of the Su ltan to the m anagem en t of h is own relat ives
and friends, and caused the death of the M u salman nob les one
after the other, plundering their property and c onfi scat ing
their estat es. On every side the tok ens of idolat ry in c reased.
When all th is was represented t o Su ltan M u z afl'
ar he was m uch
m ov ed by re ligious z eal, and at onc e prepared ( in the m onth of
Shaval A H. 91 8 , A. D. to m arch against Malwa in
order to crush the power of M edn i Rae and restore M uhamma
dan suprem acy . Aft er h is arrival at Godhra, however, at which
town he had ordered h is troops to concentrate , he was ob liged
to m arch back against Idar , t he chief of wh ich stat e , Rav Bhén,
had reb elled and had defeat ed the k ing’
s oflicer sen t against him .
On reaching M odasa, the Su ltan gave orders that Idar should be
ent irely destroyed. The Raja, hearing of this, at once sent apo
logies and the t rib u te of twenty lacs of Tankahs said t o be equal
to twen ty thou sand rupees, one hundred horses and other pre
sents, wh ich were ac cept ed the m ore readily as the afl'
airs of
Malwast ill dem anded t he Su ltan’
s at tent ion (A. D.
Sultan M u z afl'
ar ne x t re turned to Godhra, and thence went
on to Dohad. Having given orders fo r the repair of the for
t ress of that town ,he con t inu ed h is m arch towards Malwa.
On the way th ither, he h eard that M edni Rae had carried his
protégé to Chanderi . T he Su ltan t hen q b lic ly proc laimed
that in undertak ing the presen t e x pedit ion ,h is objec t was not
to annex Malwato h is territories, but simply tb drive away
99 SULTA'N M ou rn s II .
Medn i Rae and o ther infi dels, and to rec onc ile the two b ro ther
princ es. As one of the two , however, had already invok ed the
aid of t he k ing of Delh i, the Su ltan dec lared that he would
wait and see the resu lt of th is appeal and ac t as the occasion
m igh t requ ire . The fam e of the palaces and hunt ing park of
mama’s form er capi tal Dhar had spread far and wide , and
according ly the k ing proc eeded thi ther with a ligh t de tach
m en t , and devo ted h im self for a wh ile to the chase . Then ,
after v isit ing t he deer park at Di lwara, he re turned! t o
Ahm adabad, b e ing unwilling to assum e the responsib ility of
in terfering furt her in a quarre l in wh ich one of the part ies had
so lic ited the assistance of the De lhi k ing .
T he su bsequ ent even ts in Malwaappertain to the h istory
of that prov ince. I t is enough here to state that in A . H . 920,
( A . D . 1 5 1 4 hav ing heard on h is re turn from Malwa that
Rav Bhan t he Rajaof Idar was dead, and that his grandson
Raim al had, through the asssistanc e of h is father-in-law,
'
t lie
Rana of Ch itor, assum ed the so vere ign power to the e x c lusion
of the Raja’s son Bharm al, th e Su ltan took offence at the inter-5
ven t ion of the Rana, and ordered the Jag irdar ofAhm adnagar
to e x pel Raim al and seat Bharm al on the Idar throne . This
was effec ted with m uch trou b le, and led to several engage
m ents with vary ing resu lts b e tween the Su ltan’
s army and
that of the Idar ch ief, A . H. 92 3, A . D . 1 5 17
In th is year sev eral nob les from Malwa fled to Gujarat ,and represented to M u z afl
'
ar Shah that on h is return to Ahmad
m s, the Delhi t roops had also gone b ack , and that M edni Rae
0 Ac c ording to the ac count given in the h ist ory of Mandu b y a Su b
beltern (nam e no t given)’
and pub lished by Col W . Kincade t he reason of
Muzafl'
ar'
a return from Dhar was the defeat of a port ion of his army by
Medni Bi o neu'nandu, a; s . 9 19 , A . 1 5 13- 14 .
[Paar 100
had, in the m ean t im e, b ecom e suprem e in power. They further
statedzthat Mahmud was now k ing in nam e only , and stood
in hourly danger of b e ing b linded or imprisoned. T he Sultan
according ly prom ised to m arch to the ir assistanc e at t he c lose
of o the rainy season . In the m ean t im e, M ahmud h imself,
disgusted at see ing the who le resou rc es of h is k ingdom in
the hands of M edn i Rae , left Mandu on the pre te x t of
going on a hunt ing e x cursion ,and by b rib ing the guard
escaped at n igh t with h is wife to Gujarti t, where the k ing fur
n ished h im with tents, elephan ts, horses and all that was nec es
sary for a royal guest . He then advanc ed t owards Malwaon the
1 8 th of N ov em ber 1 5 1 7. At th is t im e M edn i Rae, who had
b een repairing the fortress at Dhar, fl ed to Ch itor t o ob tain
assistanc e from RanaStinga ,and Dhar readily opened its gates
to the Gujarat'
army ,wh ich then advanc ed and laid siege to
Mandu . After several m onths that st rong fortress was taken
by storm on the 2nd of Safar A . H . 92 4 (A . D. 1 5 1 8 bu t not
un t il n ine teen thousand Rajpu ts had b een slain . On th is c c
casion their wives and ch ildren perform ed the Johar c erem ony
( imm olat ing them selves on a vast fu neral pyre ) in order to
prevent the ir falling in to the hands of the enemy .
This conqu est hav ing b een effec ted at the cost of the lives of
som e two thousand of the Gujarat so ldiers, the oflicers ofSultan
M u z afl'
ar’
s arm y adv isedh im to re tain the coun try wh ich h ad so
often been a sourc e ofannoyanc e to Gujarat . M uz afl'
ar Shah , true
to h isword said that he had undertaken the e x pedit ion to ob lige
a b rother k i ng, and no t to deprive h im of h is k ingdom . Fearing,
however. lest he m igh t b e further tem pted to annex the country,
he didno t even stay in the fort , though cordially invi ted by
the Malwak ing, b u t returned to h is encaimpm ent .
OnMuz afl'
ar’
sdeparture,Mahmud, ip tokenofb igmm
[Pa r 2 . can . 102
no t only said that Rana Sanga was a dog
",b u t even called
a dog of h is by the Rana’
s nam e and t ied it at h is door, and
then taunt ing the bard, bade him go and te ll the Ranaall that
he had seen and heard. T he Rana, when inform ed, was
fi red with rage , and m arched with an army of forty thousand
ho rse on Idar. N iz am - u lq nu lk at onc e sent m essengers to the
Su ltan stat ing that h is garrison did no t c onsist of m ore than a
thousand so ldiers. Som e of the m in isters were , however, ini
m ical to h im ,and,
m isrepresent ing m at ters to the Su ltan,delayed
sending re inforc em en ts, so that the Rana was ab le withou t
diffi c ulty to en ter Idar. N iz am -u l-m u lk,ab andon ing the
capi tal with great relu c tance wen t to Ahm adnagar, where small
reinforcem en ts arrived. A b rilliant bat tle took place, in wh ich
the M uhamm adans showed great b ravery , bu t they were at
leng th o verpowered by superior num b ers. The Rana then tool:
Ahm adnagar, wh ic h he gave up to plunder. He nex t went to
W adnagar with a v iew to sac k i t also , b u t the earnest entreat ies
of the Brahm ans of t hat plac e c aused h im to desist . A cc ept ing
a large pre sen t from them ,he shaped h is c ourse for Visalnagar,
wh ich town he pillaged. Soon ,however
, the news cam e that t he
Su ltan’
s fo rc es were on the ir way from Patan and Ahm adabad,
and ac c ordingly the Ranaim m ediately re trea ted towards Idar
and thenc e re tu rned to h is own c ountry . Thus the enm ity of
the m in isters against N iz am-u l-M u lk resu lted in disgrace to
Gujarat and the loss of m any lives.
Eager however to ret riev e h is honou r, M u z afl
'
ar Shah sent
a large army (A. D. 1 5 2 1 ) under M alek A iaz Su ltan, governor
of Sorath , to inv ade Ch itor. They ravaged the distric t ofwagerthe Rajaof wh ic h
'
state had jo ined the Rana in h is prev iouse x pedit ion , and the capital Dungarpur was reduced to ashes
a Sagn is the persian for a dog.
. 103 SULTA'N M uz arrm .II .
M alek A iaz then advanc ed, and laid siege to the Rand’
s fort of
M andesar, the walls of wh ich were ten feet th ick . Here the
Ednasen t o vertures ofpeace , apo log iz ing for h is behav iour and
offering to return all he had tak en in h is form er invasion, to
pay an inc reased tribu te, and to pass a writ ten agreem en t pro
wising su bm ission and obedienc e fo r the fu ture. There b e ing
at th is t im e dissensions in h is army , M alek A iaz though t it
prudent to rest c ontent wi th the su c c ess already ach ieved, and,
acc ept ing the proposed term s of peac e withou t the Su ltan’
s fu ll
confi rm at ion , m arched back to Gujarat . Su ltan M ahm ud K h i lj iof Malwa
, who had com e to the Gujarat Sultan’
s assistance , also
re turned to h is coun try on rece iv ing from the Rana a su itab le
present . His son , whom the Ri nd. had held as a hostage ever
sinc e the Malwa. k ing’
s defeat in A . D. 1 51 9 , was also restored,
and ac com pan ied h is father b ack to Malwa.
Sultan M u z afi'
ar was displeased at th is term inat ion of the
war,and, sending back M alek Aiaz to his governm en t ofSorath ,
gave ou t h is inten t ion of renewing the campaign after the ra ins .
He was, however, dissuaded from h is pu rpose by a sub m issive
em bassy headed by the Rand’
s son in person,who b rough t the
st ipu lated trib u te and presents.
The nex t few years the Su ltan passed in Gujarat, strengthen ing the fort of M odasa and o ther fron t ier posts, and im
pro v ing the adm in istrat ion of th e coun try . He fell sic k and
died at Ahmadabad on the 2 nd of Jumdd-al-Akh ir A . H. 932
(A. D. after a reign of fourteen years and n ine m onths.
He was buried beside his father in the m ausoleum at Sarkhej .
While none of the Gujarat k ings e x c eeded M u z afi'
ar in learning
and wisdom , he proved h im se lf also a b rave and ab le general.
He is st ill known by the nam e of M u z affar the C lem en t , on ac
count of the mercy he was wont to show to all, and espec ially
[PAM 106
After murdering Sultan Sikandar, the v illain Iméd-ul
mulk took from the harem a son of the late M uz afi'
ar II,named
Nasir Khan, then fi ve or si x years of age, and proc laimed him
k ing under the t itle of M ahmud Shah II. The nob les, how
ever,were great ly displeasedwith Imad-ul-m ulk , and, thirst ing
for revenge, sent secret m essages to M uz afl'
ar Shah’
s secondson
Bahadur K han, apprising h im of all that had tak en plac e, and
ask ing him to return and govern his father’s k ingdom , prom is
»
ing at the sam e t ime their hearty assistance and co-operat ion.
It is necessary here to state that Bahadur K han, a b rave and'
enterprising prince, had, during h is father’
s life t ime, left Gu
jarat in disgust in A. D. 1 52 4, owing partly to the insufi c iencyof h is JAgir and partly t o jealousy entertained towards him
by his elder b ro ther Sikandar, the heir apparent . Muz afi'
ar
Shath was mu ch distressed when he heard of h is son’
s depar~
ture, and endeavoured, b u t wi thobt avail, to persuade h im to
return to Gujarat. Bahadur Khan fi rst went to Bansvaraand
thence to Chitor,where the Blind. treated h im very k indly. One
day, however, an unhappy inc ident occured. The Rand’
s nephew
gave Bahadur Khan an en tertainm en t, at wh ich a danc ing girl
of great b eau ty was summ oned to perform . Seeing that the
Gujarat prince was m uch struck wi th her ex qu isite dancing,
the Rana’
s nephew told h is guest (probab ly withou t intendingany insu lt ) that she was the daugh ter of the Katz i of Ahmadnagar, and had b een carried away by h im when the Ratna
sack ed that town in A . D. 1 520. Roused to sudden anger at
seeing the daughter of a'
Kaz iforced into concub inage,BahAdur
Khan at once unsheathedh is sword and cu t down the unfortu
nate Rajpu t prince. A great uproar ensued, and the Rajputs
rushed at Bahadur to k ill h im on the spo t , bu t the m other of
the M ud,with singular presence of m ind, ran forward holding
a drawn dagger, and dec lared that she would stab herself
if any one dared to touch Bahadur Khan, who was their
guest , andwhom she had called her son. Thus l his life was
l 07 SULTA'N e mbu .
saved by her t imely intervent ion . The Rana also said that
his nephew was to b lam e for hav ing provok ed the Gujarat
prince to sudden anger. Bahadur Khan, however, saw that he
was look ed upon with distrust by the people of Ch itor, and
though t it wise to leave that town . Ac c ordingly,after tak ing
leave of the Rana, he went to M ewat , whose ch ief offered to
assist h im shou ld he desire to at tack Gujarat . Bahadur Khan,
however, t hankfully dec lined the offer, and said he c ou ld no t
m editate such treachery as to at tack h is father. He nex t pro
ceeded as far as Delh i. I t happened that at that t im e the
k ing Ib rahim Lodi had gone t o Pan ipat to repel an invasion
of h is territory by Babar k ing of Kabu l. Ib rah im was there
fore glad to avail h im self of Bahadur Khan’
s serv ices. On
one oc casion that prince greatly distingu ished h im self. In
a sk irm ish be tween the M ughal and Afghan t roops som e
of the lat ter were captured, and were b e ing tak en off
t he b at t le-fi eld wi th their hands t ied and with ropes
round t heir necks. Though the k ing was h im self present ,
no one dared to at tempt their rescue . Princ e Bahadur,
the gallan t grandson of M ahm ud Begada, heedless of the
danger, dashed upon the M ughal troops with h is sm all party
and, defeat ing them ,released the prisoners. This enterprise
great ly redounded to prince Bahadur’
s fam e , and the Delh i
nob les even though t of m ak ing h im their leader. This how
ever ex c ited jealousy in the m ind ofIbrah im Lodi, andBahadurKhan therefore ab ruptly left for Juanpur, whither the Delh i
’
nob les sent envoys, inv iting h im to take command of the army,
and stat ing that they were ready to acknowledge him as their
king . The prince was ab ou t to accept th is invi tat ion, when
the m essengers from Gujarat arriv ed with let ters from the
nobles of that province. Bahadur Khan therefore resolved to
return to h is native country and avenge the murder ofSikan
dar. Acc ordingly after spending four days in the usual rites
ofmourning, he left Jnanpur and set ou t for Ahmadabad.
108
CHAPTER VIII .
T he Reign of Sultan Bahadur.
FROM 1 5 2 6 t o 1 537 A . n.
Bahadur Khan proceeded via Chitor, the Rajaofwhi ch state
received h im k indly . Here he was m et by the Afghan , Al i Sher,
an ofi cer in the Gujarat army ,who inform ed him ofall that had
tak en plac e sub sequent to Sikandar’
s death. From Chi tor he
m arched to Dungarpur and thence to Kapadvanj , where several
other emeers and nob les joined h im . Bahadur Khan then pro
c eeded to M odasa, wh ich fort had b een streng thened by M
u l-mulk , but its garrison soon subm it ted to Bahadur Khan.
On the 2oth. ofRam zan A . H. 932 (August 1 526 he was
rec eived at An hilwar by Taj Khan and other nob les from Ah
madabad. Thence he advanc ed with royal pomp towards the
capital, wh ich he ent ered without m eet ing with any resistance,
and, after mak ing h is ob eisance at the tom bs of his ancest ors in
the Manek Ohok ,he took up his abode in the palace in the Bhadar.
On the 2 7th he held a pub lic Darbar, and on the day of the Id
( the M uhammadan new year’
s day conferred dist inct ions
on the nob les and offi cers. He further caused the Khutbah
(pub lic prayers ) to b e read in h is nam e.
After the Id cerem onieswere ov er,Su ltan Bahadur m arched
from the Ghatam andal palace on the Kankariatank to M ahmud
abad , where he was joined by additional t roops, to whom the
t raitor Imad-u l-m u lk had given an advance of pay in order to
induce them to rem ain fi rm in his cause . Bahadur Shah nex t
crossed, though with diffi cu lty , the Shedhi river, at that t im e in
flood, and halted at Nadiad. The Su ltan left that town on the
l 6th of Shawal, and crossedthe river M ahi at theKhanpur ford.
Thence, leaving his main army behind, owing to the difi culty of
[Paar 2 .0w . 1 10
in treaty with the Portuguese to surrender Diu. Bahadur Shiih
accordingly went to that port , where he stayed for a m onth ,and
then replac ing the Governor of Sorath aswell as the commander
at Diu by other m ore trustworthy offi cers,he returned via. Talajaand Gogha to M ahm udabad
,where Vikramajit , son of Rana
Sanga of Chitor, waited upon him with su itab le presents. After
spending a m onth at M ahm udabad and three m onths at Ahm ad
abad in case and pleasure , the Su ltan wen t to Nandod, where he
receiv ed the subm ission of t he Raja of that state . He then
proceeded to Su rat , and,return ing thenc e to M ahm udabad,gave
the son of the Ch itor Ranaleave to depart .
Abou t this t im e it becam e ev ident that the Portuguesewere
endeavouring to estab lish them selves on the coast of Sorath ,and
to acqu ire possession ofthe fort ofDiu . In order to frustrate their
designs Su ltan Bahadu r was under the necessity of devot ing
m u ch of h is t im e andat tent ion to that island, and he frequently
v isited it as also Cam bay and Gogha“
. He further gav e orders
for the c onstru c t ion of a fort at Breach A D. 1 527 on the
opposite coast of the gulfof Cam b ay . On representat ions made
by h is sister’
s son M uhamm ad Khan Adil Khan , Ru ler ofKhan
desh ,Su ltan Bahadur sent an arm y into the Deccan in aid of
th e chief of Gawel , a fort in the Berars,who had b een persecuted
by N iz am Shah ofAhm adnagar. The lat terwas defeated and his
capital plundered (A D. 1 52 9) and the Khu tbah was read in the
Gujarat Sultan ’
s nam e. It is said that in this ex pedi t ion the
Su ltan’
s force consist ed of not less than one hundred thousand
horse and n ine hundred fi ght ing elephants.
Su ltan Bahadur was of a v ery restless disposit ion . After
paying one m ore v isit to Diu and Cam bay and purchasing for
This fi ne sea-port t own was twice b urnt by the Portuguese, once
in 1531 and again in 1546A . D.
1 11 Sean ’s Bu n
'u m.
his own use the ent ire cargo of a shipcontaining am ongst other
merchandise no less than thirteen hundredmaundsofrose-water,
the Su ltan marched to Wagar A . H. 937 ( A. D.
Here the Dungarpur Raja Prithv iraj waited upon h im ,and
h is son em b raced the M uhamm adan religion . T he Su ltan
b rough t wagar into subm ission,and posted garrisons in strong
places. He gave half of i ts territory t o Prithv iraj and half to
his b ro ther Chaga, and b estowed the v illage of Sanilah on the
newly converted prince.
Am bassadors from RanaRatansingh , the son and successor
ofRanasanga, also waited upon the Su ltan with presen ts, and
com plained of the conduc t of M ahm ud Kh ilj i of Malwa in at
tac k ing h is territories. Su ltan Bahadur had h imself reason to b e
displeasedwith the Malwak ing for hav ing, no twithstanding the
ob l igat ions under wh ich he stood to h is father, harb oured h is
b ro ther Chand Khan when aspiring to the throne of Gujarat .M ahm ud however sen t am b assadors e x pressing friendsh ip and
a desire to see Bahadur Shah , who consen ted t o the inter
v iew, b u t delayed from day to day , and the Gujarat Sultanacc ordingly m arched on Mandu in conjunc t ion wi th the
arm ies of Chitor, Bh ilsaand Raisen . The Governor of Dhar
also cam e over to him . Su ltan Bahadu r posted h is allies in
the surrounding distric ts, and h im self invested Mandu with
the m ain body of h is army , whose at tacks were several t im es
b ravely repulsed by M ahm ud Kh ilj i , though h is garrison did
not e x ceed four thousand m en. They were, however, at last
worn ou t by fat igue, and Bahadur Shah , with a selec t band on
the 9 th of Shaban A .H . 937(2 8 th M arch 1 531 ),escaladed the fort
at the po in t where i t was known to b e m ost difi icu lt ofapproach .
Trust ing to the inaccessib ility of the fort at that point , the
garrison had left it'
unguarded, and hence the storm ing party,
after it had once succeeded in gaining the heights, met with
[PART 2 . cm . 1 12
but little opposit ion. The army then proceeded to invest the
palace,wh ither M ahmud had retreatedwith a v iew t o defend it
to the last, b ut h e was overpowered and compelled to surrender
toge ther with h is seven sons. Sultan Bahadur, i t is said, was
inc lined to t reat h im with k indness, and even to restore him
h is k ingdom , as had b een done by h is father, b u t M ahm ud in
h is pride and arroganc e insu lted Bahadu r Shah t o h is face,
whereupon he was ordered to b e c onfi ned and sent to Cham paner
together with h is sons. The Gujarat prince Chand K han fled
t owards the Dec can during the c onfusion .
On the road to Champaner the party escort ing the unfor
tunate K h ilj is was at tack ed by a b and of Bh ils and Kolis,
supposed to have b een m erc enaries of the Rajpipla ch ief, and
the guard, fearing lest the ir royal prisoners shou ld escape,
k illed them all. The Kh ilj i fam ily of Malwa thus b ecam e ex
t in c t , and that importan t prov inc e was anne x ed to the k ing
dom of Gujarat ( A . H . 937, A . D.
Bahadu r Shah spen t the rainy season at Mandu , and ap
po in ted a Governor and o ther offi c ers to the pro v ince . He also
t reated the form er nob les wi th k indness, and confi rm ed them
in their Jagirs.
In the sam e year, h earing that Raja Mausing of Jhala
var", a dependency of Gujarat , had sack ed several of the
Gujarat towns and k illed the c om m andant of the Dasada out
post , the Su ltan sen t an army against h im , wh ich took ,and
perm anen t ly sev ered from the Jhala’
s terri tories, th e parganahs
ofViram gam and Manda], wh ich nowform part of the Ahmad
abad distri c t .
The ' Su ltan then proceeded to ”h is nephew M uhammad
Faruk i’s territories ofBu rhanpur and Asia, (9th Safar A.H. 938
1 Newunder the Kathiawar Polit ical Agency,
[Pa r 2 .ou r.
conquer the rest of the country ab ou t Mandasar, and h imself
a
“
returned to h is capital M ahmudabad on the 1 5th of Safar.
Soon after th is, intelligence was received from Diu that the
Portugu esewere c om ing with a large fl eet to capture that fort .
T he Su ltan therefore, ab ou t the end of A . H . 937, A . D. 1 531,
proc eeded to Cam bay,and the Portuguese fled on hearing of his
approach . The Su ltan, however, st ill proceeded on h is way to
Diu , and as h is heart was em b i t t ered against Chi tor b ecause
the Ranaof that place had sen t a force in aid of Silhadi, and
had thus caused m u ch trou b le and delay in the tak ing of
the Raisin fort , t he Su ltan despat ched for the siege of Ch itor
an imm ense Egypt ian gun b rough t by h is Turk ish General
Rum i Khan ,and with it one hundred other sm aller guns
!. He
then retu rned t o Ahm adabad v ia Cam b ay , and after v isit ing
the tom b s of h is anc estors and pay ing his respec ts to h is spi
ritual preceptor Shah Shekh jin at Bat va, h e journeyed in a
single day to M ahm udabad Champaner. Here he m arried a
daugh ter of Jam Firoz,k ing of Sindh , who , on h is defeat by
the M ughals, had tak en refuge with him in the m onth of
Ram z an A . H . 935 ( A . D. 1 52 9
A t M ahmudabad the Su ltan enlisted several thousand
pick ed soldiers, and, b e ing aware of the strengh of the fortress
of Ch i tor, he c o llec ted a vast supply of arm s and ammunition
andproceeded to Mandu , where h e c oncen trated his troops and
sen t them on towards Ch i tor. A t M andasar they were m et by
envoys, who b egged forgiveness for the Rana, and c ommuni
cated h is readiness t o carry ou t whatever order was g iven by
t he Su ltan . The lat ter, howev er, refused to ret ire, and the
army m arched on to Ch i tor (Rajah A . H . 939, A . D. 1 533 )After plundering the su bu rb at tached to the fort , the force under
0
This is the fi rst m ent ion of the regular use of art illery in Gujarfli,
Tod’s Rajasthan Vol. I, p.330.
1 1 5 SULTA'N BAHA
'DUR.
Tatar Khan son of Alam Khan Lodi carried the Parkotah
( ou ter gate ) on the 6th Rajah . Two days afterwards t he
siege t rain arrived with the b ig gun ,wh ic h speedily caused
great havoc by levelling ramparts and b u ildings . All the
arrangem ents of the b esiegers were e x cellent } and were so
effec t ively c arried ou t that in a short t im e the garrison
was reduced to the u tm ost strai ts,
and the fall of the
fort seem ed inev itab le . In this em ergency the grandm o ther
of th e Rana,who had sav ed Bahadu r Shah
’
s life when he was
a refugee at that c ou rt in A . D . 1 5 2 45, wro te a v ery im pressive
let ter to Bahadur Shah , offering to surrender to the Su ltan all
t hose towns and v illages of Malwawh ich had b een in the Rana’
s
possession since h is predec essor Rana Sanga’
s v ic tory over
M ahm ud Kh ilj i in A . D . 1 5 1 9 . She further prom issed to pre
sen t him with a golden waist- band and jewelled crown of
pric eless v alue , tak en from the sam e M ahm ud Kh ilj i, and also
agreed t o pay fi ve lacs of rupees, one hundred horses and ten
e lephan ts in tok en of su bm ission . The Su l tan ,ou t of grat itude
for h er past serv ic es, ac c eeded to her prayers, and raised the
siege of Ch itor on the 2 7th of Shaban A . H . 939 2ath M arch
1 533 b u t only to renew the at tack two years later.
From Ch itor Bahadu r Shah sen t a port ion of h is army
under trusted ofli cers to Ran tam b hor and Ajm er to reduce the
fortresses in those towns. He then wen t to Mandu , wh ither
the rem ainder of h is army fo llowed and there enj oyed a
well earned rest .
Gujarat had now reached the z en i th of its prosperity . I ts
territory was b o th large and Well defended. The k ingdom
of Malwa was annex ed, wh ile Ch itor was trem b ling and
dest ined soon to fall. The k ings of Delh i sough t and ob tained
[Pa r 2 . can . 1 16
to acknowledge h is suprem acy . From the fac t of the k ingdom
of Gujarat hav ing a sea-b oard wi th no less t han eigh ty-four
ports, ev en Sikandar Lodi of Delh i used t o say , the m agni
fi c enc e of the k ings of Delh i consists ofo
wh eat and barley,
whilst that of the k ings of Gujarat has its foundat ion on coral
and pearls.
After a b rief period of inac t ion and withou t any provo
cat ion on the Rana’
s part , the idea of annex ing Ch i tor t o h is
k ingdom again took possession of the m ind of the am b it ious
Su ltan Bahadur. A c on trov ersy ,however, wh ich ev entually
proved ru inous to th e Gujarat Su ltan, arose b e tween h im and
the Emperor Humayun of Delh i . It has already b een stated
that the Sultan had g iven ofi enc e to Humayun by sheltering
h is opponent Ibrah im Lodi,and now ano ther po li tical refugee
M uhamm ad Jumal M irz a, husband of Humayun’
s sister, after
intriguing against the Emperor, fl ed t o Gujarat and sough t the
Sultan’
s pro tec t ion (A . H . 940, A . D . 1 533 Humayun wrote
sev eral let ters to Bahadur Shah , cou ched in v ery c ourteous
t erm s, ask ing h im ei ther t o surrender the fugit ive or to ex pel
h im from h is dom inions,bu t Bahadur Shah , puffed up with his
v ic tories, not on ly dec lined to c om ply wi th the request , bu t ex
pressed his refusal ia v ery offensive t erm s"
The infatuated Gujarat Sultan ,m oreov er, in h is m ad desire
to annex Ch itor, m arched against that fortress instead of rather
reserv ing all h is forces t o cope with the powerfu l enemy he
had in h is arrogance created. Humayun left Agrafor Chitor
(A . H . 9 41 , A . D. bu t'
rec ognising that by at tack ing
Bahadur Shah wh ile the lat ter was engaged in the siege, he
It is said that Bahadur Shah not b eing ab le t o read or write had
employed as h is M unshi a m an dism issed by Humayun. A c cordingly
this M unsh i, in order t o slight the Emperor, worded the replies in an
unbecom ing style.
[Paar 2 . can . 1 1 8
Th is was ac cordingly done, and the Gujarat troops werealm ost reduced to starva t ion . The opposing forc es remained
in sigh t of each o ther for som e days, bu t t he Sultan’
s
arm y b ecam e so weak ened as to b e qu ite unab le to cope
with the form idab le Afghans. To add to t he disaster
Rum i K han sec re t ly wen t o ver and jo ined the enem y. At
last , when supplies were e x hausted, Su ltan Bahadur, h itherto
u nac custom ed to reverses, lost heart , and in despair caused all
h is diam onds and o ther j ewels t o b e dest royed. His guns were
nex t b lown up,the b u llock s hav ing no st rength t o pu ll them,
and the t runks o f two of h is b est fi gh t ing elephan ts were cut
off, in order to preven t them ever b eing of serv ice to th e enemy.
He then,with a few of h is fo llowers, fled by n igh t to Mandu.
T he army, on hearing t he ne x t m orn ing (2 5 th M arch 1 535 ) of
the Su ltan’
s fl igh t , fell in to great confusion, and the Emperor
tak ing th is opportunity to advanc e, th e camp b ec am e a scene
of plunder and m assac re . Humayun then e x u lt ingly entered
th e Su ltan’
s tents, wh ich were all c overed with em bro idery and
in terwoven with gold, and e x c laim ed, These are the equ ip
m en ts of the lord of the sea, referring by this epi th et to the
Gujarat Su ltan’
s sway over the e igh ty-four seaports.
M idst the m elancholy h istory of Su ltan Bahadur’
s m is
fortune, an am using story has b een recorded by th e au thor of
the M irat - i -Sik andari , wh ose father ac compan ied Humayun in
t h is e x pedit ion in charge ofh is lib rary . He relates that when the
v ic tory was c omple te, the Emperor seated h im self on h is throne
andheld a general recept ion . N ob les and offi cers stood before him
with their hands fo lded, wh en a parro t wh ich had b een found
in the plunder of Bahadu r Shah’
s camp was b rough t to h im in
its cage . The Emperor was greatly am az ed at i ts u t terances.
A t that t im e Rum i Khan en tered, and the k ing said k indly to
h im Rum i Khan, come here. The instant theparrot heard
1 1 9 SULTA’N BAHA
’
nna.
the nam e, it b egan to call out in H industani “That scoundrel
Rum i Khan repeat ing these words several t im es. Rum i Khan
hung down h is head abashed, and the Emperor, st ill further
surprised at the b ird’
s talk , yet unwilling to destroy so strange
a creature , rem ark ed to Rum i Khan ,
“If any rat ional b eing had
spok en thus, I sho u ld have had h is tongue cu t ou t , bu t what
can I do to a senseless an im al
It m ay b e that the ab o ve is not m ere idle gossip,for, those
who are aware of the power to talk possessed by these b irds will
no t fi nd it diffi c u lt t o b elieve t ha t aft er Rum i Khan’
s desert ion
from Su ltan Bahadu r’
s c am p,t he m en of h is army b e ing ao
c ustom ed to speak of tha t fore igner in t erm s of disrespec t , the
parro t m av have caugh t up th ese e x pressions from them . Hence,
as in th e story just re la ted,when i t heard Rum i K han
’
s nam e,
it at onc e b egan t o u t ter the disrespec tfu l phrases it had learnt ,
and in th is way sham ed the trai tor.
Su l tan Bahadur,after h is fl igh t to Mandu , shu t h im self
up in t hat s t ro ng fo rtress, wh ither t he Emperor Humayun
followed h im after a short de lay in c o llec t ing the spo ils at
M andasar . Here Rum i Khan added to h is perfidy by persuading
Bhupat Rai, under the pre te x t of aveng ing the inju ry infl ic tedon h is father Silhadi, t o open one of the c ity gates, of wh ich
he was in charge at the t im e of assau lt . Th is agreem ent was
carried ou t , and Su ltan Bahadur, c onsidering h is case hopeless,
departed for Gujarat (A. H . A . D . 1 535) leav ing his offi cers
to defend the rem ain ing fi ve ga tes as best t hey c ou ld. Som e
of Humayu n’
s m en, o bserv ing h is fl igh t , pursued after h im ,
bu t t he Su ltan,on be ing ov ertak en, turned and fough t with
such b ravery tha t t hey were driven bac k . Humayun’
s generals ,
on defeat ing the t roops left t o defend the c i tadel, en tered it
in t riumph , after wh ich a general m assac re took place, streams
of blood flowing in the streets ofmandu .
[PAM 2 . on1 r. 8 .] 1 20
From that town ,Humayun m arched on Champaner,whither
Sultan Bahadur had fl ed on h is way to Cam bay and Diu.
Champaner had b een left in charge of trusted ofli cers, who
defended the fort with valour. A t last , however, som e Kolis,
foolish ly sen t ou t to procure prov isions, the fort st ill con
t ain ing plenty ofgrain ,fe ll in to Humayun
’
s hands, and in order
to save the ir lives, showed h im a pa t h no t known e ither to the
b esiegers or t o the b esieged. By t h is the t roops ent ered, and suc
c eeded in tak ing Cham paner, wh ich m igh t o therwise have held
ou t for a m u ch longer t im e (Safar A . H. 942 ,August 1 535 A .D. l.
From Cham paner Humayun went t o Cam b ay ,wh ere he spent
a few days in m ak ing e x cu rsions in to the neighb ourhood, but
hav ing b een m olested by Kolis,who , in their n igh t at tack s, even
entered h is pav ilion and c arried off h is baggage and b ook s, he
gave the u noffending town up to plunder. Humayun left
Cam bay for Ahm adabad,whence he v isited the t om b ofKu tub ‘
u l-A lam Burhan -ud-din at Batwa, and encamped h is army at
t he v illage of Ghiaspur, two k os to the sou th of the c i ty . Baha
dur Shah , on th e o ther hand, after leav ing Cam b ay ,went to
the port of Diu . He sen t off to M edinah is fam ily , and with
them 300 iron chests, c on tain ing t reasure and jewels. On this
oc casion he is said to hav e also despatched an am b assador to
Constan t inople with costly presen ts,inc luding the jewelled belt
he had ob tained from the Ch i tor Rana’
s m o ther, the v alue of
wh ich has b een est im ated at three k rores ofAshrafi s.
’ None
of th is imm ense t reasu re ev er found its way b ack to Gujarat,
b u t it rem ained with the Grand Sign ior of Constan t inople ,who,
from its possession , b ecam e en t it led to the appelat ion of Sn
liman the M agn ifi c en t (Briggs'
s Ferish tav o l. IV. p.
Thus it cam e to pass tha t the re ign ing Su ltan of Gujarat,
T he Ash rafi is a c o in of variab le value,b u t is commonly reckoned
as equal t o one gold m ohur (30 shillings) .
[PART 2 . cm .8 .] 1 2 2
effec teda junc tion ,and collec t ing a force ofabou t forty thousand
horse, proc eeded towards Patan , whence they sen t informat ion
to Su ltan Bahadur Shah , who jo ined them with h is m en . The
Emperor’
s Comm ander Yadgar Nasir retreat ing to Ahmadabad,
the Su ltan fo llowed, b u t on h is approach the enem y encamped
at Ghiaspur. Th is they left at n igh t for Kan ij , three Kos from
M ahm udabad, where they were jo ined by t roops from Breach .
A t Kan ij a well contested bat t le was fough t b etween Su ltan
Bahadur and the im perial troops, in wh ic h the lat ter were de
feated. They were pu rsued as far as Cham paner, at wh ich place
the Sultan halted, sending on ,however,h is nephewM u hamm ad
Shah ‘Asir i t o drive them from Malwa, wh ich he effec ted
A . H . 942 , A . D . 1 535- 36 Thus b o th Gujarat and Malwa
were relieved of the M ughals after t hey had o c cupied these
prov inces for ab ou t n ine m on ths, and Su ltan Bahadur Shah
regained h is k ingdom .
Another enemy dest ined soon to arrest the further c ourse
of th is energet ic Su ltan was, however,spring ing up in t he west.
During the days of h is m isfortune, while Bahadur Shah was
stay ing at Diu , t he Portuguese, who had b ec om e known in
t h is country by the nam e of Firang is (Franks), had tendered
him their serv ic e and prom ised h im assistance at the ir ports .
Under the straitened c ircum stanc es in wh ich he was placed,
the Su ltan ac cepted the ir ov ertu res. In retu rn for th eir sup
plying h im a forc e of fi ve hundred Eu ropeans to ass ist h im
in recovering h is k ingdom ,he gave t hem leave to b u ild a fac
t ory at Diu . Instead of a fac tory , however, t he Portuguese
erec ted a. strong fort , in wh ic h ,after fu rn ish ing i t with guns and
m usk ets, they took up their residence . Su ltan Bahadur, on re
gaining possession ofGujarat , great ly regret ted hav ing granted
them any perm ission at all, and began dev ising m eans for
turning them away by artifi ce. He therefore proceeded to
1 2 3 SULTA'
N Bas i’nua.
Diu , and had an interv iew with Nuno -da-Cunha the Portu
gusse V ic eroy ,who had rec en t ly arriv ed there with a fl eet .
Rem onst rances and e x planat ions took place, and it is adm it ted
bo th sides m editated t reachery . The Governor, when inv ited
t o see the Su ltan , fe igned sickness, b u t sent a return inv ita
t ion to Su ltan Bahadu r. T he lat ter, accompan ied by only a
sm all guard,v isited the Governor on b oard h is v essel on the
1 4 th of Feb ruary 1 537, and was rec eiv ed apparen t ly with m uch
ho nou r, bu t , on leav ing ,an affray took place , in wh ich Su ltan
Bahadur and h is at tendants were k i lled and thrown ov erb oard.
The Po rtuguese represen t t h is affray as ac c idental, and the
M uhamm adans as designed,bu t the ev idence seem s to warrant
the lat t er c onc lusion .
Thus on the 3rd of Ram zan 943 (Feb ruary 1 4 th , A . D.
1 537 the career of the b rave and illustrious Su ltan Bahadur
was c losed at the early age of th irty-one years, and after a
short b u t glorious re ign of e leven years, du ring wh ich the
power of Gujarat had at tained its c u lm inat ing po in t .
T he ungratefu l M irza M ahm ud Zaman,who has b een
m en t ioned abo ve , and whom the Su ltan had gran ted a Jagir at
Awan near Diu ,did no t sc ruple t o aspire to the throne of his
b enefac to r on h is death , whereupon a bat t le took plac e b etween
h is t roops and the Sultan’
s army ,wh ich ended in the defeat and
e x ile of the M irza.
1 2 d
Cu rran TX.
T he Re igns ofSultan M uhammad
Faruki and Sultan M uhammad 1 11
From 1 5 37 t o 1 554 A . D.
After the m u rder of Su ltan Bahadu r, h is m in isters and
nob les wro te to h is sister’
s son M uhamm ad Shah Faruk i, k ing
of Asir and Burhanpu r, whom that Su ltan had du ring h is life
t im e nom inated as h is heir. Acquaint ing h im with what had
happened, they inv i ted h im to c om e to Ahm adabad and as
sum e it s go vernm ent . The Faruk i M uhamm ad Shah was so
greatly at tached to h is unc le , with whom he had c c -operated
in several of h is b rillian t campaigns, that the shoc k of the news
of h is death brought on an i llness wh ich in seven ty days term i.
nated fatally . N o heir was now left ex c ept the son of the late
Sultan Bahadur’
s b ro ther Lat ifKhan nam ed M uhamm adKhan.
This prince , whom Bahadu r Shah had ordered to b e k ept in
confi nem en t ,was acc ordingly released, and the nob les installed
h im as k ing under the t it le of M uhamm ad Shah III.
The splendour ofGujarat had, however, passed away withBahadur Shah . On h is death the Portuguese had regained pos
session ofDiu ,
’and sub sequ en t to i t no t ribu te reached the
capital from the Dec can or from any of the ports held by Euro
peans. The Portuguese also at tack ed and took Cam b ay in A. D.
1 538 , when they sack ed and burn t the town and carried ofl’
im
m ense b oo ty , the town b e ing then one of the richest in India.
Sultan M uhamm ad b in Lat ifKhan b eing only eleven years
i It appears on a referenc e t o Leth b ridge’s History of India that
Muhamm ad I l l b esieged th is fort ress in 15 3 8 and 154 5 , b ut was b ravely re
pulsed by the Port uguese on b o th oc c asions,hut ne ither the M irat -i -Ahmedi
nor the M irat-i-Sikandari ment ions anything of these two ex pedit ions.
[Pa ir 2 . can .
the inhab itants hav ing c losed the gates of the c ity against him.
Recogn ising however that he wou ld no t b e ab le to hold
Ahm adabad, he sen t forward his wives and treasu re to the fort
of Champaner, and h im self fl ed to Asir in the vain hope ofoh
tain ing assistanc e there A . H . 950, A . D. 1 543
The Su ltan ,after a few days stay in Ahm adabad, advanced
on Cham paner, wh ic h he b esieged. He carried the fort by
sto rm , and in do ing So shewed an in trepidi ty and c ou rage well
wo rthy of a desc endan t of Su ltan Ahm ad. Here the Su ltan
rested for three m on ths, and appo in ted A lam Khan h is Com
m ander-ia -ch ief, and Bu i lian -u l-wu lk , an uprigh t and prudent
emeer, h is Prim e M in ister. Imad-u l-mu lk ,the form er m inister,
who had b een dism issed b v DariaKhan and Was residing at
Manda under the pro tec t ion of i ts then ru ler Kadir Shah , was
also recalled, and the Sirkar of Broach as well as the fort of
Surat were g iven h im in Jagir . For som e t im e prosperity“
at tended the you ng Su ltan ,b u t unhappily he took in t o h is con
fidenc e and m ade a favou rite of one Charunji, who , originallya b ird k eeper, had assisted the Su ltan in h is days of adversity
by carrying m essages b etween h im and Alam Khan Lodi at
Dhandhuka. Th is indi v idual ofm ean orig in induc ed the Sultan
to hang two o fi c ers of h igh rank,Ala-ud-din Lodi b rother of
Sikandar Lodi k ing ofDelh i, and Shujat Khan, and to order
the ir b odies t o rem ain e x posed for three days. Th is en
raged the nob les, who dem anded that the low-born knave
shou ld be deliv erd up t o th em . The Su ltan dec lined, b ut in
v ited t he nob lem en in to h is presence . They ob eyed, b u t seeing
Jarji, on whom the proud t it le of M ahafi z Khan (protector )
had b een conferred, standing at the Su ltan’
s side, they forth
with cu t h im to pieces. T he Su ltan stroye to save h im , but
failing in the at tempt , was abou t to plunge a dagger into his
own heart, when the weapon was wrest ed from him after
1 27 Sean’s M UHAMMAD1 11 .
hav ing infl ic ted only a sligh t wound. Perceiv ing that un
worthy persons c ou ld infl uence the Su ltan fo r ev il, th e nob les,
plac ing him under res tra in t , rem o v ed h im t o Ahm adabad.
