A SPANISH SOURCE ON MID-NINTH-CENTURYMAR SABA ANDA NEGLECTED SABAITE MARTYR

MILKA LEVY-RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

This study presents an “old—new” source that contains information on the monastery of Mar Saba inthe mid—ninth century. This source broadens our knowledge of conditions in Mar Saba, the role thisfamous monastery played at that time, and the prevailing states of mind, moods, and atmosphere thataffected its members. The source tells the story of the martyrs George, Aurelius, Nathalia (also calledSabigotho), Felix, and Liliosa, who were martyred on 27 July 852 in Cordoba. The monk George, whohad been living in Mar Saba for twenty—seven years, was sent by the monastery’s abbot David to

Jerusalem; from there he was sent on a mission to collect alms in North Africa.1

George, in fact, tells the story himself in a letter he sends to his brothers in Mar Saba on the eve of hismartyrdom. Arriving in North Africa, and finding the church there afflicted by the attacks of thetyrants and hardly able to provide for the necessities of the brothers living there, he is advised by thebishop of Carthage to depart for Spain.2 Discovering that Spain is also afflicted by such hardships, heconsiders going on to the “Kingdom of the Christians, that is, Francia.”3 This is the turning point ofthe story. While meditating on this question, he is urged by friends to come with them to theirmonastery in order to think it over; at this point, he is pondering whether it might be better for him to

return home. He goes on to the monastery of Tabanos, on the outskirts of Cordoba, in order to receivea blessing for the journey from the brothers and sisters of this famous monastery.4 There he meetsNathalia (i.e., Sabigotho), who leads him to the other martyrs: her husband, Aurelius, and their rela-tives Felix and his wife, Liliosa. The four believe that George was sent to them by God to bask withthem in the glory of martyrdom.5All four are covert Christians, having been Muslim at some time orother in their past, and all are intent upon divulging their Christianity, although it is clear that thiswould cost them their lives. To this purpose, they are in fact given encouragement by Eulogius ofCordoba, who prays for them. Eventually they are all caught by the Muslim authorities and triedbefore the qddz‘. In the best tradition of martyrs, they refuse to denounce Christianity and proclaimtheir faith again and again in the face of death, ignoring opportunities given them by the qddz’ to retracttheir words and save their lives. George, more than all: having been sent away since he has notdefamed Muhammad or Islam, he rushes to do so in a stream of curses and blasphemies against theProphet and his believers.6

The story of the martyrdom of these five has long been known. It appeared as part of a long trea-tise, the Memoriale Sancrorum, that relates the stories of forty—eight Cordoban martyrs during the reignof the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al—Rahman 11 (822-852 CE.) and the first seven years of the caliphate ofMuhammad I (852-859). The treatise was written by Eulogius, a priest from Cordoba, who in 859 dieda martyr’s death himself, together with a Christian girl he harbored named Leocritia, thus bringing the

1 R. J. Pedrajas, “San Eulogio de Cordoba, autor de la Pasion francesa de los martires mozarabes cordobeses Jorge,Aurelio y Natalia,”Anthologica Annua 17 (1970), 465—583, esp. 534, 546. The article includes the history of the textand the text of the Passion juxtaposedwith that of the Memoriale.

2 Ibid., 535.3 Ibid., 546.4 Ibid., 547.5 Ibid., 551.6 Ibid., 567»70.

64 MILKA LEVY-RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

number of Cordoban martyrs to fifty.7 The Memoriale Sanctorum was published in 1574 by Ambrosiode Morales.8 The textual transmission of the text published by Morales is problematic: he based hisedition on one manuscript that later disappeared. The edition’s reliability is questionable, as the lan-guage resembles the Latin of Morales’ days more than that of authentic ninth—century texts; indeed,Morales himself admits that he emended the grammatical irregularities (though not the quaint vocab—ulary) he found in the manuscript.9 It is somewhat difficult, therefore, to rely with certainty on theinformation provided by the text.