They soon,however, were t ired o f k eeping guard o v er h im ,
and
a c onspiracy was form ed to b lind h im ,and e ither pu t a m inor
on the th rone , or div ide ou t th e k ingdom am ong th em selv es.
Fortunately for the Su ltan ,t h is design was no t ac c om plished, as
he o b tained t im ely info rm at ion regarding i t from a no b le nam ed
Tatar-u l-m u lk,wi th whose a id and t hat of o th er o fi cers he
took the c onspira to rs c om ple tely by su rprise , and, issu ing ou t
one day W i th a body o f h o rse , o rdered t he h ouses of the c h ief
rebe ls to be plundered. A c c ording to a prec onc ert ed arrange
m en t , t h is was done so ex pedit iously in t he early m orning
wh ile these nob les were yet asleep, that they had t im e on ly to
escape with their lives.
It would be tedious to relate in detai l the later h istory of
the banished no b les, b u t i t suffi c es to say t hat they were u lt i
m ately e x pe lled from Gujarat (A . H. 952 , A . D . 1 545) though
wit h c onsiderab le diffi c u lty, and even tua lly sough t refuge wi th
Sher Shah of De lh i.
Su ltan M uhamm ad I l l . hav ing reb u ilt the cast le of Surat
( A . D. ne x t de vo ted h is a t ten t ion to the adm i
n istra t ion of the k ingdom , and appo in ted as h is Prim e
M in ister one Asaf K han ,who had b een m in ister of Su ltan
Bahadur and had taken the fam ily of t hat princ e t o M ec ca.
The army was also pu t on a proper foo t ing . The Su ltan then
ex pressed a desire to se iz e Malwa, bu t the m in ister rather nu
wise ly suggested that he m igh t o b tain a c oun try equal in ex
tent t o Malwa by m erely at tach ing the wanta’ lands then
wants,or port ions of village lands had b een assigned as a c on
Ciliato ry m easu re by Su ltan Ahm ad l , t he fo under of Ahmadabad, t o t he
original Rajput Ch iefs M uch of the wa s land is st ill enjoyed either
free from assessment or subject to e quit-rent .
[Pm 2 . ou r. 1 2 8
possessed by the Rajpu ts, Garasias and Kolis in Gujarat
itself. T he order was ac cordingly g iven, and the ch iefs of Idar,
Siroh i, Dungarpu r, Bansvara, Lunawara, Rajpipla and the
v illages on the banks of the M ah i river b egan to raise disturb
ances (A. D. The forces at Sirohi and several other
ou tposts thereupon received orders to e x t irpat e every Rajputand Ko li e x cept those Governm en t servan ts and traders who
wore a part ic u lar m ark on the sleev es of the ir c oats. This
order appears to have been rig idly carried ou t ,and the t urbulent
Garasias were thus forc ib ly reduc ed to subm ission . N o Hindu
was perm it ted to ride through the c ity or to dress h im self in fi ne
c lo thes ;even the observanc e of the Divali andHoli fest ivalswas,
proh ib ited, and thus the m inds of the Hindus, and those of
the m ilitary c lasses part icu larly ,were qu ite alienated during
the lat ter part of th is Su ltan’
s re ign . A strik ing ev idence of
the destestat ion in wh ich h e was held is afforded by th e fact
that when he was assassinated by h is own M uhamm adan
servan t , the Garasias m ade a stone im age of the m u rderer,
and worsh ipped i t as that of the ir deliverer.
In A . D . 1 5 46 the Su ltan proc eeded on a pleasure t rip to
Mahm udabad, where he laid ou t a m agnifi cent deer park six
m iles in ex ten t . A t each corner of the park was a palace wi th
g ilded roofs. On the righ t hand side of the door leading to
each of the palac es was a m ark e t , in wh ich every th ing was
prov ided that c ou ld c on tribu te to pleasure . Here Sultan
M uham m ad,fo llowing the prac t ic e of h is predecessors, used
to c elebrate the nat iv ity of the proph et from the fi rst to the
1 2 th of Rab i -u l-Aval when all the Ulemas, Shekhs and
learned m en at tended and rehearsed th e t radit ions of Islam .
One n igh t during these c e leb rat ions in A. D . 1 554, the Su ltan
ret ired to rest after tak ing leave of the’
assem b ly . After a
short sleep, feeling th irsty , he asked for a little sherbet.when
130}fi l m
CnAr'rns‘
X.
The reign of Ahmad ShAh II.
FROM 1 554 t o 1 561 A .
After the murder ofM uhamm ad III, the nob les, after con
sultat ion together, raised to the throne a descendant of Sultan
Ahmad the founder of Ahm adabad, by nam e Ahm ad Khan,
who forthwith assum ed the t it le of Ahmad Shah II , ( 1 5 th of
Rab i-u l-aval A . H . 961 , 2 8 th Feb ruary A s he was only
a m inor, i t was agreed that I t imad Kha'
n, the Prim e M inister,
should carry on the governm ent in the k ing’
s nam e , the country
b eing parcelled ou t am ong the nob les, each one ofwhom agreed
t o protec t the front ier and preserve the pub lic peace . Seeing
the k ingdom thus divided, M ubarak Shah, k ing of K handesh,
t ook the opportuni ty ofmarching on Gujarat in order to assert
his own c laim s, b u t the nob les b anded against h im , and the
arm ies encamped on the opposite bank of the Nagbada. Here
negot iat ionswere Opened, and a. peacewas conc luded, afterwhich
the K handesh ru ler re turned t o h is country and the Gujarat
nob les t o Ahm adabad. Unity did not , however, ,prevail long
among them , and a party headed by Ikh t iar-u l-m u lk raised an
other prince nam ed Shahu t o the throne . A bat t le‘
short ly en
sued ia which Shahu was defeated,whereupon t he nob les agreed
t o the following division of the province .
For Ahm ad Shah’
s Ahm adabad and the Dask rohi sub
private ex penses. division.
K adi, Jhalawar, Pe t lad, m and,Bhn,
For It imé’d KhanRadhanpur, Sam i , M unjpur, Godhféo
and his party.
and the country ofSorath .
Patan, Cam bay wi th the Chorasi,For Sayyid M ahaw Dho lka, Gogha, Dhandhuka., Cham
rak and h isparty. paner, Sarnal, Balasinor and Ka
padvanj
1 31 Sean'
s Am » 1 1 .
For Imad-ul-m ulk Broach , Baroda, Surat as far.
as Sul
Rum i and his party. tanpur and Nandurbar front ier.
For the Gujaratunder I t imad M odasaand other.
distric ts.
n.
T he k ing was, h owever, always at the m ercy of one nob le
or another, and dissensions springing up b e tween them ,
It imad K han fled to M ubarak Shah of Khandesh ,who
again led an army against Gujarat . T he other nob les
m ade a t reaty with M ubarak Shah, ac cording to wh ich the
distric ts of Su ltanpur and Nandu rbar were g iven to the
ru ler of Khandesh (A . l) . and these parts t hus b ecame
perm anen t ly a lienated from Gujarat . It imad Khan also, ,t e
gained h is suprem e influenc e . Quarrels, however, c ont inued t o
arise , and event ually Imad-u l-m u lk , Jagirdar ofBroach, m arched
on Surat to tak e possession of that c i ty, b u t was assassinated
by i ts Governor Khudavand Khan Rum i. Chang iz Khan, the
son of the m urdered nob lem an , at tacked Surat in order t o
avenge h is fat her’
s death , b u t , failing to gain the fort , he sough t
the assistance of the Portuguese . Thus strengthened, he
efl'
ec ted t he subm ission of the c ity, and pu t to death Khudavand
Khan. T he Portuguese were rewarded for their services by a
grant of the distric ts ofDam an and Sanjan (A. D. Thus
two more distric ts were lost t o Gujarat .
T he k ing was, m eanwh ile , growing m ore and more impa
t ient of It imad Khan'
s control. A t t im es he would cu t down
plantain leaves and say“See , I have b eheaded It imad Khan
and have c u t the b ody of Imad-u l-m u lk to pieces It imad
Khan’
s assistant Waj ih -u l-m ulk thus cam e to regard the Su ltan
wi th suspic ion . One day he sent a m essage to the Su ltan, of
fet ing t o com pass the’
death ofIt imad Khan on condit ion of his
being made Prime M inister. To this the Sultan consented,
whereupon Waj ih-ul-m ulk at once gave the informat ion to Iti
mad.Khan. The lat ter dec lared he would not b elieve i t to be
true unless wi th his own years he should hear evidence of the
Su ltan’
s complic ity. Waj ih-u l-m ulk therefore concealed the
m inister in an ante -cham ber, and then, invit ing the Sultam to
his house on some sligh t pre tex t, renewed the proposal. The
Sultan at onc e re iterated h is form er prom ise. On h earing this,
I timad K han entered the apartm ent , and asked t he k ing what
harm he had done him that he shou ld wish to m u rder him . The
Sultan, u t terly astonished, c ou ld m ake no reply. He was im
m ediately k illed by It imad K han’
s at tendants, who cast out the
body on the sands of the sabarm at i river. Subsequ en t ly, how
ever, i t was rem oved and b uried in the m ausoleum of Sultan
Ahmad I, (A. H. 968, A . D. 1 561
[Pa r 2 . cm . l l .] 1 34
a foo ting andpossessed t hem selves of several distric ts. This ia
c reased t he disorder ia Gujarat , so that at leng th t he en t ire pro
v ince fe ll an easy prey t o A kbar the Great , who anne x ed it once
again to t he em pire ofDe lh i,as will b e narrated further on.
The vic t ories of t he Em peror Humayun over Su ltan Baha
dur and the re t urn of the form er to h is capi tal in c onsequence
of the revo lt of the Governor ofBengal, have already b een al
luded t o in Chapt er VIII . Humayun m e t wi th m any reverses
after h is re t u rn from Gujarat,and had t o flee through the de
sert of Sindh as an e x i le t o Persia . It was du ring th is fl ight
t hat h is fam ou s son A k bar was b orn to h im in A . D. 1 542 at
the pe t ty fort ofUm arko t . A fter the l apse of four teen years,
Humayun regained h is k ingdom in India in A . D. 1 556. He
died howeve r t he sam e year, and was suc c eeded by Akbar, who
from early b oyhood was dist ingu ished forjust ic e , prudence and
valour. This princ e gradually recovered several ofthe form erpos
sessions ofDe lh i and gladly availed h im self of t he dissensions
prevai ling in Gujarat to despatch an army on the 20th ofSafar
A . H . 980, (A . D . 1572 ) t o invade that prov inc e , h im selffol
lowing a short t im e afterwards. On the road the Rajaof Sirohi,
having inv ited the chief omc er c om m anding the e x pedit ion to
a Pan-Supari ent ertainm ent,t reacherously wounded that ofi cer.
Th is b rough t ru in o n Sirohi , and the t raitors as well as several
of the inhab i tan ts were pu t to death .
T he Im perial army then encamped in the neighb ourhood
ofPatan ,and an offi c er was sent t o offer words of assurance to
the Prim e M inister, I t imad K han . That nob leman had,in con
sequenc e of Sul tan M u z afl’
ar hav ing left h is protec t ion and be
sieged Ahm adabad,no t only c om m unicated to the Emperor the
stat e of affairs, b u t had also in v ited him t o take possession of
the cou nt ry . T he im perial t roops c ont inued their m arch, and
on reach ing Disa in t e lligenc e was rec e ivéd that Sher Khan
Faoladi had abandoned the siege of Ahmadabad, and, after
1 35 SULTA'N a ArrAs III .
sending his fam ily to aplace ofsecurity, had taken t o fl igh t . Ibra
him Husain M irza, who had com e from Broach t o assist I t imad
Khan, also departed on learning that the lat ter in tended to
sub m it . Offi c ers were sent to seiz e Su ltan M u z aflar and the
fam ily ofSher K han. The lat ter, h owever, had safely passed t he
m ou n tainou s defi les of Sc rath , and th e t roops c ou ld m erely
plunder the b aggage fo llowing t hem . Su ltan M u z afl'
arwas fou nd
conc ealed in a grain fi eld, and was b rough t t o the Em peror, who
de livered h im over t o the c harge of an offi c er, nam ed Karam
A li. Aft er th is all th e nob les t endered the ir su bm ission t o the
Em peror, and orders were g iven t hat c oins sh ou ld b e stru ck and
the K hu tbah read in the nam e of Ak bar Shah .
T he Em peror, solic i t ous of se t t ling and pro te c t ing t he
c oun try, assem b led t he no b les on h is arrival at K adi,and t ook
sec urity from each of them . T he army t hen encamped at
Haj ipu r, where som e vagabonds spread t he report t hat the
Em peror had given orde rs for plunde ring the Gujarat c amp.
W hi le th is was proceeding a grea t t um u lt arose , wh ereupon the
Empe ror caused the m ost c arefu l inqu iries to b e inst itu ted, and
t he ofl'
enders were se iz edwi th the property they had plundered.
Akbar t hen m oun t ing a throne gave a gene ral audienc e to the
people , and ordered all c onc erned in the plunder t o b e tram pled
u nder the fee t ofwild elephan ts, wh ile th e art ic les rec overed
from the plunderers were all restored t o the righ tfu l owners.
Con fi denc e and t ranqu i lli ty where thus speedilv re -estab lished,
and the Im perial c olou rs were plan ted soon after wi th in sigh t
of Ahm adabad on t he 1 4 th of Rajah A . H . 980 (1 8 th N ovem b er
A . D. 1 572 ) The inhab i tan ts o f the c i ty at once c am e ou t in
c rowds to pay the ir respec ts t o t he v ic to rious Em peror.
Thus Gujarat was c onque rred and the capi tal c ity surren
de red t o A k barwi thou t even a ba t t le having b e en fo ught . T he
prov inc e , however, was no t c om ple te ly su bj ugat ed t i ll som e
twen ty years later A . D .
186
PART III.
From the conquest Of Gujarat by the Emperor Akbar
t ill its oc cupat ion by the M arathas.
(FROM 1 573 t o 1753 A . n. )
CHAPTER 1 .
Government Of M irza Az iz Koka and return of the
Emperor to his Capital.
(FROM 1 573 to 1 575 A . D. )
Som e days after the arrival Of the Emperor at the Capital,
Am ir Khan Ghori, who had charge of the province ofSorath,
sent h im a le t ter Of subm ission and also trib ute, which were ac
c epted, b u t the t rib u te from Ib rahim H usain M irza of Broach
was refused, as the Emperor did not c onsider i t was profl'
ered
in good faith . The governm en t Of Ahm adabad, wi th t he set tle
m en t ofthe c oun trv was nowent rusted t o M irzaAz iz Koka,and
the remaining parganas OfBaroda, Champaner, Surat and others,
then in possession of the M irzas,were assigned to t he Gujarat
nob les, who undertook the task ofdriving ou t these foreigners.
On the 2 nd ofShaban A . H . 980 (Decem b erA . D. the
Emperor proc eeded to Cam bay, where b e appointed one Husaiu
K han t o b e Governor of the fort . Thenc e he went to Barodaand
sent the m ajor portion Of his army to capture Champaner. Soon
after the troops haddeparted for th is purpose, Akbar learnt that
Ib rah im Husain M irzawas st ill at Broach , and was thinking of
sallying forth in order t o disturb the count ry,and ac cordingly the
Emperor, though left with only a fewm en ,determ ined to Oppose
h im . At the v illage OfSurtal on the M ah i river, the t roops came
in sigh t Ofeach o ther, and an ac tion t ook plac e, inwhich , although
t he M irza’
s posi tion was favourab le , he sustained a defeat, end
h is m en were scat tered in difl'
erent directions.
[PAn'r3. cm . 138
trodden to death under the feet ofan elephant. The Emperorwith
his troops then cont inu ing the m arch reached Ahm adabad on
the th at Of M arch 1 573, and soon after he b egan t o efl'
ect a
se t t lem ent Of the province .
On adjust ing the c onquered t erritory, the Emperor
divided i t am ong his nob les, and c onferred the Vic eroyalty
on h is foster b ro ther M irza. A z iz Koka. He then started for
h is capital on M onday the l oth April 1 573, M irza Az iz Koka
and the o ther nob les ac companying h im as far as Siddhpur.
As soon,however, as the Emperor had turned h is back,
Sher K han Faoladi, Rav Narayan ch ief of Idar, and the refrac~
t ory M irzas c omm enced c reat ing disturbanc es. M irzaM uham o
mad Husain b esieged Surat , b u t so efl'
ec t ive were th e defensive
measures t aken by the Com m andant of the c i ty, that the
siege was soon abandoned. T he M irza then tu rned t owards
Broach , wh ich h e‘
took , as also the town Of Camb ay, whence he
marched t o Ahm adabad. Here during two m onths the rebel
t roops cam e in to frequen t confl ic t wi th the Imperial army, but
no dec isive engagem ent took plac e , inasm uch as the Emperor’
s
instruc tions to the governor were no t t o risk a bat tle. save under
urgent necessity, b u t to forward im m ediate inform ation. .M irza
A z iz Kokaacc ordingly c om m unicat ed the state Of afl'
airs to the
Emperor, and rem ained on the defensive .
T he Emperor, on hearing of the disturbances, m arched with
a picked army towards Gujarat on Sunday the 2 4 th Ju ly 1573.
He also arrangedwith several offi c ers in Malwa tojoin h im . Byforced m arches the Emperor arrived at Disawith in a singleweek,
Here he was m e t by the troops from Patan,and the Emperor pro
ceeded wi th all despatch t o Ahm adabad. A t Jho tana som e of
Sher K han Faoladi’
s m en ven tured to oppose h is progress, but
t hey were driven back with loss, and the march was c ont inued.
On Wednesday the 3t d ofAugust, the Emperor arrivedwithin
1 39 AKBAR ranGRsA'r.
three kos ofAhmadabad and prepared for bat tle after sending
forward a m essenger to inform M irzaAz iz Kokaofh is arrival.
T he enemy appear to have b een c omple tely ignorant Of the
Emperor'
s approach , and acc ordingly ,when they heard the sound
Of trumpe ts, som e b elieved that their own confederate SherKhan
Fao ladi had advanced to the ir assistanc e, wh ile o thers thought
t hat the t roops which had c om e upwere those of the Emperor’
s
Comm andan t at Patan. Soon, however, the t ru th was known, and,
the M irzaat Onc e prepared for bat tle . Som e of the Emperor’
s
ofli c ers, seeing the num erical superiority of the enemy, advised
a postponem ent Of the at tack , b u t Akbar, favouring an imm e
diate e ngagem en t , gave orders to c ross the river,whic h was
forthwi th done , and the Im perial army thus gained a posi t ion
on rising ground. A b risk engagem en t ensued, in wh ic h the
Emperor had two or three narrow escapes. A t leng th a general
charge was m ade , in wh ich M uhamm ad Husain M irzawas taken
prisoner, and a comple te v ic tory was gained by the Imperial
t roops. The ir loss am ou n ted to only one hundred m en, wh ile that
Of the enemy was reported a t twe lve hu ndred. T he captured
M uham mad Husain M irz a. was k i lled in the c onfusion that fol
lowed the hat t le , and the heads Of the offi ce rs and reb els who
fe ll in t h is confl ic t were c ollec ted and b u ilt in to a pyram id in
order to strike te rror into the hearts Of the disafl’
ec ted.
Akbar now entered Ahm adabad in t riumph , and issued a
proc lam at ion to all the ne ighb ouring distric ts announc ing h is
v ic tory. De tachm en ts were then sent to Broach, wh ither Shah
M irza had fled, and an army was also despatched under the
comm and OfRajaBhagvandas of Jeypur to punish the Raja of
Idar, Rao Narandas.
Having arranged for the governm ent of the whole province,
the Emperor eleven days later left Ahmadabad for his capital
{Pm n o
( 1 4 th August Halting at Dhollia,b e there gave leave
to M irzaAz iz K oka t o re turn t o Ahm adabad, b u t h imselfwent
on to Siddhpur,where he remained un t il news was b rough t him of
the capt ure ofWadnagar by RajaBhagvandas. He then con
t inned h is journey, b u t as he found that the c ou nt ry was
groaning under the weigh t of the oppressive assessm en t t o which
ever since the t im e OfSu ltan Bahadur, who appears t o have ia
t rodu ced the farm ing system ,i t had b een subjec t ed by revenue
farm ers, he depu ted h is m inister RajaTodar M al t o m ake full
inqu iry and fi x a su itab le rate Ofassessm en t for agricultural land.
This reform was duly carried ou t .
RajaT odar M al also indu ced the Ch ief OfDharampur, then
called Ram nagar, t o acknowledge h imself as a vassal of the
Emperor, and to agree to serve the Gujarat Viceroy with one
thousand fi ve hundred horse (A . D. 1576 On th is occasion
the Rajapresented T odarM al with four h orses and rupees.
A t rib ute Of rupees is also stated t o have b een imposed
on Rajpipla, b u t th is is doub tful, as the chief in 1 609, when a
post was estab lished at Ramnagar, furnished a contingent of
one thousand m en.
The Emperor nowconferred high honours on It imad Khan
and the other nob les of Gujarat who had remained loyal to him ,
and appointed one Waj ih-u l-m ulk Gujarati as the fi rst Diwanof the province .
M irzaAz iz K oka ru led as v iceroy for ab ou t two years, when
som e differenc es Of opinion arising b e tween him and the Em
peror regarding certain m arks to b e worn by the Imperial Cavalry,
he was recalled to the capital, and resigned in A. D . 1 575 .
[PART 3 . cm . 1 4 2
Troops were accordingly sent against the insurgents, but ill suc
c ess at tended them . Hearing of this, Todar M al, wh o was about
t o start for the capital, his su rvey and se t tlem ent work beingnow c om ple ted, re turned to Ahm adabad, and indu ced the Vice
m y to leave the c i ty and proceed against the enemy. His army
was wi thin four m arches of Baroda, when the reb e ls fled to
Cam bay, where the Comm andant was wounded in ac tion. That
t own was nex t besieged, b u t on the approach of t he Imperial
t roops the rebels wi thdrew towards Junagadh . They were, how
ever, overtaken at Dholka, where an engagement took place, in
wh ich the reb els were defeated and pu t to fl igh t . S trange to
saw am ongst the prisoners and slain on th is oc casion were
several wom en, who, wearing m en’
s dress, had fough t in
t he bat t le as archers.
RajaT odar M al sen t , under the charge of h is son Sidhari,
all the prisoners and plunder to the Emperor at Delh i. He
him self also sub sequen t ly departed for the capi tal, after which
rob b er bands u nder M u z affar Hu sain plundered the rich town
of Cam bay. T he Depu ty Governor W az ir Khan went in pur
sui t of them , b u t , learning that they were gathered in great
forc e , and suspec t ing at the sam e t im e the fi deli ty of his own
t roops, he re turned to Ahmadabad, wh ic h the enemy c losely in
vested. T he c ity, howe ver, held ou t b ravely though sore pressed.
On one oc casion the enemy had even sealed the walls,when their
leader fe ll, stru ck by a shot from the garrison . The rebels, falling
in to disorder, took t o fl igh t , and the c ity was saved. Husain
M irzanow fled to Khandesh , b u t was there se iz ed, and with his
surrender t o the Emperor, the reb ellion of the M irzas came to
an end A . H . 986, A . D . 1 578
T he Emperor was not wholly sat isfi ed with the adm inistra
t ion ofW az ir Khan, and ac cordingly transferred the Governor
ofMalwaShihab -ad-din Ahmad Khan to Gujarat at the end of
1 43 A KBAR THE GREAT .
A. H . 985 , A . D. 1 577. The lat ter ofii cer creat ed several new
m ili tary posts and strengthened the o ld ones. Under the
Emperor’
s order he also m ade a redistrib u tion of the
twen ty- five distric ts then under Gujarat, a list of wh ich is
given in Appendi x H . Shihab -ad-din ,howeve r, involved him
se lf in war wi th Am ir K han Ghori ru ler ofSorath , b e ing inst i
gated t o this by Am ir K han’
s c om m ander- in- ch iefFateh K han,
who had grown disaffec ted towards his m aster. T he Vic eroy
was however u nsu c c essfu l, and h is nephew M irza Khan,t o
whom the e x pedi t ion had b een en trusted, re turned wounded to
Ahm adabad. Sh ihab -ad-din was ac c ordingly recalled t o Agra,
and I t imad Khan, th e Prim e M in ister of the late Su ltan, was
appo in ted to the post of Vic e roy . Ab ou t th is t im e Su ltan
M uz afl'
ar,to whom ,
whi le a stat e prisoner, the em peror Akbar
had indu lgen t ly gran ted a Jagir, m anaged to escape t o Gujarat
(A . D . 1 583 After a short stay a t Rajpipla, he c rossed over
to Sora th, whe re he was joined by ab ou t seven hundred dis
cont en ted soldiers, whom It imad K han had, agreeab ly to orders
from the Emperor, refused t o en tertain . M u z afl'
ar Shah,b e ing
thus streng thened, m arched wi th ab ou t th ree t housand horse on
Ahm adabad (A . D . 1 583 He t ook the c ity after a b rief
c on test wi th the son of I t imad Khan,t he father having at
this junc tu re incau tiously gone to K adi to persuade h is prede
c essor Sh ihab -ad-din t o com e to his aid. These two now ap
proached Ahm adabad, b u t were at tac ked and to tally defeat ed
wi th the loss of the ir baggage . Thereupon the m ajor port ionof the ir forc es deserted and jo ined the Su ltan, and the two Viceroys we re ob liged to flee to Patan . T he Su ltan then m arched
on Baroda and took possession of that c ity. T he fort ofBroach
also surrendered t o him,and a large am oun t of t reasure and
valuab les fel l into h is hands.
T he news of th is insurrect ion inGujarat having reached the
[PART 2 ] 1 44
Emperor, b e appointed M irzaKhan to b e Viceroy ofGujaratfor
t he second t im e . Several ex perienced offi cerswere also assoc iated
wi th h im , and the troops in Malwawere direc ted to c c-operate.
On hearing of M irza Khan’
s m arch, Sultan M uz afl'
ar re
t urned to Ahmadabad. The form er Viceroy Sh ihab-ad-din,who
was at Patan, also jo ined M irzaK han . In the m eanwhile Sul
tan M uz afl'
ar t ook up a posit ion con t iguous to the v illage ofUs
manpur on the bank of the sabarm ati wi th a large force and
m any guns on the 9th of M uharam A . H . 992 (January A. D.
1 584 ) M irzaKhan halted h is troops near Sarkhej waitingfor the e x pec t ed army from Malwa. I t was ob viously to Sultan
M uz afl'
ar’
s in terest no t t o lose t im e , and he therefore engaged
M irzaK han’
s arm y on the 2 6th January 1 584, when the Im
perial e lephan ts threw the enemy’
s ranks in to confusion, and
the Sultan, g iving up every thing for lost , fled to M ahmudabad:
and thenc e to Cam bay.
On that very day the forces from Malwa arrived at Baroda,
where they halted, and som e t roops were sent from thence to
take Broach , b u t , the gates b eing c losed against them ,they be
sieged the town .
A t Cam b ay Sultan M u z afl'
ar, having suc ceeded in raising 3
m oney c on t rib u t ion from the inhab itants, c ollec ted a hostile
rab b le , and acc ordingly M irzaKhan, after leav ing an 06 00! in
charge a t Ahm adabad, proc eeded t o Cam bay in February 1584.
He at the sam e t im e sent orders to th e Malwa t roops to join him.
wh ich they did a t Bariya. Hearing of this, Sultan M u z afl'
ar fled
t owards Baroda, wh i ther he was pu rsued by M irzaKhan, andan
engagem ent took place , in wh ich he was again defeated.H0
nowfled t o the m ountains, b u t t roops from Nandod overtook
and k illed m anv of the reb els. A ltoge ther som e two thousand
ofthe enemy are said to have been slain in this carapaign.
[PART 3. sau na] 1 46
Emperor’
s son prince M urad (A.D. 1 586 and accordingly he
departed, leaving one Khalij Khan as h isDepu ty in Gujarat .During h is ab senc e, M irzaAz iz K okawas t ransferred from
Malwa to Gujarat , where he arrived in A . H . 997, A . D. 1 588 -89.
H is fi rst businesswas to quell a reb ellion raised by M uz afl'
ar Shah,
who was aided by the Jam and o ther chiefs. T he Viceroy pro
ceeded at onc e to Kathiawar, and there an engagem ent took place
near Dhro l, in which M uz afl'
ar and h is c onfederates suffered a
severe defeat ! ,and fled to Junagadh (A . D. T he Imperial
troops then plundered Navanagar and proceeded thence t owards
Junagadh . The season, however, b e ing far advanc ed, and the army
fat igued,M irzaAz iz K okare turned to Ahm adabad,whitherhe had
already sent h is son wi th som e of the troops,as heant ic ipated that
Sultan M u z afl‘
ar m igh t soon cause troub le in that quarter.
In A . D . 1 592 the Viceroy, hav ing equipped a fresh force,
proceeded again to Kathiawar, where several chiefs tendered
the ir subm ission . N ineteen seaports inc luding Gogha, M angalur
and Somnath were taken possession ofwithou t s b low. Junagadh
was then b esieged, and the garrison, after suffering severe privaa
t ions for som e three m onths, surrendered. Here in te lligence was
received that Sultan M uz afl'
arwas conc ealed in the neighbourhood
ofOkha. An army was ac cordingly sen t there under the com
mand of the Vic eroy’
s son . The ch ief, SavaWadhe l, was slain
wh ile b ravely covering the re treat of h is guest , who fled to M 0
Bharm alji ofKachh . T he army was then conc entrated at‘
M orbi,
and was ab ou t to c ross the Ran, when the M o, tak ing warningfrom the fate ofNavanagar and Junagadh, surrendered the un
fortunate Sultan to the de tachm ent sent for his capture . He
was b eing escort ed to the Viceroy’
s camp, when , after travelling
80 great was th e slaugh t er t hat the plac e has since b een known as theBhuchar m ori wh ich is alm ost asynonym ofm assacre. T he date oft liis battleas given by M r,
Ranchodji Am arji,late Diwan ofJm agadh and author of theTwarikhe Sorath is the sth of the brigh t fortnight ofAso Samvat 1048.
1 47 AKBAR THE GREAT.
the whole nigh t , he aligh ted from h is horse at Dhrol, and, going
beh ind a t ree on som e pre tenc e , pu t an end to h is e x istence by
cu t t ing h is throat wi th a kn ife (A . l) . His head, sent to
the Emperor, was duly re cognised. Thereafter the N avanagar
Ch ief’
s territorieswere restored to h im ,and he was ranked as one
of the Imperial vassals. M orb i was gran ted in Jag ir to the Rao
ofKachh as a reward for h iss er‘
vices.
W ith the death ofSu ltan M uz afl'
ar III . ended the dynasty
of the Gujarat Sul tans, estab lished three c en turies previously bythe i llust rious M uz afl
'
ar I . His early su c cessors, Sultan Ahm ad,
M uz afl’
ar the C lem ent , M ahm ud Begadaand Bahadur Shah had,
in addit ion to the territories originally b elonging to Gujarat,c onquered and anne x ed Junagadb , Champaner, Malwa, Jhalod,Nagor, Siroh i, and ( in the K onkan ) Janj ira, Bom bay, Basse inand Dam an . Though no t a single one of the desc endants of
the Su ltan’
s fam ily c an b e trac ed at the presen t dav m any of
the nob le works they in it iated st ill rem ain. Their m agnifi c ent
m osques ahd m au soleum s m ay, indeed, b e c onsidered as b u ilt for
a pu re ly re lig ious purpose , b u t these have none the less on
various oc casions proved of m u ch u t ility“to the general pub lic .
M oreover num erous wells, tanks and gardens in m any parts of
the province st ill at test t he though tful regard those early Sultans
evinc ed for the pub lic weal . T he Brit ish Governm ent, with a
comm endab le desire t o preserve historical and architec tural re
m ains, se ts apart a sum ofm oney e very year.for t he restorat ion of
anc ien t b u ildings,and it is hoped the j udic iousapplicat ion ofthese
funds, as well as of the revenues of lands and v illages assigned to
som e of the inst i tu t ions by the founders, will long preserve from
decay and ru in those works of u t ility and b eau ty that are the
m ost conspic uous m em orials of the Gujarat Su ltanat .
0 It is we ll knqwn t hat during t he flood of A . D,1875, hundreds
ofpeople , who had b een m ade houseless, or who considered t heir homuunsafe found ghelter in the strong stone mosques
ofAhmadabad.
1 48
CnArTsR'
III .
Appointment ofPrince Murfi Bakht asViceroy. Dist urb ances bySultan
M uz afl‘
ar’s son. Death of the Emperor A kbar,
Viceroys in the t ime
ofhis successors. Ascendancy of the M arathas 3 advent of the
English to Surat . estab lishment oftheir fac tories,
Faou 1 592 To 1 6 1 5 A .
When the news ofM irzaAz iz Koka’
s successes and of the
death ofSultan M u z afl’
ar reached the Emperor Akbar, he sent
a letter of congratulat ion to the v ic torious nob leman, and invit
ed h im to Court . The M irza, however, begged to b e ex cused
on the plea that it was necessary t o subdue the Portuguese, now
powerful in Gujarat . I t wou ld seem t hat he did c om m ence Opera
t ions with this end in view,b u t eventually with h is fam ily and
att endants he went on a pilgrimage t o M eccaafter ob taining a
free pass from the Portuguese, who had estab lished their supre
m acy in the Indian Ocean (A . D. 1 592 The Emperor was
m uch displeased on rec eipt of this news, still, owing to the great
regard b e entertained for M irzaAz iz Koka, h is elder son was
appointed t o the rank of Comm andant of a thousand horse, and
the younger son to that of fi ve hundred. The post ofViceroy of
Gujarat was then conferred on the Emperor’
s son Prince M urad
Bakh t,with orders to c oncentrate the forcesofMalwaandGujarat
and m arch on the Deccan, wh ich province had h itherto su ccess
fully resisted the Emperor’
s army. During M urad’
s absence in
the Dec can, a Hindu prince, RajaSuraj Singh of Jodhpur, was
depu ted t o ac t for h im in Gujarat (A . D . 1 594
In this year the late Sultan M u z afl’
ar’
s son Bahadur, who
with h is younger b rother and two sisters had found refuge with
the Parmar Zam indar ofLoari, took the opportunity occasioned
by the greater portion of the Gujarat troops b eing sent to the
Deccan, to raise an insurrect ion . TheDeputy Viceroyproceeded
[PART 3 . om .3.] 1 50
m iles distant from Surat . This force included a contingent of
one thousand m en sen t by the Raja of Rajpipla.
T he year 1 608 is m em orab le for the advent of the English
to cont inental India, when Captain Hawkinsproceeded asEnvoy
on a m ission to Agra. Under royal charter from Queen Elizab e th , a c ompany with the t it le of T he Governor and Company
of M erchan ts t rading to the East Indies was form ed in England
in 1600A . D. After som e m ercan t i le e x pedit ions had b een des
patched to the Indian Arch ipelego, a sh ip nam ed the Hec tor”
u nder the c om mand of Captain Hawk ins, b eing separatedfrom
the o ther sh ips of the flee t , arrived at the m ou th of the Tapti
river in August 1 608 . T he Commanderwasprovided with let ters
t o the address of the Emperor from Jam es I . k ing ofEngland,
and was therefore allowed t o b ring h is cargo into the c ity. In
August 1 609 Hawk ins started on his m ission t o Agra. Another
sh ip wh ich arrived in Septem b er of the sam e year was wrecked
03 the coast , and the c rew, th rough the host ile influence of the
Portuguese wi th the Governor of Surat , b eing denied refuge in
that c ity, landed at Gandevi andUm ra. T he English c ommander,
who hadb een left by Captain Hawk ins at Surat ,was called by him
t o Agra, and the Surat fac tory was temporarily c losed in 1610.
Ever sinc e A . D. , in which year the Portuguese con
c luded a t reaty with the Emperor Akbar, they had b een regarded
as undispu t ed m asters of the Surat c oast and the gu lf ofCambay.
They proved a source of e x trem e annovanc e to the English, and
an open rupture was soon ine vitab le . In A . D . 1 61 2 a fleet
of fou r sh ips, fully equ ipped, arrived at Surat , and under
their commander Captain Best , defeated the Portuguese in 8
Before th is year the Portug uese had thric e sacked and burnt the
c ity of Surat , once in 15 12 , then in 1 530and ai
gain in 1531 A . D.,while
they were at warwith the king ofGujarat .
1 5 1 THE ENGLISH AT Sonar.
naval engagement . The Emperor Jahangir, seeing the supe
riority of the English over the Portuguese, conc luded a treaty
with the form er, giving them perm ission to t rade and t o Open
fac tories at Surat , Cambav , Goghaand Ahmadabad. It was also
st ipu lated that an am bassador from the English Court shou ld
perm anent ly reside at the Imperial Court ofDelh i . Th is t reaty
was received by the English at Surat inFeb ruary 1 613, and thus
the ir fi rst offi c ial conne x ion was estab lished wi th an empire
which was dest ined ere long to fall u nder the ir sway . Surat was
made t he presidency seat ofW estern India with con t rol over the
t rade in the Persian Gu lf, and con t inued a long .t im e the
most im portant c ity in Gujarat .
1 52
Cu rran IV .
Arrival ofSir T homas Roe as the fi rst English Ambsm dor at the Delhi
Court . Estab lishment of several fac tories . Building of the Shahi Bigand Az am Khan
’
s palac e Shah Jalfi n dethroned by h is son
Aurangz eb . Naranagar taken by the imperial t roops. Addi
t ional privileges ob tained by the East India Companyt hrough Dr Boughton. Bombay grant ed in dowryby the king of Portugal to Charles I, and by
h im t ransferred to the Company.
FROM 1 6 1 5 t o 1 69 1 A . D.
In 1 615 A . D. k ing Jam es I . sen t as h is fi rst Am bassador to
the Imperial Court Sir Thomas Roe , who had already gained
e x perience ofdiplom at ic du t ies at the Court ofConstant inople.
Sir Thom as Roe reached Surat with a fleet on the 2 6th ofSepo
t em b er, and after a short stay proceeded to the Emperor Jaban
gir’
s c am p at Ajm er, where he was rece ived wi th due honours.
His fearlessness, ab ility and c ourtesy soon sec ured him a position
of in t im acy wi th t he Emperor, who, in spite ofm any obstacles
raised by h is court iers then under the influenc e ofthe Portuguese,
granted the East India Com pany several important privileges.
Sir Thom as Roe re turned to England in 161 8 A. D.
In this conne x ion i t is righ t t o m ent ion that Du tch mer
chan ts from Holland, arriving in Surat in 1 616 A . D., were also
perm it ted two years later to estab lish a fac tory in that c ity as
well as at Cam bay , Broach, Baroda, Ahmadabad and other places.
T he fi rst at tempts by the French also t o start s fac tory at Sn!“date from 1620A . D. , b u t i t was not t ill the e x pedit ion under
M . Caron in 1668 that even m oderate success at tended their
efl orts. T he weavers in France strongly resent ing the i lupm't
of Indian c loth , the French Governm ent eventually sent a fleet
of four sh ips in A . D . 1 692 with orders to c lose th e Surat factoty,
and a fewyears afterwards i t was v irtually abolished. The Por
t uguese and the Du t ch also event ually abandoned theirfac torial
in disgust at the tyranny of the Governor ofSurat.
[Pa r 8 . ohm s.) 1 54
Another nob le building bu ilt in by the Mughal
Viceroys, is Az am Khan’
s palace situated at the sou th-eastern
corner of the Bhadar c itadel . This struc ture dates from 1637
A . D. , and is said to have b een fi rst used during the lat ter pe
riod of the M ughal sovere ignty as a college, b u t short ly after
the c ity cam e into the possession ofthe Brit ish , it was c onverted
into a jail ab ou t 18 20A . D. , probab ly b ecause no other equally
strong b u ilding was availab le. I t st ill cont inues to be used for
t hat purpose , b u t as the Governm ent are now constru c t ing s
larger jai l at som e distance from the c ity, there is a probability
that the present building will soon b e u t iliz ed for C ivil Courts
and offi ces . I t will then b e t ter deserve the nam e of House
of goodness and favour, st ill to b e read in the insc ription over
i ts entrance . Az am Khan also caused a fi ne castle and palace
t o b e b uilt at Ranpur at the confluence of the Goma and
Bhadar rivers . T heir ru ins st ill look very pic turesque . He
also b u ilt there a fi ne well and a m osque . Thereare inscrip
t ions on all of these denot ing the years A . H . 1048 , 1050, 1051,
and 1053 ( 1 6410, 1 642 , 1 643 and 1 644 A . D .
In 1 62 2 A . D . Shah Jahan rebelled against h is father
Jahangir, b u t th is insurrec t ion proved ab ortive . Ult imately,h owever, on the death of the lat ter he succ eeded to the Em
pire ofDelh i in January 1628 . During hrs re 1gn of th irty years
there is no t m uch to rec ord regarding Gujarat, e x cept that in
the year 1631- 32 A . D . there occured a great fam ine commonly
known as the SatyasiaKal ( the 87th year’
s fam ine ) from its
having tak en place in Sam vat 1687. T he fam ine was indeed so
severe that the stree ts were b locked by the dying . For the
desti tu te aims-houses were provided, and a sum of rupees fi fty
thousand.was distribu ted. Owing._to the weakness of some of
1the Viceroys, the Government of the province b ecam e lax ; and
depredationswere boldly comm it ted by Kolis and others. But
1 55 M osssr. Vrcssors.
Az am Khan, who had been appointed Governor in 1 635 A . D
recognising the danger resu lt ing from such lawlessness, subdued
the refrac tory Chunwaliachiefs. He b u ilt forts at Az imabad,
K halilabad and Shahpu r. He also m arched against the Jam
ofNavanagar ( 1640 A . D . ) and c ompe lled him t o pay the full
amoun t of trib ute due . J ust apprec iat ion of one'
s services was
no t, however, always to he e x pec ted from su ch despo t ic m onarchs
as t he Emperors ofDe lh i were in those days, and Az am K han
was,on the nu srepresentat ions of envious court iers, recalled in
the year 1642 A . D . M irz aIsaTai K han Governor of Sc rath ,
who was ne x t appo in ted Viceroy, signaliz ed h is term of ofi ce
by introduc ing t he Bhagvatai’system of revenue c ollec t ion
Prince Aurangz eb su c c eeded the M irza as Viceroy in 1644
A . D . During h is governm en t religious dispu tes t ook place
be tween the Shirts and Sunnis, and also between Hindus and
M uhammadans, in conne x ion wi th wh ich the Jain t emple of
Chintamani in Saraspurwas destroy ed by h is orders (A .D.