Another version of this story that appears in the Memoriale survives, however, in the form of theMartyrium of the Saints George the Deacon, Aurelius, Felix, Nalhalia, and Liliosa. This text is extantin seven French manuscripts, the earliest of which is Paris, BN Lat. 13760, which comes from SaintGermain—des-Pres and dates from the ninth century.10 This text was also familiar, as it was printed byL. Surius in 1573, a year before Morales’ edition.‘1 The story of the Passion was probably composedfor Usuard and Odilard, two French monks of St. Germain—des—Pres, who went to Spain in 858 insearch of the relics of St. Vincent, deacon of the church of Saragossa, martyred in the persecutions ofDiocletian. Unable to obtain these, they finally settled for the more recent relics of Aurelius, Nathalia(Sabigotho), and the monk and deacon George of Mar Saba. The text of the Passion was given to themwith the relics.12

This Passion, however, was believed to be a summary of Eulogius’ Memoriale made by anotherhand and was therefore not considered as reliable as the Memoriale. However, Rafael Jimenez Pedrajas,who studied the French manuscripts, showed that the Passion, although closely related to the Memo-riale, was written by Eulogius himself as an independent work. This conclusion, in addition to the factthat there are several manuscripts, the earliest of which is both contemporaneous with the journey ofUsuard and Odilard and has been preserved in the same monastery that acquired the relics, changes thepicture. We may now, therefore, consider the Passion a reliable and separate work that may be usedindependently and confidently. In fact, there are many sections in the Passion that do not appear in theMemoriale, in addition to numerous readings that are indeed more reliable.

Mar Saba in the Ninth Century

The initial reason for George’s journey was the collection of donations or alms from other Christiancommunities. This was no doubt due to the difficult conditions of the Christian community in Palestine.

7 There are several studies concerning the martyrs of Cordoba: F. R. Franke, “Die freiwilligen Martyrer vonCordova und das Verh‘altnis der Mozaraber zum Islam (nach den Schriften von Speraindeo, Eulogius, und Alvar),”Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 13 (1958), 1—170; E. P. Colbert, The Martyrs of Cordoba (850—

859): A Study of the Sources (Washington, DC, 1962); J. Waltz, “The Significance of the Voluntary Martyrs ofNinth-Century Cordoba,” The Muslim World 60 (1970), 143—59, 226-36; N. Daniel, The Arabs andMedieval Europe(London-Beirut, 1975), chap. 2; J. A. Coope, “Religious and Cultural Conversion to Islam in Ninth—Century UmayyadCordoba,” Journal ofWorld History 4 (1993), 47-68; idem, The Martyrs of Cordoba (Lincoln—London, 1995).

8 Divi Eulogii Opera (Alcala, 1574), in PL 1152777—92.9 For Morales’ admission see Ambrosii Moralis scholia ad omnia Sancti Eulogii Opera, PL 115:917B—918B.On

the manuscript’s disappearance and the respective roles of Morales and Ponce de Leon in the edition of Eulogius’works, see Colbert, Martyrs, 435—53.

‘0 For the manuscripts and the history of the text, see Pedrajas, “Pasién,” 474-79.11 L. Surius, De Probatis sanctorumhistoriis, v01. 4 (Cologne, 1573), 916—23.12 The story of Usuard and Odilard was recorded by the monk Aimoin, De translatione SS. Georgii, Aurelii

and Nathaliae ex Urbe Corduba Parisios, ed. F. de Lorenzana, in SS. PP. Toleranorum opera, vol. 2 (Madrid, 1785),619—37; PL 1152936-60.

A SPANISH SOURCE ON MID-NINTH-CENTURY MAR SABA 65

In fact, there is cumulative evidence that from the second half of the eighth century on, conditions inPalestine deteriorated, and it was the non-Muslim population, (ahl al-a’himma) that was especially hurtby this state of affairs. With the rise of the Abbasids to power, two main changes occurred: first, withthe transfer of the Abbasid capital from Damascus to Baghdad, Jerusalem in particular, and Palestinein general, lost their central position and became a distant province whose problems were not tendedto very carefully. Second, the Abbasids were having difficult problems controlling the empire; therewere constant revolts and mutinies that they struggled to quell, many times without success. We giveonly a brief description of the situation here. Toward the end of the eighth century, Palestine wasentangled in an Arab tribal fitna, or war, which caused great havoc all over the country.‘3 The Passionof the twenty martyrs who died during these riots reports that many cities were abandoned (amongthese were Gaza, Sariphea, i.e., Diocletianopolis, Eleutheropolis, and Ascalon). Anarchy, says theauthor, was rampant, and the Arabs, who had long set their sights on the monasteries of the Judaeandesert but were previously prevented from doing so, were now free to act; they had no fear of theauthorities, and were free to do as they liked.14 The source goes on to describe the attack upon themonasteries of Euthymius, Sabas, and Chariton, and finally the suffocation of twenty of the monks ofMar Saba on 20 March 796. At about the same time there was a great attack of locusts, a terribleplague, and a drought that left the inhabitants of the country completely spent. This was not an isolatedevent. The war between Han—1n al—Rashid’s heirs caused great havoc.