Aurangz eb was recalled in 1 646, and one Shaistah Khan was
appointed his suc cessor. T he last nam ed nob leman was, in
A. D. 1654, suc ceeded by Prince M uradBaksh , who, inst igated
by a Baro t nam ed Vaital whom the Rajaof Idar RavJagannathhad disgraced on a false charge , m arched against Idar, and, e x
pe lling the Rav to the h ills, took the fort ( 1656 A . D. His
son Punja, however, recovered i t two years afterwards with the
help ofh is m aternal grandfather, the RanaofUdaipur. There
took plac e, after this,a series of troub les, in which the Ravs
were on some occasions e x pelled from Idar and on others were
ab le to regain their territory. One instance in which one of
the Rave is said to have lost h is life for want of opium is worth
recording . He was Rav Gopinath, who had succeeded in driving
A system of revenue management underwhich a certain share of
the produce is taken in kind by the crown.
[PART 3. 17m L] 156
ou t the M uhammadan Governor, bu t in A. D . 1 664, h rival,
Garibdas,T hakor ofRanasan, b rough t an army from Ahm adabad,
wh ich drove the unfortunate Rav from h is fort and ob liged him
to take shelter in the temple of K u lnath M ahadev, where he
rem ained concealed. His stoc k ofopium having b een ex hausted,
t he Rav took the Opportunity of the v isit of a Brahman to the
temple to give him a gold b rac ele t , and asked him t o purchase
for him som e opium from its proceeds. He also presen ted him
with a second b racele t for h is own use. The cove tous Bd hman,
however, is said to have appropriated b oth the b rac elets for
him self, and never t o have gone back t o the chief, whose daily
allowance ofopium is stated to have b een a pound and a quarter,
andwho consequent ly died for want of his favourite drug .‘
In 1 657 A . D . when the rum our spread that the EmperorShah Jahan was dangerously ill, prince M urad Baksh at once
proc laimed h im self k ing. In order t o ob tain m oney, the sineivs
ofwar, he caused the houses of the Governor and Kadsi Begam
ofSurat to b e plundered, and b orrowed large sum s from bankers
in Ahmadabad. From the sons ofsant idas Jhaveri he t ook on
loan Rs. 550 from Sant idas s partner Roh idas Es.
and from Samal and o thers Rs. 88 The revenues of
c ertain distric ts of Gujarat were set apart for paym ent of these
and other deb ts. M urad Baksh , after raising a large army.m arched 1n c onjunc tion with his b ro ther Aurangz eb against his
father . T he 1ssue ofthe war that followed was that Aurangz eb,
after holding h is father a prisoner in the palace at Agra, andconfi ning h is b rother M urad (whom he subsequent ly caused
to be m urdered ) in the fort of Gwalior, himself usurped the
throne in A . D . 1658 .
DuringAurangi eb’
s re1gn, Gujaratwas far from 3115653;
Bombay Gssetteer vol. V, p. 405
[Paar 3. can . 4] 1 58
v illage which the Portuguese had possessed since A. D. 1 532 .
K ing Charles II . ,who had already by a new charter con
side rab ly e x tended t he power of the Company, fi nding the
grant m ore e x pensive than profi tab le t o the c rown, trans
ferred Bom bay t o the East India Company in 1 668 at a
nom inal annual ren t of 10. Thus a m ost valuab le ses
port and island,which has, under the pat ronage of the East
India Company and the Brit ish Crown, risen t o b e the second
and the m ost enterprising c i ty in India, was in a happy m om ent
acquired at an altogerther trifl ing cost . In A . D . 1 683 Bom bay
was made the ch ief seat of the Presidency, and four years later
the Company’
s rupees were fi rst coined t here.
I t may further b e m ent ioned as regards the fac tors ofSurat,
the early presidency seat on this side of, ,India, that though
they were generally well treated by the local Governors, they
had at t im es to sud'
er great privat ions. On the fi rst oc casion
t he ir President Sir John Childwas to b lam e, as he rash ly seiz ed
at Bom bay some vessels b elong ing to M uhammadan m b rchsnts.
On this occasion the East India Company had to pay a ransom
of one lac and fi fty thousand rupees b efore the fac tors were re
leased on the 4 th ofApril 1 690. On the second oc casion, some
foreign pirates having plundered a M uhamm adan sh ip , the
Eng lish , Du tch and French fac tors were subjec ted to c lose confi nem e nt on the 27th August 1 691 . I t b e ing c learly proved,
however, that they were innoc ent ofany complic ity in the alleged
piracy, the guard over the fac tories was rem oved on the 2 cd
ofDec em b er 1691 A . D.
i ts
CHAPTER V .
Rise of the Health‘s . Sh ivaji’
s grandfather Malujr and father Shah31 .
Shiv‘ji'
s ex plo its. Sack of Surat , and o ther events. Shivéji’
s
death . His son t aken prisoner by Aurangz eb and put t o a
c ruel deat h.Kind t reatment of Shivaji
’s grandson Sahu .
His release,Recovery of his grandfather
’s t erritories.
FROM 1 680 TO 1 72 4 A. D.
Before com ing t o the period ofthe in tim tae conne x ion of the
M arathas wi th Gujarat , i t is necessary b riefly to refer to the
antec edent M aratha h istory. W e therefore t urn a few years
b ac k and c omm enc e our narrat ive with Malnji Bhonsle , a
M arathaSirdar who comm anded a sm all body ofHorse under
the k ing ofAhm adnagar. He acqu it ted him selfwell in various
du t ies entrusted to h im and soon b egan to at tain dist inc tion . H is
son Shahj i m ade h im se lf very c onspic uous in the wars of the
Ahm adnagar and Bijapur kings with the Emperor Shéh Jahan.
By siding at one t im e wi th t he Emperor, and at another wi th
h is rivals ac cording t o c irc um stanc es, he secured large ad
di t ions to h is estate .
Slidhji'
s son, the illust rious Shivaji, was b orn in M ay 1 627.
The lat ter enriched h im self by plundering th e t erritories of
M uhamm adans, and, gradually collec t ing a large fo llowingdefeated b oth the army of the Emperor and that of the Bijlipurk ing . He t hen on the 6 th January 1 664 m ade a rapid desc en t
at the head of four thousand horse upon the then rich ci ty of
Surat , which he m erc ilessly plundered fo r six days‘
. On this oc
casion the English fac tors under the irGovernor SirGeorge O x en
den m ade a b old defe nce, and saved from plunder not only their
fac tory b u t the property of several of the inhab itants. Aurangz eb ,
M r. Sm ith , an Englishman who was taken prisoner,was an eye wit
ness to Sh ivaji hav ing ordered the hands of persons suspec ted to have
concealed their property to be chopped ofi'
.
[Pm 3. cm . 160
much pleased with this service, not only gave them a rem ission
of one year'
s custom dues, equal to abou t rupees twenty-fi ve
thousand, but also redu ced the rate of custom dues t o be levied
from the English fac tory fromthree and a half to two per cent .
The Viceroy ofGujarét , on hearing of the at tack , m arched on
Surat with several aux iliary c h iefs, bu t Shivdji”
was m uch too
wise to linger long in the c ity. Plunderwas his.
objec t , and as soon
as the c ity had b een pillaged he speedily ret reat ed to h is strong
fortress, tak ing with h im b ooty est imated bysom e at aErere ofrupees TheVic eroy accordingly re turnedt o AhmadAhad, fi rst c ollec t ing, however , the arrears of land tax from the
superior land holders, and then ordering a b rick wall t o be b uilt
instead of the m ud one that had t ill then'
surrounded thecity ofSurat . In 1 669 A . D . Sh ivdji renewed the at tack , and again
enriched him self by plunder. On his departure he left a le t terwarning the
.
inhabitants that m order to secure immunity in thefu ture they wou ld requ ire to pay an annual t rib u te of twelve
lacs of rupees.
Even after this secondpillage Surat doesnot appear to have
e njoyed rest from the M arathas,and fresh assau lts were made
in and 1 675 A . D . In som e of these at tacks
Shivaji 13 said to have b een assisted by the chief of Rémnagar,
ye t in A . D . 1 672 he did no t scruple to take advantage ofs
complim entary v isit to t hat chief to take possession of h is fort
observing m erely that he m ust have the key of his t reasure
(m eaning Surat ) in h is own hands'f. In the year 1 676 A. I).
the M arathas captured the fort ofPArneraflj ab ou t forty-eight
m iles sou th ofSurat , and thus thev for the fi rst t im e , estab lished
t hem selves in Sou thern Gujarat . The anc ient town ofBronell
Bomb ay Gaz et teer vol . VI p,2 56
,
f The fort , rebu ilt by Shiw’tji, was dismantled by the British durin‘
the mut iny of 1857 A,D.
[Paar3. 1 62
Emperor sen t large bodies oftroops to intercept them , and battles
were fough t near Ratanpur (in Rajpipla.) and near BabaPidra’
s
ford on the Narbada, in wh ich the M arathas were generally
suc cessful, and gained c onsiderab le boo ty by plundering the
M ughal cam ps and by e x ac t ing heavy ransom s from the offi cers
whom they had taken prisoners.
In A . D . 1707 an e x pedit ion was led by the PeshwaBaldyh im se lf, who plundered the coun try as far as Bat va wi thin four
m i les of Ah 1nadaba.d. T he Vic eroy was ob liged on th is occasion
to pay the Peshwa a tribu te oftwo lace and ten thousand rupees.
In A . D. 171 2 a M aratha force again advanced towards
Gujarat , b u t the Vic eroy Shahb u t K han m arch ed against them,
and arrested the ir further progress by infl ic t ing a defeat on them
at Ank lesvar on the opposi te bank of the Narbadat In addition
t o these e x c ursions from withou t , there were a num ber of inter
nal c om m o t ions in A lim adAbad.
In 1709 A . D . a person whose b usiness i t was t o read the
Khu tbeth (pub lic prayers ) was stab bed to death for having used
the Sh iaword Wasi in h is prayers agreeab ly to t he Emperor
M ahm ud Shah’
s orders. Three or fou ryears lat er 171 3
disturbances b rok e ou t consequent on the k illing ofa cowin Hindu
quarters, during wh ich the shops ofHindus were plundered and
b u rnt . The Kolis and Kath is ou tside t he c i ty also grew so bold
and presumptuou s as to cause a stoppage to t rade , and Barodd
i tselfwas a scene of plunder by K olis for two c onsec u t ive days.
Som e of the Viceroys were also very tyrannical, and one of
them Anopsingh Bhandari ofm ere caprice k illed a respec table
m erchan t nam ed K apu rchand Bhansali ( 1720A . Thus
t he c ount ry b ecam e a sc ene of anarchy and c onfusion .
IVe nowre turn to Sh ivdji’
s decendants. The terrible fate of
h is son Sam bhdji has already been desc ribed, b u t Aurangz ebwas
pleased to treat Sambhéji’
s childwith kindness. Aurangz ebwas
1 63 Tan M aaa’rna
's.
in the hab it of calling Shivaj 1 a rob ber, and he therefore ironi
cally gave the child t he nam e of SAh u (honest ) and m arried
h im t o daugh ters of two of h is M aratha offic ers. On Au rang
z eb’
s dem ise in 1707 A . D. ,h is son and suc c essor Bahadu r
Shah considered i t po lit ic t o re lease SAhu on h is agree ing t o
ho ld h im se lfa vassal of the Empire and to leave b eh ind at De lhi
h is m o ther, wife and o ther re lat ions as hostages fo r h is good c on
du c t . Thereafter Sdhu suc c eeded in regaining from the fam ily
ofRAjttrAm the greate r port ion of h is fa ther’
s k ingdom . T o
appease RAjArAm’
s he irs,however, he allowed them to re tain K ol
hapu r as a separate sta te . He also suc ceeded in ob taining from
the lo cal governors of the Dec can the righ t to levy
and Sardeshm ukhi? of t hat pro v ince on h is u ndertak ing to
protec t i t against plunde r.
In A . D . 1719—20, during the pre vailing anarchy ofthe Delh i
Empire , Sithu , through the in terven t ion of N izam -u l- m u lk the
Vic eroy of the Dec can,sen t h is energe t ic m in ister Balaj i Vishva
nath ,and Com m ander- in - ch ief K handerav Dhabade t o assist
M uham m ad Shah in h is endeavours t o ga in the throne ofDe lhi
and free h im se lf from the c ontro l of c ertain Sayyids who had
lat te rly b ecom e too powerfu l. Th is at tem pt , after two severe
engagem ents, having proved suc c essfu l, the Emperor, in token
of h is grat it ude , no t only c on fi rm ed the gran ts of Chau th and
Sardeshm ukh i by wri t ten Farmansj, b u t also ac knowledged
Stihu'
s t it le t o all t he t e rri tories c onquered by h is i llu strious
grandfa ther Sh ivéji . Those ofSAhn’
s re lat ions who had h itherto
b een k ept as hostages were also resto red t o h im .
A levy of one-fou rth of the revenue .
1 A levy of ten per c ent b eyond the chauth .
I T he Emperor’
s Farm tin for the grant of t he c hauth is dat ed 2 2 nd
Rab i-uI-Akh ir A.H . 1 13 1,and that for Sardeshm ukh i dtb Jam tidi-u l-aval of
the sam e year (1719 A .DJ). They did not authoriz e these grant s in Gujarat,but 861m enforced them there
1 64
CHAPTER VI .
Rise of the Odekwad's fam ily . Demaji’s ex ploits and those of his son
Pilaji. Appointment of a newVic eroy SirbulandkhAn ,Ham idkhdn
ob tains the aid of Pilaji Geekwdd and KanthAji Kadam and
gives them the righ t to collec t the c hauth in Gujarat .
Pilaji ob tains possession of Baroda. Division between
Piltiji and K anthdji.
Faon 1 72 1 To 172 4 A . D.
By the grant to Sshu of the righ t to levy chau th and sar
deshm uk hi in c ertain dist ric ts, the M arathas ob tained an au tho
ritat ive foo ting in Gujarat . In the bat t les wh ich were fought
for the Emperor an ofi i cer nam ed d aj i Geekwéd had gained
considerab le renown . He had m any years previously left his
native village, t vddi near Puna, t o join KhanderAV t bdde,
the Commander-ia-chief‘. Dhébstde having on h is retu rn from
Delhi recomm ended h im very strongly to Sab u’s favourab le
not ic e ,'
that k ing was pleased t o confer on h im and h is heirs the
righ t to levy chau th and sardeshmukhi in Gujarat . He fur
ther appointed Dttmaji as second in c omm and of the M aratha
army, and gave him the t i tle ofSam sher Bahadur. This was
the origin of the power and em inence of the present reigning
fam ily ofBaroda.
d aj i died shortly after gaining these distinc tions, and
was suc ceeded by h is nephew Pilaj i Gdekwdd in 172 1 A . D.
The lat ter, who had already risen through his own energy and
talents to the rank of Comm ander of a Page. or b ody of horse
m en, selec ted as his residence a h ill b elonging to the M ewfi i
DhAbdde had for many years sub sisted with his followers in Guil t“and KhAth iriwttr, and ex ac ted a t ribute in those provinces ,
About this
period he estab lished himself in the h ills round ab out Rajpipla, whence
he is said to have decoyed and carried offa large remit tance oftreasure
which was being conveyed from Surat t o Auran bdd.
Grant Duff'sHistory ofthe Marathds Vol. p. 31 1 .
[Pa r 3 . can . 1 66
m ee t ing Kan thaj i Kadam , one ofsahu’
s omcers who had re
c en t ly arrived in Gujarat,inv ited h is assistance , prom ising to
reward h im wi th the c hau th . T he offer was acc epted 17241
A . and K an thaji went with Ham id Khan to K apadvanj.
A t this town Ham id K han rec e ived inform at ion th rough his
friends ofSujat Khan'
s m ovem en ts, and on a. favourab le Oppor
t uni ty at tac ked and slew him wi th in a few m iles ofAhm adabad.
He thus regained au thority in the provinc e . K an thaji now
m arched th ro ugh the distric t , c ollec t ing chau th and sardesh
m uk hi,and
,aft e r b esieging th e town of Viram gam ,
lev ied from
i t alone a c ontrib u t ion of three lacs and fi fty thousand rupees.
Hearing ofSujat K han’
s death, his b ro ther Rustam Ali, who was
in c omm and at Surat and who had late ly defeated Pilaj i in the
ne ighb ourhood of that t own , c onc luded a truc e with the lat ter,
and asked h is assistanc e against Ham idK han . Pi laj i agreed, andt oge ther they c rossed the river M ah i on theirway to Ahm adabad.
A t t he v illage ofAras a b at t le was fough t , in wh ich Rustam Ali
was ab le by his superior arti llery to drive b ack Ham id Khan.
Pilaj i , who had in t he m ean t im e rec e ived overtures from N izam
u l-m u lk to assist h is u nc le , nowadvised Rustam A li to charge
the fugi tives . W hile com plying , Rustam A li left h is guns b eh ind,
when Pilaj i,se iz ing them t reacherously, Opened fi re on the pur
suers. Rustam A li fough t b rave ly,b u t at last despairing ofsuc cess,
and deeply affec ted by the perfidy of h is ally, stab b ed h im se lf to
death on reach ing the village ofWaso (1724 A . T he v ic t ory
having b een gained through P ilaj 1 s treachery, h e was ap
port ioned ( 172 4 A . D . ) an equal share with K an thaji in thechau th . Pilaj i also wen t toiBaroda and wrested that c i ty fromRustam A li
’
s widow.
K anthaji and Pilaj i then proceeded in c onjunc t ion to levythe chau th, b u t their allianc e was soon b roken owing to m u tual
jealousies. Pilaj i as the agent of Dhabadpthe commander-ia
chiefconsidered h im self the superior in Gujarat , while Kanthaji
11 67 Tar. Ga’ss’n.
as Agent of the Raja refused to recognise Pilaj i s pretensions.
Th is difi erence issued in a t rial ofarm s at Cam bay, in which
Pilaj i was defeated, and had to re t ire to the town ofMatar abou t
three m iles distant from K aira l72 5 A . D. K an thaji t hen
levied a c ont rib u t ion of rupees one lac and e leven t housand
from Cam b ay, of wh ic h the share t o b e paid by the English
fac tory was rupees fi ve tho usand. T he Residen t , M r. Dan ie l
Innes, c laim ed imm uni tv on t he ground that along with o ther
fac tories on the sea- c oast they had ob tained perm ission from
Sahu Raja to t rade . Th is plea, however, was no t ac c ept ed
by the M arathas.
Ham id K han, fearing that the conten t ion b e tween these two
M aratha chiefs wou ld lead to the desert ion of one or o th e r of
h is allies, in terposed, and effec ted an u nderstanding , by wh ich
the chau th of the distric ts east of the M ah i was assigned to
Pilaj i Gaekwad and that t o the west to Kan t haji K adam . After
t his agreem ent was acc epted, b oth left to spend the rainy season
at the ir respec t ive headquarters.
168
CHAPTER V II .
Sir-buland:Khan himselfmarches against Ham id Khan . A fi'
ray bet
ween the two viceroys. Retaking ofBaroda by the Imperial t roops
Sack ofWadnagar, Resumpt ion of M aratha raids. Sirbu land
Khan assigns t o P ilaji the right to levy t he Chau th . The
Peshwa’s in terferenc e, Supersession of Sirb uland Khan
and the appointm ent of Abhesingh of Jodhpur as
Vic eroy . Cont est b etween t he Peshwa on t he one
hand and the Gaekwad, Kanthaji and Dhabade onthe other,
The defeat of the t hree confederates.
Conc lusion of t reaty.T reacherons m urder
of PiZaji by Abhesingh’s em issaries.
Subsequent events.
FROM 1 72 5 T O 1 733 A . D.
The Emperor of De lh i, j ust ly offended at Ham id Khan’
s
conduc t in disob eying h is orders and in giving support to the
M arathas, despatched Sirb u landKhan himselfwith an adequate
forc e to c rush the reb ellion . W ell knowing the ab ilities of his
adversary, Ham id K han c onsidered it prudent to re t ire b efore
the advanc ed div ision of Sirb uland Khan’
s army, leaving at the
sam e t im e under the c omm and of an offi cer, a small garrison at
Ahm adabad, as he could no longer ex pec t aid from the M arathas.
T he lat ter,however, saw that the ir cause depended on the suc
c ess ofHam id Khan, and ac cordingly they crossed the M ah i and
joined h im at M ahm udabad ( 171 2 A . Ham id Khan
therefore re tu rned wi th them to Ahm adabad, b u t he found its
gates c losed against h im , the offi cers whom he had left there
b e ing anx ious to please the newViceroy. He accordingly en
camped with h is M arathaau x iliaries near t he Shahi Bag, while
the Imperial army halted at Adalaj , wait ing for i ts artillery.
The M arathas, tak ing c ourage by the delay thus oc casioned, at
onc e at tacked the enemy, and gained a vic tory, b u t their own
losses were so heavy that they could no't risk another bat tle.
[Pasi' 8 . 1mm l ] 170
appeared as a compet itorandsent Udaj t Fowar, one ofhis omcers,to resist the collec t ion of the levy. Pilaj i, however, had alreadygained a fi rm footing in the distric t .
The Powar, though gaining a fewSuc cesses, cou ld not suc
ceed in driving ou t e ither Pi laj 1 or Kanthaji , {who c on t inued
t o levy the chau th and sardeshm ukh i, and Pilaj i also succeeded
in regaining possession ofBaroda.
The Peshwa Baj 1 Rae , however, was in negot iat ion with
Sirb uland Khan,and
,as soon as he had concluded a peace with
t he Nizam ofHaidarabad, he sen t an army under h is b rother
Chim naji Apa to b ring pressure to b ear on the Gujarat Viceroy.
Chim naji e x ac ted a heavy contribu t ion from Pe tlad,and pluderedDho lka
, b u t he agreed 172 8 A . D . ) on the part ofh is b rother
t o sec ure the safe ty of the c ount ry if the Peshwawas given the
righ t t o levy the chau th‘and sardeshm ukhi'l
'
. Sirb u land Khan,
regarding . the Peshwaas the strongest of all the c laimants,
u ltim ate ly c onsented t o the proposal, wh ich he was the m ore
willing to do , inasm u ch as ne ither Pilaj i nor Kanthaji had beenac t ing up to their agreem en ts. T he Peshwaprom ised to keep
up a body of two thousand fi ve hundred horse in order to pu t
an end to t he depredat ions c omm it ted by the M arathas and
o ther freeb oo ters. He further undertook to prevent any
M arathas from tak ing partwith disaffec tedZam indars and otherdisturb ers of the pub lic peace . These agreem en ts were duly
signed in A . D. 172 9 . Pilaj i Gaekwad had, however, duringthe two preceding years, possessed h im self of both Baroda and
Dab ho i, while Kan thaji had seiz ed Champaner. A part too of
One fourth of the whsle c ollec t ion on the land and customs also
fi ve.
per c ent of the revenue of the c ity of Ahm adabad.
1 Sardeshm ukhi was ten per c ent of the total revenue from land and
c ustoms with the e x cept ion of that derived frpm the port of Surat and
the surrounding distric t .
171
the Sardeshmukhi was also assigned to Trimbak Rav Dhabade,
who b it terly resented the Peshwa’
s in terference with h im and
Pilaj i in Gujarat .
Sirb u land Khan’
s ac t ion in consent ing to give t ribu te to the
Marathas was also h igh ly disapproved ofat Delhi ,and orderswere
issued for his recall, M aha RajaAbhesingh of Jodhpur b eingappo inted to succeed him . This was by way of reward for his
having wri t ten to his b rother Vakhat Singh to m urder their
father. Abhesingh , i t is true , had wri t ten only u nder e x trem e
c ompu lsion,for, wh ile on a pleasu re e x c ursion on the river
Hughli, t he Em peror gave orders that h e shou ld b e thrown over
b oard unless he there and then wro te a le t ter to the above purport .
No m anner of e x cuse , however, c an b e given for Vakhat Singh ,
who,wi th h is own hand,m u rdered his sleeping father in the hope
o f ob taining thereby the governm ent ofNagor.
Sirb uland Khan had u nquestionab ly done every thing in his
power to set t le the c oun try . In addit ion to withstanding M a
rathaat tacks, he had m arched on several t ribu tary chiefs and
refrac tory K olis, had recove red their tribu te and revenue with
m uch t rou b le , and i t was only after all h is endeavours to ob tain
pec uniary or m ili tary assistance from Delh i had failed, that'
he
was compelled to yield to the demands of the M arathas, t here
being no other m eans ofprevent ing the devastat ion and ruin of
the country. In short , feeling h imself ill requited, he determined
not to leave h is governm en t wi thou t an appeal to . arms .,
Abhesingh , with his brother and twenty thousand m en,
reached Palanpur and was joined at Siddhpur by the Bahia from
Radhanpur (1730A . Near the v illage ofAdalaj a batt le
was fought b etween him and Sirb u land Khan,in which the
Maharajah was defeated. A second engagement also ended
with the same result . At length Abhesingh entered into '
nego
tistions with his brav'
e rival, who ultimately consented to g ive
[Pm 8. cm . 172
over the governm ent to h im on receipt ofa present of a lac of
rupees. He thereafter proceeded to Agra.
The M arathas had in the m ean t ime b een in c onflic t be
tween themselves. The animosity b etween Baji Bao Peshwaon
t he one hand and Pilaj i Gaekwad, Trim bak Rao Dhabade, and
Kanthaji Kadam on the o ther, even tually led to an open rupture,
and Dhabade had collec ted an army of thirty-six thousand men
to at tack the Dec can. The Peshwa, hearing of this, at once
m arched on Gujarat . As soon as h is advance division crossed
the Narbada,i t was m e t and defeated by a party u nder Pilaji
’
s
son Damaj i . Baj i Rao, however, com ing upwi th the m ain por
t ion of his army, c losed with the enemy immediate ly, though
h is force was numerically m uch inferior to that of the Dhabade,
who had already b een joined by Pilaj i and K anthaji. The
Peshwa’
s army consisted of veterans, b efore whom the Dhabade’
s
new levies fled at the very fi rst charge. K anthaji fl ed, b ut
Dhabade cont inued to fi gh t with ob stinacy until a random shot
from the ranks of the enemy k illed him wh ile in the ac t of
drawing his b ow. Baj i Rao thus gaineda complete vic tory. In
t his bat tle, which took place at Bh ilapur b etween Dab hoi and
Baroda on or ab ou t the l st of April 1731 , many persons of rank
fell, inc luding one ofPilaji’
s sons,and Pilaj i himselfwaswounded.
Baji Rao was, however, not ab le to reap the full fru its of this
v ic tory in c onsequence of the m arch t owards Gujarat of the
N izam ,who was in secret league with Dhabade . A treaty
was concluded (August 1731 A . D . by wh ich Dhabade’
s
infant son Yashvant Rao was appointed to his father’
s post, and
allowed to c ollec t the chau th on the u nderstanding that half
t he am oun t realiz ed should b e sent to RajaSahu through the
Peshwa, while Pilaj i Gaekwad was c onfi rmed in the ofi ce of
Dhabade’
s M utalik or Deputy, and granted the additional
t itle ofSenamiss Khel (Commander of the spec ial band1.
174
to the usual chau th and sardeshmukhi. P ilaji’
s b rother Md
t i Gaekwad, tak ing the Opportunity of the absconce ofSher
Khan Bdbi at h is estate at Balasinor, marched on Baroda, and
re took it in 17341 A . D. , since wh ich t ime it has remained in
the Gaekwad’
s possession .
P ilaji’
s son Damaj i , whom h is unc le had called to h is as
sistance , then took several important towns,andm arched t owards
Jodhpur. Th is compe lled h is father’
s m urderer Ab hesingh to
leave a depu ty, Ratansing Bhandari, at Ahm adabad
,wh ile he
h im se lf proc eeded to guard h is nat ive c ou ntry . A li M uhammad
K han, the au thor of the M irat - i -ahmadi was at th is time
appointed Diwan .
I t was also ab ou t th is t im e ( 1733 A. D . ) that Khushal
chand She th , the ancestor of the present Nagarshe th fam ily of
Ab madabad rec eived an Imperial Farman appoint ing h im chief
of the m ercan t ile c omm un ity.
M eanwhile , the tribu te due to Umabai not having b een paid
in fu ll, her son Jadavji Dhabade again advanced on Gujarat ;b u t on a t reaty b eing conc luded be tween h im and the Viceroy
he went on to Sc rath t o collec t tribu te .
175
0rrs VIII .
Adairs at Piram , Surat , Breach. Idar and other parts of Gujarat :
Foundat ion ofBhavnagar and its snb sequent development . Super
session of Abhesingh and appointm ent of M om in Khan as
Viceroy . The lat t er makes over half of Ahmadabad
t o the M arathés.
FROM 1 72 9 t o 1 738 A . D .
W hile mat ters were thus proceeding in other quarters, one
M u llan M uham mad Ali,awealthy trader in Surat , causeddisturb
ances in that c i ty . A t fi rst , wi th a v iew to raise h im self to the
posi t ion of an independen t ru ler, he rem oved to the island of
Piram near Gogha, and spen t large sum s in induc ing m erchants
to se t t le there . Finding, however, t hat Piram was too rem ote a
spo t , the M ullah , in 172 9 A . D. , b egan t o bu ild a fort at the vil
lage ofA thwa on the Tapt i abou t three m iles from Surat .
By intrigue fi rst wi th the c omm andant and nex t wi th the
Governor ofSurat , he was the m eans of causing a considerab le
dim inu t ion in the t rade of that port , his fort b e ing situated
near the entrance of the harbour. For the loss thus oc casioned,
the Governor Sohrab Khan m ade a dem and on h im for a lac of
rupees, b u t the M ullan resisted the demand by forc e of arm s and
compe lled Sohréb K han t o take refuge wi th the chief ofBhar
nagar 1732 A . D. The Governorshipwas then assumed by
the M u llan’
s b ro ther T eghbakh t K han . T he lat ter was ordered
by the Emperor to se iz e h is b ro ther the M ullan, wh ich he did
t reacherously , m ak ing h im a prisoner at an entertainm en t to
wh ich he had been invited. He also took possession ofAthwa
on b ehalf of the Em peror, who event ually c onfi rm ed him in
A . D. 1733 in h is post ofGovernor, wh ich he cont inu ed t o hold
unt il 1746 A . D nom inally indeed as the Emperor’
s servant b u t
prac t ically as an independen t ru ler . T he M aratha , since the
death ofRustam Ali,Who had k illed himselfat Vaso as described
[Pa r 3. om .7.] 1 76
in the foregoing pages, were, however, masters of the district
nearly up t o the walls of Surat. T eghbakht K han compelled
the Gaekwad to m ake h im an annual assignm ent of rupees two
lac s and th irty-six thousand. In Broach also the Governor de
c lared h im self independen t , and was the founder of the short
lived Nawabsh ip"of that ‘distrib t . =
During th is period there was a change of ru lers at Idarf.
I t had been he ld h ith erto byRathod ch iefs, who were defeated by
Ab hesingh’
s bro thers Anandsingh and Bassingh , and these took
possession of Idar on the 7th of Felgan Shud Sam vat 1787
1731 A . D. Ab hesingh was, however, prom ised the grant
of Idar when he c onsen ted to m urder h is father, b u t , be ing
willing to appease Anandsingh and Rdesingh , who had gone
in to ou t lawry, he willingly ob tained from Delh i a fresh gran t in
the nam es of his b ro thers.
0 Abdulla, t he fi rst Nawéb , received from N iz tim -ul-m ulk of the
Dec can whose privat e Jagir Broach was, the t itle of Nek Alam Khan
in or about 1 736 A.D
He was suc c eeded by h is son M irzaBeg in 1738
T hird son (nam e not asc ertained) who died in threem onths 1752
M irzaAhm ad Beg, grandson of Abdulla 1754
His son Naz ad Khan 1 768
(deposed by the English on the 1 8th 1 772
1 Idar was originally held by Bh ils, from whom Goha, the cave
b orn son of Pushpzivat i (widow of the last R555. of Valab h ipur ob tained
it in or ab ou t A . D. 800. It was t hen held from 1000 to 1 193 A. D. by
Parih t’
tr Rajpu t chiefs, in whose t im e t he Idar force was cut t o pieces in the
great b at t le ofThaneshvar. It wasfsub sequent lyheld by Hathi Sord a Koliand h is son unt il ab ou t 1 2 15 A . D
. ,when the Bathods known as Bars
won the fort of Idar. It was from the last of t hese that Idar was taken
by the ancestors of the present chief (1731 A ,D The Ri va nowhold
the smaller state of Pol.
[Prissmart . a] 173
oftrade their monopoli'
sed bySurat and barabay. b egs; was
then a Jdgi'
r town of the Bab i fam ily, b u t subsequently fell to
the share of the Peshwawhen Ahm adabad was fi nally taken
by the Marathas in A . D. 1757. W ith the view ofprotec tingthe m aritim e trade of Bhavnagar, i ts far sigh ted founder enter
ed into an alliancewith the Sidhis ofJanj ira, who were in com
m'
and of the Surat'
castle, agreeing to give them one and a
quarter‘
per cen t on the sea c ustom revenue“
ofthe port . Whent he English , in 1756 A . D. , superseded the Sidhis in the c om
mand of the Surat cast le, Bhavsinghji sec ured the ir assistance
on the same term s. During h is long re ign of sisty-one years
he m ade large addit ions to h is t erritory, and, no twithstandingt he fac t that he had during h is life time conferred Vald and
o ther villages on h is second son Visnj i, he was ab le t o raise
Bhavnagar from b e ing only a small chieftains-h ip into‘
a princi
pality of considerab le importance . His suc cessors, cont inu ing the
policy of their illustrious ancestor and lib erally encouraging trade
by every m eans in their power, have brough t not only Bhavna
gar b u t the ent ire state into a very flourishing dondit ion, and
i t nowranks as one of the m ost prosperous and wealthy states
in Western India‘.
In or ab ou t 1735 A. D . Damaj i Gaekwad, who was chosen
by Umabai as the Dhabade’
s depu ty, appointed one Rang Baa
as h is agent . Kan thaji, naturally disappointed at th is arrange“
m ent , m arched with an army on Gujarat . A t Anand M oghri
a bat tle was fough t b etween him and Bangoj i, in which Kan
t haji was defeated and compelled t o ret ire t o Cam b ay. Peace
was at length concluded b etween these two rivals by a treaty,
m wh ich i t was st ipu lated that d aji should rece ive the
chau th of the distric t north of the river M ahi . Kanthaji then
The Bhavnagar Gondal Railway, 201 m iles m length, ins the
fi rst to be c onstructed at State ex pense in Kdthrdwtr.‘
1 79 M ount Kw?“95503 1went to
, Sc rath to levy tribute in that part of the country, and
thereafter to the Deccan .
The nex t year, A . D . 1736, Bangoy advanced as far as
Bevla, and comm enced depredat ions. The Depu ty-Viceroy Ra
tansingh Bhandari therefore m arch ed against h im ,on hearing of
which Bangoy re tired to Viramgam , where a b at t le took place ,
which ended in the defeat of Bangoj i and the capture ofh is
baggage . Bangoji him self, however, re treated into the fort , to
which Ratansingh ne x t laid siege . In the m ean tim e som e
M ardthahorse from Sarndl,Jo1ned by insurgent Kolis, advanc ed
on Kapadvanj , and captured it from the garrison . T he Deputy
Vic eroy was, however, ob liged t o raise the siege ofViramgam ,
and proceed hurriedly to Alrmaddbdd on learning that Daméji’
s
brother PartdpRao and Devaji Takpur were advanc ing t owards
that c i ty . The M arathas, however, avoided Ahm adébdd bu t ,
ex ac t ing t rib u te from the villages on the vetrak river, advanced
to Dho lka, c laim ing a share of the re venue of that division, and
two thousand horse were left in order to realise the am ount de
m anded. Proceeding ne x t to Idar and Dante, the Mardthds
plundered the lat ter town . Thus a large t rac t of country hecam e a scene of anarchy and disorder.
T he Imperial Court at De lhi, now growing dissat isfi ed
with Abhesingh and h is depu ty Ratansingh’
s adm inistrat ion, ap
poin ted M om in K hdn‘, t he governor of Cam bay, to b e Viceroy
ofGujarat (A . D . A b hesingh none the less instruc ted
h is depu ty no t to resign the v ic eroyalty wi thou t an appeal to
arm s . Ratansingh ac cording ly prepared for war. He fi rst
m arched against Sohréb Khdn,who had ob tained the governor
ship of Viramgam , and slew him in A . D . 1735 . M om in
Khan, see ing this, asked for and ob tained t he aid of Bangoji,on the c ondit ion that the M arathas should b e assigned one-half
of the revenue ofGujarat , e x c ept what ac c rued from the c ity of
[Paar 1 80
Ahmadabad and the lands in its imm ediate neighbourhood, and
also from the port ofCam bay, ofwh ich he was h im self the C c
vernor. M om in Khdn further inv ited Dem etji GAekWAd to joinh im . This alliance gave the fi nish ing stroke to the t ot tering
M ughal Empire in Gujarat , and alt hough the Emperor ofDe lhi
regre t ted having made M om in K hén’
s appointm ent , and the
lat ter also sub sequen t ly saw that the com b inat ion he had
form edwould prove disastrous to the au thority of the Empire , it
was too late t o re trace his steps . A lthough he rece ived instrua
t ions from the Emperor that h is appo intm ent had b een cance l
led, M om in K han m arched from Cam bay by regular stages, bu t,
on reaching Kaira, halted for abou t a m onth,as the riverVAtrak
was then in flood by reason of heavy rains. As soon as possib le,
however, he advanced and b esieged Ahmadébéd. T he siege
c ont inued for som e nine m onths. In the m eant im e, one of
M om in Khan’
s de tachm ents had captured som e guns that were
b eing sen t from Surat to Abhesingh at Ahmadabad, and soon
after the M arathas at tempt ed t o at tack the c ity by storm . Ra
t ansingh , however, repu lsed t hem after a severe contest , bu t the
day fo llowing, see ing that he wou ld not b e ab le to hold the c ity
in the event of a further at tack and b om bardm ent, Ratansingh
listened to M om in K han’
s overtures, and, after recovering some
m oney as a paym ent t owards the e x penses 1ncurred, re t ired.
Half of the c ity was then according to engagem en t made
over to the M arathas (A . D. This half consisted of the
Beepur, Astodia, Jamdlpur, KhAnjahAn and Reekhad wards.
Rangoy c omm enc ing t o oppress the inhab i tan ts, m ost ofwhom
were M usalmans, t he lat ter rose in rebellion, and drove the
M arathas ou t of the c i ty for a short t im e in the sam e year. M o
m in Khén, however, was ab le to effec t a rec onc iliat ion through
h is depu ty Fida-ud-din Khan . Som e tim e after th is
, both 110
m in Khan and Bangoj i left for the distric ts in order to c ollectthe revenues that had fallen due .
[Pan 3. can . 1 82
serious disturb ance took place, in which M om in Khan was driven
from Ahmadabad,andwas u lt im ately ob liged to give Rangoji half
of the Governm ent as we ll as of the revenue , and also to pay up
the arrears that had ac c um u lat ed during the two years subse
quent to t he e x pulsion ofthe M arathas by the M uhamm adans.
T he ne x t year A . D. Damaj i Gaekwad wen t to theDe ccan with Rangoji, leaving M alharRao Khuni at Ahm adabad.
E x pedi t ions were also undertaken against c ertain ch iefs by
Fida-ud-din Khan, the Depu ty of M om in Khan, who enforced
t ribu te from Dab hora, A tarsum ba
,mandwa, Lu navada and
o ther towns. A rising in the Bhil distric t was also suppressed.
In A . D . 174 1 , Bhavsing, Desai'l'
of Viramgam ,who had
acqu ired great influence in t hat town, indignan t at the
oppression of the M arathas,a t tacked and took their fort . Ao
cordingly Rangoji and M om in Khan laid siege t o Viramgam .
Bhavsingh defended it gallan t ly, and at length a treaty was con
c luded, by wh ich Bhavsingh was assigned instead of Viram gam
the town of Pat ri with i ts dependen t villages, wh ich are st ill in
the possession ofh is desc endants .
It was at th is t im e that Damaj 1 Gaekwad, re turning from
the Dec can, crossed the M ahi with a large army. Hav ing taken
Bansa after a b rave defenc e by the Kolis,b e b urnt i t , and then
m arched on Broach . Th is town,howe ver, he refrained from
at tack ing in c onsequence of rem onstrances from the N izam of
Haidarabad whose private Jagir i t was when he was V iceroy of
Gujarat . Damaj i , howeve r, appears t o have ob tained on this
oc casion a share ofthe c ustom revenues of that town, afterwhich
he retu rned t o Songadh .
e In t his year there was a disastrous flood in the Sabarm at i.“
1 Desai is an hereditary revenue offi cer appointed to look after the
revenue work of the district and assist the local ofi cere in revenue ed
m inietrat ion generally.
133 Drn i flhfi ei swm w'
h
P ssswa’
.
In this year (A. D. 1741 ) several skirm ishes took plac e
b etween the t roops ofMom in Khan’
s Depu tyFida-ud-din Khan
and those ofRangoji’
s Depu ty M alhar Rao Khuni, b u t mat ters
were at last am icab ly se t tled through the personal intervent ion
ofRangoji and M om in Khan . Bangoj i in th is year b u ilt a fortat Borsad, wh ich he occupied as a residence .
After one more year ofconfl ic t spent in levying tribu te from
the Ch iefs ofSihor and Navanagar, t he lat ter ofwhom resisted
for twenty days and was then c om pe lled t o pay the addit ional
sum of rupees fi fty t housand, M om in K han died in Feb ruary
A . D . 1743 . During the period ofh is v iceroyalty h is son-in-law
Najum Khan ac ted as governor ofCam b ay and cont inued in that
office unt il A .D. l748 ,when he was poisoned by hiswife’
s b rother
Hu ft -akhir Khan, who, failing to re tain his viceroyalty, reverted
t o the governorsh ip of Camb ay.
W hile Bangoj i was m ost e nerget ically prom ot ing M aratha
interests in Gujarat , Damaji Gaekwad’
s own at tent ion was be ing
engrossed wi th the affairs of the Deccan, whe re cordiality
had never e x isted b e tween h im and t he Peshwa. Taking
therefore the opportunity afforded by t he deat h ofBaji Rae in
April 1740, he joined Raghuji Bhonsle t he ChiefofBerar, and
sided with one Bapuji Naik a c onnex ion of Baj i Rae who
pressed h is c laim to the throne .
In the end, however, Balaj i the son of the late Peshwa
estab lished his right to suc ceed, and won over bo th Bhonsle and
Bapuji to his side . Bapuji t hen invaded Gujarat , and b urnt
Songadh. at that t im e the head-
qua1t ers of the Gaekwad.
His fu rther progress was, however, arrested by th e advance
0 Ac c ording to tradit ion th is t own is said to have been founded by a
certain musNal in t he fourth century after Christ.
Campbell’s Bombay Gaz et teer Vol. 1 11, page 167
[Pas-r 3. ow .9.] 1 84
of the Gaekwad’
s ac t ive and b rave Deputy Rangqp, who gave
him bat t le b efore he c ou ld cross the M ahi (A. D . 1741 - 42
Bapuji had in consequence to re treat t owards the Dec can, af
t er which Bangoj i re t urned to Borsad.
After M om in K han’
s death,which took place in A .D. 1743,
orders were rece ived from the Imperial Court direc t ing the
Depu ty Fida-ud-din to carry on the governm en t in c onjunc t ion
wi th the deceased Viceroy’
s son M uft-akh ir Khan . Quarrels,however, arose b e tween them and Kangoji, and the lat ter, under
the inst igat ion of Anandram , an omc erwho is said to have b een
disgrac ed by M om in Khan, sough t to compass the death of the
two Depu ty—Vic eroys. After Rangup
’
s at tem pts to ac complish
this objec t had failed, open host ilit ies com m enc ed, and, the Ma
rathas b e ing rou ted in bat t le , Rangoji’
s residence at Ahm adabad
was b esieged. He then agreed to de liver upAnandram , and also
t o surrender b o th Borsad and Viram gam . On this oc casion Sher
K han Bab i ofBalasinor stood security for Bangoj i .
E ven tually, however, Bangoj i c on trived to escape to Borsadand the Bab i to Balasinor, b u t Anandram was pu t to death . In
the m ean t im e Damaji’
s b ro ther K hande Rae jo ined Bangoji, and
laid siege to Pe t lad, wh ich u l t im at e lv surrendered t o them , the
Viceroy be ing unab le to re inforc e the garrison .
A serious m isfortune nowb efe ll Fida-ud-din Khan andHuft
akhir Khan . One Abdu l A z iz K han, Comm andant at Junor
near Puna, c on trived to send a forged order from the Emperor
appo int ing h im as Vic eroy . Abdu l Az iz Khan also appo inted
Jawanm ard Khan Bab i as h is Depu ty. Thereupon t he t roops
b ecam e c larnorous for t he ir pay, and placed the two Viceroys
u nder arrest . T hey were , however, e ven tually re leased, and both
departed,Fida-ud-din forAgraand M uft -akh ir Khan forCambay.
After tak ing Pe t lad, Khande Rao Gaekwad and Rangoji
marched on Ahmadabad. Encamping at Yanjar about seven
1 186
Sher Khan Bahi, who received h im with due honour. Jawan
m ard Khan, however, ob tained assistance from the M arathas,
and de term ined to oppose him . In the fi rst b at t le , which took
place abou t si x m iles from Ahmadabad, the newVic eroy was so
far suc c essfu l as to b e ab le t o sec ure the sub urb s of Rajpur andBehrampur. Soon , however, affairs took a difi
'
e ren t tu rn . Fakhr
ud-dau la be ing wounded, his allies Sher K han and t he .RajaofIdar wen t over to the enemy, and the unfortunate Viceroy was
him se lf taken prisoner t oge ther with two of his wives.
While this struggle was go ing on,Khande Rae Gaekwad,who
had proc eeded to the Deccan, re turned with Damaj i - to Gujarat,and be ing dissat isfi ed wi th Rangoji
’
s accounts, at tached his
property and confined him in the fort at Borsad, which , i t will
b e rem em bered, had been bu ilt by Rangoji him self.
1 87
CHAPTER X .
Dhabade’s widowinterferes and ob tains the release of Bangoy , who
retakes Ahmadabad and Borsad. A ffairs at Surat .Damaji, taken
prisoner by the Peshwa, is released after paying a heavy ransom .
Capture of Ahm adabad jo int ly by the Peshwaand the
Gaekwad . Ann ihi lat ion of the Angaria pirates,
FROM 1 74 5 t o 1 757 A . i) .
Dhabade’
s widowUmabai, on hearing of Rangoj i’
s confi ne
ment , sum m oned h im and KhandeRao Gaekwad to her presence .
In ob edienc e t o her orders they b o th repaired to the Dec can .
There Umabai appo in ted Rangoji as h er Deputy in Gujarat ,
and th is emeer accordingly re tu rned to Ahm adabad e x pelling.
therefrom Khande Ra’
os agen t'
l‘
rim bak Rao Pandit . He also
even tually re took Borsad from K hande Rae’
s adopted son Hariba
This pe riod was, however, far from peac efu l. A t one t im e
Rangoji, at ano ther the Gaekwad’
s agen ts, ob tained the ascend
ency, and in like m anner the M uham m adan Viceroys and the ir
depu t ies were also frequent ly opposed t he one to the other }
Disturbanc es conc e rning the post ofGovernor, arose at Surat
in (A .D. b e tween two rival c laim ants Sayyid Achhan and
Safdar M uhamm ad K hau ,in wh ic h the lat ter was succ essfu l owing
to his having secured t he assistanc e ofthe Du tch and otherfore ign’
m erchants, and also that of t he Habshiswho had commanded the
cast le as the De lhi Emperor’
s Adm irals since A . D. 1670. On
th is oc casion the head of the English fac tory M r.Lam be fai thfu lly
adhe red to h is pre vious agreem en t t o aid t he cause of Sayyid .
Achhan . In consequenc e of th is,howe ver, the English fac tory .
was at tacked and plundered, and M r.Lam be, on rece iving a let ter
of censure from the Governor ofBom bay, comm it ted su ic ide .
Sayyid Achhan ,who eventually succeeded in 1758 A.D had ‘
This was a year of'famine in Gujarat ,
[Paar 8 . onsr. 10.] 1 88
sought aid from the Gaekwad, andhad prom ised to pay three lacs
of rupees to Damaji’
s cousi n K edarji for h is servic es. Al though
that chief’
s assistance was not requ ired, b e none the less c laimed
the st ipulated sum . The unfortunate Sayyid was therefore com
polled to assign h im one-fourth ofthe revenue ofSurat , until the
demand shou ld b e paid up in fu ll.
This period wi tnessed ano ther change in the M aratha de
pu t ies ofAhmadabad owing t o the death of Dhabade’
s widow
Umabai . Her grandson Bab u Bao Senapat iwas induc ed, through
K hande Rao’
s infl uence , to appoint Damaj i Gaekwad as h is de
pu ty, and the lat ter nom inated one Raghushankar as h is agent
at Ahmadabad. The Gaekwad then m arched on Borsad, and,
in conjunc t ion wi th the arm ies ofM om in Khan II. and Jawan
m ard Khan, b esieged that town, wh ich they succeeded in tak ing
after five m onths. They also took Rangoji prisoner in A . D.
1 747. Balaj i Peshwa, howe ver, who was st ill hostile to the
Gaekwad, sent troops against K hande Rao, and proc ured the
release of Bangoji in the following year.
A t Ahmadabad in the m eant im e, Jawanmard Khan, secretlyjealous of the power of the Gaekwad, had entered into negot ia
t ions with the Peshwa, whose help he solic ited in order to
ex pel the Gaekwad’
s agent from t hat c i ty 3 bu t the Peshwa,
being then at war with the Nizam of the Deccan, was unable
to comply with this request .
Events, however, soon happened which b rough t Damaj i
into open confl ic t wi th the Peshwa. Rajasahu b eing on his
death-b ed, A . D . 1749, num erous intrigues were set on foot
regarding the suc c ession . Tarabai, grandm other of the young
Rajaram who had been adopted by sahu , and who consequently
succeeded to the throne, advised h im t o t ry and shak e of the
Peshwa’
s control, b u t, having failed in herjpersnasjnng, she sent
[PART 3. CHAP . 1 90
in c onfinem ent . Though he is'
said to have spent in that c itymore
than a lac of rupees on Naz ars (presen ts) and b ribes t o oflicers,
he had a t last t o agree to pay the Peshwaa sum of fi fteen lacs
of rupees as an acqu i t tanc e for all the arrears due , A . D . 1752 .
Damaj i also passed a b ond agree ing t o an equal part i t ion ofthe
t erri to ries then in h is possession, and ofany which m igh t there
afte r b e c onque red also t o an equal division of re venue ofevery
k ind. He fu rthe r agreed t o m aintain t en thousand horse , and
t o assist the Peshwa when nec essary ; and also, as b e ing the
depu ty ofDhabade Senapat i , t o pay an annu al t rib u te of fi ve
lacs and twe n ty- five thou sand rupees from the Dhabade
’
s share
of the re venue . These t erm s Damaj i was com pe lled to accept ,
for during h is ab senc e affairs in Gujarat had assum ed a serious'
aspec t . In A . D . 1 753 the Peshwa sent h is b rother Raghunath
Rao with an army t o tha t pro v ince in order t o c omple te the
arrangem en ts en te red into wi th Damaj i Gaekwad, and to take
possession ofAhm adabad. Damaj i h im se lf also joined the armysoon aft erwards. They arrived
,wi thou t b e ing impeded on the
m arch , as far as Ahm adabad,whe re Jawanm ard Khan Bab i the
Im pe rial v ic eroy had,du ring Damaj i
’
s c onfi nem en t in Puna,
u surped the who le powe r of th e c i ty, and m ere ly perm i t ted t he
Gaekwad’
s agen t t o realise h is m aster’
s dues.
T he c om b ined M arathaarm y laid se ige to the c ity, wh ich
was we ll defended, b u t a t leng th Jawanm ard Khan agreed to
su rrender i t on c ondit ion of the ir supplying a lac of rupees for
paym ent of h is t roops, b esides presen t ing h im with an e lephant
and variou s art ic les of value . I t was fu rther st ipu lated that
Jawanm ard K han and his b ro thers shou ld b e allowed in Jagir,
free from any c laim on t he part of t he M arathas, the dist ric ts
ofSam i, Radhanpu r wi th T erwara, Patan , Wadnagar, Tharad,
Kheralu and Bijapu r, also that the m em bers of Jawanmard
1 91 Jom 'r M ARA'THA
'RULE.
Khan’
s fam ily should not b e dist urb ed in their present posses
sions, and that he and h is army shou ld b e allowed to re t ire wi th
the honou rs ofwar. These st ipu lat ions hav ing b een agreed to ,
Jawanm ard K han left t he c i ty in April 1753, and t he province
was t ransfe rred t o t he Pe s hwa and t he Gaekwad, who realised
t he re venu e in equa l proport ions . T he garrison was, however,
provided by t he Peshwa, e x c ept tha t t he Gaekwad agreed t o pay
annuallysix t housandrupees towards the e x penses ofm anagem en t .
Aft er appo in t ing Shripat Rao as h is depu ty to c arry on the
governm en t , Raghu nath Rao le ft for Li tnbdi, t he Chief ofwhic h
s ta t e c onsen ted t o t he paym en t of t rib u t e am ou n t ing to forty
t housand rupees a year, whi le Palanpu r was c om pe lled to supply
ten thousand rupees a y ear, A . D. 1753 . Damaj i also,after
le vying t ribu te in t he vatrak Kan tha v illages, t ook Kapadvanjfrom Sher Khan Bab i .
Shripat Rao now entertained the design of conquering Cam
bay , b u t after two indec isive bat t les, re turned in A . l) . 1 754 ,
M om in K han agreeing to pay an annual t rib u t e of rupees seven
t housand. Ab ou t th is t im e too an e x pedit ion was sen t against
t he Bhils and K olis who,had again b egun to ravage the country,
c arrying offwom en and children in b road dayligh t .
T he Peshwa’
s depu ty Bhagvan t Rao ne x t m arched on
Cam bay. He was,however, en trapped by t he cunning ofM om in
Khan,and m ade prisoner. The Peshwa ac cordingly sen t an
o ther force under the governors of Jam b usar and Viram gam ,
who for three m on ths b esieged the c ity, b u t withou t success.
Ali M uham m ad Khan Diwan, the au thor of t he M irat-i-Ahm adi,
at length effec ted a reconc iliat ion , and sec ured the release of
Blr: gvant Rao . The lat ter was recalled from his post ofdepu ty,
bu t estab lishi ng him self at Napad, b e there carried on warfare
with M omin Khan, whom he at last compelled to pay ten
[Pm m m ». 192
thousand rupees be ing the share of the Marathas which he had
for a t ime wi thheld.
M om in K han was at th is t im e hard pressed for m oney to
pay his troops, and, in order to raise i t, began to plun’
der several
villages be longing t o the Lim bdi Thakor and other c h iefs. He
also m arched on Goghawhic h form erly b e longed t o Cambay,b u t which had b een usu rped by Sher K han Bab i and taken
from h im by the Peshwa in or abou t A . D . 175 1 . M om in K han
ob tained easy possession of Gogha‘, and pu t t ing a garrison
t here in, re turned in A . D . 1755 . He then marched on Borsad,
b u t t im ely suc c our under Damaji’
s son saved this t own from
captu re and plunder.
Various causes were now produc ing discontent am ongst the
inhab itants of Ahmadabad. T he ru le of the M arathas was
fel t to b e m ost oppressive the town-wall having t um b led down
in several plac es in consequenc e of heavy rain, the inroads of
rob bers were b ec om ing frequen t , and t he sense ofgeneral ia
sec uri ty was he igh tened when the agent of the M arathas was
assassinated by a Roh ila. M om in K han, recognising in this
discon tent his opport uni ty, conc eived the b old idea of c apturing
t he c ity. Ac cordingly he form ed an allianc e wi th the Rajaof
Idar, and, m arching by regu lar stages, arrived b efore the c ity
gates at the end ofA . D. 1755 . After one or two b at t les in the
sub urbs, a port ion of his forces, augm ented by the Kolis who
had joined h im in hopes of plunder, suc ceeded in efl'
ec t ing an
ent ranc e in to the c ity , and th rew open i ts gates to the entire
arm y . After a hand- to-hand fi gh t the M arathas were routed,
and th e c i tv was t aken possession of by M om in Khan, who then
appoint ed Sham b huram Gardi as h is depu ty .
W hen the news of M om in Khan’s capture of 9 63115 reached
the Emperor at Delhi, that potentate sent h im asword of honour.
{P ink5. onl y . 1 94
the RajaofIdar, had also to make over to the M arathas Parant ij,
Bijapur and the half share ofM odasa, Bayar and Harsol.
W h ile Gujarat was passing th rough these t roub les, the English, dest ined at no distant period to b e the ru lers no t only of
Gujarat b u t of the whole of India, were gaining renown by their
e x plo its. T he Angrias had recent ly b ec om e t he c u rse of all
t he seaports, and were in the hab i t ofplundering the vessels of
every nat ion withou t dist inc t ion. Their pirac ies proceeded so
far that for some t im e the East India Company was compe lled
t o maintain a large flee t at a c ost offour lacs ofrupees in order
t o protec t their t rade . For the annihilation of these Angrias
t he English and the Marathas entered into an alliance , and in
5 February, A . D. 1756 b om barded their strong fort of Gheria
(Vez iadrug ) in the Ratnagiri distric t on the sea- coast. This
was soon captured, the Angria flee t was destroyed, and the ir
chiefTalaj i was taken prisoner. Thus the death blowwas givent o the ravages of th ese daring pirates, a fac t ofno sm all import
o
ance to vessels sailing along the coast from the Gujarat ports.The plunder amassed by the Angrias, amount ing t o no less
t han t en lacs of rupees, fell into the hands of the v ic tors. Ghe
riawas retained by the M arathas,while the Englishwere assigned
t en villages inc luding Bank ot , in order to provide for the main
t ensaco of the local fort, known as Fort Vic toria, distant about
six ty m iles from Bom bay.
1 955
PART 1V.
From the conquest ofGujarat by the M arat has to the present t ime.
FROM 1 757'
to 1 893 s . D.
CHAPTER I .
M arathas coin money in the Ahmadabad m int t hey at tack Cam bayand levy t ribut e . Affairs at Surat . The English take c ommand
of the cast le,and turn ou t the Hab sh is . Disastrous defeat
of the M arathas at Panipat , Damaji’
s return .T he Bab i
recovers Balasinor,Damaji m arches on Cam bay and
frust rates the league of t he M uhamm adans t o re
gain Gujarat , His allianc e with Raghunath
Bao against the Peshwa. Raghunath
Bao’
s and Govind Rao’s defeat and
capture by the Peshwa’
s army.
Damaji’
s death.
Fson 1 757 t o 1 768 A . n,
T he c oining ofM ughal rupees in Ahmadabad had c eased
ever since the M arat has fi rst took possession of Ahmadabad.
Ac cordingly Sadash iv Ram chandra and Damaj i Gaekwad now
ordered new c o ins b earing the represen tat ion of an e lephant
goad to be struck in the Ahmadabad m int, A . D. 1757.
These offi c ers then se t ou t t owards Sorath and o therparts of the
province in order to collec t t ribu te , leaving their respect ive
depu ties in the c ity.
Sadash iv Rao had no t forgot ten the troub le given by M om in
Khan, and therefore, as soon as h is afl'
airs were set tled and he
had despatched a force to aid the Rae ofKachh in h is contem
plated at tac k on Tat ta, he proceeded against Cam bay in A. D .
1758 , and, b esieg ing that town, compelled M om in Khan to pay
twenty thousand rupees, b e ing arrears oftwo years’
tribu te . He
also levied tribu te from the chiefs of Umeita, Balasinor, Luna
rm and Palanpur.
[Pa r 4 . onu . 1 .] 1 96
During th is year important changes took place at Surat .
SayyidAchhan,who has b een already m ent ioned as having been
oustedbySafdarJang,went t o Punaand,ob tain ingfrom the Peshwa
the appointm ent ofGovernor, re turned to Surat wi th a b ody of
M arathahorse , and, with the assistance of Neknam Khan, Gover
nor ofBroach, suc c eeded in e x pelling Safdar Khan’
s son and
suc cessor Ali Navaz Khan. T he English also, considering this
a good opportunity for re taliat ing on the Hab sh is, who had
plundered their fac tory and k illed two of their c lerks, ob tained
som e m en -of-war from Bom bay, and, th us strengthened, captured
the fort in March 1 759, after which M r. Spencer the chief
fac tor was appointed Comm andan t in lieu of the Hab sh is.
M om in K han Nawab of Cam bay also entered into alliance
with the English , and, b acked by the ir infl uenc e , went on to
Puna. to have an int erviewwi th the Peshwa. On the news of
the English having taken the fort ofSurat reach ing the Emperor
at Delh i, the lat ter sen t a Farman, appoin t ing the Honou rab le
East India Com pany as Adm irals of the Imperial fl ee t , and the
Governor of Bom b ay as Com m ander of Surat Castle . This order
reached Surat in A .D . l 760,when M r. Spenc er and o th er gent le
m en m arched ou t in proc ession with due pom p t o rece ive the
b earers of theFarman . T he yearly paym en t of two lacs of rupees
t hat had b een m ade on ac c ount of this c omm and to theHabshis
of Janj irawas now transferred to t he Com pany in ac cordance
with t he Im perial Farman dated 4 th Septem b er A . D . 1759 .
T he year A . D . 1761 was fu ll of m isfortune for t he M arathaa. T he Peshwa
’
s b ro ther Ragh unath Rae,b eing e lated by
h is su cc esses in the Dec can ,had the audac ity to invade the
Panjab in A . D . 1 758 , t hen rec en t ly wrested from the M ughal
Empire of De lh i by Ahmadshah Abdali ruler ofAfghanistan .
Raghunath Rae and h is au x iliaries Ho lkar and Sindhiawere
twice defeated and pu t to fl igh t . Hearing of th is in the sum
m er ofA . D. 1760, Vishvas M 0, the son of the Pest wi th his
[Pa r 4 . can . l .] 1 98
ofKaira and the distric ts of Patan, Bijapur, Wadnagar, Visal
nagar and Kheralu ,which were then held by Jawanm ard Khan
and other Bab is. He transferred the seat ofhis government
from Songadh t o Patan, once the c api tal of the Hindu Kings of
Anh ilwar, A . D . 1763 . He also t ook possession of Am reli
from the Kath is, and having espoused the daugh ter of the Chief
ofLathi, t hat Chiefpresented Dam nagar with i ts ten dependent
villages as herdowry . Damaj i ne x t c onquered several towns in thet erritory of the Nawab of Junagadh , and his army was present
with Raghunath Raowhe n the la t te r,on a quarre lwi th h is nephew
madhav Rama defeat ed the Peshwa’
s army b efore Ghod Nadi.
Th is ac t ion b rough t on Damaj i the wrath ofthe reigning Peshwa,who , on the pre tenc e that the original part i t ion ofterritory
b e tween him and th e Gaekwad had b een t oo favourab le to the
latter in c onsequence of his acquaintance with the resources of
Gujarat , t ook from h im six distric ts yielding an est imated t e
venue of two lacs and fi fty -four thousand rupees.
This deprivat ion ofterri tory was soon afterwards followed by
t st ill greater calam ity, whic h b efell Damaj i short ly b efore hisdeath . In A .D. 1768 his ally Raghunath Rao,having assemb led a
forc e in the Chandur range to figh t against the Peshwa, Damaj i
sent to h is assistanc e som e t roops under the comm and ofh is son
Govind Rao . T he Peshwa, howe ver, suc ceeded in driv ing this
force into the fort ofDhodap, and there compelled b oth Raghu
nath Rao and Govind Rao t o surrender uncondi t ionally, where
upon they were tak en as prisoners t o Puna.
On th is oc casion, the Gaekwad was required t o pay a fi ne
of rupees twenty- three lacs and twenty
- fi ve thousand, b esides
another sum of rupees fi fteen lacs and six ty-fi ve thousand as
Balaj i Peshwadied soon after the disastrous,bat t le ofPanipat .
1 99 DA’MA'
JI’
S cu rs .
arrears of tribu te. The six parganas, recently taken from the
Gaekwad, were t o be restored to him , b u t the annual t ribu te
was inc reased from rupees fi ve lac s and twenty-fi ve thousand to
seven lacs and seventy-nine thousand. However, before this
se t t lem en t was fi nally efl'
ec ted, Damaj i Gaekwad m et with a
fatal acc iden t in som e e x pe rim ents wh ich an alchem ist had
persuaded h im to m ake with a view to the discovery of the
philosopher’
s stone . Thus strange ly c losed the eventful career
of this illustrious soldier, A . D . 1768 .
200
CHAPTER II .
Govind Rao su c ceeds Damaji, b u t is ousted in favou r of Sayajr.
Fat eh Singh is appointed t he lat ter’
s deputy. Breac h t aken by
t he English . Raghunath trio Peshwa’s and Fat eh Singh
Gaekwad’s t reat ies with the Brit ish. Dispu tes b et
ween the Peshwa and t he Brit ish .
FROM 1 769 t o 1 775 A . D.
Damaj i Gaekwad left four sons, Sayaj t the eldest by hisse
c ondwife , Govind Rao by the fi rst wife, and Manaj i and Fateh
Singh by th e third. A t the t im e of his father’
s death Govind
Rao was a state prisoner in Puna. He easily sec ured the c onsent
of the Peshwa to h is suc c ession by at onc e ac ceding t o h is de
m ands m en t ioned in the preceding chapter, and by presen ting
in addit ion a N az ar (presen t) of twen ty one lacs of rupees .
Gov ind Rao’
s b rother Sayaji was weak -m inded, b u t his
you nger b ro ther Fateh Singh , who was in Baroda at th e t ime
Of h is fa ther’
s death , took possession of the throne on b ehalfof
Sayaji, and in A . D . 1 771 repaired t o Fund, wh ere h e forc ibly
u rged the c laim s Of Sayaji. T he Shastri of the Court having
pronou nced in h is favou r, the Peshwa c ancelled Govind Pé o’
s
nom inat ion,and appoin ted Sayaji as h is father
’
s suc c essor with
Fa teh Singh as his depu ty. Th is am b it ious princ e further oh
t ained from th e Peshwaperm ission t o wi thdraw h is con t ingent
from Puna, and t o pay in lieu Of it si x lacs and seventy-fi ve
th ousand rupees a year. Fateh Singh then Offered t o conc lude
an offensive and defensive t reaty wi th the English, b u t the
au thorit ies at Bom b ay cou ld not ac c ede t o his wishes in the
absenc e Of orders from the Court ofDirec tors.
Ever since A . D . 1759, when the English acquired the
c omm and ofSurat Castle, t hey had gained a c omplete ascend
ency over the Nawabs, who b ecame thenceforward rulers in
[Paar 202
au thority withou t a struggle . In the m eant im e e vent s favour
ab le to h is cause oc c urred. In N ovem b er 1778 , M Adhav Rao
Peshwa. died of c onsumpt ion at the early age of twen ty-eight
years . His son and suc c essor Net rayan Rao,was m u rdered, it
is said,at h is u nc le Ragh unath Rae
’
s inst igat ion . A s he left
no ch ild, Raghunath Rite,whom Gov ind Rao Gdekwéd had
assisted in h is fa the r’
s life - t im e , su c c eeded as Peshwa, and
acknowledged the c laim ofGovind Rao . In April 1 779 , however,
a posthum ous c h ild was b orn to the late Narayan Rae’
s widow,
and the m ajority of the m inisters supported h is cause . Raghu
nath Reto had therefore to fl ee from Fund, and arrived on the
3rd ofJanuary 1775 wi th a sm all arm y at Baroda . T he two
Gaekwad bro thers Fa tehsingh and Govind Rao were now in
c onfl ic t , and the lat te r had b esieged Baroda in c onj unc tionwith h is u nc le K hande Rao Gaekwad the Jag irdar of K adi.
S indh ia. and t he m iniste rs at Puna. having espoused Fateh
singh’
s cause , Raghu nath Rao applied to th e English for help,
and on t he 6 th of M arch 1775 a t rea ty was c onc luded at Surat,
by wh ich the Bom bay Governm en t agreed to assist h im on con
dit ion of h is gran t ing them Basse in and Salse t te . These two
places th e E nglish had long desired t o ob tain in order t o com
ple te the ir possession of Bom b ay . Raghunath R60 further
agreed to c ede Jam b usar, Olpad and the distric ts round Surat ,
and prom ised t o induc e Govind Rao Gaekwad t o relinqu ish his
share in the revenues of Surat and Breach . T he Bom bay Go
vernm ent engaged on t heir part t o assist h im wi th a force of
two thousand fi ve hundred m en, for whose paym en t a sum of one
h undred and fifty thou sand rupees m on th ly was prom ised. The
dist ric ts ofAm od,Hanse l
,Balsar and a part ofAnk leswar were
temporari ly m ade over as sec uri ty for the paym ent , and jewels’
T hese were duly ret urned to Raghunath Rao s son 8 631 Rtio on
his installat ion m A D. 1 803 .
203 CAMPAIGN m Gru nt s .
worth six lacs of rupeeswere also depositedwi th the Company.
Before t he c onc lusion of th is t reaty, a detachm ent under
Colonel Keat inge sai led from Bom b ay at the end of February
1 775, b ut before i ts departure, the Peshwa’
s army, ac c ompanied
by som e t roops b elonging t o Ho lk ar and S indhia num b ering in
all som e th irty thousand m en,h ad en tered Gujarat and com
pe lled Raghunath Rao and Gov ind Rao to raise the siege of
Baroda,and re treat b eyond the M ah i . T he c om b ined arm ies
of the Peshwaand t he Gaekwtid, h aving fo llowed them thither,
at tack ed and c om ple tely rou ted them on the plains of Adds on
t he 1 7th of Feb ruary 1 775 . Raghunath Rate fl ed wi th ab out
one thousand hm se to Cam bay, b u t th e Nawab b e ing afraid to
g ive h im slrelter, he applied t o the Com pany’
sAgent M r . Charles
M ale t , who , although no t efi c ially aware of the t reaty b e tween
Raglru néth R60 and the Bom b ay Governm ent , assisted in con
veying him to Bhawnagar . Thenc e he em barked for Surat ,where
Co lonel K eat inge’
s de tachm ent arrived four days later on 27th
of Feb ruary 1775 . Govind E ri e and Khande Ree Griekwads,
wi th the defeated army, re t reated t o Kapadvanj, and thence to
Palanpur. In the m eant im e Fat ehsingh reduc ed Khande Eric’
s,
possessions in and ab ou t Nadiad to c om ple te subjec t ion .
Colonel Keat inge with h is t roops nowem barked for Cam bay
tak ing wi th h im h is ally Raghu nath R60, and landed in that
t own on the 17th ofM arch . Here he rece ived reinforcements
from M adrrts, after wh ich the en t ire b ody of ab ou t two thousand
fi ve hundred m en form ed a j unc t ion at the v illage of Dharmajwi th the remainder of Raglru né th Rtio
’
s army num bering twenty
thousand . The c om b ined forc es arrived at MAtar near Kaira
on the 3rd of M ay after two sk irm ishes with the enemy, one on
2 8 th ofApril and the o ther at the v illage o f Asém li three days
later. Orders were now received from Bom bay to induce Ra
ghunath R60 to turn. towards Bom bay and Puna as the rains
[Fai r 3. sub .
were approaching . Hencetheywent to Nadiad, a town b elongingt o Khande Rao Geekwéal, who had deserted Raghunath Bee
’
s
cause after his defeat at Adds. In order to punish h is defec t ion
Raghunath Rao lev ied a c on trib ut ion of six ty thou sand rupees
from th is unfortunate t own . T o realiz e this am ount houses were
stripped of every th ing, and the ir owners of the ir v ery c lothes.
Some also were tortured on the suspic ion that they had concealed
valuab les. T he Bhé ts and Brahm ans had hi therto enjoyed
imm uni ty from such e x ac tions, b u t Raghunath Ree, though him
se lfa h igh caste Brahm an, sough t t o subjec t them also t o a
contribu tion . Ac cordingly they de term ined in t h is e x t rem ity
t o resort to T ré.ga, the usual e x pedien t employed by the former
c lass to secure imm uni ty from oppresive bu rdens. An inter
est ing ac count of th is horrib le prac t ice of self-imm olat ion has
b een given by M r. Jam es Forb es in h is Oriental M em oirs
From th is ac coun t i t appears that one of the Bhéts, m ore cool
and deliberate than the rest , e ven took his two younger b rothers
and sister,each u nder e igh teen yearsof age, to RaghunathRao’
s
DarbAr prem ises, and there stab b ed them t o the heart wi th the
objec t of b ringing Divine displeasure on the tyrant whose con
duc t had c ompelled h im to resort t o such a deed. A part icular
sec t ofBrahmans, with the sam e objec t , purchased two old
Brahman m at rons from their heart less daugters, each for forty
rupees", and k illed them in the centre of the m arke t . A ll th is,
h owever, produ c ed no effec t on the relent less protec tor ofcows
and Brahm ans as the Peshwas were then went to b e called.
T he army now m arched towards Napad, and on the 1 8 th of
May, after leav ing t hat town, an engagem ent took place with the
enemy near Adéspvlrich resu lted in a v ic tory forColonelKeatings,
Th is sum was not taken as aselling-price, but only to defray the ex
posse that would b e incurred in the performance offuneral rites.
206
CHAPrER III .
Defeat o f t he M aratha fleet by Comm odore M oor,
'I reaty b etween
Fatehsingh , laglurnzi th [ trio and t he Brit ish . Defeat of the English
at T alegti-nr near Puna,
Captu re of Dabh oi by th e English
( ) ti'
ensrve and defensive t reaty b etween Fat ehsiugh and
the Brit ish (l o vu '
nrnen t Captu re of Ahm adabdd
o n b ehalf o f t he Gdekwdd b y General Goddard.
Bi rth of Sehjanaud Swam i ; h is b enefi c ial
influenc e as a relig ious t eacher,
FROM 1 775 t o 1 780 A . D.
Sirrru ltau c o u s iv wi t h th e c ampaign against the m inisterial
party in Gujarat , t he ir fl ee t was also engaged on t he sea by
Comm odore J o hn M o o r, and t he ir largest ship, the Sham sher
Jang was b lown up in ac t ion .
Colone l K eat inge preposed to the Bom bay G overnm ent to
h e allowed t o redu c e Baroda as soon as the m onsoon was over,
and prepara t ions were m ade to supply h im wi th addit ional troops
and am m uni t ion .
Fa tehsiugh Griekwdd, with whom c omm unicat ions had in
the m ean t im e b een opened by Colonel K eat inge , new earnest ly
desired to c onc lude a treaty, and Colone l K eat inge, b eing of
opin ion tha t i t wou ld b e m ore advan tageous t o all c oncerned to
ac cede t o h is t erm s, persuaded Raghu nath Bri o t o agree . At
le ng th a t rea ty was drawn up on the 8 th of Ju ly 1775, in wh ich
Fatehsingh Geekwad b ou nd him se lf t o pay Raghunath Rate an
annual t rib u te of e igh t lacs of rupees and t o serve him with
three thou sand horse . T he Gaekwad c onferred on the East India
Com pany h is share of the revenues of Breach , and granted
them in perpetu ity the revenues of Chikhli, Variév and
K eral, of the estim ated valu e of three lacs of rupees,°
wh ile
K hande Ree Gdekwdd’
s possessions were c ont inued to h im .
T he sum of three lacs of rupees annually paid t o Govind Ri o
207 TREATY W ITH m s
GA’RKWA’D.
since the t im e of h is father Damay , was disc on t inu ed, b u t in
lieu of it Raglruné th Ree u ndertook t o gran t h im as soon as
possib le a Jag ir in the Dec can worth t en lacs of rupees . In ad
dit ion t o these term s Fa tehsingh b ound him se lf to pay Raghu
nath RaO the sum of twen ty- si x lac s of rupees, of wh ic h t en
lacs were advanc ed b efore t he 30th of August under pre ssu re
from Colone l K eat inge . I t is no t c ertain whe ther the rem ain
der was e ver paid.
Thus th rough the int ervent ion of th e East India Com pany
m at ters were am ic ab lv se t t led b e tween Raglrrrrrét h Rao and
Fatehsiugh , though no t withou t loss of life on b o th sides,
espec ially a t Adas,whe re in a narrow passage th e Eng lish we re
a t one t im e hem m ed in . T he ir se rvic es were , howe ver, we ll ap
prec iated,and in addit ion to wha t was assigned them by Fa teh
singh ,Ragh unath Ree presen ted them wi th the Parganas of
Hanso t and Am od of t he then est im ated value of two lacs and
seven ty- se ven thou sand rupees . T he to tal revenue of the ter
rito ry acqu ired by the English in this war has b een re ckoned
a t twen ty-fo u r lac s and fifte en thou sand rupees.
T he proc eedings of the Bom bav Gove rnm en t were , llOWCVGl’
,
disapproved of by the Gove rnor-General
’
s Counc il at Ca lc u t ta,
and after m u ch disc u ssion a sec ond t rea t y was c onc luded at
l ’u raudhar in A . D . 1776 th rough Co lone l Upton t he rept e
sen tat ive of the Calc u t ta Gove rnm e n t,b y wh ic h t he one en tered
into wi th Raghundth Rao,whom t he Suprem e Go vernm ent
he ld to b e im plicated in the m u rder of h is nephew Ndrdvau
Brio Peshwa, was annu lled . By th is new t reatv all c laim s on the
part of the Peshwa to the re venue of Breach and its ne ighbour
hood,am oun t ing to ab ou t t hree lac s of rupe es, were abandoned
in favour of the English ,who were also t o b e re im b u rsed in t he
sum of rupees twe lve lacs for the e x penses of the war. I t was
stipulated that the'
territories c eded by Fatehsingh shou ld be
[PART 4 . CHAP.3 .] 208
restored to him , i fit cou ld b e proved that he had no au thori ty to
alienat e them . T he army ofRaghunath Brio was to b e disb anded
within a m on th, and that Chiefwas to reside at K opergdon on
t he Godavari river as a pensioner on a personal m on thly al
lowanc e of twen ty- fi ve thousand rupees from the Peshwa’
s Go
vernm en t,while in addi t ion an estab lishm ent of one h undred
horse and two hundred dom est ics was to b e allowed him .
T he Bom bay Gove rnm ent were b i t terly disappointed on
hearing of th is t reaty, and they at trib u ted the condem na t ion of
the ir proc eedings to a jealous assumpt ion of au thority on the
part o f the Calc u t ta Governm en t . Raghunath Rao also e x
pressed a de term inat ion to carry on the war h im self rather than
su bm i t t o such h um i liat ing c ondi t ions. He sent renewed
overtu res to the Calc u t ta Go vernm ent , offering greate r c onces
sions t han he had agreed to a t Su rat , prom ising eve n a tenth
part of the revenue derived from the who le of the M aratha
t erri tory,b u t the Calc u t ta Counc il wou ld not acc ept h is terms .
Ragh u nath use t hen appealed to the Court of Direc tors, and
e ven sent a Brahm an nam ed Hanum an t Ree and a Persi nam ed
M am ar as agen ts to England, and fi x ed h is own residence at
Su rat , k eeping h is arm y m eanwhile in the neighb ou rhood.
Howe ve r, b efore rec e ipt of th is appeal or even ofthe inte lligence
of the c onc lusion of the new t rea tv the Cou rt ofD irec tors had
sen t a despatch , rec e ived in Bom bay in August 1776, approv ing
ofthe Surat t reat v . Th is great lv encou raged the Bom bay Counc il,
although i t recogn ised that e ven tually the Suprem e Government
wou ld b e supported in an affair of su ch gravity .
W h ile m at te rs were in th is u nsat isfac tory state , war b roke
ou t b e twe e n E ngland and Fran c e . T he Peshwa, e ver jealousof the rise of th e E nglish , eagerly grasped t he opport uni ty of
en tering in to an alliarroe wi t h the French , and the lat ter
agreed through an adventurer, nam ed St . ”Lubin, t o supply the
[PART 4 . onu .3.] 2 10
English at all their set t lem ents. Ac cordingly the English Gene
ral de term ined to renew the war by assailing the Peshwa’
s
possessions in Gujarat , and wi th th is ob jec t an allianc e with
Fatehsingh Gaekwad was c onc luded. On the l st of Janu ary1780 the General m oved h is army from Surat , wh ile a de tach
m en t u nder M r. Boddam ,a m em b er of Counc il, took the Pe
shwa'
s dist ric ts in th e ne ighb ou rhood of that c i ty. T he b at tery
from Broach hav ing j o ined h im , General Goddard appeared b e
fore Dabhoi on the 18 th ofJanuary 1780. The garrison opened
fi re , b u t seere tlv abandoned t he fort during the n igh t of the
1 9 th , and M r . Jam es Forb es, sub sequen tly we ll known as the
au thor of t he Orien tal M em o irs,was left in charge . On the
2 6 th ofthe sam e m on th,Fa tehsingh m e t the General, and signed
t he offensive and de fensive t reaty proposed to h im . I t st ipu
lat ed that the Peshwa’
s distric ts north of t h e M ah i shou ld b e
g iven to the Gaekwad, and that in c onsiderat ion for t his the
lat ter shou ld c ede to the E ng lish h is share of the c ity ofBroach ,
the Surat A thav isi sou th of the Ta'
pt i, as also Sinor and his
v illages in the Broach distric t . T he Gaekwad further agreed to
assist t he General wi th a b ody of three thousand horse . General
Goddard now m arc hed on Ahm adabad, and arrived b efore i t on
the 10th ofFe b ruary 1780. T he plac e was found to b e strongly
garrisoned by ab ou t six thousandArabs and two thousand cavalry.
T he Peshwa’
s Suba, who was in charge of the c ity, was sum
m oned t o surrender, b u t on h is sending an evasive reply, and on
the following day fi ring upon som e of the m en ofGeneral God
dard’
s forc e , the lat ter opened a b at tery, and suc ceeded in ef
fec t ing a b reach at t he sou th -west c orner of the strong wall near
the Khan Jab rin gat e . N o offer of subm ission having b een
t endered, a storm ing part v was form ed u nder the c om m and of
Colonel Hartley,who advanc ed to the b reach on the m orning of
t he 1 3th . The garrison offered a stub born resistance, and did
not yield until three hundred of their num b er had fallen .
2 1 1 CAPTURE or
The General nowentered, and found that the Subé. and
h is party had fi ed by the K hanpu r gate . T he inhab itants
were apprehensive that the c ity wou ld b e given up t o plunder,
and, ac c ording t o one ac c oun t , a depu tat ion headed by Nathu
ShaNagar She th ,M uhamm ad sale Kaz i and M irz aAm u the
Badshahi D iwan, wai ted on the General,who issued a proc lam a
t ion to the people , desising them to rem ain at peac e and follow
t he ir u sual o c c upat ions. The proc lam at ion is dat ed 5 th Safar
A . H. 1 1 94 (13 th ofFeb ruary The English loss in k illed
and wounded in the storm ing of the c ity is reported t o have
b een one hu ndred and six “.
After leaving a de tachmen t ofBrit ish t roops t o garrison
t he place , the c itv was m ade over to Fatehsingh Gaekwad ac
c ording t o agreem ent , and the lat ter assigned to the British his
share in the distric ts sou th of the Tapt i .
T he year 1780 is no teworthy for the b irth of the religious
reform er Sahajanand Swam i, whose fo llowe rs in Gujarét now
num ber fu lly two hundred thousand. By his influence as a re
ligious teac her the Swam i was helpfu l in reduc ing t o order the
Kathis and o ther tu rb u len t t rib es. A translat ion of his Sh iksha
Pa tri (the Epist le Instruc t ions) by t he late Rao Seli e b Bhogiléd
Pranvalab hdas, ( the fi rst and one of the m ost popular Head
M asters of the Governm ent English School, afterwards Superin
tenden t of Schoo ls in Kathiawém, and eventually Direc tor of
Vernacu lar Instru c t ion at Baroda ), will b e found as Appendix E
to M r. Briggs’
C it ies ofGujardsh tra.
T hat part of t he c ity wall where t he assault took plac e, is st ill
pit ted wit h shot.
T here is a t om b in the Protestant Cem etery near.the Khan Jahfin
gate, t he insc ript ion on wh ich runs thus
Erec ted by order of General Goddard to the m emory of captain
T homas C ough , who died of t he wounds received in the assault of
Ahmadabad on the lath of February 1700.
2 1 2
C u ltu re IV ,
A rrival of Sindhii and Holkar b efore Baroda. T heir retreat and over
t ures. Sindh id’
s defeats in Gujarat . Forts ofPam eraand Bagwada
taken by t he Brit ish . Events in the Deccan and other parts ,T reaty
of Salbai . Salset t e given t o the English and Broach t o
Sindh ia. Fatehsingh’
s death .A fi
’
airs at Cam bay .