This period is well documented by Theophanes, who reports under the year 808/9: “For this reasonalso the churches in the Holy City of Christ our God were made desolate, as well as the monasteriesof the two great lauras, namely, that of .Sts. Chariton and Cyriacus, and that of St. Sabas, and the othercoenobia, namely, those of St. Euthymius and St. Theodosius.The slaughter resulting from this anarchy,directed against each other and against us, lasted five years.”15 Under the year 812/3 he reports thatgeneral anarchy prevailed throughout the East and that the venerable places of the holy Resurrection,of Golgotha, and the rest were profaned; likewise the famous lauras in the desert, those of St. Charitonand St. Sabas, “and the other monasteries and churches were made desolate.”16 Although we have noChristian sources concerning the following period, it is now quite clear, thanks to a local Samaritanchronicle,17 that these conditions in fact continued to prevail during the following decades, under thecaliphs al-Ma‘mun (813—831), al-Mu‘tasim (833-842), al-Wathiq (842-847), and al-Mutawakkil (847-861). In fact, during the 840s, in the decade preceding the events described in the Passion, Palestinewas ravaged by a Muslim rebel by the name of Abfi Harb, who managed to evade the authorities and

‘3 This is the feud, or firna, known as “The War of the Watermelon,” part of a long series of outbreaks betweentribal factions known as the Nizdrz’ya or Mudari'ya, and the Yamaniya during this period. See F. von Sivers, “Military,Merchants and Nomads: The Social Evolution and the Syrian Cities and Countryside during the Classical Period 780—969,” Der Islam 56 (1979), 220ff. For a detailed description of this outbreak and its causes, see Ibn al-Athir, ‘Ali b.Muhammad ‘Izz al—Din, al—Ktimilfi al-Ta’rikh, ed. Tornberg, vol. 6 (repr. Beirut, 1965), 176 A.H., pp. 127—28. Themain part of this war took place around 792/3 (176 AH); see Ibn al—Athir, ibid.; al—Tabari, Abfi Ja‘far Muhammad b.Jarir, Ta ’rz‘k/z al-Rusul wa al-Malr‘zk. ser. 3, ed. M. J. de Goeje, vol. 3 (Leiden, 1964), 624—26. Tabari mentions tribalenmity in Palestine and some skirmishes already in 790/1 (174 A.H.). See also Ibn TaghriBirdi, Yfisuf Abfi al—Mahasin,al—Nujfim al—Zahira fiMulz‘ikMisr wal-Qahira, vol. 2 (Cairo, 1929), 67—68, who mentions the year 787/8 (171 A.H.) asthe year of the outbreak. Both Ibn al—Athir and Tabari emphasize that many people were killed throughout this war.

14 For the Greek text, see the edition by A. Papadopoulos—Kerameus in PravoslavniiPalestinskiSbornik 57 (1907),1—41, esp. 5. (For the Latin trans, see “Passio SS. XX Martyrum Laurae S. Sabae,” AASS, March 3: 165—79.) Concerningthe date of the Passion, see R. Blake, “Deux lacunes cornblées dans la Passio XX Monachorum Sabaitarum,” AB 68(1950), 27—43.

15 Theophanes, Clzronographia, ed. C. de Boor, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1883—85; repr. Hildesheim, 1963), 1:484; trans.C. Mango and R. Scott, The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (Oxford, 1997), 665.

1" Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor, 499; trans. Mango and Scott, 683.17 M. Levy—Rubin, The Continuatioof the Chronicle ofAbz? ’l—Farh al-Sdmiri (Princeton, N .J ., forthcoming).

66 MILKA LEVY-RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

caused death and destruction wherever he went.18Michael the Syrian, the sole witness for the Chris-tians during this period, reports that “he came to Jerusalem, and all the Arabs, the Christians, and theJews fled. He entered the mosques and the churches, and after he robbed everything he wanted to setfire to the church of the Anastasis and to other churches. The patriarch sent him a large sum of money[and thus saved the churches].”19 To all these tribulations one should add the strict limitations thatwere imposed upon the dhimmz‘s by al-Mutawakkil during the 840s and, more important, the heavyburden of the poll tax (jizya), which the dhimmz‘s were obliged to pay, a burden that became unbearablewhen the country was assailed by troubles such as anarchy, insecurity, locusts, plague, or drought.20It should be emphasized that al—Mansfir (754-775) compelled the monks, who previously had beenexempt from this burden, to pay the jizya.21

Apart from the isolated sentence from Michael the Syrian, there is, in fact, no information con—

cerning the state of the Christian community in the middle of the ninth century. George’s mission,therefore, ties in with these testimonies concerning the state of the Christian community at that period.

Here another point should be stressed. George says in his letter that he was sent by his hegomnenosto Jerusalem. It was in Jerusalem that he was entrusted with the task of going to North Africa tocollect alms.22 Thus it was not a mission organized solely by the monks of Mar Saba, but a missioninitiated by the patriarch of Jerusalem, for whom George, the respected Sabaite monk, was in fact amessenger. This is not surprising: Mar Saba and the patriarchs of Jerusalem had a long history of suchcooperation which bore a symbiotic character already in the Byzantine period. Mar Saba was the maintraining center for future office holders in the patriarchate. Many of the patriarchs were in fact trainedthere both in the Byzantine period and later in the early Muslim period. Like Euthymius and Sabas,John of Damascus and Theodore Abu Qurrah were well informed and involved in the patriarchal court.Both John and Theodore represented the patriarchate on important matters. Moreover, it seems that thevenerated fathers of Mar Saba had in fact a formal status in the patriarchate; thus the “Synod of theDesert Fathers” took part in important councils convened in the patriarchate and voted upon the theo-logical matters under discussion.23 George’s mission, therefore, was another link in this traditionalconnection, in which the monks contributed their spiritual and moral authority while the patriarchatesupplied its political and earthly power. George was walking in the footsteps of Sabas, who, when hewas sent on a mission to Constantinople, told Justinian that it was not the monasteries of the desert hewas representing, “for their portion and revenue is the Lord,” but the holy churches of Palestine thatwere in need of aid.24

18 Continuatio, text, 235-36, and notes.19 Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche, ed. and trans. J. B. Chabot, 4 vols. (Paris, 1899—

1924; repr. Brussels, 1960), 3:103; see also The Chronography of Gregory aba‘l Faraj Commonly Known as Bar—

Hebraeus, trans. E. W. Budge (Oxford, 1932), 139.20 S. D. Goitein, “Evidence on the Muslim Poll Tax from Non—Muslim Sources,“]ournal of the Economic and

SocialHistory of the Orient 6 (1963), 278-95. Goitein begins by saying that”there is no subject of Islamic social his-tory on which the present writer had to modify his views so radically while passing from literary to documentarysources... as the jizya or jaliya, the poll tax to be paid by non—Muslims.”He continues by describing the terrible bur—den this tax imposed on the people. Also M. Levy—Rubin, “New Evidence Relating to the Process of Islamization inPalestine in the Early Muslim Period: The Case of Samaria,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of theOrient 43 (2000), 257-76.

21 Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor, 430; trans. Mango and Scott, 595: “In this year Abdelas intensifiedthe taxation of Christians so much so that he laid taxes on all monks, solitaries and stylites who led lives pleasing toGod.”

‘

22 Pedrajas, “Pasién,” 546.23 See M. Levy—Rubin, “The Patriarchate of Jerusalem after the Arab Conquest” (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University

of Jerusalem, 1994), 238-60, esp. 250—57 (in Hebrew); Eng. summary, x-xii.24 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae (= V. Sab.) 71, ed. E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis (Leipzig, 1939),

l74.23—175.19; Eng. trans. by R. M. Price, Cyril of Scythopolis: The Lives of the Monks of Paelstine (Kalamazoo,Mich, 1991), 184.

A SPANISH SOURCE ON MID-NINTH-CENTURY MAR SABA 67

Although we have but scant evidence, such missions seem to have become quite common inPalestine during the ninth century. The well-known contacts with Charlemagne’s court may well haveincluded such requests for financial aid. This was no doubt the aim of the C0mmemorat0rium de casisDei, composed probably around 808, which ends with the list of expenditures of the patriarchate.25In the year 800 a delegation from Jerusalem asked for help against “the insurgent peoples” and men—

tioned especially the coenobia.26 They did not expect Charlemagne, no doubt, to come physically totheir aid; rather, it would seem more plausible that they were seeking financial aid. This may also bethe case concerning the letters exchanged between Alcuin and Patriarch George (800-807),27 whichrefer to tribulations and persecutions by the infidels, and an additional report written in Latin at thetime of Patriarch George concerning the misfortunes of the 790s.28 Our monk George, too, would havemade known the hardships that afflicted the community in Palestine in order to justify the request forfinancial aid.