Faou 1 780 t o 1789 A . D.
Soon after the tak ing ofAhm adabad by General Goddard,
inform at ion was rec eived of the approach of M alindaji Sindhia
and T ukAji Holkar, who , with fi fteen thousand horse, c rossed
t he Narbadaon the 2oth ofFebruary 1780andproc eeded t owards
Baroda, in the vic inity of wh ich they halted. However, on
General Goddard’
s m arching against that town, they m oved in
t he direc t ion ofPavaghad, then in the possession of Sindhia.
T he lat ter re leased two E u ropean ofi cers, M r. Farm er and
Lieu tenant S tewart who had b een g iven to him as hostages at
t he t ime of the disastrous de feat of the English at Wargaon .
He also sent Vakils professing friendsh ip for the Bri t ish Go
veram en t , and at tem pted t o induc e the General t o b ecom e a
party t o a t reaty requ iring Raglx unéth Rao'
s re t irem ent to
Jhansi as a pensioner. General Goddard rejec ted these nego
t iat ions, and Sindhiathen t ried to form an alliance wi th Govind
Brio Gaekwad. Thereupon , the General de term ined t o engage
h im in ac t ion, and on the 3rd ofApril, and again on the 1 9 th,
surprised and rou ted Sindhia'
s army . On the 8 th of M ay a
port ion of the English t roops left for the K onkan, their services
b eing u rgent ly required there, b u t General Goddard wi th the
rem ainder ofh is army stayed on in Gujarat, b eing u nwilling
that h is ally Fatehsingh shou ld b e plac ed at the m ercy of the
enemy. Under u rgen t orders from the Bom bay Governm ent , a
second de tachm ent was sent to engage a Marathaomc er named
Ganeshpanth, who, quit ting the Konkan, had plundered the
[PART 4 . cusp. 2 1 4
Goddard m arched t o assist Colonel Hartley. The whole Brit ish
forc e was th us u n ited. Affairs in the Dec can,howe ve r
,t ook at
t h is t im e a SGI‘
IOUS t urn ,a ll t he M arat lnas
,e x cept t he Gaekwstd
Fa tehsingh to whom t he E nglish had rende red su c h great
assistanc e , hav ing allied t hem se lves wi th t he N iz a’
na of Bydar
Abstd and Ha idar Ah“o f M ysore against t he Eng lish . On Hai
dar’
s gain ing som e suc c esses,the Governm en t of India s tro ve to
aliena t e the M arat has froni the c onfede rac v, and the Governor
General ac c ordingly opened nego t iat ions through S indh ia wi th
the Peshwa, b u t t he lat ter, who was wait ing to see wha t turn
e ven ts m igh t take , dec lined to lis ten to any o vertu res u nless
Haidar A lly b ecam e a party t o i t .
Under these c irc um stances GeneralGoddard considered that
an advanc e m ovem en t so as to t hreaten Fund was m ore likely
t o fac ilitat e nego t iat ionswi th the Peshwa than operat ions round
ab ou t Basse in and in t he K onkan,the forts in wh ic h were well
n igh impregnab le . He ac c ording ly m ade a rash dem onstrat ion of
m ov ing on Puna, b u t was m e t by a large army u nder Haripanth
Fadke , Ho lkar and o ther c hiefs, and had to re tire wi th heavy loss
t o Pdnwel, wh ich he reached on the 2 3rd ofApril 178 1 .
T he Brit ish arm s,however, ob tained several suc c esses over
Haidar, and this indu c ed Sindh ia in Oc tob er 1 78 1 t o m ak e over
t ures for peac e . A t reaty of several art ic les was at length
c onc luded at Selbai near Gwédior on t h e 17t h of M ay 178 2 be
tween M r. David Anderson,whom t he GovernorGeneralWarren
Hast ings had depu ted t o Sindh ia’
s cam p,and M ahadaji Sindhi6,
who ac ted on b ehalf of the Peshwa Ndnd Fadnav is and other
Haidar A 11, a soldier of fortune
,had usurped M ysore from its
H indu Raja, in whose servic e he was,ab ou t t he m iddle of the 1 8th
c ent ury A . C . His suc cessor was t he at roc ious T ipu Sultan, who fell
on the 4 th of M ay 1 799, when t he English t ook by storm the town and
fort of Seringapatam .
2 15 FIRST M ARA’THA.
’Wa’a.
M arathach iefs. Bv that t reaty the English though retaining
Salse t t e,E lephan ta, Karanja, Hog Island and Broach , gave up
Basse in and o ther t e rrrtory ac qu ired sinc e t he t rea ty of Puran
dhar. Raghu nath Rao was t o b e gran ted by the Peshwa a
pension of twen ty- fi ve t housand rupees per m ensem
,and was t o
reside wi t h S i ndh ia. T he posse ss i o ns of Fa tehs ing h we re t o
rem a in the sam e as b e fo re the war,and no c la im was to b e m ade
on h im by the Pe shwa on ac c ou n t o fa rrears of t rib u te du ring
the pe riod of t he late h o st ili t ies . Ha idar A li was to su rrende r
h is c onq uests from the E nglish and the ir allies,and no fac tory
ofany European nat ion was to b e a llowed in t he M aratha dom i
n ions,save o n ly those a lready estab rished by the Po rtugue se in the
M aratha. te rrito rie s. T hus i t was t ha t the Peshwa. rega ined
along with o ther advan tag es h is share in the re venu e ofGujara t .T o Sindh ra t he E nglish assigned the dist ric t of Broac h in c ou se
quenc e of h is hum ane c ondu c t t owards the arm y t hat had su r
re nde red a t \Vargaon in 1 779 and h is k ind t reatm en t ofh ostages
t hen left wi th h im . T his t rea tv was ra t ifi ed at Calc u t ta on th e
6 t h o fJu ne 178 2 ,and,afterHaidar A li
’
sdeath,b v NanaFadnav is
on b ehalf of th e Peshwa. on the 2 0th o f Dec em b er fo llowing .
Ragh u nrt th Rao died sh o rt lv after the c onc lu sion of the
T hus e nde dwha t is known as th e fi rst M arat ha. war.
Fa te hsingh Gaekwad the reaft e r ru led in peac e t ill h is death
b v a fall from the upper storey of h is palac e on the 2 1st of
Dec em b er 1789 .
T he c i ty of Surat was v isited in A . D. 178 2 by a severe
storm ,wh ic h destroyed m any of i ts houses and owing to
t h is and o the r cause s the t rade o f th is o nc e prosperous po rt suf
fe red a se rio us de c line . T he c i ty had hardly re c ove red from the
l laghunath l t zio'
s e ldest son Baji li zio su c c eeded as Peshwaon the
eth of Decem ber 1796 on the death of Madhow Rao Karatsu .
[Paar 4 . ou r . 2 1 6
dam age cau sed by the storm,when the fam ine of 1790occurred,
adding great ly t o the distress of the c oun try . T he revenues
du ring th is pe riod were shared by the Nawabs, the M arathas and
t he English in the proport ions that had b een agreed upon .
Cam b ay was st ill unde r the v igorous, though som ewhat
Oppressive , adm inist ra t ion of M om in K han . Raghu nath Rae’
s
fl igh t to Cam b av in 1772 has b een already m en t io ned, b ut as
M om in Khan was the ally ofFateh Singh he refused to give
she l t er to Raghu nath Rito , who was a t that t im e host ile to the
Gaekwad . A c c ording ly when two years later Raghunath Rao
re t u rned t o Carn b av with an E ngl ish forc e , he tried t o induce
t he E ng lish Gene ral to st rip the Nawab of h is t erri tories. Sir
Charles M ale t, the Residen t , su c c eeded, however, in e fi
'
ec ting
t he ir rec onc iliat ion . M om in K han also c c -operated wi th the
ru ling Gae kwad t o suppress the Kathi inc ursions in to Gujarat,t hough no t un t il he had learned that by secret ly enc ou raging the
Kath is he had b een cau sing the ruin of h is own subjec ts. After
t he c apt u re of Ahm adabad in 1780, the Gaekwad rem it ted to
M om in K han the Pe shwa’
s share , t o wh ich he b e cam e ent it led
by Gene ra l Goddard’
s suc cess at Ahm adabad, and M om in K lutn
on h is part m ade o ver t o t he English the charge of th e Custom
House ga te a t Cam b ay. By the treat v of Sélbai, however, the
Peshwaregained h is share , and the charge of t he Custom House
gate was restored to the Nawab in A . D . 1783 .
[Pu rr 4 . ou r. 2 18
Gdakwéd'
s terri toryas being contrary to the treaty ofSélbai, and
thus m anaged t o save that state , whose friend and pro tec tor
they had b een since the ir fi rst conne x ion with Fatehsingh , from
ru inous loss and dest ruc tion. Govind Rao acc ordingly left
Fund to assume the regency on the 1 9 th ofDecem b er 1793 .
T he period sub sequent to t he t reaty of Salhai was one of
c onstant wars which the English found themse lves c ompe lled to
undertak e against Sindhia, Holkar, Haidar and h is son Tipu .
I t was m arked b y reverses as we ll as su ccesses, in wh ich the
E nglish displayed great courage and fi nally efi'
ec ted the over
throw ofthe ir enem ies. T he Pindaris, who, by the irplundering
e x c ursions and regularly organised raids in wh ich they are said
t o have b een assisted by Sindh i a and Holkar, had long proved a
scourge to the whole of India,were also suppressed. T he details
of these wars, however, can scarc ely be ent it led to rec ord in a
h istory ofGujarat, and accordinglywe pass them by.
Govind Rao, after all the pecuniary sacrifi ces he had made
in favour of the Peshwa, was st ill unab le to take undispu ted
possession ofBaroda)“His own illegit im ate son Kanhoji havingob tained aid from Dharam pur and Broach , the lat ter then under
Sindh ia, had entered Baroda, and sough t to secure it for h im self.
He was, however, treac herously surrendered by h is own m en, and
subsequen t ly he fled to Sankhedaand Bahatlurpur. On these
places b e ing ravaged, he was jo ined by M alhar Rdo, son of
Khande Rao Gaekwad who has frequen t ly been m en tioned in
An interest ing prophecy of a Brahman, who is said t o have foretold
the diffi cult ies Govind Rao wou ld have t o c ont end with and h is eventual
suc cess,is pub lished in the Indian Ant iquary forNovember 1 8 87,Vol .XVI.
pp 317 to 320. A ll t he prophec ies h wing b een r oalised, the Brahman,Ohint e M ithti Dev Gole was gran ted in Inam the village of Aym é inthe Nawséri Télukdof the est imated revenue of fi ve thousand rupees
2 19 Govmn Ra'o Gu swa’n.
the foregoing pages, and three bat tles, were fough t nearM albdr
Réo’
s Jagir town of Kadi,in wh ich Govind Reo
'
s m en were on
each oc casion repu lsed. Harm ony did not , however, long prevail
b e tween M allrar Rao and Kanhoji. The la t ter e ventually
subm it ted to his father, by whom he was kept in confi nem ent .
M alhar Rao then pu rc hased peace in A . D . 1794 by paying a
fi ne of fi ve lacs and fifty t housand rupees. His annual Pesh
kash ( t rib u te was,howe ver, reduced from one lac and twenty
thousand to one lac and fifteen thousand rupees.
T he Gaekwad ne x t at tempted to regain from t he Nawéb of
Cam bay the six v illages that had been granted to t he lat ter on
c ondit ion of h is keeping the Kathis in check, wh ich servic e was
b eing perform ed in a very unsat isfac tory m anner. T he villages
were indeed re -anne x ed to Baroda in A . D . 1792 , b u t were later
restored again to Cam bay.
Ano ther event of importanc e was t he'
Gaekwad’
s ex pedit ion
against AhaSlre lukar, the depu ty-
governorof the Peshwa’
s share
ofGujarat . Th is offi cer ravaged t he distric t ofGondal in Sam vat
1 8 50, A .D . 1794 at the inst igat ion ofM ehrdman K hawas ofNa
wanagar. She lukar was very rapac ious, and imposed new and
heavy tax es, from which e ven the poorest c lasses were not
e x empted. Unab le to wi tness the distress caused by this
b urden of tax at ion, Lara Harakhchand, a ric h and patriotic
banker of Ahm adabad, him se lfpaid a hundred thousand rupees
with the objec t of re lieving the people from the addi t ional im
posit ion . She lukar also b uilt a spac ious b u ilding“in the -Bhadar
m ost ly by forced labour.
Th is edifi ce known as the Adalat , was for many years used as the
residenc e of the Dist ri c t Judge, his c ou rt-house and those ofhis Assistant
a nd Sub -judges wit h record-room and other ofi ices, It was pulled
down in 1862, the terrace over the magnifi cent court -hall having been
[PART 4 . CHAP.5 .] 2 20
M any are the stories st ill current regarding his oppression,
which is kept in m em ory by songs sung by wom en during the
Navratri holidays. I t seem s that he even plundered a b and of
wealthy Gosains passing through the Baroda t erri tory, and ven
t ured t o at tack the Gaekwad’
s Have li ! at Ahm adabad . Ac
cordingly Govind Ree Géekwéd reported m at ters to th e Peshwa
and prepared for war. She lukar b elonged t o NanaFadnavis’
s
party, and the Peshwa. was t herefore no t well disposed t owards
h im . Acc ordingly he gave orders t o the Gaekwad to e x pel
h im by force , and further e x pressed h is willingness t o farm
ou t h is share t o the Gaekwad. Bebay , the Comm ander of the
Gaekwadi t roops, at once m arch ed rapidly on Ahm adabad,
and gained two vic tories over Shelukar’
s army b efore Batwa.
T he capital was then b esieged and taken ; Shelukar was m ade
prisoner and sen t t o Baroda, A . D . 1798 - 99, whence he was
rem oved to Borsad, and, confi ned in the fort for several years.
H is u lt im ate release was an ac t of grace on the part of the
Brit ish Governm en t . Besides b eing tyrannical Shelukar was
no toriouslyprofi igate . I t is said that when he enteredAhmadabad
t o take c harge of his governm ent, there were in h is procos
sion c ourtesans danc ing on platform s borne on the heads of
porters. When news of the enemy having entered the c ity
was b rought h im wh ile a Nau t ch - dance was proc eeding, b e
m erely e x c laim ed Never m ind, le t them com e and repeated
these words even when inform ed of the arrival of the enemy at
t he Three Gates fac ing the Bhadar c i tade l. Regarding h is folly a
popu lar refrain runs
smu t causa l 3nd;
can Els i, acm e fi nd.
Hathman dando, b agalman m oi
Haveli le tan Gujarat khoi ” .
0 Th is M arathac itadel i s sit uat ed i n t he sou thern part of the c ity,andwas, unt il lat ely, used as an arsenal by the Brit ish Government .
[Paar 4 . can . 2 2 2
of no less than six teen horsem en to proceed from Surat to Breach .
On h is ws v back he found the polic e-stat ion at Kh im held by a
m arauder ch ief whose depredat ions the au thorit ies were power
less to prevent .
A disturbance possessing som ewhat ofa hum ou rous element
t ook place in the c ity in A . D. 1799 . T he Nawab hav ing im
posed a tax on grain and tobac c o ,the price of these daily neces
sariea had great ly risen . Ac c ordingly som e fou r or fi ve hundred
M usalmani wom en of the poorer c lasses wen t in a b ody t o the
residenc e of the English ch ief, on whose de vo ted h ead they
poured forth e x ecrat ions and curses. When given to understand
that the ch ief had no thing t o do with the imposi t ion of the tax ,
t hey assailed the Nawab'
s Bakhshi (Paymaster), who happened
at the t im e to b e passing in h is palanqu in, and de tained h im for
som e two hours by the volub le e x pression of t heir grievances.
On the Bakhshi represent ing t he ir case to t he Nawdh, the
lat ter sent them ou t twen ty rupees, which they stou t ly refused
t o ac c ept . On t he following day they again in a body assailed
the Bakhsh i with their c lam ours for relief. This story afi'
ords
sufi i c ien t evidence of a disafi'
ec t ion, wide spread and deeply felt.
Wi th a v iew to term inate the e x isting m isru le and confu
sion, the English took the opportunity, presen ted by the death
of Nawah N izam -ud-din and h is infant son, to assum e the sole
governm entof the c ity of Surat , and instruc t ions t o t hat efi
'
ect
were sent by t he GovernorGeneral to M r. Jonathan Duncan,
the Governor of Bom bay. That em inent offi cer forthwith
proceeded to Surat , and opened negot iat ions wi th the Nawab’
s
b rother Nasir-ud-din . T he lat ter, after several interviews, was
persuaded to agree t o resign to the Honourab le East India
Com pany the ent ire Governm en t ofSurat on condi t ion ofhis
b eing allowed to retain the t itle of Nawab, and assigned an
2 2 3 Suns-r A FFAIRS.
annual pension of one lac of rupees in addition to one-fifth“ of
t he su rplus net revenue of the c ity.
T he English were accordingly pu t in possession of the towns
of Surat and Rander with the ir dependencies,and great ly to the
sat isfac t ion of the i inhab itan ts, a proc lam at ion announc ing the
assum pt ion of the .sole governm ent was issued byM r. Duncan on
the 1 5 th May, 1 800. T he arrears of pay to the troops, amoun t ing
t o one hu ndredand n ine teen thousand,nine hundred and seventy
seven rupees, were at onc e m e t by the Honourab le East India
Com pany, who also guaran teed the paym en t of the Nawab’
s
priva te de b ts, am ount ing to six ty-se ven thousand, six hundred
and se venty rupees, ou t of the pension due during the fi rst
twelve m onths .
T he fluc t uat ing one-fi fth allowance was c ommuted in A
,l)
,18 18
into a fi x ed annual paym ent of fi fty t housand rupees. In 1 842 the Nawtib
M ir Afs-ud-din, son and suc c essor of Nas ir-ud-din, died without male
iss u e . and t he offi c e of Nawtib t hereby b ecam e e x t inc t, b ut a pension of
rupees forty-four hundred a m onth was set tled on his son-ih -law Jafar
A li Khan and two granddaught ers. In this year t he fleet was also re-called
t o Bom bay, and t he flag of Delh i was rem oved from the Cast le tower,
In 18 57 t he annual allowance was raised to one lac of rupees. with the
st ipu lat ion that it shou ld be enjoyed t ill the death of the last survivor
of the th zee grantees.
2 2 4
Gam m a VI .
The death of Govind R60.Anand Rao
’s succession . Disputes b etween
Kanhoji and t he M inister Ravji. Both apply to the Brit ish for
assistance.
The M in ister'
s‘
applicat ion c omplied with . M alhar
Rao jo ins Kanhoji . Bat tle of Kadi and surrender of M alhér
Brio . Appointm ent of M ajorW alker as Resident at Baroda.
A t tack on and surrender of Sankhedaand Bahadarpur.
Revolt of Arabs and their e x pulsion . Cedsion of
territory t o the Brit ish ,
FROM 1 800 t o 1 802 A. D.
Govind Rao Gttekwad died in Septem b er 1 800, a. m onth
b efore the c onc lusion of the agreem ent for the farm ing ou t of
t he revenues of Ahm adabad. Of h is e leven sons the eldest,
Anand Rao , was acknowledged by th e princ ipal offi cers as suc
c essor. He was, however, a weak princ e , and his half-b ro ther
K anhoy ,whom h is father had placed in confi nem en t , no t only
e fi'
ec ted his release , b u t , by gaining his b ro ther’
s c onfi dence,
u surped the post of m inister, and wi th it gained the en t ire con
t rol of the Governm en t . However, in A . D . 1 801 h e was de
posed by Rev“Apaj i, a Parb hn m inister of the late Govind
Rao , and b orh part ies applied to the Bom b ay Governm en t for
he lp, offering the c ession of c onside rab le territory. T he terms
proposed by Ravji were ac c ept ed by the t reaty of Baroda, dated
2 5 th Ju ly 1 802 and, pending inst ruc t ions from the Governm ent
of India, t he Governo r of Bom bay , M r. Jonathan Dunc an, sent
a sm all forc e of six teen h undred m en under the c ommand of
M aj or A le x ander W alker t o oppose Kanhoji, whose c ause was
now espoused by M alhar Rao Gaekwad, the JAgirdér ofKadi.
M ajor Walker’
s de t achm en t j o ined the Gaekwédi fo rce under
RaVJi’
s b ro the r sat ay, and m arched on Kadi, where M albar
Rao, pre tending t o nego t ia te , m ade a t reacherous at tack on the
17th of M arch 1 802 . He was, however, repulsed after some
(bu rr4 . cinin
on the 4 th of Decemb er 1 802 , and serious disturbances were
apprehended. M ajorWalker tried to bring the Arab s t o term s
wi thou t resort ing to force , b u t, having failed in th is, h e again
ob tained help from Bom bay . Colone l W ooding ton invested
Baroda on the 1 8 th . T he siege con t inued for ten days, during
wh ich the Arab s, unde r cover of the walls and houses, caused
considerab le loss to t he assailan ts,b u t at length , see ing that the
walls wou ld b e b reached and that further resistance wou ld be
unavailing, they surrendered, and agreed to qu it the country so
soon as such arrears as m igh t b e found j ust ly due were paid.
These am ounted to seventeen lacs and fi fty thousand rupees,
which sum was du ly handed o ver. A num ber of the Arabs,
however, u nder Jam éddr Ab ud forthwith jo ined K anhoji, who
had fled to Rajpipla. and was m arc hing thenc e t o Baroda .
M ajorHolm es (afterwards M ajor-GeneralSirGeorge Holm es,
K . C . B .) was sen t in pursu it of K anhoji on the l et of January1 803 . After a m on th of unsuc cessfu l search , the E nglish force ,
on the 6th ofFeb ruary, en tered a ravine near the v illage of
Saval i, where Kanhoji had secre t ly tak en up a st rong posit ion.
He at once opened fi re on the Brit ish troops with deadly efi'
ec t .
T he Arab s also charged sword in hand, and overpowered the
advance guard . M ajor Holm es, however, dism ounted from his
horse,and plac ing h im se lfat the head of the Grenadiers, charged
wi th h is whole forc e and soon drove the enemy b efore him .
On th is oc casion M aj or Holm es m e t in personal encoun ter an
Arab of gian t heigh t , whom he laid dead at h is feet wi th a
single stroke of his sword. Later, K anhoji m ade another stand
at Kapadvanj , wh ere , h owever, his force was u t terly dispersed.
He then fled t o Ujjain.
’
In 1 808 Kanhoji surrendered h im self t o t he Brit ish Government .
He was allowed h is liberty, and grant ed a lib eral pension, b ut shortlyaft erwards, b eing a party to a c onspiracy against Baroda,” he wasremoved t o Madras as a State prisoner.
$21 Crssrosswe ranBarn es.
For the em inent services they had rendered, and for the
m aintenance ofa force, three thousand strong, for the protect ion
of the Gaekwad’
s t erri tories, the Honou rab le East India Com
pany rece ived c ession of the underm en tioned territory and
revenue by the subsidiary treaty of A . D. 1 802 , c oncluded on
t he 6th June, and confi rmed by the M aharajaon the 29th Julyof that year.
Jayddd,(for paym ent ofSubsidy).Pargana ofDho lka
Nadiad
Metar
M ahundhd
BijapurTapa of Kadi
Custom s ofKhim KathodraAnnual orders on Kathittwém.
Inam (presen t) .Pargana of ChorasiChau th ofSu rat
Parganaof Chikh liK illadAri of
To tal
The revenues of the Pe t lad,Baroda,K oral,Sinor and Ahm ad
dbrtd Parganas were pledged to the Honourab le Company for
repaym ent of t he am ount advanced to m eet the arrears due to
the Arab m erc enaries.
0 Kheda (Kaira) was made the headquarters of the dist ric t north of
the M ah i in 1 803, and soon b ecam e a place of m uch importance owing to a
large b ody of t roops (infantry, cavalry and art illery) be ing stat ioned there
un t il 1830,T he large English church and the ruins of barracks, ofi cera
'
bungalowsare , indicatq the former ex tent of the original cantonment .
2 2 8
Chapter VII.
T he eventsat Fund. The Peshwa, defeated byHolkar,takes refuge at Bom bay.
T reaty ofBassein. General W ellesley's march on Puna T he Peshwa’s
rest orat ion . Confederacy against the Brit ish . Vic tories at A ssays
and other places ,T reat ies with Sindh iaand Eb enale
,A fi airs
at Baroda. M ulkgiri ex pedit ions and their ev i ls, Perm a
nent set t lem ent s of t ribut e effec ted by the Resident , Colonel
Walker ; his hum ane effort s to prevent female infant ic ide .
FROM 1 802 t o 1 807 A . D .
W hile the English were thu s gaining power in Gujarat,
the au thority of the Peshwa, after the death on the 1 3th of
M arch 1 800 of h is c eleb rated M inister Nana Fadnav is, one of
the ab lest and wisest statesm en of h is t im e , declined m ore and
m ore . Baj i Rao Peshwahad b ec om e ent irely dependen t on
Sindh ia, b e tween whom and Yashvan t Rao B olk ar great
jealou sy e x isted. V i thoba, a b rother of the lat ter, hav ing b een
taken prisoner in a raid, was, notwithstanding the m ost abjectentreat ies, pu t t o a c ruel death , b e ing t rampled under the feet
ofan elephan t , 1 st April 1 801 . T he Peshwa is said to have
witnessed the e x ecu t ion from a balcony, and t o have m anifested
deligh t at hearing the sc ream s of the u nhappy v ic t im . T o avenge
h is b ro ther'
s death Yash van t Rao Ho lkar m arched on Puna,
defeated the Peshwa’
s arm y on the 2 5 th of Octob er, and gained
possession of the c ity . i i Rdo fled, and even tually t ook re
fuge wi th the Brit ish in Bom bav where he was rec eived by the
GovernorM r. Jonathan Du nc an on the 6th ofDecem b er. A treaty
was then conc luded at Basse in on the 3l st of the sam e m onth
by wh ich the Peshwa agreed to sub sidiz e the Brit ish army for
the protec tion of h is t erritory, and to c ede distric ts of the value
oftwenty-six lacs of rupees per annum . He further rat ifi ed the
arrangem en t agreed on b e tween the Gaekwéd and the English,
and relinquished h is c laim s on the Chau th ofSurat and the
[Paar 4 . cm . 2 30
English in a war wi th Sindhia. and Reghoj t Bhonsle of Berar,
b o th ofwhom nat urally disliked the interferenc e of the E nglish,
and,in sec re t league wi th the u ngratefu l Bej i Rdo, u n i ted to
defeat the purpose of the treaty. This led t o a tedious and
haz ardous campaign in the t erri tories of those ch iefs, in the
c ourse ofwh ic h, som e b rillian t bat t les were fough t and vic
t ories gained by the Bri t ish arm s, partic ularly at Assaye,
De lhi and Agni . E ven tually b o th Sindhiaand Bhonsle were
c ompe lled in Dec em b er 1 803 to e nter in to t reat ies, sim ilar to
t hose entered into by the Peshwa at Bassein, and prom ising
no t to enter in to any allian ce with t he French orwi th o ther
E uropean powers. Both these chiefs were also requ ired to cede
a large portion of t he ir t erritory b e tween the Jam naand the
Gauges, and also to the northward of the Rajpu t princ ipalities
ofJaypu r, Jodhpur and Gohad. I t was during this war that the
English took Broach by storm on the 2 9 th of August 1 803.
Pdwdgadh was also taken on the 17th of Septem ber, b u t was
restored to Sindh iaon the conc lusion of the t reaty. Sindhia. also
agreed to relinqu ish all h is c laim s against the Gdekwdd, the
ally of the Brit ish . These event s all took plac e wi th in the
m em orab le fi ve m on ths b e tween A ugust and Decem b er 1 803.
A t th is period Sindhia c onc e ived t he desire of effec t ing a
foo t ing in Gujarat on the plea that ever sinc e Govind Reo’
s t ime,
the Gaek WAd had owed h im a large sum ofm oney . Sindh ié’
s
objec t was, howe ver, frustrated through the interposit ion of the
Brit ish Governm en t,who induced Sindhia
’
s agen t , She th Pra
b hudda ofBreach , t o pay the m oney on the Residen t’
s guarantee,
and thus Baroda was freed from the interference of an enemy.
Fateh singh , one of the sons ofGovind Rec , had b een m ade over
by h is fa ther t o the t emple of K handoba near Puna.. He was
now seiz ed by one ofHolkar’
s offi c ers, t o whom a ransom of
fi fty thousand rupees had to be paid, afterwhich Fatehsingh
2 31 M ussolini‘
E’x rrnirres.
was b rought to Baroda in August 1 803 for polit ical reasons. A
conspiracy was then form ed on the part of certain Pathans and
Anand Rae’
s favourite wife Takh tbai to se iz e the person of t he
Resident and of the M inister Sitaram , b rother of the form er
M inisterRavj i Apéji, bu t this c onspiracy was opport une ly dis
covered and thwarted.
These internal troub les b e ing ended,the Residen t Colonel
Walker, to whom no t on ly Baroda b u t the whole of Kath iawar
owes a deep deb t ofgrat i t ude , se t h im self earnestly t o do away
with c ertain e x pedit ions, called the M u lkgiri ( c irc u i t of the
c ou nt ry), which were annually undertaken against that peninsu la
t o realiz e t rib u te . These oc casioned great e x pense to the Geek
wdd and cau sed m u ch inj ury to the c ountry . T he reader will
recollec t that the M uhamm adan ru lers, and aft er them the
M ardt lnds,had secu red the righ t to levy t rib u te from ch iefs in
Kath iawar. T he t ribu t e , howeve r, c ou ld no t b e c ollec tedwi th
ou t the presenc e ef a large m ilitary forc e , and often fe ll in ar
rears. T o the original dem ands were frequent ly added o ther
c harges such as Gam Vera (v illage tax ), Ndlband Vera (charge
for horse - shoe ing), and the C hris Dana. (grass andgrain charges) .E very year there was a t endency on the part of t he emeer c em
m anding the e x pedit ion t o realiz e a larger sum than h is prede
c esser had c ollec ted. If the ch ief refused to pay and prepared
to fi gh t , the M arathaarmy system at ically destroyed the c rops,
pillaged and b urn t v illages, and did an inealc u lab le am ount of
injury . T he c h iefs also, whenever they fou nd a favou rab le oc
casion ,re taliated by at tac king and plundering inoffensive v il
lages b e longing t o e ither t he Gaekwad or the Peshwa.
Co lone l Walker de term ined to pu t an end to these disorders,
and, em b rac ing the Opportunity afforded by applic at ions
” from
T he applicat ions had c omm enc ed as early as 1 804 , and were fully
considered b efore they were ac c ept ed. T he whole of the c orrespondenc e
with Governm ent was duly u b lished in Part I of Colonel Walker'
s ab le
Report s of Proceedings in'
zithiawar, No. 39, newSeries.
[Paar 4 . snarl ] 2 32
several of the m inor ch iefs to b e tak en under Brit ish protec tion,
plac ed him se lf at the head ofan English force and jo ined Babs
jr’
s M u lkgiri e x pedit ion in August 1 807. A t t he sam e t ime
he invi ted the ch iefs in K it thiriwar t o send their agen ts to his
cam p at Gu tu in M orr i . W i th these,after a thorough enqu iry
he m ade perm anen t se t tlem en ts, fi x ing the am ount of tribu te
t o b e paid by eac h th rough the Bri t ish Governm en t , who were
t o rem it the sam e t o th e Gaekwad . E ven th is reasonable
arrangem en t , wh ich at once freed the c ount ry from annual
de vastat ion and plunder,was not ac c epted by som e of the ch iefs,
t hough i t was m an ifest ly to the ir own advan tage and to the
b ene fi t of the ir su bjec ts . T he m ore powerfu l ch iefs had selfi sh
m o t ives in withholding the ir consen t , as t hey c onjec tu red that
su c h a se t tlem en t wou ld pu t an end t o t heir opportun it ies of
oppressing th e ir less powe rfu l ne ighb ours . E ven while the
nego t iat ions we re pending , the Jain of N avanagar had the
audac i ty t o take from the Rena. of Porbandar the fort ofK anda
n ut in N o vem b er 1 807 by b rib ing the emeer in c harge . On the
Rand'
s appeal Colone l \Valker at once m arched on K andorna
on t he 5 th De c em b e r 1 807
,re took i t by forc e of arm s
, and t e
stored it to i ts righ tfu l owne r. I t e ven b ecam e nec essary t o m ake
a dem onst rat ion against Navatnagar i tse lf b e fore th e Jam was
indu c ed to give h is assen t . T he t u rb u len t town of M dlia had
a lso t o b e su bdued. In short th is perm anent se t tlem en t of the
t rib u te has proved an unm ix ed b lessing , b ringing in i ts train
peac e and c on ten tm en t to all part ies c onc erned. T he M ulkgiri
e x pedit ions, with the ir m any and great evils, have b ecome s
t h ing of the past , and th e Gaekwad new rec eives h is t ribute"i
prac t ic ally u ndim inished by the c ost of i ts c ollec t ion . Sim ilar
arrangem en ts were m ade later regarding the trib u te wh ich Junit
gadh had fo rc ed from som e of t he ch iefs under the designation
T he Gaekwtid'
s t ri bu t e am ounts t o ab ou t nine lacs of rupees in
Kathiawar and three lacs in t he M ahi Kantha.
Q
[Paar 4 . sun . 2 34
at tent ion ofM r. E . G. Fawce t t , Collec tor of Ahmadab ad in 1848,when that eflic er induced som e of the inhab itants of h is distric t
t o enter into agreem ents' to marry the ir daugh ters in to fam ilies
of equal rank , to lim it the am ount ofdowries and marriage ex
penses, and to pay a penalty for infringem en t of any of the
c lauses of the c ovenan ts. Under orders from Governm ent , the
Collec tor ofK aira, M r. Je lm W eb b , also indu ced h is ryo ts the
ne x t year to enter in to sim ilar agreem ents, and t h e system
worked to the benefi t of the people conc erned un t il i ts legality
was quest ioned in a court of law in 1 85 2 , sub sequen t to which
the agreem en ts b ecam e a dead le t ter, and the form er state of
th ings revived. In 1 870, tak ing the opportuni ty afi'
orded by
the passing of Ac t X of that year for the preven t ion of female
infan t ic ide , M r. A . A . Berradaile , then Co llec tor ofAhm adabad,
again took up the subjec t , and at the request ofShe th Bechardzts
Am baidasj‘
a leading and ph ilanthrOpic c it iz en ofAlimadAbad
b elonging to the KadwaK unb i c omm un ity, induced Govern
m ent to pass c ertain rules under the ac t . Th is had the desired
efl'
ec t for som e t im e in so far at least as the Radwa Kunb is
were c oncerned. They were not qui te su ited to th e c ircum
stanc es ef the Lewes, and c aused som e discontent in t hat com
m uni ty . Gradually, in c onsequence of the u sual objec tion to
the interference ofGovernm en t in soc ial m at ters, the difi culty
ofproving the e x istence of the prac t ice of female infan t ic ide,
and the assurance that b o th the Lewd and Kadwa. K unb is had
m ade b inding arrangem en ts am ong them selves, wh ich would
tend to rem ove the m o tive for crim e , Governm ent were pleased
t o place the rules in abeyance .
Vide comprehensive report by the late M r. H. R. Cooke, I. C. s o
pub lished as Selec t ion N um b er CXLVII of the Records of the Govern
m ent of Bombay, N ew Series.
1 This gent leman was rewarded by the Governm ent of India for his
philanthropy by the grant ofthe t itle ofR60Bahadur and a goldmedal,
2 35 FEMALE INFANTIOIDE.
The ex perience of som e twelve years and the stat ist ics
c ollec ted proved that the ru les and the arrangem en ts m ade by
the people them se lve s did no t work we ll. M r. G . F . Sheppard,
t he popu lar Co llec tor ofKaira and subsequent ly Comm issioner
of the Northe rn Div ision ,then t ook up the subjec t , and his
e x ert ions, c om b ined wi th the c o-opera t ion ofm any of the m ore
aristoc rat ic fam ilies ofGujarat , resu lted in t he prom u lgat ion of
form al ru les, wh ich have had the force oflaw from l st Feb ruary
1 888 ! T hese ru les,if du ly enforc ed, and b acked by the in
c reasing in t e lligenc e and edu ca t ion o f th e people wi ll, i t is hoped,
e ven tually rem o ve the possib ili ty of a re c urrenc e of the hat eful
c rime of fem ale infant ic ide .
In the year 1 889 sim ilar ru les were enac ted for the Kadwd.
K unb is at the instance of M r. H. E . M . Jam es,then Collec tor
of Ahmadabad, and acc epted by them .
For a de tailed ac c ount of M r,Sheppard
’
s work, see Indian
Magaz ine for August 1989, Volume XX, No. 2 24, page 386 .
2 36
Cu rran VIII .
T he renewal of the Gileltwad'
s lease of the Peshwa'
s share in the
re venue . Dispu tes as to set t lem ents of ac counts,Depu t at ion of
Gangat lhe hast ri to Puna. T he Shast ri’
s t reachero us m u rder.
Surrender of the suspec t ed m urderer T rimbakji Danglia,11is confi nem ent and escape.
FROM 1 804 t o 1 8 1 6 A . D .
T he farm ing of t he Peshwa’
s share of the revenu e ofGujarat to the Gatekwad fo r the term of fi ve years from Oc tober
1 800 has already b een m en t ioned . Prev iou s h owever t o the
e x piry of t his period, the Peshwahad ceded to th e Honourab le
East India Company by the t reaty of Bassein the distri c ts of
Dhandhuka. RAnpur and Gogha, together with h is righ ts in
Cam bay. A fresh agreem en t was therefore c onc luded on the
2 nd of Oc tob er 1 804, renewing for ten years t he lease on
c ondit ion of the paym ent of four lacs and a half of rupees
per annum . Som e t im e , however, prior to the e x piry of this
last agreem ent, the two Governm ents sough t t o se t t le their
ac c oun ts, wh ich had b een in arrears for several years. Ao
c ording t o th e Peshwa, h is c laim on the Gaekwad am ounted
t o a k rore of rupees, b u t inasm u ch as the em b arrassm ent in
the Gdekwad’
s fi nances had for the m ost part arisen in con
sequenc e of the.
adhesion of that state t o the cause ofBeji
Rao'
s father Raghunath 3 60, the Peshwarem it ted the sum of
si x ty lacs of rupees. The Gaekwad, however, urged c ounter
c laim s on t he Peshwafor loss caused by the cesion ofBreach to
the Bri t ish in A . D . 1775 , for e x penses incurred in the ex po
di t ion against Shelukar, and for the cost of the m anagem ent of
th e c ountry, t owards wh ich the Peshwahad cont ribu ted nothing
from the t im e when h is share was fi rst farm ed ou t t o the
Gaekwad. These m at ters form ed the subjec t of m any and
prolonged discussions between the Peshwaand the Gamer
[P ART 4 . CHAP. 8 .] 2 38
when the preparat ions had b een far advanced, and consider
ab le e x pense had already b een incu rred in view of t he fi nal
c e rem ony, the Shast ri, fearing lest h is ac c eptanc e of the alli
ance wou ld b e c onst rued as infi de lity by h is own prince the
Gaekwad, wi thdrew from h is agreem en t . He further ordered
h is wife to desist from v isi t ing t he Peshwa s palac e . This roused
t he Peshwa’
s ange r. He,however, refrained from g iv ing open
e x pression to h is fee lings, wh i le T rim bakj i pre tended t o t reat
t he Slutst ri wi th m ore k indness than e ve r. Ac cordingly, when
t he Peshwawen t on a pilgrim age to Pandh arpur, t h e o ver con
fi dan t Shast ri ac c om pan ied him , though advised against this
step by Bapu M air'
al t he Gaekwad’
s b anker. The resu lt was
that on t he 1 4 th ofM ay 1 8 1 5 , after dining wi th th e Peshwa,
he was inv ited by T rim b akji to b e presen t that n igh t at a
re ligious c erem ony in som e tem ple . The S lutstri, su spec t ing no
e v il, wen t ac cording t o h is prom ise , m ade ob e isance t o the idol,
and paid h is respec ts to the Peshwa,who had seated him selfat a
window. He was re turning t o h is house alm ost u nat tended,
when ,wi th in three h undred yards of the temple , a num b er of
assassins fe ll upon h im ,and c u t down t he u nfort unate man.
Am ong Hindus the tak ing t he life of a Brahm an,e ven for the
m ost h e inous offenc e, is regarded as the worst of c rim es, and
th is m urder ofa h igh- cast e Brahm an of e x alted posit ion , com
m it ted in su ch a sac red plac e as Pandharpur, was v iewed with
t he u tm ost ab horrenc e, and popu lar indignat ion against Trim
b akji, who was u n iversally suspec ted of the crim e , rose to a
very h igh pitch . As m igh t have b een e x pec t ed, b oth t he Peshwa
and T rimb akji denied any com plic ity in th is foul m urder, but
Div ine v engenc e was soon t o overtak e them . The Resident at
Puna c alled for an im m ediat e invest igat ion , yet th e Peshwa
rem ained inac t ive , ev en t hough Bapu M airal open ly ac cused
T rim b akji of th e m urder. Ac cordingly the Resident h imself
239 TRIMBAKJI DA’NGLIA
‘.
institu ted the m ost m inu te inquiry ,in the course of which
Trim bakji’
s gu ilt was c learly estab lished. The Peshwa was
then c alled upon to deliver up the c u lprit . For a t im e he
evaded c omplianc e, b u t on the t roops c ollec t ing round Puna,
he at last , on the 2 5 thSeptem b er 1 8 1 5 , surrendered h is favouri te
to the Bri t ish Governm en t . Two agen ts ofSitaram Ravj i the
GAekwad’
s M inister, who was jealous of the ascendency of the
Shastri, we re also se iz ed and sen t t o the Geekwad, who c on
fi ned them in hill forts . S itaram h im se lf, b eing de livered up
to t he Bri t ish by the Gaekwad wi th som e re luc tanc e , was kept
in c ustodv . T rim bakji was c onfi ned in the fort of T hana,
wh enc e he escaped on the nigh t of the 1 2 th ofSeptem b er 1 8 1 6
and rem ained c onc ealed am ong the Bh ils and Ram usis. His
fu rther ac t ions will b e narrated in the ne x t chapter.
2 40
CHAPTER IX
Peshwa’s i nt rigues against the English . Fresh t reaty.T he Pindari war.
Bat t le ofK irkc e,T he Peshwa
'
s defeat and fl ight . His further
reve rses and surrender,Fresh t reaty with t he Gaekwad
FROM 1 8 17 to 1 8 18 A . D .