George, however, was sent to collect alms not to the West but to North Africa, no doubt because itwas much closer and probably more affluent than Europe. In the ninth century there was still a con—

siderable Christian community in North Africa, of both Rum, belonging to the Byzantine church, andLatin speakers, dependent on Rome; Christian communities existed in both the old centers and in newcities like Kayrawan, Mahdiya, and Qal‘a. As in other Muslim centers, there were Christians who heldinfluential posts; they were, however, under strong pressure from the Muslim authorities to embraceIslam.29 The Passion witnesses that neither the Christians of North Africa nor those of Spain werebetter off than those of Palestine; they too suffered from various afflictions, and thus George could notfulfill his mission there.30

The Number of Brothers Living in Mar Saba

In the letter written just before his execution, George specifically mentions that there are fivehundred monks in the monastery of Mar Saba. This information is somewhat surprising. The numberis large, if we take into consideration the difficult conditions that prevailed in the various monasteriessince the second half of the eighth century. In addition, the Comntemoratorium de casis Dei, a docu-ment intent upon supplying data concerning the churches and monasteries of Palestine, specificallystates that the number of monks in Mar Saba was 150. How to explain the difference in the numbersgiven in these documents, both of which are considered reliable? It is not likely that George wouldmake a gross mistake here, nor would the Commemorarorium.

A more thorough inquiry, however, shows that the number given in the Commemoratoriummay notbe 150. In fact, the text of the Commemoratorium exists in one sole manuscript, in bad condition,

25 T. Tobler, DescriptionesTerrae Sanctae (Leipzig, 1874; repr. New York, 1974), 77—84, with notes, pp. 355—92;

also in T. Tobler and A. Molinier, Itinero Hierosolymitanaet DescriptionesTerrae Sanetae, vol. 1 (Geneva, 1879),301—5.

26 MGH, SS, 1:156.27 MGH, Ep, 4:350—51.28 See R. Priebsch, Die Vi‘olie Botschaft zu der Christenheit (Graz, 1895), 67-71.29 On the Christian community in North Africa in this period, see G. Marcais, “La Berbérie au IXe siecle d’apres

El-Ya‘qfibi,” Revue africaine 85 (1941), 40-61, esp. 44-51; see also C. Courtois, “Gregoire VII et l’Afrique du Nord,”Revue historique 195 (1945), 97—122, 193-226, esp. 109—12; M. Talbi, “Le Christianisme maghrébin de la conquétemusulmane a sa disparition: Une tentative d’explication,” in Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Com—

munities in Islamic Lands, Eighth to Eighteenth Centuries, ed. M. Gervers and R. J. Bikhazi (Toronto, 1990), 313-51,

esp. 317—19.30 Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 535, 546.

68 MILKA LEVY-RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

found in the library in Basel. Many parts of the text are cut off and were completed by the editors.A close look at the text and the editor’s notes reveals that there is a gap between the numerals C andL; this gap obviously discloses the existence of an additional numeral there, as the editor himselfnoted. He suggested that this may be an X (CXL) or a C, preferring himself C (CCL), thus raising thenumber of the monks living in Mar Saba at the beginning of the ninth century to 250. However, itcould also be a D (CDL), thus making the number 450. Whatever the case may be, the number statedby the Commemoratorium is not 150.31

Could there really have been approximately five hundred monks at Mar Saba at the time? In 516Cyril of Scythopolis reports that ten thousand monks were assembled from the Vicinity of Jerusalemovernight.32 Even if we consider that this number is rounded upward and believe that it was in realityhalf as much, it is still immense. In this case, five hundred would be just a remnant. The number fivehundred may well reflect, therefore, the whole monastic population of the Judaean desert, which wasin all probability under the jurisdiction of the hegonmenoi of Mar Saba and Theodosius, who servedas archimandrites of the monasteries of the Judaean desert since the days of Sabas and Theodosius.It could also very well reflect the total population of monks in the patriarchate of Jerusalem, whichwas concentrated at that time mostly in the Judaean desert.