From his re t reat T rim bakj i h eld secre t c om m un icat ions
wi th the Peshwa, and by his c om mands raised an arm y from
am ong the b id t ribes . T he Re s iden t the Honourab le M ount
stu art E lph instone ob tained c om ple te inform at ion of all that
was b e ing done , and, though the Peshwa and h is M inisters de
n ied tha t they we re raising au v t roops o r t ha t there were any
insu rge n ts in the c ou n try, the Bri t ish Gove rnm ent k ept itself
in readine ss fo r any em e rgency that m igh t arise .
T he Pe shwa. s in t rigu es against the Engl ishcou ld no t , how
e ver, rem ain long disgu ised. None the less, on the 1 3 th ofMay
1 8 17 he ente red in to an agreem en t b inding h im self no t t o hold
any c om m un icat ion wi th any power save the Brit ish , h e further
adm i t ted T rim bakj i’
s gu ilt in the m u rder ofGangadhar Shastri,
and prom ised h is su rrender. He also withdrew all h is dem ands
on t he Gaekwad,and agreed to c ede to the Bri t ish territory
’l‘os
t im a ted to yie ld a revenu e of th irty-fou r lac s of rupees in lieu of
fu rn ishing the c on t ingen t of three thousand foo t and fi ve thousand
h orse agreed upon in the t reaty ofBasse in . This h um iliation
was b u t t he nat u ral resu l t of h is own foolish intrigues against
t he power that had she ltered h is fa ther, and by wh ich he had
h im self b een re instated on the m asnad usurped by Holkar.
T he fresh treaty sec ured very great advantages t o the Gaek
wad also,inasm u ch as by it th e Peshwagran ted in perpetu ity
a renewal of the lease of h is share in the rev enues of G ujarat
1‘ Th is t erritory inc luded the Konkan, Dharwtir and Abmsdnsgsro
The Peshwaalso relinqu ished h is share of the t ribute in Kathiawar.
[Paar 4 . can . 2 42
T he British nowfound them selves ab le to place in the fi eld
an army of one hundred and twen ty thousand m en for the sup
pression of the Pindaris,’ who had b ecom e a scourge to all parts
of India, Gujarti t inc luded. Only after c onsiderab le t rouble
and an organiz edwarwere these m arauders destroyed (Novem
b er T he Peshwast ill nou rished h is resen tm e nt against
theEnglish , and at Baroda he suc ceeded in raising a strong
host ile party, headed by the late M inister Sitaram and the
Rani Takh tbai. T he Resident at Fund, the Honourab le M ount
stuart Elphinstone , was aware of these m ac h inat ions b u t the
Peshwa suc c eeded in dece iving the Governor General s Agent
Sir John M alc olm, who, relying on his candour, perm it ted him
t o raise t roops against th e P indttris. Having , u nder th is plea,
c ollec ted a c onsiderab le forc e , b e c onspired t o tak e the life of
t he Residen t , and to k indle disaffec t ion am ong the nat ive t roops
at Puna. Providenc e , however, over-ru led h is plans, and one
Yashvan t Rao,who had rec e ived fi fty thousand rupees in order
t o assasinate the Residen t , no t on ly refused t o carry ou t his
agreem en t , bu t even warned M r. E lph instone of the v ile con
spiracy . A t the Dasarafest ival on the 1 9 th of Oc tob er 1817
the opportun ity was tak en of a grand display t o show the Bri
t ish sepoys the ir insign ifi canc e as c om pared wi th the M aratha
army, and each seb sequent day’
s proc eedings served only toren
der m ore c ri t ical the posi t ion of the Fund Residency. On the
n igh t of the 2 8 th ofOc tober, the Peshwahadm ade all hisprepa
rat ions for at tack ing the Residency, b u t fortunate ly he wavered
at the last m om ent , and waited to rece ive t idings that the nat ive
port ion ofth e sm all forc e wi th the Bri t ish had b een won over to
i f The Pindaris were no t a separate rac e or t rib e, but an agglomer
at ion of lawless m en of all faiths. A t fi rst they were h eard of only as
free-hooters, b u t they had of late b ecom e so powerful that even the
M arathas found themselves ob liged t o t reat with them .
2 43 Bru nt or.Kmx r
his side . The following m orning the Resident , no longer able
t o conc eal h is suspic ions, sent a m essage to the Peshwa relat ive
to h is th reaten ing at t itude , b u t he rec e ived on ly an evasive reply .
In t he m ean t im e, a regim en t of Eu ropeans u nder M ajor W ilson ,
who, on hearing of the c risis,had m ade e x traordinary e x ert ions
to reach Puna, safe ly arrived, after wh ich , on the 1 8 th of
Novem b er 18 17, the Brit ish left their old cantonm en t , which
was very badly situat ed, and rem oved to K irk i . T he M arathas,
e lated by th is m easure , which they c onst ru ed into fl igh t , forth
wi th plundered the ab andoned can tonm e n t .
E ven so late as the 5 th ofNovem ber, the Peshwaat tempted
t o distrac t the a t ten t ion of the English by nego t iations, and
requested that the newly arrived re inforc em en ts shou ld b e sen t
b ack to Bom bay. M r. E lphinstone , however, proved m ore than
a m atch for him in diplomacv and dem anded that the rem oval
of t roops shou ld c omm enc e on the side of the Peshwa. Up t o
th is t im e M r. E lphinstone and h is party had rem ai ned on at
the Residenc v, b u t they nowjo ined the arm y at K irk i . Towards
th is spo t m arc hed the vast M aratha army, twelve t im es as nu
m erous as the Brit ish t roops, whic h lat ter num b ered on ly two
thousand nat ive soldiers and e igh t hu ndred E uropeans . On t he
m orning ofN ovem b er 6 th , M r. E lphinstone b oldly c om m enced
bat t le , and so v igorously was the at tack carried on u nder the gal
lant Co lonel Burr, that b efore n igh t fe ll that emeer had suc ceeded
in u t te rly defeat ing the M arzi tha forc e , wh ich lost fi ve h undred
in k illed. A t the very ou tse t of the c ontest the Peshwahad
gloomy forbodings owing to the acc idental b reak ing of the pole
on wh ich wasb orne aloft the Jadi Patkaor nat ional standard.
Seated in the t em ple ofParvat i, wh ich overlooks t he plain , the
Peshwawi tnessed the discom fi ture of h is army, and, wh ile the
bat t le was ye t raging, he gave orders for the plundering and
burning of the Residency, including M r. Elphinstone’
s valuable
2 44
library, and the dem olition of th e graves of all Europeans. He
also caused to b e hanged two European oflicers, b ro thers, who
while t ravelling had fallen in t o his hands .
T he bat tle of K irk i ended in the v ic tory of the English
who e x pec ted a second engagem ent b efore their reinforcem ents
c ou ld arrive on the l oth, b u t the Peshwa would no t ven ture
on ano ther b at t le , and fled from Puna on the 17th , on which
day the Brit ish took possession of the c ity. T he stric test order
was m aintained, and no plundering was allowed. The pursu it
ofBaj i R60 and his army was u ndertaken as soon as possib le,
wh ich led to a short c ampaign and a series ofex ploits, ofwhich
the bat tle ofK oregaon on t he river Bhimawas t he m ost con
spicuous. Three hundred Irregular Horse and a bat talion of
fi ve hundred m en, with two si x -
pounders, m anned by twenty
four Europeans, found them selves, after a wearisom e night
m arch , face t o fac e with twenty- fi ve thousand horse and a
large num ber of Arab m erc enaries, c ommanded by th e Peshwa
in person . T he Bri t ish posi t ion was at once at tacked ( l st
January 1 8 1 8 and, though the soldiers and offi cers were hard
pressed both from fa t igue and from their inferiority in num bers,
t he lit tle b and u nde rCaptain Franc isStaunton kept the Peshwa'
s
army at bay the whole day. Probab ly fearing reinforcem ents
for the English t roops, the Peshwaabandoned Koregaon during
the n igh t . In a sec ond engagem en t , wh ich took place at
Assaye , the Peshwa'
s b rave Comm ander Eripa Gokhla fell,
sword in hand. Fort after fort was then tak en inc luding
Sh ivéji'
s stronghold of RAigadh , wh ither BAji Rao had re
c ent ly sen t h is wife , and where his valuab les were stored.
T he lady, on her capture by the English, was removed to Puna
under safe and honourab le escort . Baj i Rito fled from place to
plac e, and at last m ade overtu res for peac e, b u t was told that
he had, by h is treacherou s conduc t, forfeited all c laims to con
siderat ion, and that no terms short of unconditional surrender
2 46
Chapter X.
at Mandvi and Bodhan by a Boh ra fanat ic . Death of
Behremand K luin . The fanat ic slain in ac t ion , and
restored to its ch ief. A ffairs in Kachh , Bhavnagar,Jundgadh, Palanpur and Raldhanpur.
FROM 1 804 t o 1 8 1 3 A . D .
In A . D . 1 8 10 a Bohra fanat ic , nam ed Abdu l Rehman,
proc la im ing h im selfto b e the Imam Mahdi, c ollec ted a num ber
o ffo llowers,c onsist ing c hiefly ofBohrac u lt ivators, and advanced
against Mandvi . Th is li t t le state was at that t im e under
the rule of a Hindu Chief. Abdu l took the Rajaprisoner and
k illed h is m inister. He then proceeded to Bodhan,whence he
sen t let ters on the l 0th and 1 5 th ofJanuary to M r. Crowe , the
Bri t ish Chiefat Surat , calling on that ofi cer to supply three
hundred rupees, and t o em b rac e the M uhamm adan fai th . Im
pressed by suc h b oldness, num b ers of the lower c lasses of Ma
ham m adans in Surat jo ined the pre tender, while o thers raised
the c ry of“Din,Din and assailed th e Hindu inhab i tants of
th e c ity . M r. Crowe acc ording ly sen t detachm en ts of infantry
and c avalry to suppress the fanat ic al uprisi ng, wh ich th ey suc
c eeded in do ing , Abdu l and som e two h undred of h is followers
b eing slain in a severe engagem ent . Mandv i was th en taken
by the English t roops and restored to i ts Ch ief. 2 2 nd January 1 8 10 I t was in th is revo lt that DhanjishaBarjorji, on
whom the Emperor ofDelhi had conferred the t it le of Behrem
and Khan (fortunate omcer), volunteered to ac c ompany the de
t achm en t in the capac i ty of native agen t . He was, ac c ording
t o M r. Crowe , am ong the fi rst t o cross the river, and, while en
deavouring to talk over the infatuated Abdul, was killed. The
Owing to failure ofmale heirs, Mandv i lapsed to the Brit ish in 1889,
and is nowa sub -division of the Surat Collec torate.
247 KAcnn Arrlras;
British Government generously granted Dhanj tsha'
s widow a
pension of three thousand rupees a year. Ardesir, the celeb rated
K otwal of Surat , was the son of this distingu ished offi cer.
The im portan t state of Kachh was at th is period in a
state of u t ter disorder and c onfusion owing t o the rapac ity of
two rival m inisters, Fa teh M uham m ad and Hansraj, and also to
the im b ec ility ofRao Baidhan II 1 778—1 803 ) and the int em
perate hab its of h is su c c essor Rao Bharm al I I ,1 8 1 4
Violen t depredat ions and pirac ies were b e ing comm it ted by the
t urb u len t charac ters in Kachh on su bj ec ts u nde r Bri t ish pro
tec t ion,to pre ven t wh ich i t b ecam e necessary to send a forc e
against that state , wh ich took the fortress ofAnjar on the 2 5 thDec em b er 1 8 1 5 and the seaport of T une. T he troops then
m oved towards Bhuj . A t Ldk and envo vs m e t the Bri t ish agent
Captain M ac M urdo on the 3rd ofJanuary 1 8 16, and on t he
1 4 th i t was agreed that c om pensat ion shou ld b e paid for the
losses in Kath iawar and for the m ilitary e x penses, that pirac ies
shou ld b e repressed, that no fore igners o ther than the Brit ish
shou ld b e allowed to dwell in Kachh, and that the Company'
s
Agen t shou ld reside at Bhuj further that the Company shou ld
estab lish order a t VAgb ad, and cause c erta in territories to b e
resto red by the refrac tory ch iefs. T he RAO, in re turn , prom ised
to hand over to the Bri t ish the fort of Anjar and twenty- three
villages, and to pay annually two lac s of koris, equal to fi fty- two
tho usand seven hundred and twen ty rupees. In the hope , how
ever, ofreviving the prosperi ty of the State , th is trib u te was sub
sequent ly rem it ted toge ther wi th t he heavy charges of the
e x pedit ion , am oun t ing to rupees e igh t lac s th irteen thousande ight
hundred and seven ty six . T he Brit ish arm y hav ing b rough t Vile
ghad and o the r plac es under c om ple te c on tro l,Captain M ac M urdo
was appo in ted the fi rst Residen t at Bhuj and Co llec tor ofAnjri r.
Jam Jasaj i ofNawanagarwas also somewhat refrac tory. He
[Paar 4 . 0mm 2 48
not only refused to grantlan appanage to his b rother Satay , and
involved h im se lf in broils with the Bi o of Kachh , b u t refused
t o surrender to the Bri t ish Governm ent an Arab who had shot a
Brit ish Ofli cer at Gopand had fled forprotec tion t o the Jém’
s fort
ofM odhpur. A jo int army of the Brit ish and the Gaekwéd forcesac c ordinglym arched against Nawémagar, and, t he art illery having
done m uch e x ec u t ion, the Jam even t ually cam e to reason and
e x ec u ted a t reaty on the 2 3rd of Feb ruary 1 8 1 2 , agree ing to
de liver up the m u rderer and h is ac complices, t o destroy the
fort of M odhpur, to se t t le the c laim s ofKachh , t o grant certain
v illages in appanage to his b ro ther, and to pay a. su c cession
du ty of2 5000 rupees to the Gaekwad.
Bhavnagar u nder i ts ab le ch ief Vakhatsingj r appears to
have m ain tained its prosperou s c ondit ion . In A . D. 1 8 10 the
Co llec tor of Kaira,M r. Byram Rolls, suc ceeded in indu c ing the
ch ief to pay an enhanc ed assessm en t in regard t o h is v illages in
the Dhandhuka.,Ranpur and Gogha. parganas. In 1 8 1 3 - 1 4 in
c onsequenc e of the chief hav ing pu t to death c ertain persons for
k illing a c ow,he was deprived of c ivil and c rim inal ju risdic tion'
in the hu ndred and six teen v illages of the parganas ab ove m en
t inned. This seem s to have b een the only oc casion on wh ich he
fe ll under the displeasure of th e param ount power.
In th is state, the Khuman Kai this of Kundla. gave m uch
t roub le b e tween 1 8 20and 1 8 29 A . D . They plundered and b urnt
several v illages and lifted cat tle , b u t Vajesingji pu rsued them in
person on several oc casions and even tually su cceeded, with the
aid ofCaptain Barnwe ll, the Po li t ical Agen t , in b ringing them
to orde r, when they were c ompelled to surrender several v illages
t o the Bhawnagar Darbar in c ompensat ion for i ts losses.
In A ,D. 1866 Governm ent were pleased to restore complete juril
dict ion to the Thakor.
[Paar 4. cm .
continued to manage the affairs of the state. Disagreem ents,
however, sprang up b etween them , and they were b oth sum
m oned t o appear b efore a Brit ish Oflicer at Siddhpur. The
inquiry showed that Sam sher K hén had m ismanaged the state
and increased i ts deb ts. Foresee ing that the dec ision would
not b e favourab le to h im , he craftily persuaded Fateh K han to
return to Palanpurwithou t leave . As a pun ishm ent forFateh
Khan’
s c onduc t , a Bri t ish forc e was sent against Petlanpur in
Oc tob er 1 8 17, when the town was assau lted and taken . On this
Fateh Rhem'
is t onc e subm it ted, and Captain M ileswas appointed
Polit ical Superintenden t with c om ple te c ont rol over th e State
finances. Su itab le arrangem en ts were also m ade for the liqui
dat ion of the state deb ts.
A treaty was conc luded with the Nawab of Radhanpur
on the l 6th of Dec em ber 1 8 13 . M arauders from Sindh
having made frequen t incursions into this state, the Nawab ap
plied for the aid ofBri t ish troops. Thesewere sent inA .D. 1 819,
and soon succeeded in ridding the country of free-hooters. In
A . D . 1 8 2 2 an annual t ribu t e of seventeen thousand rupeeswas
imposed on the Chief by the Brit ish Governm ent , bu t it was
wholly rem it ted in 1 8 2 5 in considerat ion of the inab ility ofthe
state to m eet this charge.
2 51
CHAPTER XI .
Events at Baroda Deaths ofFatehsingh and Anand Brio ,Succession of
Sayaji and the new t reaty with him ,Sayztji
’
s failure t o pay c ertain
deb ts guarant eed by the Brit ish Governm ent , Sequest rat ion
of c ert ain dist ric ts. Dism issal of the Diwsn Venirtim and
estab lishm ent offriendly relat ions. Raising of the
Gujarttt Irregular Horse. Death of Sayaji.
FROM 1 8 1 8 t o 1 8 47 A . D.
I t is now necessary to revert to affairs at Baroda. The over
throwof the Peshwasec ured great advantages to the Gaekwad,
one ofwh ich was’
the rem ission ofthe annual tribu te offour lacs
of rupees. The Brit ish Governm ent , as su ccessor of the Peshwa,
was indeed ent itled t o this tribu te, b u t it was rem itted in con
siderat ion ofFatehsing Gdekwad having aided the British army
with a b ody of two thousand horse u nder the ab le General
Kamal-ud-din during t he war wi th Holkar, wh ich had broken
ou t on c essat ion ofhost ilit ies with the Peshwa“
Fatehsingh died on the 23rd ofJune 1 8 1 8 at the early age
of twenty-e igh t years. His younger b rother Sayaji, then only
nine teen years of age, was appointed Regent though Fat eh
sing’
s widowRadhabai o andAnand Rdo’
s wife Takh tbai were
C Radhtibai was allowed to adopt Govind Rtto of the Gdekwdd
fam ily as her son, on the e x press st ipulat ion that he should have no c laim
to the BarodaGridi, but that he should inherit Fatehsingh’
s private pro
perty only. Govind Rtto . however, was t empted t o raise a disput e wh ich
event ually resu lted in an affray between h is m en and those of Saysji onthe 2 2 nd ofJuly 1 8 29 . Govind M 0 was c ompelled to take refuge in a
house near the Residency. Here b e°was b lockaded for ab out six m onths
by t he Gaekwad’s m en, when the Governor, Sir John M alcolm , set t led
the disput e, A . D. 1830, and Govind Rao was sent fi rst to Surat on a
fi x ed allowanc e, and thence to Ahmadabad as a state prisoner, From 1835
t ill 1 857 he rem ained in Ahmadabad, b ut in the lat ter year was handedover t o t he Gaekwad
'
s Governm ent on his being detected in secret cor
respondence with Brit ish troops during t helmutiny.
[Paar 4 . ou r. 2 52
not in favour of his nom inat ion ,inasmuch as in him they saw
ab ilit ies to ru le independen t ly of them selves. Anand R60 also
died on the 2 nd ofOc tob er 1 8 1 9, and, as Tak lrtbéi was not his
legi t imate wife,his children by herwere passed oven, and Sayaji
was thus confi rm ed in the su c c ession .
Though the Gaekwad was m u ch indeb ted to the Brit ish
Governm ent for the preservat ion of h is princ ipality, and though
v ery m uch had b een done for i ts im provem en t during Colonel
A le x ander Walker’
s adm inistrat ion , Saydji R640 appears t o have
large ly forgo t ten h is deb t of ob ligat ions duri ng t he years of
peace that followed. Feeling h is posi tion sec ure against all
enem ies,he often ventured t o se t at defi an ce the advice both of
the Resident and of th e Brit ish Governm ent .
As early as A . D. 1 8 20 the Governm en t of the Right
Honourab le M oun tstuart E lph instone took into consideration
the e x pedienc v of relax ing that ab solu te direc t ion of the in
t ernal afl'
ai rs of the Gaekwad’
s Governm ent which had b ecome
nec essary during the im b ec ility of Anand Rao . In that year,
the Governor v isi ted Baroda, and c ertain fresh st ipulat ionswere
entered into, the ch ief ofwhich were the following three
1 . That wi th reference to the internal m anagement
of h is state , the Gaekwad shou ld have plenary powers, but
that the guarantee e x tended to certain bankers, m inisters
and o thers shou ld b e m aintained, and the Resident should
b e m ade acquainted with the estim ated ex penditure of
the year, shou ld have access t o ac c ounts, and should be
consu lted regarding any e x traordinary ou tlay.
2 . That all foreign affairs shou ld remain under the
e x c lusive m anagem en t of the Bri t ish Governm ent .
3 . That the Gaekwad shou ld choose h is own M inister
after consu ltat ion wi th the Residen t, and that the latter
shou ld retain the power ofadvice.
[Paar 4.0m m 1L] 2 54
Lord Clare, the newGovernor of Bombay, visited Baroda
in N ovem b er 1 831 and M arch 1 832 , on which oc c asions the
b anker- credi tors of the Gaekwad having agreed t o release the
Bom b ay Governmen t from i ts guarantees, and Sayéji havingc onsen ted to deposit t en lacs of rupees for paym ent of the
Gaekwad’
s Con t igent in t he event of h is m onth ly paym ents
falling short , the sequestrated distric ts were restored in April
1 832 . Thus am icab le relat ions were again restored, at least for
the t im e , and at the end of 1 835 M r. W illiam s,though st ill
holding offi ce as Polit ical Comm issioner in Gujarat , again took
up h is residence in Baroda.
The M inister Veniram Aditram did not , however, allow
perfec t concord to prevail, and, ac ting under his advic e , Sayaji
failed to carry ou t several of his engagem ents. T he M inister
even caused the hands of a Garasia. nam ed Punja J oraji, a
Brit ish subjec t , to b e c u t off for the sole reason that he had been
pressing his Gerdadem ands. He also at tached the estate of the
Desai of Navsrtri, M ancherj r Kharsedj i , who enjoyed a British
guarantee .
’A Vania. b roker, nam edValabhdas Manek chand,was
driven to comm it su ic ide in c onsequence of the oppression to
wh ich he was subjec ted, and, as Sayrtji tu rned a deaf ear to the
rem onstrances alike of the Political Comm issioner and of the
Bom bay Governm ent , the lat ter, as a warning, sequestrated the
dist ric t ofNavsari in Feb ruary 1 838, and threatened to depose
Sayaji in favour of h is son. T he sequest rat ion ofPe t lad fol
lowed ia Novemb er, and in Feb ruary 1 839 the Governm ent of
India c aused it to b e pub lic ly not ifi ed that by his conduc t the
Gaekwad had forfeited all c laim to that t own.
These dec isive m easures, togetherwi th the deposition ofthe
Rejaof Satarafor sim ilar c ontumacy, eventually brough t Sayaji
t o am ore reasonab le frame ofm ind, andaccordingly on the 28th
2 55 Fares TREATY.
ofNovember 1 839, he went to the Residency, b egged forgive
ness for all his past contumacy and entered into fresh agree
m ents. The obno x ious M inister Venirdm was dism issed on the
sam e day , and the M aharajaprom ised that he wou ld no t have
any further comm unicat ion wi th h im .
On the 2 6th of January 1 84 1 the Governor, Sir Jam es
Carnac , cam e to Baroda. A fresh agreem ent , sat isfac tory to all,
was then en tered into, and the sequestrated distric ts of Pe t lad
and Navsari were restored on the Gaekwad agree ing no t t o m o
lest any person who had c omplained against h im . The deposit
of rupees ten lacs already m en t ioned was also refunded t o him .
The m ain tenanc e of the b ody of Irregu lar Cavalry, c omm only
known in Ahm adabad as the Risala,or the Gujarat Irregu larHorse,wh ich had b een raised in M arch 1 839 as a punishm ent to the
Gaekwad ,and had since b een a charge on the revenues ofPe tlad,
was, however, c on t inued, and Sayaji agreed t o pay annually
for i ts support three lacs of rupees. This body c onsisted ofsix
hundred and eigh ty horsem en with a c omplem ent of offi cers.
Opportunity was also taken of th is new agreem en t to do away
wi th the prac t ice of requ iring Brit ish offi cers at Baroda to take
part in the religious processions of the Dasara, and those in
honour of Ganpati . The Gaekwad also prom ised to prohib it
throughou t his dom inions the prac t ice ofSati (self imm olat ion
ofwidows ), and on the 13th ofApril 1 840 issued a notifi cat ion
mak ing ab etm ent of Sat i a penal offence . This nob le e x ample
was soon followed by the chiefs of RewaKantha.
In short the treaty of 1840estab lished those friendly feelings
which st ill e x ist b etween the two Governm ents, and which have
contribu ted so largly to the happiness of the ir subjec ts. After
the conclusion of these agreem ents Sayajr ruled in peace for
seven years. He died on the 19th ofDecember 1 847, beloved
[PART 4 . Cnar. l l .] 2 56
by h is people . Though for a t ime he had placed h imself in
opposit ion to the v iews of the Brit ish Governm en t, m ost ofhis
c on tent ions adm it ted of reasonab le e x planat ion, and the good
sense and j ust ic e of the Brit ish Governm ent , c oupled with
Sayaji’
s re t urn to subm ission , secured t o h im all that he c ould
reasonab ly have e x pec ted. His high m oral charac ter is st ill held
in rem em b ranc e . In Pe t lad the story is t old that on one occa
sion, see ing a b eau t iful g irl pass along the road near the palace,
one ofh is sons e x c laim ed, Lo, how love ly she is when Sayaji
qu ie tly replied,“Yes, and so is our nam ing one ofhis
own daugh ters, thus giving the prince t o understand that the
unknown girl should b e regarded as a sister.
[Paar 4 . C x Ar. l 2 .] 2 58
the Resident’
sNat ive agent and of the Gaekwad'
s m inister. Con
eequent on the de tec tion and e x posure by th is energe t ic Resident
ofseveral long stauding int rigues, the cont rol ofBaroda affairswas
t emporarily transferred from the Governm ent of Bom bay t o the
Suprem e Governm en t in A .D . 1 8 54 . This c on tro l was, h owever,
restored to the Bom bay Governm en t in 1 860 under orders from
t he Hom e Governm en t .
T he c onstru c t ion of the fi rst port ion of the Bom bay, Baroda
and Cen tral India Railway was c omm enced during th is period.
T he S tate , however, had no part in t his great undertak incr
. T he
requ isite land was gran ted on c ondit ion that private owners
shou ld rec e ive paym en t in fu ll, and that the Gaekwad should
b e c ompensated’“ in fu ll for t he loss of t ransit du t ies
,the
am oun t of the lat ter b e ing de term ined from year t o year.
A ft er a short b u t peac efu l re ign of nine years, Ganpat R60
died on the l 9 th of N o vem b er 1 856, leaving no m ale issue.
His younger b ro ther K hande Rao ac cordingly succ eeded him . It
was on ly a few m on ths aft e r the ac c ession of t his princ e that
the m u t iny b rok e ou t in the Bengal army, and ex tended m ore
or less to o ther par ts of India,th ough happily in on ly a slight
degree t o Gujarat . A t th is t im e K hande R60, t o th e c redi t of
h is judgm eu t b e i t said, righ t ly iden t ifi ed h is in terests with
t hose of th e Bri t ish Governm en t . The t roops ofh is c ont ingent
were k ept in an effi c ien t state , and b e ingjudic iou sly distribu ted
in various port ions of h is dom in ions,c ont ribu ted in a great
m easure towards preserving the pub lic t ranqu illi ty .
For his loyalty and unswerving at tachm ent Khande Rdowas
i t In 1 877, wh en t he Brit ish Governm ent determ ined to e x tend the
Railway t o Rajpu tana, th is c laim t o indem nity waswit hdrawn during the
adm inistrat ion ofSirT . Madhav Rao in considerat ion of th e vest adven
tages the Railway had secured to the Gaekwad, and the consequent ia
crease in Custom duties.
2 59 Tax Barren . M ort ar.
amply rewarded by the Brit ish Governm ent , who were pleased
t o rem it , with re trospec ti ve effec t from the date o fh is accession,
the annual paym en t m ade by the Gaekwad ofthe sum of three
lacs of rupees towards the m ain tenanc e of t he Gujarat Irregu larHorse
, wh ich, as m ent ioned in t he forego ing pages, had b een
stat ioned at Ahm adabad e ver sinc e 1 839 . K hande Rao was also
presen tedwith the M orchdl, a royal em b lem consist ing ofa fan of
peacock feathers, and was fu rther em powered to adopt e con. In
t he Sanad dated 1 1 th Decem b er 1 862 c onferring this right on the
Gaekwad,he is sty led
“HisH ighness the M ahér‘jé ofBaroda”
.
Khande Rao now t urned his energies towards the in troduc
t ion of reform s in h is standing arm y . He also took in hand
seve ral pub lic works, the m ost notab le ofwh ich was a Railway
from M iagam to Dab hoi, a distance of twenty m iles, on the very
narrow gauge of two fee t si x inc he s, c onstruc ted in 1 872 - 73 at
a cost of upwards of four lacs of rupees . Fo r som e t im e i t was
used as a k ind of t ramway, b u t even t ual ly the m anagem en t was
g ive n over t o the Bom bay, Baroda and Cent ral India Railway
Com pany,and Dab ho i has now b ec om e the j unc t ion of three im
portant lines, wh ic h will b e m ent ioned further on .
Be ing m uc h de vo ted to m anly e x e rc ises and the chase, Khande
Rao caused a palac e to b e erec ted at M akarpura near h is deer
park . Wh ile in Bom bay,he endowed several educ at ional inst itu
t ionsand m ade the princ e ly gift oftwo lac s of rupees t owards the
b u ilding of the Sailor’
s Hom e , and one lac and e igh ty thou sand
rupees t owards a statue of Queen Vic toria . In private life
he was rather o ve r- liberal, and, in order to m eet h is lavish e x
pendit ure , had to impose heavy tax es on h is subjec ts . He is
said to have spent a lac of rupees on a chadar, or shee t , rich ly
b edecked wi th jewe ls, to b e sent t o M edina. to .b e placed on
t he tom b of the prophe t . Owing however, to his death, it
[Paar 4 .0mm 1 2 ] 2 60
does not appear to have b een sent . He was the fi rst t o cause
the Civil and Crim inal Proc edure Codes and other laws to b e
c odifi edaccording t o the regulat ions of the Brit ish Governm ent .
He also tried to in troduc e several reform s b oth in the Revenue
and Judic ial Departm ents, and designed pub lic works on an ex
t ensive scale . His m inisters were , however, comparat ively nu
educated m en, and owing to the ab sence of co-operat ion on
their part, and also to h is want ofperseverance in the projec ts
he took in hand, Khande R60 failed t o accomplish m uch that
he had desired to see done . Sti ll, the beginning made by him
served to po int the way to m ore solid reforms, and to greater
achievem ents under future adm inistrat ions.
In addit ion to the ex cited state of the country caused by
the mu t iny in other parts of India, the li t tle province of Okhd
m andal, b ordering on the Ran ofKachh , which at h is request
had b een m ade over to the Gdekwad by the British Govern
m ent owing t o the repu ted sanc t i ty of the temples at Be t and
Dwarka, b ecam e a source of considerab le troub le . In Feb ruary
1 858 , on the pretence that their allowances were not regu larly
paid, the WAghers inhab iting that province rose in arm s against
the Gaekwad, and took possessionof Be t from the Sibandi .
A Brit ish detachm ent under Lieutenant Barton, however, soon
repulsed them , and restored Bet t o the Gaekwad. A fewm onths
later, however, on hearing of the m u t iny, they again rose
in arms, regained b oth Bet and Dwarka, and ex pelled the
Gaekwad’
s offi cers from Okhamandal . Khande Rao Gdekwéd,seeing that his own Sibandi was disafi
'
ec ted, wisely placed the
m ilitary afi'
airs of th is troub lesome little province in the hands
of the Brit ish , and a campaign ensued, in which Bet was retaken
on the 6th, and Dwarkaon the 3l st ofOc tober 1859 . Thewar,
however, did not com e to an end until 18th December 1859,
2 62
CHAPTER XII I
M alh6rR6o’s ac c ession . His ant ec edents. His m isru le Appointm ent
a Comm ission of inqu iry and it s dec ision . M r. D6d6b h6i Nauroz ji’
s
appo intm ent as l ) iw6u . Direc t c ont rol again assum ed b y t h e
Suprem e Governm ent ,M alh6r R6o
’
s at tempt t o poison
t he Resident Colonel Phayre, h is arrest and t rial.
FROM 1 870 t o 1 875 A . D .
K hande R60 left no m ale issue,and was c onsequent ly suc
c eeded by h is younger b ro ther M alh6r R60. The short reign of
the lat ter was fraugh t with e vi l,and wou ld have b rough t t o a
c lose the ru le of the G6ekw6d, had i t no t b een for the m odera
t ion of the Brit ish Governm en t and the righ t ofadopt ion ac
c orded to Khande R60 in recogni tion of h is loyal c onduc t du ring
the m u t iny. Prior t o h is ac c ession to the throne, M alh6r R60
had b een suspec ted of c omplic i ty in an at tempted risfng of the
K olis of Bij6pur and o ther plac es du ring the m u tiny, whose
objec t was to plunder Ahm ad6b6d and to depose Khande R60.
Happily the plot did no t suc c eed, and although the ringleaders,
M agan Bhukhan , P0td6r ofShivr6m K adus’
P6g6, and Je th6
M odi,were b lown from guns, and o thers were su itab ly punished,
no steps were tak en against M u lh6r R60, who was then c on
sidered too weak t o b e dangerous. In 1 863 he tried to take
K hande R6o’
s life by sorcery or poison,andwas on that oc casion
c onfi ned in the fort at F6dr6 as a state prisoner. In 1 867 a
fresh c onspiracy was discovered, and one of the persons c on
c erned in the plot was t rodden t o death under the fee t of an
e lephan t . Th is c rue l m ode of punishm ent was,however, abo
l ished that sam e year at th e instance of Sir Bartle Frere, then
Governor of Bom bay .
M alh6r R60, thus sudden ly elevated from a prison to the
th rone, showed at fi rst a disposi t ion to ru le with c lem ency, bu t
he soon se t himself to take vengeance on his dec eased brother’
s
2 63 M ALHAB Ra’o’
sM rsavtr.
m inisters and advisers. Releasing those who were suffering
imprisonm en t for conspiring against K hande R60’
s life , b e cast
t he m inister Bh6u Shinde in to prison, where , after b eing sub
jec ted to great indigni t ies, he died on the 1 8 th ofM ay 1 872
by po ison, suspec ted to have been adm inistered by M alh6r R6o'
s
o rde rs . H is fam i ly was also st ripped of i ts wealth . Several
o ther instances ofoppression and m isru le oc cured. To pu t a
check t o the growing e vil, the Governmen t t hough t i t proper
t o appoint as Reside nt Colone l R . Phayre , C . B . Th is offi c er
having e x posed som e of M alh6r R6o’
s m isdeeds, a Comm ission
was appo in ted by Gove rnm en t to inqu ire in to the allegat ions
against h im . T he Com m ission,after a pat ien t inqu iry e x ten
ding from the l 0th of N ovem b er to 2 4 th Dec em be r 1 873, he ld
t he c harge of m ism anagem en t to b e sub stan t iat ed . I t was also
proved that se ve ral people had b een grossly ill- t reated, and that
m an v wom en of respec tab le posit ion had b een forc ib ly dis
honoured in M alh6r R6o’
s seraglio .
Under these c irc um stanc es the Vic eroy, unwilling to take
e x t rem e m easures, gave M alh6r R60 two years
'
t im e to reform
h is adm inist rat ion, and warned h im that failure t o do so wou ld
issue in h is deposal . M alh6r R60 was also asked to dism iss
c e rta in ob no x ious'
ofi i cers,and to appoint a m in ister t o b e se
lec ted by the Bom bay Governm en t .
T he G6ekw6d, howe ver, did no t se t h im selfheart ily to e fi'
e c t
t he re form s suggested, and con ten ted him self wi th appo int ing
4 th August 1 874 ) as m in ister M r. D6d6bh6i Naurozji, a dis
t ingu ished and h igh ly educated P6rsi gen tlem an ofBom bay .
W i th the assistance ofseveral in telligen t and e x perinc ed offic ers
o f the Bom b ay Governm en t , M r. D6d6bh6i applied h im se lf
r igo rously t o his task ,b u t Colone l Phayre , the Residen t , seem s
to have doub ted M r . D6d6bh6i’
s capab ili t ies, and also whe ther
M alh6r R60 would ac cord him the requ isite powers. Mr. D6dd
[PART 4 . cm . 2 64
bhai" appears thus to have b een considerab ly hampered, and
the relat ions b etween the Gaekwad and the Resident b ecame
m ore strained. The Viceroy, however, on learning of these
diflerences, was of Opinion that a change ofResident wou ld re
m ove from the Gaekwad all cause ofcomplaint , andaccordingly
on the 2 5 th Novem b er 1 874 b e appointed Colonel Sir Lewis
Pelly Spec ial Comm issioner and Agent to the Governor General
for Baroda,which was thus a second t ime placed under the
c ontrol of the Suprem e Governm ent .
M at ters, however, cam e to a crisis at the c lose of 1 874: by
the disc overy of arsenic in the sharb at of pom elo-ju ice pre
pared for Co lonel Phayre by h is servant . Subsequen t inquiries
having aroused suspic ion t hat M alhar Rao was a party to this
at tempt a t poisoning , the Viceroy de term ined to suspend him
from power and t o pu t h im on his trial before a c omm ission
composed of independen t and unb iassed gent lem en‘
l‘
. Orders
were therefore issued t o Sir Lewis Pelly to arrest M alh6r Rao,
wh ich was effec ted in so j udic ious a m anner that no disturbance
or host ile dem onstrat ion was at tempted. M r. DadébhAi had,in the m ean t im e
,resigned, and the m anagem ent of the Baroda
afi‘
airs was at once assum ed by Sir Lewis Pelly.
M r. So ra'
bj i Jahangirj i’s short sket ch of the Representat ive M en
of India shows that the Governm ent of India. had, in a short den.
pat ch t o the Hom e Governm ent , m ent ioned M r, Dédébhéi an being
honest ly desirous of reform ing th e adm inist rat ion and Sir L. Pelly
has given h im full c redit for t he purging of corrupt ion in the Civil and
Crim inal adm inist rat ions,M r
,Dadabhai was subsequent ly chm n as
addit ional m em b er of the Counc il of the Governor’
ofBombay for making
Laws and Regulat ions .At t he General Elec t ion of 1892 , he was re
t urned as a M em b er of Parliam ent for the b orough ofFinsb ury .
1 T he m em b ers of th is Comm ission were :
1 . Sir R ichard Couch , Ch iefJust ic e of t he High P dCourt of Calcu t ta"
real ent
2 . Sir Richard M eade,
3,P
,H. M elvill, Esquire .
4,T he M ansajaSindhia. 5 . The M am a
'
s orJaypur.
6,S ir Dinkar 1350, M inister of H , H. Jifljirfiv, Mahi rfijli ofGwalior,
[Pa r4 . cm . 2 66
accession of H is Highness M alhar RAo, h is notorious m is
c onduc t,h is grossm is
-m anagem en t and h is ev iden t in capac ity to
carry on reform s, the step was imperat ively called forth He
was accordingly deported t o M adras on the 2 2 nd of April 1 875
under the su rve illance of a European m edical offi c er . Six days
after this, an at tem pt was m ade t o seat M alhar Rae's son by
Lakshm ibé i on the throne . T he c ity gates were c losed by the
insurgen ts ; the Agen t , howe ve r, qu ie t ly despatched a m ilitary
forc e , whic h im m edia te ly pu t down the disturbanc e . After this
Lakshm ibé i and h er son we re also se nt to M adrés to reside with
t he e x iled M alhar Réo . Lakshm ibai is said to have been the
wife of a poor lab ou rer residing in Brit ish territory, b u t M alh6r
Rao caused her to b e taken to h is harem . T he injured husbandc omplained to t he Residen t Colonel Phayre, b u t , wh ile inqu iry
was proceeding, M alhér Rao went t hrough the form ofm arriage
with her at Navsari on t he 7 th ofM ay 1 874 . The Resident , in
ac cordance with orders from Governm ent , ab sent ed him selffrom
the fest ivi t ies. On the l 6th ofDecem ber Lakshm ibai gave b irth
t o a son, whom , however, the Governm ent righ tly refused to
acknowledge as the Gaekwad’
s heir.
The Bri t ish Governm ent had no desire to annex Baroda to
their vast Empire . They therefore cau sed inqu iry to b e made
as t o whe ther there was am ongst the Gaekwad’
s c onnex ions any
one who m igh t aft er su itab le t raining suc ceed t o the throne.
I t was reported that in t he v illage ofKanldne, TalukaMalegaon,
in th e distric t of K handesh , were three b rothers, descended
from Zn OJl Gaekwad the b rother of Damaji I . The second,
nam ed Gopal Rao, then on ly t hirteen years old, was, by reason
of his tender age and natu ral ab ili ty ,adopt ed by Khande RAo
'
s
widow Jam nabai, at the suggest ion of th e param ount British
Power, and seated on the throne on the 27th ofM ay
under the name of Sayaji Rao III . Thus this young scion of
2 67 SIR T . M a’nnhv RA’o
’
sA DM INISTRATION .
a nob le M arathafam ily, by a sudden t urn in the whee l of for
t une , becam e at once the Raja of an important k ingdom .
The British Governm ent,wi th i ts wonted solic i tude for the
welfare of the nat ive princ ipali t ies whic h i t has pleased Pro
v idenc e to plac e u nder the ir guardiansh ip, t ook im m ediate
steps t o prov ide for the edu cat ion of the you ng princ e . M r. F.
A . H . E llio t , C . S . I. ,of the Indian C iv il Servic e , was appo in ted
h is t u tor,and the princ e soon proved h im se lf a prom ising pupil,
not only at h is b ooks, b u t also in wrestl ing , riding and o ther
m anly sports . Sayaji RAo was further carefu lly instruc ted in
the work of adm inistrat ion, and has already shown him se lf to b e
a worthy and b enevolen t ru ler. During his m inori ty t he adm i
n istrat ion of the state was entrusted, l 0th M ay 1 875 , to Sir T .
M edhav Rao , who cam e from the Madras Presidency, having
served as Diwan ofT ravankor for fourteen years, during wh ich
t im e h e had suc c eeded in introduc ing several b enefi c ial reforms.
In Baroda this e x cellent m inister gathered round h im a n um ber
of the ab lest and m ost inte lligent nat ive ofi cers, o inc luding
som e who had b een form erly engaged by M r. Dddébhdi . He
also ob tained the servic es of several o th e r offic ers of e x perience
from the Bri t ish Go vernm en t,and thus inaugu ra ted a wise and
vigorous adm in istrat ion , wh ic h has sec u red last ing b ene fi ts alike
t o the state and to the people . T he che if features of the
K han Bahadur Kaz i Sh tihb uddin C . I . E . Revenue Comm issioner.