Languages Spoken by George

The text of the Memoriale Sanctorum includes an interesting item. It states that George was profi-cient in various languages, that is, Greek, Latin, and Arabic, yet he did not assume a proud mannerbecause of this.33 The knowledge of Greek and Arabic is not surprising. Arabic was spoken amongChristians in Palestine from the eighth century (the earliest extant Christian Arabic manuscript datesfrom 772 013.),34 while Greek at Mar Saba needs no explanation. Greek continued to be the languageof scholarship and liturgy in the patriarchate of Jerusalem. What is surprising is the claim that Georgespoke Latin. This may of course have been possible, since there were contacts with the West, and therewas a community of Latin—speakingmonks living on the Mount of Olives. The solution is, nevertheless,much simpler. The text of the Passion, which is far more reliable, reads: “He was... proficient in theGreek language and the Arabic language which was spoken by the Ishmaelites. He was, however,unable to express himself satisfactorily in Latin.”35 Thus the presumably authentic version ofEulogius’ passage does not bear testimony to a knowledge of Latin in mid—ninth—century Mar Saba.It is not surprising that Eulogius makes a point of noting this fact, Latin being the language of thechurch in Spain from antiquity.

George’s Attitude toward Islam

George blatantly expresses his attitude toward Islam before his martyrdom. When the five areordered to appear before the addi, George is sent away because they had not heard him insult the

31 Tobler, Descriptiones,376.32 V. Sab. 56, ed. Schwartz, 151.9—15; trans. Price, 160—61.33 Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 539; PL 1152787C.3“ Y. Blau, A Grammar of Christian Arabic Based Mainly on South Palestinian Texts from the 1st Millennium

(Louvain, 1966), 24.35 BN lat. 13760, fol. 74v. Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 542, has “quae” instead of “qua.”

A SPANISH SOURCE ON MID—NINTH-CENTURYMAR SABA 69

Prophet. He, however, refuses, saying: “Oh princes, do you doubt my faith?” “Do you think that Icould think anything good of your master, the disciple of Satan? I believe that he who had appearedto him in the guise of an angel had in reality been a demon. He is in fact a perfidious and worthlessbeliever in the Devil, a minister ofAntichrist and a labyrinth ofall the vices.” George’s opinion is wellin line with the position of John ofDamascus, who calls Muhammadprodromos tou Antichristou (“theforerunner of Antichrist”) and a pseualoprophetes,36 and with the opinions expressed by Michael, theSabaite monk, in a disputation at the court of Amir al—Mu‘minin ‘Abd al—Malik (685—705), accordingto his vita written at Mar Saba at the beginning of the ninth century; Michael expressely says thatMuhammad is “neither an apostle nor a prophet; he is a deceiver.”37 George here echoes the opinionsand beliefs concerning Islam that were prevalent at Mar Saba in his day.

It should be noted, however, that similar opinions concerning Muhammad and Islam were commonamong Christians in Andalusia at the time.38 Albar, Eulogius’ friend, in the continuation of his IndiculusLuminosus, included a derogatory description of Muhammad as Antichrist.39 Perfectus, the firstmartyr in Cordoba to be executed in the wave of martyrdoms that began in the 850s, said thatMuhammad taught “false doctrines,” that he was seduced by “demonic images and led his followersto perdition.”“O The next martyr, Isaac, who was put to death three months later, called Muhammad a“liar,” saying that he is “filled with the devil” and will “lead his followers to eternal damnation.” Hebegged the qadi to abandon the “excrescence of this pestiferous doctrine.”41 Eulogius also quotes froma life of Muhammad he says he found in Pamplona reporting that “a demon appeared to Muhammadin the form of a vulture with a golden mouth and he mistook the demon for the angel Gabriel.”42 Thisis, no doubt, the same demon that George says appeared to Muhammad in the guise of an angel. In thePassion, Eulogius calls Islam “a perverse dogma that is clearly nonsense” 43 and says that “the nationof the Ishmaelites venerates the Pseudo-prophet so greatly,. .. as if they accepted through him the pathof salvation.”44 The evident similarity between the arguments against Islam in the East and in MuslimSpain has already been noted by F. R. Franke, who attributed them to the close contacts between thesetwo Christian communities living under Islam.45

It should be noted that George, like the great theologian of Mar Saba, does not adopt or employ themore personal attacks that were common in Spain concerning Muhammad’s immorality: his sexualpromiscuity or other allegations, such as his being a moneylender or the allegation that he said hewould be raised from the dead after three days.46

Mar Saba and the Cordoban Martyrdom Movement

Another intriguing question that arises from this Passion has to do with George’s decision to becomea martyr. How is it that George, who had been sent on a very specific and practical mission, becomes

36 John of Damascus, Liber de Haeresibus, PG 94:764; trans. D. J. Sahas, John of Damascus on Islam (Leiden,1972), 133. On the authenticity of chap. 100/101, see ibid., 60-66.