Khan Bahadur Pestanji Jahangir C ,I
,E
, , Set t lem ent emeer and
M ilitary Secretary ,
R i o Bah zidur VentiyalrrAO Jantirdhan, N itib Diwtin ,
KhAn Bahadur K harsedji Rastamji, Ch ief Just ice .
M r. Janardhan Sakh tinim Gadgil, B. A . L,L
,B.
Ri o Bahadur Lakshman Jagannath .
Divan Bahadur Mm ibhfi J0.3t
[Pu n 4 . Cm r. 1 4 .] 2 68
programme laiddown by SirT . Madhav Rao for the government
of the province , entrusted to h is care, were as follow'
(a) . T o m aintain pub lic order and tranquillity with
fi rm ness and m oderat ion .
(b) . T o redress the ac cum ulated complaints of the
Sardrtrs, bankers, ryots and others, arising ou t ofpast
m aladm inistrat ion .
(c). T o estab l ish a su i tab le organiz at ion for dispensing
just ice in b oth i ts b ranches.
(at). To provide a polic e having regard to the ex tent
of the country and the density and charac ter of
the popu lat ion .
(c). To provide for the e x ecut ion of necessary or useful
pub lic works.
(f). T o prom ote popu lar educat ion .
T o provide su itab le m edical agencies for the b enefi t
of the people .
(h) . T o reduc e the b urden of tax ation where i t was
e x cessive , to readj ust tax es where they required
m odifi cation, and t o ab olish such tax es as were
objec t ionab le .
(i) . T o enforce economy in the ex penditure, t o restrain
waste, to reduce e x travagance and to prevent losses
arising from corruption and malversat ion . And, pre
em inently t o k eep the ex penditure well b elow the
receipts, so that a surplus m ight b ecome availab le
as a provision for adverse seasons, and for admi
nistrat ive improvem ents.
From the Report on the Adm inistrat ion of the Baroda State
for 1076-76, para, 2 5, page 20.
[PART «Loan . 2 70
This tour ex tended from 2 3rd Novem ber 1 88 2 to 2oth Ja.
nuary 1 883 . He then proc eeded t o Calc u t ta on a v isi t to His
E x c e llency the Viceroy, and re turned t o Baroda on the 23rd of
M arch 1 883 after v isit ing Agra, Gwalior, Ajm er ,and other
places. In the cold weather he again v isi ted various distric ts
in h is territory. One importan t resu lt of th is t our was the
solu t ion Of t he long vex ed prob lem as to a sui tab le water
supply for the c ity of Baroda. His Highness, after having
v isi ted the M unwal tank near Shivli, caused several places to be
e x am ined, and plans subm it ted. A t leng th sanc tion was ac
corded to the schem e"' of supplying water from the Surya lake
at Ajwe, a distance ofabou t fourteen m iles from Baroda, at an
est imated cost of twenty fi ve lacs of rupees, ex c lusive of esta
b lishm ent and compensat ion for land. The fi rst sod of this
u seful work was t urned by Lady W atson, wife OfG eneral
(now Sir John ) Watson, K . C . B. , V. C Agent t o the
Governor-General, on the 8 th ofJanuary 1 880 . The work has
since b een comple ted, b eing opened t o the pub lic on the 29th
of M arch 1 892 , so that the inhab i tan ts of Baroda, num b ering
ab ou t 1 1 2000 sou ls ac c ording t o the latest c ensus returns, are
now b lessed wi th a plen t ifu l supply of water. Baroda also
b oasts of several important lines of railway. All of these, ex
cept the lines from M iagam to Bahadarpur, Baroda to Chandod
'via. Dab hoi, and M ehsana t o Vadnagar, have b een const ruc ted
afterSayéji Rao’
s succ ession . His Highness has also ab olished
m any obje c t ionable c esses and imposts, and has m ade vast im
provem ents in the currency of the state by sub st itu ting
m achine-made silver . .u copper coins for the old hand-made
Babashai rupees and pics . These were easily counterfeited, and
Q M r. JagannAth Sadi shivy , one of the state engineers, has the cre
dit of discovering this source ofwater supply:
2 71 SArA’n RA'O III.
often afforded the m oney-changers an opportunity for ex acting
heavy charges in their transac t ions with the ignorant ryots .
' Sayaj r Rdo has taken spec ial interest in educat ion,and the
numb er of schools in h is terri tories has remarkab ly increased,
b e ing nownearly three t imes as m any as they were when he as
sum ed the reins of Governm en t . In addit ion t o these , a
flou rish ing A rts College and a T ech inal School have b een es
tab lished. In short the past twenty years ofpeace have b een
years of steady progress for Baroda, and Sayéji Rao’
s ru le has
proved of great benefi t t o h is subjec ts.
2 72
CnArTna XV .
Refractory conduct of M v BhArmal Of Kachh . His depod tion and
appointment ofthe Counc il ofRegency. Rev Desal formally installed
On the throne , Khuman out lawry in Kathiawar. Affairs in
the M ahi KanthA, RewaKAntha&c .
FROM 1 8 1 8 to 1 838 A. D.
Hav ing in the preceding chapters narrated the h istory
o f Baroda from the downfall of the Peshwa to the present
t im e, we now turn to the h istory of o ther parts of Cu
jarat . The period from 1 8 1 8 to 1 892 has b een m arked
by great advanc es, and the province has enjoyed, in c ommon
with the rest of India under the b enign ru le of the British
Governm ent , a degree of peace and prosperity unknown in
earlier t im es. There have , indeed, b een oc casions when the
em ploym ent of m ilitary force b ecam e necessary, b u t these
have b een few and far b etween . In the early part Of the
present century Rav Bharmal of Kachh proved som ewhat t e
frac tory. Unm indful of the k indness shown to h im by the
Brit ish Governm en t in rem it t ing h is annual tribu te Of two lacs
ofrupees t ogether with the e x pense of the m ilitary ex pedition
t o Kachh b e resum ed his t urb ulent courses. A t the end of
1 81 8 he m urdered his cousin Ladhuba, and commenced raising
t roops with the v iew of at tacking Anjar. He also marched on
Weighad, wh ile i ts chief, who held a Brit ish guaran tee, was in
at tendance at Captain M ac M urdo’
s camp. Unab le t o tolerate
t he cont inuance ofsuch conduc t, the Brit ish Governm ent declared
war against the Rav, and on the 2 5 th M arch 1 8 19, the walls Of
Bhuj were escaladed. The Rav surrendered on the following day.
T he‘
Brit ish Governm ent ,unwilling t o annex h is territory, raised
h is infant son to the throne on the 1 9 th April 1 8 19 under the t itle
ofM ahdRajaM irzaRavShri Desalji, and wi th the concurrence Of
the Jadeja. Rajpu ts, appointed a Council ofRegency to conduct
[PART 4m m . 2 74
country, particularly that ofIdar, given in Part II ofthis volume,
shows that during the M uhammadan period Idar had always
b een a thorn in the side Of the Ahmadshad Sulténs, who were
ob liged to m ak e several e x pedit ions against that State . During
the M aratha sway also, although the Gae kwad was acknow
ledged as the suprem e power in Gujarti t, the M ahi Kri nthach iefs,
from the natural advan tages possessed by their country, were
ab le t o defy the Geekm id’
s army for long periods. For e x ample,
the v illage of Am alidrais stated in M r. A . K . Forbes’
Rds M i ld
to have stood a siege of six m onths against a forc e seven
thousand strong, though i t had no fort or wall, bu t only a thorn
h edge (prob ab ly the prickly pear on one side and a narrow
strip ofjungle on t he o ther. T he v illage was eventually carried
by assau lt, bu t a num ber of the Kolis rallied wi th such v igour
t hat the b esiegers fled prec ipitately, leaving their guns b eh ind.
On ano ther occasion the inhab itants ofLohar, num b ering ab ou t
one thousand, enticed a Gaekwadi force of ten thousand men
into a defi le, whence they were ab le to ex tricate them selves
only after m uch loss of life .
T he fi rst intervention of the Brit ish in the Mahi Kantha
dates from A .D. 1 8 13, when M ajorBallan tyne,s Assistant Resident ia charge of the prov ince , following the ex ample of Colonel
Walker, effec ted a se t tlem ent of the Gaekw6d’
s t ribu te, bu t the
settlem ent appears at that t im e to have b een m erely nom inal.
In 1 8 1 8 the Peshwri’
s possessions hav ing, by conquest, fallen
t o the English, the lat ter cam e into c loser connex ion with the
M ah i Kenthach iefs. The Gaekwad, unab le to m aintain order
among them , passed an agreem ent on the 3rd of April 1 820.
m ak ing over the m anagem en t of the M ahi Kantha to the British
0 This is the sam e M ajor Ballantyne,whose large Haveli (mansion)stands in the Three GatesWard of AhmadabAd.
M Ax I KA’NTnA”.
Governm ent , who undertook to collec t,without charge, the tribu te
due to theGaekW tid. In 1 8 2 1 , theGovernor ofBom bay ,M ountstuart
E lphinstone , visited th is part of the c ount ry, and estab lished the
presen t Poli t ical Agency wi th the v iewOfsec uring the t ranqu illi ty
Of t he dist ric t , and providing for the peacefu l c ollec t ion of the
Gries id’
s t ribu te . W i th th is end in v iew the requ isite agree
m en ts and sec uri t ies were taken from the several c hiefs.
In 1 8 28 M r. 1V. P .W illoughby was appoin t ed Polit ical Agent
for the M ahi Ken tha, Panch M ab els and Rajpipla, b u t he soon
afterwardswen t on leave , and the M ah i Kain the. was plac ed under
the Residen t a t Baroda wi th an Assistan t at Sadra t o super.
intend the Geek tvad’
s c on t ingent . M ore or less disorder, how
ever, c ont inued, and in 1 833 the ch ief ofRupti l se iz ed a rich
m erchan t , b ro ther to t he M inister of Idar, and refused to re
lease h im u nt il a sum due to h im by t he Idar Chief Gam bh ir
singj i , then dec eased, was paid. T he m inister, unab le to m eet
th is dem and, engaged Surajm al, son of the ch ief Of M andet i,
a daring you th who had already gained notorie ty as an
ou t law, to proc u re h is b ro ther’
s release , and prom ised to pay
h im a handsom e reward. Surajmal c ollec ted a band Of m er
c enaries, and at tacked and t ook Raps], b u t , the m inister
failing t o pay h im the st ipu lated reward, he m ade good the
am ount by plundering som e of th e Idar villages. Several v il
lages were also b urn t . A t th is t im e the prac t ice Of Sat i had
b ec om e very general throughou t the M ah i Kentha. On the
deat h of the Idar Ch ief Gam bb irsingji on the 1 2 th of August
1 833 after a re ign of forty- two years, seven of h is Renis, two
c onc ub ines, one personal servan t and four slaveo
girls imm olated
t hem selves in the presence of the assem b led m u lt i tude . Only
one Reni wi th her infant son‘ was perm itted to escape this
T h is c h i ld, nam ed Juwansingh , suc ceeded his father, and sabse
uent ly Ob tained t he honour Of a seat in the Legislat ive Counc il of theverament Of Bombay and the decorat ion of K . C . S,
I.
[Pm 4. Cm .1 4.] are
painful death . Although the vic tims comported them selves in
such a m anner as to indicate their devot ion t o their deceased
lord, the words u t tered by the eldest of the RAnis, who was
six ty years of age , evidenced their true feelings. Addressing
the m inisters assem b led at the funeral pyre, she sc ornfully said
that she had all along de term ined to follow her husband, b ut
that i t was strange that not a word ofdissuasion had b een ad
dressed e ither to her or to the younger queens by any of the
m inisters. She then taunt ingly b ade them go and live on the
plunder they were thus sec uring t o themselves by the destruo
t ion of the ir ch ief'
s fam ily . T he sad spec tac le was rendered
the m ore pi tiab le as one ofthe Rams, a g irl Of twenty, had been
m arried to the ch ief only a single year. The sligh test entreaties
would perhaps have availed to prevent the sacrifi ce Of at least
som e of these ladies.
M oved by th is m elanc holy event, M r. Erskine, who was
then Po li t ical Agent , de term ined at all haz ards to prevent a
repit it ion of Sat i in the M ah i Kentha. Accordingly on the
death ofKaransingh , the RejaofAhm adnagar, in 1 835, he m oved
h is camp to that t own. The Rajpu ts, however, collec ted a
band of Bhils and Kolis, and even sough t aid from Surajmal,the ou tlaw. M r. Ersk ine had stationed guards at all the gates in
order to prevent the widows of the Rajab eing carried ou t to the
funeral pyre . A newgate was, however, Opened in the course
of the nigh t , and, in spite of the c ries of the unhappy females,
they were b urn t along wi th their husband’
s c orpse . During this
painful oc currence one Bri t ish offi cer is reported to have lost
h is life , b e ing struck by an arrow when the Bhils were
opposing the advanc e of the guard. It then becam e neces
sary to at tack the c ity wh ich had thus defi ed Brit ish au thority.
Intelligence was, however, received that Surajmal was marching
to its assistance with one thousand Makranis, whereupon Mr.
[PAIIT 4 . a r. 2 78
that the t ime had arrived when lenient m easures could be taken
with advantage, the Governm ent , in considerat ion of the suf
ferings of the ou t laws,proc laim ed a general am nesty on the 7th of
Feb ruary 1 836, and, on prom ise of their lands b e ing restored to
t hem on subm ission, invited the Chiefs in ou tlawry t o re turn to
their hom es. A guarantee was also given that all the ir grievances
wou ld be fully inqu ired into and equitab ly redressed.
SO depressed had the ch iefs b ecom e by the ir wanderings
and privat ions that they imm ediate ly availed them se lves Of the
amnesty. and surrendered one after another. T he Brit ish Go
vernment faithfully restored them their esta tes, wh ich had been
held in at tachm ent during the ir ou tlawry, and rece ived pledges
from them to suppress the iniqu i tous c ustom of Sat i, and to re
frain from employing fore ign m ercenaries. In c ompany with
the Siddhpur m erchant Lakhu Se th, Surajmal also subm it ted
on the 7th of M arch 1 836. He was gran ted two of h is father’
s
v illages, and was appoin ted Captain of the garrison of Ilora by
the Idar Darbar, who took h is troops into the ir pay . RAjbhArthi,
the A t it ofSiddhpur, surrendered to the Geekwéd’
s Government,
and was by them kept in c onfi nem ent for som e m on ths, b u t was
sub sequent ly plac ed in charge of the m onastery in that t own on
h is presenting a Naz arene. (presen t ) .
In short , by the c onc iliatory m easures so wisely adopted by
Governm ent , and c arried ou t wi th m uch tac t and judgm ent by
Captain Ou tram ,t ranqu illity was restored in the M ah i KAIItha
b efore the end of the year 1 836. Captain Ou tram further re
stored the fair at Sem hiji on the b order b etween the Mahi
Kamthaand M ewan wh ich , though of long standing, had fallen
into disuse consequent on the disorders of the eigh teen th and
early part of th e present c en tury. This restorat ion, wh ich took
place in 1 838 , gave a welc om e impet us to trade . He also estab
lished a system of border adm inistrat ion, and, with a view to
2 79 M AnI KA’NTnA’.
the employment of the turb ulent c lasses in the M ahi Krintha, he
form ed a Bhil corps, which has sinc e been amalgam ated in the
Ahmadribrid Arm ed Police , and has done usefu l serv ice.
Ab ou t th is t im e a m ilitary force had to be despatched against
the widow of t he Thakor of Am liéra, who, displeased at the
succession to t he can of a posthum ous s on of ano ther widow
in preferenc e to her own adopted son, b e took herse lf to the h ills
along with the T hékors of Satham ba, Rupal, and o ther chiefs.
Their m en were, however, soon dispersed, and b o th the widow
and her son were taken prisoners. T he ch ief ofRupal was sub
sequent ly arrest ed, andended h is days in the jail at Ahmadabad.
As regards the RewaKantha, an agreemen t was conc ludedwi th t he GeekwAd in A . D . 1 820, by wh ich the c ontrol of i ts
t rib u tary chiefs was vested in the British Governm en t . Pre
v ions to th is arrangem ent the Gaek W tid had from t im e to t im e
harassed the Rajpipla ch ief, and had considerab ly enhanc ed the
t rib u te t o b e paid by h im . Pending the se t t lem ent of a dis
pu te regarding the suc cession b etween the two rival c laimants
Ram singh and Narsingh , Saydji RAO assum ed the control Of the
Governm ent in A . D . 1 8 1 3. Though b e re tained possession of
Rzijpiplafor seven years, he was unab le to effec t a set t lemen t ,
and disorder inc reased on all sides. A t leng th the fi nal dec i
sion of the m at ter was en trusted t o M r. J . P. W illoughby, the
Assistant Resident at Baroda, and that ofi‘icer, after a thorough
enqu iry, upheld Narsingh’
s c laim . Narsingh him self, however,
b e ing b lind, h is son Vehrisélji was installed at Rajpiplaon the
1 5 th ofN ovem b er 1 8 2 1 , after having entered into an engagem ent
b inding h im se lfand his suc c essors to ac t in c onform itywith the
advic e of t he Brit ish Governm ent .
M r. W illoughby, byjudic ious arrangem ents for the collec tion
of Revenue and by reducing to order the unruly Bhils, restored
[PAM 4 . cm . 2 80
complete peace to the State in the four years ofhis adm inistra
t ion, and the control over the Chiefwas thereafter relax ed. The
Gaekwad’
s t ribu te was fi x ed at Baroda Rupees. Since
then i t has oc casionally b ecom e nec essary to resum e the ma
nagem ent owing t o the Chief’
s incapacity t o adm inister its
afi'
airs effi c ien t ly, and at the present t im e the Stat e is u nder
the con trol of a Bri t ish adm inistrator ofm arked ab i ti ty.
Ano ther event of importance in the RewaKAnthawas the
set t lem ent of the Geekwad’
s trib u te from the Chief of Si n
khedaM ehwés in A . D. 1 823 . Two years later the cont rol ofthe
Panch M ahals was t ransferred by Sindhia to the Brit ish , and
in 1 838 the separate Polit ial Agency of the RewaKantha was
estab lished. T he sam e year witnessed a rising of the Naikrasin the Panch M ahdls, wh ich , however, was put down by British
t roops, assisted by the Gavc kwadfi indhia, and the chiefs of Bdrid
and Chhoté Udaipur.
[Paar t om . 282
Infantry and a squadron of dragoons were ab le efi'
ec tully
t o restore order.
T he nex t year an impostor named Govinddas Ramdas, who
had persuaded his ignorant followers to b elieve that he was
giftedwi th supernatural powers, at tacked the town of Thi sraon
the nigh t of the 1 7th of M arch 1 8 2 5 wi th abou t fi ve hundred
arm ed m en wi th the objec t of turning ou t the local ofi cer sta
t ioned by the British Governm ent , bu t he did not suc ceed.
As regards Surat , the year 1 837 is conspicuous for the great
fi re wh ich took place in that c ity on the 2 4 th of April. I t con
t inued for three days, anddestroyed no less than nine thousand,
three hundred seven ty three houses of the est im at ed value of
forty-six lacs, e igh ty
-six thousand and fi ve hundred rupees.
There was also considerab le loss of life andproperty.
On the 2 9 th of August 1 844 a riot took place at Surat in
consequence of the imposition of a new duty on salt . It was
suppressed by the Distric t M agistrate, and a b ody of troops
and art illery was despat ched from Bom bay to prevent furtheirdisturbances. Ac cordingly when the Salt Ac t was formally
introduc ed on the 1 4 th of Septem ber following , perfec t tran
quillity prevailed.
In 1 848 the people of Surat again resisted Government
m easures, the grievance complained of on this occasion b eing
the introduc tion ofthe Bengal standard ofwe ights and m easures.
The shops in the c ity were c losed for several days, and pla
cards were posted up threatening any who dared open their
shops with e x pulsion from the c omm uni ty, and int imat ing that
a sum of fi fty thousand .rupees had b een subscribed to c ont end
the point at lawas far as England No b reach pf the pew
was, however, commit ted. On the 5th of April as depfl atifl
2 83 A ru m ATAm m 'al 'o.
waited on the Distric t Magistrate, who gave them t ime to re.
present the m at ter omc ially to Government . The lat ter, on
learning of the great unpopularity of the proposed change , de
c ided on the 7th idem that the at tempt to introduce newwe ights
and m easures should be abandoned.
This year, 1 848 , is further conspicuous as regards the c i ty of
Ahmadabad for t he b u ilding of Sheth Hath isingh’
s Jain t emple
ou tside the Delhi gate on the road to the Cantonment . To
the temple is at tached a splendid m ansion, which is often used,
with the owner’
s perm ission , on occasions ofpub lic Darbdrsand
gatherings. T he cost of the t emple and of the m ansion and
other b u ildings at tached has b een est imated at a m illion rupees
in addit ion to the large e x pense at tending the consec rat ion cere
m onies, to witness wh ich guests of the highest posi tion, in
c luding the e ldest son ofSir Jam sedji Jijibhai, Bart . , M r. Ndna
Shankar Sheth and others had arrived from Bombay and m ore
distant c it ies. This speaks of the enorm ous wealth the bankers
and m erchants ofAhmadébad had b een ab le to secure , under the
b en ign sway ofBritain, by free t rade and by the comm erce in
opium with Ch ina. Hath isingh’
s father was not supposed to
possess m ore than forty thousand rupees, b u t the son’
s property
was est imated, when he died shortly b efore the c omple t ion of
the temple he had so devou t ly c omm enced, at e igh ty lacs of
rupees. Ano ther of the c itv merchants. Sheth M aganbhai Ka
ram chand, also by his thrift am assed immense wealth, and, in
spi te of the prejudic e then e x ist ing against t he edu cation of
fem ales, was the fi rst to endow a vernacular school for girls,
A . D. 1 85 1 . For th is t oken of his pub lic spirit , Sheth Hagan
b hai was rewarded with the t i tle of Rao Bahadur, an honour
then for the fi rst t ime conferred on a c itiz en of Ahmadabad.
An English school was estab lished by Government at Surat
[Pa r 4. cu r. 2 84
in 1842 , and at Ahmadabttd in November 1 845 , and the year
1 848 wi tnessed the estab lishm ent of the Gujarat Vernacular
Soc iety at the last named c ity under the auspicesofthe lamented
M r. A . K . Forbes, Major Fulljam es, Captain R. Wallace, Doctor
G . Seaward and other ph ilanthropic gentlem en .
T he subsequent period (A. D . 1 84-9 to 1 856) was also one of
profound peace and of steady progress for Gujarat . I t was
during th is t im e that the surveys were comm enced, A. D. 1 853,
fora railroad from Bombay to Gujarat , since wh ich date railwayshave been opened through the length and b readth of the pro
v ince, and have proved very b enefi c ial to the country. Tele
graphic communicationswere also estab lished, and the education
of the people steadily advanced.
[Paar] . CRAP. 2 86
John W illiam Iladow, then Collec tors and Distric t M agistrates
ofKaira and AhmadAbAd respec t ive ly, and M r. L. R . Ashburner,
then First Assistant Collec tor and M agistrate ofKaira, but ia
vested with full m ilitary powers.
As stated above, Gujarat was m uch quieter than m ost other
parts ofIndia. St ill there was som e lit tle comm ot ion arising from
the rum ours of disafi'
ec t ion e lsewhere, and accordingly traders
and others resorted to their old ex pedient ofburying theirm oney
and jewellery. Some of the nat ive cmc c t e of the a ardt Ir
regu lar Horse were indeed found to be fai thless and in intrigue
wi th the arsenal guard, bu t a severe ex ample was made of them,
and of the m u t ineers of the 2 nd Grenadier Regiment , N . I. An
irregu lar force' ofabou t two thousand infantry and one hundred
and fi fty horse was also enlisted under Hussein KhAn Batangi,
a trusted M uhammadan gent leman, and this tended in some
m easure to keep the c ountry quiet . In Kaira also an au x iliary
police force was raised byM r.Ashburner and Captain Thatcher,
and som e of the disaffec ted and ignorant Thékordds ( m inor
Chiefs or landlords), who showed symptom s of disafi'
ootion,
were t ried by M r. Ashburner, and transported to t he An
damans. As soon, however, as the necessity for harsher mea
sures was past , m ost of these m en were, on representat ion. sub
m it ted by the ever j ust and ab le Collec tor and M agistrate the
late M r. Alex ander Gray, pardoned by Government . and sent
back to their homes, where they have since remained peaceful
and contented proprietors.
A t Broach a riot took place , b u t enquiry proved that it had
no c onnex ion with the m u t iny. The disturbance arose between
M usalméns andPdrsis ou t ofreports c irculated by a M oulvi’
s son
This force was commonly called the Hookah Paltan from them
carrying their hookahs with them.
2 87
to the effec t that a Persi, ofno posi tion or charac ter, named
Bez an Genda(the mad) had defi led am osque . A num ber of the
c ult ivating Bohrds ofsurrounding villages, well k nown for their
turbu len t disposit ion, assem b led on the 1 5 th of M ay 1 857 at
the Bdwa Rehn Dargéh ab ou t a m ile from the c ity, where the
Distric t M agistrate M r. C. J . Davies and the Superintenden t of
Police went to e x postu late with them , leaving the Po lice drawn
up near the c ity. The infatuated m ob , however, would not
listen to the advice of these offi c ers, and went to the c i ty, which
they entered, and in conjunc t ion with som e of the M usalmdns of
the c ity comm enced to assail the Parsis. The lat ter were qu ite
unprepared, som e be ing b usy in the ir hom es, o thers in the mar
ke t, wh ile som e were ou t holiday m ak ing . The Po lice , who
consisted m ost ly of M usalmdns with a M uhammadan Inspec tor
at their head, failed to check the progress of the riot , and, before
the m ilitary cou ld be called ou t , the rio ters had slain bo th Bez an
and a Persi h igh priest , the lat ter ofwhom was k illed wh ile of
fi c iat ing b efore the altar in a fi re temple . Twenty prisoners
were lodged in the jail, but no imm ediate inqu iry into their
gu ilt was inst itu ted, in c onsequence of rumoured risings
in c onne x ion with m u t inies in different parts. The m ilitary
force was, however, augm ented by the arrival of t roops from
Baroda. On the 1 3th of June Governm ent sent from Surat
M r. Alex ander Rogers’,an energe t ic offi cer of the C ivil
Service, with instruc tions to report fu lly on the disturbance .
As a resu lt of his inqu iry, several ofi'
enders were comm i t ted
for trial to the Sessions Cou rt , in wh ich on the 2 3rd
M r. Rogers is st ill remembered in these parts as an ex cellent Rs
venue and Judic ial Offi cer,By his knowledge and ab ility he disting
u ished himself in the servic e, and was appointed Set t lement Ofi cer of the
Revenue Survey, t hen for the fi rst t ime int roduced into GujarAt . The
assessments fi x ed by him were reasonab le and moderate. He rose to be
Commissioner of the Northern Division, and lateron Member ofCounc il,
[Pa r 4. ou r. 2 88
August forty-seven of the accused were convic ted by M r. A. K.
Forb es, then Session Judge. Two of these were sentenced to
b e hanged, eleven t o b e t ransported beyond the sea for the
t erm of the ir lives, and the rest to various t erm s .of im a
prisonm ent . Although this riot does not appear to have had
any conne x ion with the reb ellion in Upper India, advantage of
i t seem s to have b een taken by som e of the chief m u t ineers to
send em issaries to induce the M usalman popu lat ion of the dis
t ric t to re vo lt . A c lose watchwas,however, kept on all suspec ted
charac ters, and in Septemb er Governm ent was ab le t o stat iona
company ofEuropeans at Broach , so that all danger ofm ut iny
was averted. In the m onth of August the Chief of Rajpipla
sen t informat ion that in h is capital ofNandod a certain Sayyid,
nam edM urdd Ali, was t rying t o organiz e adisturbance , and had
suc ceeded in gaining over the M ilit ia and t roops. M r. Rogers,
with h is won ted energy, at once started for Nandod with a de
t achm ent of two hundred nat ive and fi fty European soldiers, and
the Sayyid forthwi th fled. Thus, through M r. Roger’
s promp
t itude , this at tempted rising in the hilly country of Rajpipla
was crushed at the very ou tset .
Unb roken peace appears to have prevailed at Surat , though
in the words ofM r. Campb ell, the ab le compiler of the Bombay
Gaz e t teer' , the M usalm ttns of that c ity were ready at a
m om ent’
s no t ice to rise The quie t is at tribu ted to the bene
fi c ial e x erc ise'
l'
ofh is influence am ongst the people by Shaikh
Stiheb Sayyid Hussain Idrus, the head of one of the chief
M usalman fam ilies in Surat . In reward for this service, the
Governm ent increasedSayyid Idrus'
s annual allowance by rupees
fi ve hundred, and conferred on h im the decorat ion of the Com
panionof the Star of India.
Page 2 75 of Vol. VII Baroda ) .
t Page 157 of Vol. II. (Surat andBreach
[Paar 4 . can . 2 90
h is men and develop his intrigueswith som e of the Baroda Sar
dars, and the sm aller ch iefs ofKaira and RewaKAntha, who, he
though t ,were disaffec ted. Bu t as soon as i t was known that
Tatyahad c rossed the Narb ada, t roops were pu t in m o t ion from
K aira, Ahmadabad and D isa. Captain Thatcher held Sankheda
with the Kaira au x iliary Po lic e force and two of the Gde kwrid’
s
guns. Godhraand Dohad, in the lat ter ofwhich t own symptoms
of reb e llion had already appeared as stated ab ove , were a lso held
by de tachm en ts under m ilitary offi cers. T hus, .none of t he m is
chievous c harac ters was ab le t o gain m any adheren ts, norwould
the m u t ineers ven ture an at tack on these places, which , from
t he ir repu ted wealth, wou ld o therwise have at t rac ted their
at tent ion . In the m eant im e, Co lonel Parke ,wi th the 72 ndHigh
landers m ounted on came ls, fe ll upon Tatya on the 1 st of
Decem b er 1 8 58 , and defeated h im wi th great slaugh ter.
Tri tya fled prec ipitate ly, and h is army b roke into two
divisions. One of these, however, doub led back , and was
ab le to plunder Co lonel Parke’
s baggage , which had fallen con
siderab ly in the rear, wh ile the o ther under Firoz Shdh looted
Barya, Jhs'
t lod, Lim bdi and o ther villages. According ly General
Som erse t at onc e t ook up the pursu it , and drove the reb e l army
from the Panch M ahdls. On the 2oth of February 1 859 Firoz
Sheth m ade overtures of surrender, and a few days later a force
of fi fteen hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry laid down
their arm s b efore General M itchell. Tatya, however, c on t inued
h is fl igh t unt il he was be trayed by one Mansingh , Chief ofNar
wdr, situated forty-four m iles sou th ofGwalior, who caused him
t o b e seiz ed by a detachm ent ofBri t ish troops on the 7th ofApril
1 859. After h is capture Tri tya was t ried by a Court -Martial
and c ondem ned t o b e hanged, wh ich sen tence was ex ecu ted at
Sipra on the 18 th.
April 1 859. Thus was e x tingu ished the last
spark of the great rebe llion . It may be mentioned that M 6,
2 9 1 Erinor runM UTINY.
the ch ief of the rebels and the murderer of innocen t wom en
and chi ldren at Cawnpore, fledwi th the scat tered rem ai ns of h is
army t o the j ungles of the Teuti at the foo t of the Nepal h ills,
where m any of the fugi t ives fe ll a prey to the pest ilent ial c lim ate,
wh ich proved t o them as fa tal as t he sword they had dreaded
and sough t to avo id. Name. is supposed to have b een one of the
v ic t im s . Thus ended th e form idab le reb ellion,in wh ich ab ou t a
hundred and fi ftv thousand nat ive t roops had taken part . M ost of
the Indian princes, however, and all t he m ore peacefu l of the in
hab i tants, fu lly c onfi ding in the strength ofBri tain,and foreseeing
t hat the resu lt c ou ld no t b u t end in disaster to the refrac tory,
rem ained loyal to the Bri t ish Gove rnm ent , the benefi ts derived
from whic h only the se lf- interested had, for t he t im e, forgo t ten .
One great resu lt of the m u t iny was that Parliam ent came to
t he dec ision that the Brit ish dom inion in India had grown too
large to be gove rned by a body of m erchan ts, and that it was
e x pedient that that vast empire shou ld b e ru led by the Crown
i tse lf. An Ac t (Statu te 2 1 and 2 2 Vic toria, Chapter 106 )for the b e t ter gove rnm ent of India was acc ordingly passed,
’
and Her M ajesty the Queen issued a proc lam at ion assum ing the
suprem e c on trol .1' On l st N ovem b er 1 858 , this proc lam at ion
was read in all the c it ies and t owns of India am idst pub lic t e
joic ings. By it all e x ist ing digni t ies, righ ts, usages and treat ies
were c onfi rm ed, and the people were assu red t hat the Brit ish
Governm ent had ne ither the righ t nor desire to interfere wi th
t he ir re lig ion . An am nesty was granted t o all m u t ineers with
0 T h is A c t rec e ived the royal assent on the 2 nd of August 1858 .
1 Her M ajesty Q m een Vic toria assum ed the t it le of Empress of
India on t he l st January l 877, on which date an Imperial Darb tir was
held in honour of that event at Delhi, when m any princes, chiefs and
nob les at tended and were granted suitab le t it les . An inc rease was also
made to the number ofpalutcs assigned to several of the princel .
[Pm s. cm . 11 ] 2 92
the ex ception of these onlywho had been implicated inmurders.
The righ t of adoption was also granted to several princes
and chiefs.
It is worthy of record here, in connex ion with the story of
the mu t iny, that the Almigh ty having granted vic tory to the
Brit ish arms, and thus freed the country from a crushing cala
m ity, Lord Canning , the Governor-General , pub lic ly proclaimed
peace on the 8 th of Ju ly 1 859, and fi x ed the 1 8 th of that month
as a day ofgeneral thanksgiving and humb le ex pression ofgrati
t ude to God for the many and great merc ies vouchsafed byHim .
I t need not be stated that all c lasses of the people in Glfi ‘tfi h
as indeed all over India, heart ily joined in praise to the Great
Controller of all events forHissignal deliverance of theGovern
ment and country.
[PART 4 . can . 2 94
Jam bughodés, m ost b lasphem ously calling himself Parameshwar
pre tended that he c ou ld work m irac les, and thus gained a
fo llowing of superst it ious and b igo ted persons, th e m ost pro
m inent ofwhom was Rupsing , a proprie tor ofDAndiApurA They
assum ed a jo int ru le at Wadak ,and c ollec ted revenue b y impo
sing religious fi nes and t ransit du t ies. The nat ive omc ials at
first m ade ligh t of the ir pre tensions, anddid not e ven report the
m at ter t o the Agent M r. Propert . A t length , however, . these
despised Neekras b ecam e so daring that on the 2 nd ofFeb ruary
they wen t to the ou tpost at RAjgadh with several arm ed m en.
Leaving these ou tside , Joria and Rupsingh went inside , and
seated”
them se lves near the nat ive c ommandan t . In t he course
of the conversat ion,wh ich t urned on Jorid
’
s supernatu ral powers,
one of the offi c ials, holding ou t his c losed hand, asked him t o t ell
what was in i t . Rupsing’
s se n Galdliaangrily replied“Death
"
,
and imm ediate ly, drawing h is sword, c u t the unfortuna te man
in two . On th is the M akrani guard at once t ook t o fl igh t, and
t he Ndek rés plundered the place . Rupsingh then advanced on
the ch ief stat ion JAm b ughoda, where the Police fi red a volley
at the insurgents. As none fe ll, the Police were panic -st icken
under a c onvic t ion of Jorid’s m iracu lous power, and fled prec i
pitate ly leaving two of their num ber dead. The Néek rés then
pillaged JAm b ughoda, and t ore up the Governm ent records.
They then went t o Je tpur, at that t im e t he residence of the
Chhota-Udaipur Chief, who also fled in dismay. Here , however,
two of JoriA’s followers were k illed, and thus the confi dence of
h is m en that they were bu lle t-
proofwas som ewhat shak en .
The Agent to the Governor,M r.W .H. Propert , the Superin
tendent of Po lic e , Captain Segrave , and h is Assistan t , Lieu te
nant Westm acot t , who were then abou t eigh ty m iles distant,
as soon as they heard of the sack of Rejgadh, sent ex presses
to AhmadAb ttd and Baroda, and themselves started with about
2 95 Rrsnve or Na’sx mfs.
twenty m en of the Bhil corps by cross roads to Jambughoda.
On the road these emeers heard of the capture of the lat ter
plac e , and ac c ordingly they halted at Helol, distant from it
twen ty- fi ve m iles. Here two hundred m en of the 2 6th N . I . ,
under the c omm and of two Eu ropean offi cers arrived from
Baroda on the 1 1 th of February 1 868 . T he ab le and energet ic
Comm issioner of the N orthern D iv ision , M r. A . Rogers, also
joined the troops. A company of infantry from Ahm adabad
was also e x pec ted . Hence, leav ing a fewm en at Helo l, the force
proceeded to Sivréjpur, a de tachm en t be ing also sent to Rejgadh
to jo in the Polit ical Agen t of the RewAKAntha. So assuredwas
t he c onv ic t ion of the wi ld Ndek rzis in the supernatural powers
of the ir spiritual leader Jorizt , that o ver a distric t ofm any m iles
the Neek ra inhab itan ts fu lly b e lieved that the Brit ish sove
reign ty had com e to an end, and that the day of their own su
prem ecy had dawned. Leav ing som e m en at Sivrdjpur, the
force advanc ed to Jam bughodaon the 1 5th . This em boldened
the N tiek ras to at tack Sivrdjpu r, b u t before long they were oh
liged to re t ire to W t'
tdak with the loss of som e of their m en .
T he Brit ish force then m arched from JAmbughodé. to
Wadak under the c omm and ofCaptain M ac leod with the Po lic e
Com m issioner M r. Rogers and the Agen t M r. Propert , and found
the Neek ras scat tered on the sides of the h i ll. As the t roops
approached, one m an in b right yellow and red was observed
m o v ing ab ou t with h is fo llowers, of whom som e were arm ed
with b ows and arrows, wh ile o thers were danc ing in relig ious
fren z y . The cavalry m ade a dash to cu t off their ret reat to
the h ill, bu t , two at tempts to strike the man in red and yellow
hav ing failed, the troopers believed he possessed a charm ed
life , and fe ll bac k . This proceeding em boldened the Naek rAS,
who discharged the ir arrows with such effec t that an ofi icer of
the Pond horse wask illed on the spot , and Captain Macleod
[Pu t-15 4 . can . 296
h imself had a narrow escape. The Ndekriis cont inued to ad
v ance until they reached a water-course, where a sh o t from
each of the three distric t ofi cers laid their m agic ian leader and
two of h is devo ted fo llowers dead on the fi eld, l 6th Feb ruary
1 868. I t was not , however, un t il nine m ore of the insurgents
had fallen that the Ndek rés fled, and from that day their re
b ellion was at an end. T he man in red and yellow was found
no t to b e Joria, bu t one whom the latter had deck ed in h is own
c lo thes . A diligen t search was m ade for Joria, Rnpsingh , Galdliz
'
t,and Jorié’s m in ister. They were all apprehended within
a m onth , and, after b e ing du ly c onv ic ted, were sen tenced to be
hanged. Ever sinc e t hen, t he Panch M ahdls have rem ained qu iet.
In connex ion with the Panch M ahAIs i t m ay b e m entioned
that that distric t , inc luding the h ill fort of Pdwdgad and the
once fam ous c ity of Chdrnpdner, b elonged to Sindh ia. In oonss
quence of the great diffi cu lty ofm anaging t h is h ill country from
Gwalior, Sindh iain 1 8 53 entrusted its control for ten years to
the Brit ish Governm en t . Th is proved to be a very fortunate
occu rrence , for, had it b een under Sindhid’
s ru le during the
m u t iny of 1 8 57, the wi ld inhab itants of that distric t would in
all probab ili ty have m ade common cause with the insurgents
when they took Gwalior, and thus the rebellion wou ld have
seriously affec ted Baroda and all Gujardt . Before the e x piry
of the ten years’
t erm , Sindh iain A . D. 1 861 ceded the Panch
M ahdls in perpetu ity to the Brit ish Governm en t in ex change
for territory equal in e x ten t near Gwalior. The ex change has
b een of b enefi t t o the Panch M ahdls. M etalled roads have been
c onstru c ted th rough th e length and breadth of the distric t, rc
gu lar rev enu e and judic ial system s have b een estab lished, and
schools and dispensaries hav e b een opened. Railway communi
cat ion has b een estab lished with Bom bay and o ther places bya line from Godh ra to Dohad, and a further ex tension as far as
Rat lam is in progress.
2 99 INCOME Tax R xo '
r A'
l’
SURAT .
sta t ion , and demand the stoppage of t rains, in order tom ak e the
strike m ore effec t ive . On their refusal to disperse , three of the
rio ters were sho t dead and two wounded. Several were pu t on
t he ir t rial, and were sen tenc ed,som e to t ransportat ion and
o thers to long t erm s of im prisonm en t . A pun it ive post Was
also k ept up fo r som e fi ve years a t the c ost of the inhab i tan ts !
Ano t her seriou s disturbanc e was c reated by c ertain Tara
v izis, a low c lass of ab orig ines k indred to the Bh ils. Of late
y ears Go vernm en t had m ade several efforts to indu c e the Tula
v ias to b ecom e peac efu l c u lt ivators in the Panch M ahals, where
t here is m u ch waste land, and with that o bjec t had incu rredm u ch e x pense ,
b u t owing to the ir wan t of thrift , all efforts
fa iled. In the m onsoon of 1 88 5 a num b er of these Talav ias
c am e to Breach u nder the leadership of two Bhagats of the ir
own c aste,who indu ced them to b elie ve that the ir mate ( god
dess had prom ised them a k ingdom . A t fi rst they were treated
with c on tempt , and so lit t le no t ice appears to have b een tak en
of them,t hat the headm an was enab led to send c ircu lars to
people liv ing in th e dist ric t to gather round h is banner at Broach
on the day of the fu ll m oon , the 2 2 nd of No vem b er 1 8 8 5 .
Abou t one hundred Talar ias arrived, arm ed som e with b ows
and arrows,and o thers with swo rds o r st ic k s. They wen t fi rst to
t he Co llec to r’
s b unga low,wh ich was no t far from the place where
t he Bhaga t had pu t up under a t ree near the Id-
gah . Learn ing
from t he pe o ns t ha t t he Co llec tor, M r. W i lliam Allen ,u as no t
a t hom e,t he m ob left the b ungalow for the town . On the road
they happened t o m ee t M r. B. Presc o t t , Superintendent B.
B. 85 C . I . Railway Po lic e , who was driv ing in h is tonga . That
gen t lem an was , o f c ourse , qu ite unarm ed and unprepared for
any host ile enc oun ter . On shou t ing to the c rowd to m ake room
See M r. Edalj l Barjerpf atel’
s Gujarat i History ofSurat , page 175 .
[Paar 4 .0m m 300
for h is carriage, they fell upon the unfortunate offi cer, and
heat h im so severely that he soon b ecam e unconc ious, and died
with in three hou rs. Th ink ing h im already dead, the m ob left
for the t own, and on their way took from the fi rst Police
("
hok i o n the road t he Swords of the po licem en ,who also
were off their guard. T hev t hen m arched on the Bom b ay Bank
in t he town , b u t were there opposed by the sen tries. These dis
c harged against them only u n loa ded m usk ets, wh ereupon ,the
Tahi v ias ex c laim ed that the ir goddess had m elted th e bu llets,
so that no th ing b u t sm ok e shou ld com e ou t from the guns.
Finding that t hey c ou ld no t en ter the Bank, th e Talavias
m arched through the town . Ou tside the town, however, they
were overtak en by the Haz ur Depu ty Co llec ter and M agistrate
M r. Bamanji Edalji M odi and the Po lic e Inspec tor the late Mr.
K rishna Rao Gajanand, who , with a fewm en hast ily pick ed up
from the Polic e lines, had se t off in pu rsu it . Near a c u lvert a
sligh t engagem en t took plac e, in wh ich four Po licem en were
wounded, one of them fatally . M r. M odi is also said to have
had a narrow escape from th e arrows freely discharged by the
Talav ias. The Po lice then fi red on them , k illing fi ve and woun
ding the sam e num b er . After the second vo lley , the Talavids
fled, and in the imm ediate pursu it forty of them were captured,
wh ile m any o th ers, inc luding LakhaBhagat , were sub sequentlyarrested.
“t They were ofc ou rse proceeded against and Lakha, as
we ll as two of h is princ ipal adheren ts, were hanged at the scene
of the c rim e. Fifty-one were sentenced by t he Sessions Judge
t o t ransportat ion for life, bu t the H igh Court rem it ted the sen
t ences of seven teen of these. One of t he ring- leaders, sty led the
Mata, who had escaped, was afterwards captu red and placed on
T hat day was the day of the Sukalt irth fair, and, had the program
of the rioters no t b een arrest ed, t hey would in all probab ility have com .
wit t ed havoc among t he pilgrim s. and done very serious m ischief.
301 DISTURBANCE A'rDnom a
’.
h is t rial, b u t owing to h is ident ity no t b eing sat isfac torily
proved,th is so called Matawas discharged.
Ano ther, though a less im portan t , disturbance oc curred on
the 30th of August 1 887 a t the town of Dholka, when the
) [usalmans, in re tribu t ion for the H indu t raders hav ing c losed
th e ir shops on the Bak r i- Id day ,m arched t hrough the c ity in
proc ession , tak ing with them a c ow,wh ich . in spite of the rem ous
t ranc es of the Su b ordinate Mag istrate and the pr inc ipalH indus,
thev k illed in the m iddle of the m ark e t , c lose t o a H indu temple .
They dressed the c arcase there and then ,and rec k lessly paraded
i t,m u ch to the annoyanc e of the Hindus,who had assem b led to
pre ven t the slaugh ter. The local offi cers, on ly with the u tm ost
difi i c u lty ,m anaged to preserve the peace and preven t imm ediate
b lo odshed. T he writer of these pages, who was then D istric t
Depu ty Collec tor and M agistrate at Ahm adabad, on hearing of
t h e disturbanc e,lost no t im e in proceeding to Dho lkawi th the
Po l ic e Inspec tor, M r. A . F . Grey ,who b rough t with him a few
Po licem en , b o th ho rse and foo t , from the head quarters. M r.
G . B. Re id, then Co llec tor and Distric t M ag istrate also cam e up,
and a m ost search ing enqu iry was inst itu ted, in wh ich fou rteen
of the persons arraigned for the distu rbanc e were conv ic ted and
sen tenc ed to various t erm s of im prisonm en t , and ordered to
furn ish secu rity fo r the ir good c onduc t for one year.
T he year 1 8 90was an im portant one in the adm inistrat ion
f Cam b ay . T he people of that state had long b een e x pec t ing
the in t rodu c t ion o f the Brit ish Survey rates in the ir v illages,
and were g riev ously disappo in ted on learn ing that no t only was
t he form er system to b e retained, bu t the rates of assessments
were t o he enhanced. T he opposit ion of t he v illagers in the
m on th ofSeptem b er took the form of open resistance ,when they
h eld Cam bay in a state of siege‘
. Ac c ordingly t he Polit ical
0 See Bombay Administ rat ion Report for 1890-9 1. p88“ 9 M 10.
303 Daeorrmsm KA’THIA
’
several dacoit ies, and som e encounters took place b etween them
and the Po lice of Dhrangadhra, M orv i, Navanagar and other
States. The Agency and State Po lic e hav ing fa iled to term inate
the career of the new gangs, spec ial m easu res fo r the ir arrest
were taken by Go vernm en t . These c om prised the appo in tm en t of
several addit ional Eu ropean Po l ic e o fi ic ers, and th e re- inforc c
m en t of the loc al Po lic e by de tachm en ts of regu lar t ro ops, b o th
cavalry and infan try On M onday th e 2 9 th ofDec em b er 1 892 .
Lieu tenant H . L. Go rdo n ,who had only la te ly b een appo inted
Assistan t Superin tenden t of the Agency Po l ic e , rec e ived info rm a
t ion that c ertain M iainzi. dac o its were in the v ic ini t y . T ha t o fi ic er,
with se v en t een o r e igh teen sowars , a t onc e m arch ed aga inst them ,
and tu rn ing th em to the Ran of Khodiar,fe ll upon them ,
and
destroyed the en t ire band of ab ou t a do z en . Lieu tenan t
Gordo n, wh ile rush ing b rav e ly fo rward
,was k i lled, rec e iv ing
no less than n ine b u lle t wounds . A Dat’
edar and a Naik of the
Agency Po lic e also fe ll, and three sowars were wou nded. I t
b e ing ev iden t t hat th e c h ief of Maliawas unab le to c on tro l h is
m o re refrac tory su bj ec ts, t hat S tate has, sinc e Septem b er 1 892 ,b een placed u nder the direc t m anagem en t of the Agenc v .
Ano ther even t worth recording was the b reak ing ou t in to
open figh t of t he longstanding an im osit ies b e tween the H indus
and M usu lmans of Prab hfis Pdtan in Junaghad, wh ic h resu lted
in serio us loss of life and des truc t ion o fproperty . The ag itat ion
cau sed by the sy mpath iz ers of the two part ies in Bom b ay was so
great t hat the c on tag ion spread to that town ,where also serious
rio ts took plac e in August 1 8 93 b e tween the lower c lasses of
H indus and M uham m adans,and resu lted no t onlv in the dest ruc
t io n of temples and m osques, b u t in loss of l ife on b o th sides.
T he rio ts grew to such proport ions that it b ecam e nec essarv to
ob tain the assis tance of the m ilitary to pu t them down .
“ 00 0”
304
CHAPTER XX.
Brief not ice of t he arrangement s m ade for the Civ il Adm inist rat ion
of the Pro vinc e from the t im e t hat Gujaui t cam e in t o t he
posses sion of t he Bri t i sh Government Conc lusion .
FROM 1 800 To 1 89 2 A .
Hav ing ,in t he prec eding three chapters, narrated the chief
polit ic LI and o ther oc cu rrenc es sub sequen t to the period when
i t pleased the Alm igh ty to place Gujarat under the b en ign rule
of the Brit ish Go v ernm en t,it is now ou r pleasing du ty to ia
dicate b rieflv the features of the arrangem ents int rodu ced by
the East India Com pany for the in ternal adm in istrat ion of the
c oun try . T o do t h is in de tail wou ld requ ire a m inu te study of
the records o f Go v ernm ent and o ther au thorit ies, and would
m oreo ver fi ll a separate volum e . It is therefore proposed b riefly
t o no t ic e on ly the m ost importan t of the changes introduced.
In A . D. 1 800an Ac t was passed for regu lat ing the adm in istra
t ion of the then newly acqu ired distric t of Surat . In 1 802 , a
Co lle c tor of Land Rev enu e was appo in ted for that distric t , his
du t ies b eing de fi ned by Regu lat ion 1 3 passed in the sam e year.
A Rev enu e Com m ission was also inst itu ted t o inqu ire into the
sev eral t enu res th en e x ist ing . On the recomm endat ion of that
Com m ission ,t de tailed and sc ien t ifi c survey of the Broach
dist ric t was comm enc ed as early as 1 8 1 1 , and in lit t le m ore
than two years th is work was com pleted. The b enefi ts to be
deriv ed therefrom b eing ob v ious, t he Su rvey was e x tended to
o ther distric ts ofGujan it . T h iswas called the “Maj i Jarif” or oldsu rv ey ,whieh has b een superseded sin c e 1 853 by a regu lar system
of Rev enu e Survey and c lassifi cat ion ofAssessm en t ’ . These are,
A detailed ac c ou nt ofthe Revenue Adm inistrat ion is given in
Vo l I of M r. Rogers’re c ent ly pub lished History of the Revenue Admi
ni strat ion of the Bombay Presidency.
305 Cm n Anmms'rau xon.
in the interest of the ryots, guaran teed for the long period of
thirty years, and have contribu ted great ly to their conv enience.
In the KairaCollec torat e , large trac ts were flooded every
year causing thereby great loss in cu lt ivat ion and a h igh death
rate . The Gov ernm ent accordingly undertook e x tensivedrainage
works, which in course of t im e have prov ed v ery su ccessfu l in
rem edying the ev il. St ipendiary Ac countan ts, called Talat is,
were appoin ted in A . D . 1 8 1 4—1 5 to realise the rev enu e direc t
from the ryo ts, inst ead of through farm ers who were often op
pressive to cu lt ivators, and to k eep c orrec t stat ist ical and
fi nanc ial registers. In 1 82 7 elab orat e regu lat ions were judic iously fram ed for the const itu t ion of the distric t and v illage
Police , and for t he condu c t of the C iv il, Rev enu e and Crim inal
jurisdic t ion , as well as on a variety of other subjec ts. In 1 82 9
the horrib le crim e of Sat i ( self imm olat ion of wom en after the
death of their husbands for the suppression ofwh ich Govern
m ent had long m ade st renuous e x ert ions, was proh ib ited by law,
and abe ttors were m ade crim inally responsib le.
As regards the c ity of A hm adabad,it has already been
m ent ioned that the town du t ies had b een reduc ed, after wh ich
its c om m erce rapidly rev ived. The c ity-wall had fallen to
ru ins, and as a consequence thefts and rob beries had becom e
frequ ent . It was,therefore , in the year 1 832 thorough ly re
paired ou t of the proceeds of a spec ial vo lun tary c ess, called the
Ko t -fee town -wall fee The balanc e rem aining over becam e
the nuc leus of a M unic ipal fund,wh ich has since proved of
m u ch bene fi t t o the c ity . M any u sefu l pub lic sch em es have
been comple ted, prom inent am ongst wh ich ,in recent t im es, is
the water supply for the c ity . Th is was carried ou t mainly
through the advocacy of the energet ic President of the M un i
c ipality , the Honourab le Rao Bahadur Ranchh odlal Chhotfl dl,
C.I.E , at a cost ofabout eigh t lacs of rupees. The workswere39
307 C IVIL ADMINISTRATION .
In the nat ive states too ,edu cat ional progress has b een al
m ost equally rapid and diffused. The edu cat ional work in
Baroda has already b een alluded to . Bhavnagar has an Arts
Co llege of its own , and it is pleasing to m ent ion that that state ,
and also m any o thers, have liberally prov ided for the edu cat ion
of t heir su bjec ts. Before the c oun try cam e into the possession
of the East India Company , the on ly schools wh ich are known
t o h av e e x isted for the edu cat ion of the m asses were those
m aintained by private schoo l m ast ers, m ost ly Brahm ans,and
the standard of edu cat ion m ay b e judged from the fac t that
b oys who had learnt m erely to read and write ,and to k eep a
few simple accoun ts were regarded as hav ing fi nish ed their
edu cat ion None the less, in spite of diffi cu lt ies, sev eral m en
of literary repu tat ion fl ou rished in the prov ince . Nam es of
som e of these are given b elow
1 . Bhalan Poet , b orn at Pat-an in or ab ou t Sam vat
1 495 , A . D . 1 439
2 . Bhalan’
s son Bh im .
3 . Eh im'
e contemporary ,Narsi M eh ta.
4 . Sém albhat , born at the v illage of Sihuj, TalukaM ahm udabai l.
Sém al’
s contem poray ,Premanand, born at Baroda
in or abou t Sam vat 1 488 A. D . 1 432
6. Premanand’
s son Vallab h .
7. Bayaram Kav i of Chandod.
8 . Da lpat ram DayabhAi , C . I. E .
9 . Narbadashakar Lalshankar.
T he under-m ent ioned are the ch ief M usalman h istorians
of Gujarat
1 . A li M uhamm adKhan , au thor ofthe M irat -i-Ahm adi.
2 . Sikandar b in M uhammad, or, Manjah , au thor of
the M irat -i-Sikandari .
[PART 4. CHAP . 308
3 . Halvai Sh iraz i,au thor of t he Tawarlkh -i -Ahmadi.
4 . Ab u Tural) , au thor of Tawarikh -i -GujarAt .
5 . Hall Khan ,Poet , who flourished in the t ime of
Su ltan M ahm ud Begada.
Last to b e m en t ioned, bu t not the least ,are the m eans of com
m unicat ion so v ery necessary for the developm ent of t rade and
comm erce . It m ay safely be said that , b efore the country came
into Brit ish possession , there was not a m etalled or m ade road in
the prov inc e . Short ly aft er the East India Company assumed
the Go vernm ent of Gujarat , a good road was construc ted from
the port ofGogha, via Dhandhukaand d ltt, to Ahm adabad and
thence t o Harsol , a lengt h of one hundred and si x ty- two m iles.
After th is a b ranch from Sark hej to Viram gam , a distance of
thirty m i les, was constru c ted at a cost of upwards of two hun
dred twen ty - si x thousand rupees. Since then num erous roads
and b ridges hav e b een constru c ted throughou t the prov ince at
an enorm ous cost , to the great dev elopm en t of trade. Since 1 860
st ill greater b enefi ts have b een conferred on the country by the
B. B. C. I . Railway , also by the Rajpu tana Malwa Ra ilwayopened in 1 877, and by the several Kath iawar railways con
stru c ted since 1 880by the ch iefs of Bhavanagar, Gondal, Junfl
gadh , Porb andar and M orv i .
These fac ilit ies have great ly improved the condit it ion ofthe
people, b oth t raders and agricu lturists,whose produce new fi nds
itsway to the rem otest parts of the country and to foreign lands,
wh ereas form erly the dem and was for the m ost part confi ned to
the prov ince itself, and prices were consequent ly low.
W ith all these advantages, the fac ilit ies afforded by postal
and telegraph ic comm un icat ion m ust not b e lost sight of. These
are not confi ned to c it ies and towns alone, but arrangementsfor
309 C IVIL ADMINISTRATION.
receipt and delivery of let ters hav e b een ex tended to those v il
lageswhere there are schoo ls, and let ter b o x es are placed at m ost
of the sm aller v illages ev en . Thus for the trifl ing cost of a
quarter or half an anna, all persons are enab led to communicate
with the m ost distant parts of India.
As educat ion , and with it the condit ion and status of the
people increased, Gov ernm en t created newposts su ch as those of
Depu ty Collec tors and M ag istrates,Judges ofSm all Cause Courts
and o ther appointm en ts. Gov ernm ent have also raised the pay
and grades of Subordinate Judges and Mam latdars ( Rev em e
ofli cers with m agisterial powers and hav e opened to nat ives,
on their passing a c ertain standard of e x anim at ion in England,
appo intm ent s in the C iv il Serv ice , with the resu lt that now
nat ive gen t lem en are holding som e of the m ost responsib le apo
pointm en ts in the Revenue , Judic ial, Edu cat ional , Postal andother departm ents, appo in tm ents form erly reserv ed for Euro
pean Ofli cers alone . It is to the credit of the nat ives also that
they have generally discharged faithfu lly and efli c ien t ly the
h igh tru sts reposed in them . Each of the High Courts has a
nat ive judge on its Bench , and nat iv es hav e seats in the Leg is
lat ive Counc ils, wh ich have very lately been en larged in order
to prov ide for the b e t ter represen tat ion Of the people. The righ t
of interpellat ion has also b een grant ed under.
certain con
dit ions and rest ric t ions.
Peace ab road and t ranqu illity at hom e are the m ot toes of
the Brit ish Gov ernm en t in India. By the feuds of neighbours,
t he quarrels Of ch iefs, and the st rife of nat ions, the inhab itants
of Gujarat were , for hundreds of years, e x posed to all the losses
and horrors which c iv il'
war and foreign invasion can bringupon a people . Irregular and arb itrary tax at ion , forced labour,uncertainty of possession , religious persecu t ion , plundering , ex
tort ion, torture and murder, these were too frequently the
317
APPENDIX0.
List ofK ings of the Chavada.
FROM A. D. To A D.
Van Raj 746 806
806 84 1
Kshem RAj 84 1 866
Bhuvad 866 895
Vir Sinh 895 920
Ratna Ditya. 920 935
Semant Sinh . 935 942
TOTAL 196 years.
dynasty.
PERIOD or REIGN.
60 years.
35
2 5
29
2 5
1 5
7
323
APPENDIX 0.
List ofSirkdrsp fr distri cts in Gujarat in the time of
the M u hamm adan Su ltans.
1 . Central plain of Gujarat.
1 . Patten . 5 . Baroda.
2 . Ahm adabad. 6 . Broach .
3 . Godhra. 7. Nandod.
4 . Champaner . 8 . Surat.
II . In the North .
1 . Jodhpu r.
2 . Jhalor.
III. In the North -East.
l . Dungarpur.
2 . Banswada(now in Maura).
IV . In the East and Sou th -East.
1 . Nandurbar (now in Khandesh ).2 . Mu lher in Nasik .
3 . Ramnagar (Dharampur), now in Surat.
V. In the South .
1 . Danda Rajpur (JanJe ).2 . Bombay.
3 . Bassein.
4 . Daman (now held by the Portuguese).
VI . In the West .
1 . Somnath .
2 . Sorath . now in Kathiawar.
3 . Navanagar ,
VII. In the North-West,1 . Kachh.
Total 25.
now in the Konkan .
32 4
Rupees.
l . The territorial revenue of the above 2 5
distric ts yielded
2 . Tribu te from the ru lers of Ahmadnagar,
mapur, Berar, Go lk ondaand Burhanpur
3 . Custom dues from 2 5 ports on thewesternc oast of India and 26 foreign ports, some of themin India and others in the Persian Gulf and alongthe
'
Arab ian Coast.
Total .
N OTE . The am ount ofrevenue m entioned in item 1 appearsto b e that recovered in A. D . 1 571 .
That in item 2 shows the revenue prior to Su ltan Baha
dur’
s death , inasmuch as the tribute from ports h eld by
the Portuguese and the Deccan k ings ceased after that
Su ltan’
s death .
Item 3 gives the amount realiz ed prior to 1 560A. D.
325
APPENDIX 11 .
List of Sirkdrs distri cts du ring the M ughat Ru le.
Of the 2 5 distric ts m entioned in Appendix G. the followingwere reannexed to their orig inal prov inces by the EmperorAkbar
’
s order in or about A. D . 1 578 .
g. gzghgur
Transferred to Rajputana.
3. Nagor. Transferred to Ajmer.
g"
1214
211
35narTransferred to Khandesh .
6. Bassein Rem ained in the pos
7. session of the Portu8 . Dam an . guess .
9 . Danda Rajpur, Given to one of the ru lers of
Janj ira Ahmadnagar as dowry on
the occasion of h is mar
riage with Bahadur Shah’
s
daughter.
There remained sixteen Sirkars, of which six were held byZam indars, or feudal ch iefs, paying tribu te to Governm ent.
1 . Kachh. 4 . Ramnagar (Dharampur).2 . Siroh i . 5 . Dungarpur.
3 . Somnath . 6. Banswada.
The remaining ten districts were adm inistered by Im
perial cmcc t e.
No. of subdivisions.
1 . Ahmadabad 33
2 . Brooch 1 4
3. P‘tau 17
Abhesingh , 1 71— 1 75 , 1 79.
Abu , 2 6, 31 , 38 , 39 , 8 1 , 8 2 .
Adalaj,battle of, 1 71 .
we ll at,95 .
Ahm ad Khattu Ganj—BakshShekh , 65 , 66, 79 , and n ,
80.
Ahm ad Shah Abdali , 1 96.
Ahm ad Sultan I. foundsAhm adabad
, 65 - 69; h is e x
plo its, 70— 78 ; 95 , 96.
Ahm ad Sultan II. 1 30— 1 32 .
Ahm adabad, founding of, 6569 ; taken by Akbar, 1 35 ; 1 38 ,1 39 , 142 - 1 44
,1 53; half of the
c ity m ade ov er to the Maratha8
,1 80, 1 82 ;joint ruleof the
Peshwa and the Gaekwad ,
1 90—1 93; 2 10, 2 1 1 , and'n ; 2 1 9
—2 23 :tak en by theEnglish ,24 l
and n : subsequent im provem ents and prosperity, 2 8 1 ;
2 83 ; floods St e ,2 97, 2 98 ; 305 .
Ahm adnagar founding of,75 ,102
,1 6 1 , 2 76 , 2 77.
Ajay Pal,37.
Ajm er , 1 5 ,40
,1 1 5 .
Akbar,the Great , 134—1 49.
A lé-ud-din Kh ilj i,48—50; 55 .
Ali M uham mad Khan ,Author
o f the M irti t- i- Ahm adi, l
a poin ted Bédshéhi Diwan ,
1 4,1 9 1 .
Anand Mogri , battle of, 78 .
See Peshwi
Anand R60 Géekwéd Maharaj, 2 24
Angriapirates , 1 94 .
Anh ilwar Patan , founding of
10, 1 1 ; 20, 2 2 , 43 , 46,
108,1 2 2 , 1 65 .
Arabs , 7, 2 2 5 , 2 26, 2 48 .
Artis or Adds , battle of, 166,203 , 204 , 207.
Arjun Dev , 47.
AS15, or Ashé. Bh il, 27, 65 .
Ashéval , or Asérva, 2 7, 62 , 63;
Dada Hari ’s well at , 95.
Asoka, or Ashoka, the Grea t 2AsSAye ,bat t le of, 244 .
Aurang z eb, 1 49 , 1 55 , 1 56, 161— 1 63.
Authors: Hindu Period, 53.
Later Periods, 307.
Az am Khan ’
s palace, 1 54 .
B.
Babi , 1 71 , 1 73 and 1 84 ,
1 97.
Bahadur,son ofM uz afi'
ar, III. ,
1 48 , 1 49.
Bahadur Gilan i , 91 , 92 .
Bahadur Sliéh , k ing of Gujrat , 106— 1 23.
Baj i R60 1 .
Ba'
i M o IIBa Aji I .Balaj i Bay Rao .
Ba
gsinor, 1 74 , 185, 1 86, 195 ,
1
Bapé, founder of the Mewardynasty , 5 1 'n.
Baroda, 65 and n, 97 and 21 ,
1 4 1— 1 43 ,1 52 , 162 ; taken by
Pilaj i 1 66— 1 70; taken byAbhesingh , 1 73; fi nally re
taken by the Gaekwad,1 74 ,
202 , 203 , 206, 2 1 2 , 2 1 8 , 2 26,
2 57, 2 58 , 264 , 2 65 .
Bassein , 93 , 1 47, 202 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 ,
2 2 8 .
Behrtim Gor, 1 2 .
Beyt, 87, 2 4 1 , 2 60.
Bhagvatai system of revenue ,54 , 1 55 ,
Bhats of Nadiad,Traga com
m it ted by,204 .
Bhatark king ,4 . Appendix B ,
3 1 5 .
Bhavnagar, founding of, 1 77;203
,248 and n .
Bh il Corps,2 79 , 2 93.
Bhilapu r , 1 57; battle of, 1 72 ;205 .
Bh im Dev I .,1 9—2 2 , 2 5 , 26.
Bh im Dev II. , or Bh im Bholo,37— 44 .
Bhog ilal Pranvalabhdas, 2 1 1 .
Bhoj Raja,2 6.
Bhuj,2 2 5 ,
2 47,2 72 .
Bhuwar Raja, 7— 10.
Bodhan,insurrec tion at , 246.
Bom bay,under the Gujarat
kings, 92 ; g iven in dowry to
336
Charles II. , 1 57; transferredto the East India Com pany,1 58 ;fi ight ofBaj i Rao Peshwato
,2 28 ; riots of 1 893, 303.
Borradaile , M r. A A. 8 1 n ,234.
Borsad, 1 83, 1 84 , 1 86— 1 88,1 92 , 2 20.
British ,see Eng lish .
East India Com pany.
Broach , 3 and'n; 1 10;
1 39, 1 43— 1 45 , 1 5 2 , 160, 1 61 ;
under the Nawabs, 1 76, 1 82 ;201 ; taken by the English,2 30; Talav ia riot at , 2 99
0.
Cam bay, 3 and n , 1 8 ; 31 , 32 ,
46,48
,1 52 ,
1 67, 1 79 , 1 91 , 1 95 , 2 1 6, 2 1 9,
301,302 .
Champan er, founding of, 70
and 'n ; 79 , 80; taken by M ah
m ud Begadé.89, 90; 105 , 109,
Cham und, 1 7— 1 9.
Chauth and Sardeshm ukhi,
1 63 and n , 1 64 , 1 66, 167,
1 69 , 1 70, 1 78 .
Chavada Kings, 2, 7, 9— 1 2 ;
appendix C, 317.
Ch itor, 70, 8 1 , 8 2 , 101— 103,106, 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 1 17, 1 2 1 n .
Chok Rana, 58 72 .
Coins, 3 and n ,1 35 , 1 53 n ,
1 58 , 2 71 .
Com pany of Merchants trading to the East Indies, 1 50.
See alsoEastIndia Com pany.
D.
Dab isalim , 23 and n ,2 4 .
Dabhoi , 47, 1 70, 1 73 , 205 , 2 10,2 4 1 .
Dadabhai Nau rozy ,263, 264 ,
and n .
Dam aj i Gaekwad I . ,1 64 .
Dam aj i Gaekwad II. , 1 72 , 1 73 ,1 78 , 1 81—1 83 , 1 86, 1 88
—1 90,
1 97—1 99 .
Dam an,taken by the Portu
guese ,1 31 ; under the Gujarat
Su ltans, 1 47.
Darius, son of Hystaspes , 1 2 .
Daud Sultan ,8 2 .
Dau latab zid. See Baroda.
Delh i,61 , 62 , 107; sacked by
Nadir 1 8 1 'n; 1 97.
Dhabade,163, 164 ,
1 71— 1 74 ,
1 8 7.
Dhanduka, 35 and n,45 .
Dhar, 2 8 , 73 , 99 , 101 .
Dharam pur,140
,1 49 , 1 50, 160.
Dhodap, battle o f, 1 98 .
Dholka , 2 , 4 5 , 46, 1 4 2 , 1 70,
1 79 Bakri—Id disturbance ,301 .
337
Dhrol, battle of, 1 46, 1 47.
D ilwara, 35 , 45 , 99.
Disarm ing throughout India,2 93.
Diu , landing of the Parsis at ,1 14 , 1 20; 1 2 2 , 1 23;
acquired by the Portuguese ,1 2 4 and n .
Dohad,2 9 , 73, 80, 98 , 109, 1 65 .
Dungarpur , 102 .
Duncan , The Hon . Jonathan ,
2 2 2, 2 2 8 .
Durlabhsen ,1 9.
Dutch , 1 5 2 .
Dwarka, 2 , 87, 2 60,seeKrishna.
E.
Earthquake of A . D. 1 8 1 9, 66,
67.
East India Company,1 57,1 58 ,1 94, 207, 2 2 2 , 2 2 3, 2 27, 2 36.
Educat ion,53, 2 71 , 2 83 , 2 84 ,
306, 307.
E lph instone,The Hon .M ount
stuart, 6, 2 40, 2 42 , 2 43.
English , advent of the, at
Surat, 1 50 ; gain comm and
of the Surat castle 1 96; takeBroach 201 assum e sole
governm ent of Surat, 2 23;acqu ire possession of the
Peshwa’s territories, 245 .
F.
Fair, at Stim lay , 1 92 , 278 ; at
Suka] Tirth , 19 at . See Uras.
I.
Idar, 60and n
,69, 70,
79,92
,98
,99
,101 and n ,
102,
1 39,1 4 1 and n ,
145 , 1 55
1 57, 1 61 ; taken possession ofby the Jodhpur fam ily ,
1 76
and 'n ; 1 77, 1 86, 1 93 , 1 94 .
J.
Jafar Khan , Viceroy of Gujarat
,5 9, 60, 62 . See also
M u z afi’
ar Shah .
Jahang ir, Em peror of Delh i ,1 5 1— 1 53.
Jains,3 1 , 35 , 37, 38 , 5 2 , 53;
1 55 .
Tem ple at Ahm adabad builtby Sheth Hath isingh ,
2 83.
Janj ira, under th e GujaratSultans
,1 47.
Jam ,1 3 n ,
1 45 , 1 57, 232 , 247.
Jam es I .,k ing of Eng land,
1 5 2 .
Jam es,M r. H. E. M. 235 .
Jam shed,1 3 21 .
Jawan Mard Khan Babi , 1 77,1 84 - 1 86, 1 88 , 1 90, 1 91 , 1 93 .
Jayshekar Chavada, king of
Panchasar, 7, 8 .
Jhalawar,
Junaghad,
2 4 ; besieged and
taken by S idhraj, 29, 30; 57,60; 71 , taken by Mahm udBegada, 86, 87
' 1 46, 1 98 .
339’
K.
Kachh , 3, 9, 16; 31 , 50, 1 46,
1 53; fi rst appointm ent of Residen t , 247; deposal of RavBharm al 272 ; installation ofRao Desalj i, 2 73 .
Kadi , 73; battles at , 2 1 9 , 2 24 ,
Kaira,2 27 and n .
Kalian Rae of Cam bay,46.
Kalol, 95 , 96.
Kanauj,1, 3 , 4 , 3 1 .
Kanhoji Gaekwad,2 1 8
,2 19
,
2 24,2 26 and n .
Kan ij , battle of, 1 2 2 .
Kan ishka (Kanek sen), 3 , 5 .
KankariaTank,8 1
, and n .
Kan thaji Kadam ,166, 1 67,
1 70, 1 77, 1 78 .
Kapadvanj , 80, 1 66, 169, 179,1 9 1
,2 26.
Karan Gb elo , 47— 50.
Karan (Solanki 2 6, 2 7.
Karnavat i , 2 7 and'n .
Kath iawar, 85 , 1 45 , 1 46, 231
233, 2 40; suprem e power v es
ted in the British Governm ent, 2 49, 2 73; 302 , 303 , appendix J. 330.
Khande Rao Maharaj Gac kwad,
2 58— 2 61 .
Khande Rao Gaekwad, Jag irdar of Kadi
,1 87, 1 88 , 1 93 ,
202 , 206.
340
Khushalchand Nagarsheth ,
1 74 .
Kirki , battle of, 2 43, 2 44.
Konkan , 35 .
Koregaon , battle of, 2 4 4 .
Kota, 76.
Koth , Thakor of, 5 1 .
Krishna,2 .
Ksh t rapa kings, 3 , appendixA
, 3 1 2 .
Keb em Raj , 2 6.
Kum ar Pal, 33— 37, 53.
Ku th -ud-din ,Lieutenant of
Sh ihab ud-din,Ghori
,4 2 .
Ku th -ud-din , Su ltan of Gujarat , 80— 8 2 .
Ku th -u l-alam of Batwa,83.
L.
Lak hum al Dev ,43 .
Local Boards, 306
'
and n .
Lunawada, 5 1 .
M .
Madhav Rao, see Peshwa.
Madhav Rao, Sir T . ,2 65 , 2 67
— 2 69.
Mah i Kantha, 232 , 2 33, 2 73 ,2 74 ; establishm ent of Political Agency,
2 75 ; 276— 2 79.
Mah im , 76, 92 .
Mahm ud Begada, Sultan ofGujarat, 83— 96.
Mahm ud of Ghaz n i ,1 — 2 5 .
M ahm udlKhilji I . , 76, 80, 8 1 ,
84, 8 5, 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 .
M ok heraj i Gob el , 57, 58 .
Mom in Khan ,1 77, 1 79 , 1 80,
1 8 2,1 83, 1 91 , 1 93, 1 96, 2 1 6.
See Cam bay.
Muhamm ad Shah I. , 79, 80.
Muhamm ad Shah II , 1 2 4.
Muhamm adShah -1 29.
Mahm ud Kh ilj i II. , 98—101 ,1 1 1 , 1 1 2 .
Mahm udabad (M ehm adabadl,
founding of, 88 .
M ainal Dev i , 27 2 8 .
Malaj i Bhonsle , 1 59 .
M alav Tank , Dholka, 2 8 .
Malhar Rao Gaekwad, Jag ir
dar of Kadi , 2 1 8 , 2 1 9, 2 2 4,2 2 5 and 'n.
Malhar Rao, Gaekwad Maha
raj, 2 62— 2 66.
Malia, 2 32 , 303.
Malwa, 2 8 , 2 9, 34 , 35, 47, 48 ,
63 , 70, 72 , 73 , 76, 98 , 101 , 1 1 2 .
ManajiGaekwadMaharaj , 2 17.
M andlik Rao , 71 , 85 , 86.
Mandv i , 2 46 and 21 .
Mansa, 5 1 .
Man Sarovar, 2 8 .
Maneknath Godaria, 67, 68.
M arath3s,rise ofthe ,1 59— 162 ;
defeated at Pan ipat, 1 96.
Maratha War, the fi rst, 203
2 1 5 .
Maurya kings, 2 n , 3 n .
Mirz as, 1 23, 1 39, 1 41 ,
Mul Raj I . ,1 1
,1 2
,1 5— 1 8 .
Mul Raj II. 37.
M un ic ipalit l es, 305 .
Mutiny of 1 8 57, 2 8 5 .
M u z afi'
ar Shah I . , 63 , 64. See
also Jafar Khan .
M u z afi'
ar Shah II. , 97— 103 .
M uz afi'
ar Shah III .,1 33- 1 35 ,
1 43— 1 47.
N.
Nadiad ,108 ,
203 , 204 , 2 2 5 .
Nadir Shah ,1 8 1 n .
Nagars, branches of, 47.
NanaFadnav is, 209 , 2 1 3 2 1
Nana , adopted son of BajiRao ,
2 89— 2 91 .
Nandod, 62 ,
71, 7" 109, 1 10,
1 4 1,1 44 . See Rajp1pla.
Nandurbar,7 1
,105 , 13 1.
Narayan Rao,see Peshwa.
Nausherwan the Just, 6, 1 "
Navanagar, 1 4 5 , and 72,— 1 47:
2 32 , 2 47, 2 48 .
Nur Jahan Begam , 83 , 1 53.
0.
Okham andal , 87, 1 46, 2 4 1 ,
2 60,2 6 1 .
() u t lawrv
M ah ikan tha,2 73— 279.
Kath iawar , 30" 303.
Outram , Sir Jam es,, 277.
P.
Palanpur, 93, 1 8 5 , 1 9 1 , 1 95 ,
2 49 and n, 2 50, 2 98 n .
Panc h Mahala, the controltransferred to the British ,2 80, troubles in , and TatyaTopi ’s raid on,
2 89, 2 90
Naek rainsu rrec tion in .2 93
2 96 ;c eded to theBritish ,2 96.
Panchasar, 7, 8 .
Pandavs, 2 .
Pan ipat, battles of, 1 4 1 , 1 97.
Parsis, the advent of, 1 2— 1 4 ,
49 .
Patan , see Anh i lwar and
Prabhas Patan .
Patri,1 2 5, 1 82 .
Peshwa,
Baj i Rao, I. ,
169, 170, 172 .
Balaji Baj i Rao, 1 83, 1 88 .
Madhav Rao I . ,1 98 ,
Narayan Rao,202 .
Madhav Rao Narayan, 208 ,
209, 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 .
Baj i Rao II. ,2 1 5 71 . 2 2 8 - 2 30,
2 36— 2 40, 2 42— 2 45 .
Pilaj i Gaekwad, 1 64 , 169,172 , 173 .
Pindaris, 2 18 , 2 42 and n .
Piram , 57, 58 , 1 75 .
Portuguese , 92 and n , 1 10,
1 1 4 , 1 2 2— 1 24 and n . 1 37,
1 50, 1 5 1 , 1 57, 158 .
Prab has Patan, rio ts at , 303.
Shah Alam , 8 2 , 83, 86, 88
and n .
Shah Jahan,1 49 , 1 53 ,
1 54 ,
1 56.
Shah i Bag ,1 53 .
Shahj i , 1 59 .
Sham bhu ram Gardi,
Shelu kar,2 19 , 2 20,
2 36.
Sheppard,M r. G . F. ,
2 35
and n .
Sh ihab-ud-din Ghori , 37, 39 ,
Sh ivaji , 1 5 9 - 1 6 1 .
S iddhpur , 1 5 , 1 7, 2 8 , 48 , 2 4 1 ,
2 77.
S iddh Raj Jaysingh ,2 7—33.
Sihor,1 7, 1 77 and 'n
,1 83 .
Sikandar, 105 .
S iladitya,k ing of Valabh ipu r,6 ,5 2 and
S ilhadi , king of Raisin ,1 13 .
S indh,
2 6 ; 50,86, 8 7.
Sindlna , 1 77, 196,20" 203,
209 , 2 12— 2 15 , 2 172 18 , 230.
S ir Bu land Khan ,1 65 , 168 ,
1 69 - 172 .
Siroh i , 8 2 , 1 4 1 .
Solanki dynasty,k ings of
t he . 1 2,1 5 - 44 . Appendix D .
Som eshwar, 3
° —4 1 .
Som nath M ahadev,tem ple of
1 5 , 16 ; Mahm ad of. Gaz n1 a
343
invasion
ex pedition , 20—23 and n ;
48, 60, 1 46.
Songadh ,1 65 , 1 83 , 198 .
Sukal Tirth ,19 and n .
Sultan ’
s of Gujarat. Appendices F. G .
Surat, 65 , 69 , 1 31 taken by
Akbar, 1 37; 1 38 , 1 50and n,
arrival of the Eng lish ,at ,
1 50- 15 2 , 1 58 ; plundered byShivaji , 1 59 , 1 60; 1 75 , 1 76;1 87, 2 2 2 ; takenby the English ,
2 23,246
,
2 8 2 , 2 83, 2 98 , 2 99; 304 .
T.
Tatar Khan, 61 , 62 .
Tatya T0pi, 2 89, 2 90.
Taylor , the Rev . G . P. , 3'n,
1 53 n .
Thasra, 60, 2 8 2 .
Tim ur (Tam erlane),of India by, 61 .
Tipu Sultan, 2 14 n
,2 28 .
Todar M al, 140, 14 2 .
Treaty , the Peshwa’
s with theDhabadé, theGaakwad
and Kanthaji Kadam ,
between the Gaekwadand Kanthaji Kadam ,
178 .
between the Eng lishand Raghunath Rao,
202 .
Treaty ,between the Englishand Fatehsing , 206.
of purandhar, 207.
between General GoddardandFatehsing 2 10.
of salbai , 2 14 , 2 15 .
of Baro da, 2 2 4Subsidiary Baroda ) ,
of Basse in ,2 28 .
between the Eng lishand Sindh ia, 2 30.
with Fatehsing ,2 4 1 .
with Radhanpur, 2 50.
T ribhovan Pa], 43 , 44 , 47.
T rim bakjiDanglia, 2 37— 240
2 45 .
Tributary ch iefs, List of, ap
pendi x J . 330— 334 .
T ughlak Gh iyas-ud-din ,
57.
Muham m ad, 57, 61 .
Firuz , 58 , 59.
Turk ish fi ee t sen t against thePortuguese 92 .
U.
Udaipur, 5 , 1 2 1 , 1 6 1 .
Ujjain ,58 n ,
72,74 ,
1 13, 2 26.
Um eta , 1 95 .
Um reth ,1 69, 2 4 1 .
U ras, 77 n , 79 n ,88 72 . See also
Fair .
V
Vaghela, kings of Gujarat , 45— 5 1 95 , 96. Appendix E 320.
344
Y.
Yeshovam an , 2 9 .
Vog Raj , 1 1 .
Z .
Zar-Talbi tribu te, 2 32 , 2 42,
vaghers, 2 , 2 4 1 , 260, 261 .
Vairatnagar, 2 , See DholkaVala, 4 and 'n ,
1 7, 1 8 , 1 78 .
Valabh ipur,4,5— 7, 5 2 .
Valabhsen , 1 9 .
Vam ansthali (Van thali), 4 ,15.
Van Raj Chavada, 1 , 2 , 9 - 1 1 .
Varsoda,5 1 n
,
Vastu Pal and T ej Pal . 4 5 .
Vik ramaditya era,5 and 2 1 .
Village system , 54 , 78 and n .
Virdhaval Vagh ela, 45 , 46.
Viram gam ,1 1 2
,1 8 "
Vesal Dev of Ajm er, 2 5, 26.
Visal Dev Vaghela, king of
Gujarat,46, 47.
Visalnagar, 2 6, 102 .
W .
Wadhwan, 30and n , 1 8 1 .
VVadnagar, founding of, 3 n,
102, 1 40, 1 61 , 1 69 .
“fagad, 79, 92 .
W alker, Colonel, 2 2 4- 2 26
2 3 1— 2 33.
VVan ta lands, 1 2 7 and n , 1 2 8 .
W i lloughby, M r. J. P. 275 ,2 79 .
34 5
CORRIGENDA
2 Linc 1 4 For Pandvs Read Pandavs.
1 9 10 retu rn ing ret iring .
2 6 1 8 approaohed approac hed.
4 5 of
4G 10 prab ab ly5 e fi ic t
1 4 Ahm adabad2 after h it
1 8 o l'
c e rs
1 (i J in1 6 destestat ion
2 3 W he re
so n
pludered
S iro h iS iro h i
PeshW at
the i
c es io n
probab ly .
effec t.
Ashava l .
add u pon t he .
read o ffi c ers.
J iu .
de testation .
we re
nephew.
plundered.
Siho r.
S iho rc s m a s m in lster.
t he
c essio n .