37 P. Peeters, “La Passion de S. Michel le Sabaite,” AB 48 (1930), 71.38 B. Z. Kedar, Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims (Princeton, N.J., 1984), 31—32.3" Waltz, “Significance,”228, citing Albar, Vita Eulogii 4—5, PL 115:714—18.40 See Coope, Martyrs, 17, citing Eulogius, Memoriale Sanctorunz 2.1.41 Ibid., 20, citing Eulogius, Memoriale 2.2.43 Ibid., 47, citing Eulogius, Liber Apologeticus martyrum 16, in J. Gil, Corpus Scriptorum Muzarabicorum

(Madrid, 1973).“‘3 Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 487.44 Ibid., 494.45 See Franke, “Die freiwilligen Martyrer von Cordova,” 58—59.4" Coope, Martyrs, 47-48.

70 MILKA LEVY-RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

involved of his own will in a martyrs’ movement in a place that he has in fact already decided to

leave? Why is he lured into this adventure? The answer is to be found in the letter George writes tohis brothers at the monastery before his martyrdom. The letter is an apology for not having fulfilledhis mission. “You know,” he says, “that I came to Spain only in order to collect alms for you.” Afterdescribing his journey from Africa to Spain, and his hesitations about going on to the kingdom of theFranks, he explains that he went to Tabanos only to get a blessing for the journey; there he metNathalia, who, after blessing him, asked him if he meant to go on (being one of) the sinners. That nighthe saw her lavishly dressed in his dream: she promised him,“I have a greater treasure than this.” Inthe morning he went with her to meet her husband, Aurelius. George immediately prostrated himselfin front of him and begged him to pray for him “that together with them he will be worthy of receivingGod’s promised gift.”47 Two points should be noted here: first, George does not need to be persuadedor talked into this; he readily joins them because of his dream; second, he does not have to explainhis decision to his brothers in Mar Saba. He presumes that they will understand the motives for hismartyrdom.

It could indeed be claimed that martyrdom is a sublime deed that needs no explanation. Yet itshould be emphasized that for George and his brethren at Mar Saba, martyrdom was indeed a familiarevent. The phenomenon of martyrs who gave up their lives to testify to their Christian faith, in defi—

ance of Islam, was well known in Palestine in the ninth century. Although the movement in the Eastwas not as intensive as in ninth-century Cordoba, there are nevertheless several examples of Christianswho decided to defy Islam openly from the seventh century on. As in Cordoba, they were mostlypeople who had been Muslim in their past and were therefore forbidden to become Christian and, likethe martyrs in Cordoba, decided to give up their lives although they could in fact be spared. Such wasthe case of Antonius Ruwah, a Muslim who had received the blessing of Patriarch Elias II ofJerusalem and was baptized in the Jordan. He was put to death by Harlin al-Rashid on 25 December799.48 Michael, a monk of Mar Saba, became entangled in a disputation at the court of the caliph andwas put to death outside Jerusalem (8th century).49 ‘Abd al-Masih al-Najrani was a Christian whobecame Muslim and then returned to Christianity. He spent five years at Mar Saba, after which heserved as the oikonomos at Sinai. He made a point of being found out and died a martyr’s death (prob—

ably in the 9th century).50 Bacchus, 0r Dahhak, whose family had joined Islam, became a monk at MarSaba and was finally martyred (8th century)“ with others.

It is immediately evident that many of these martyrs were Sabaite monks at some time or another.In addition, some of the vitae were written at Mar Saba. The life of Michael the Sabaite was writtenby Basil of Emesa, a monk and priest of Mar Saba, to be identified possibly with the hegoumenos ofMar Saba at the end of the eighth century;52 the vita of Romanus the neomartyr was written by the“Beatus Stephen of Damascus,” a Sabaite monk;53 and the vita of Peter of Capitolias is attributed toJohn of Damascus.54 The monks of Mar Saba were therefore not only familiar with this new wave ofmartyrdoms that arose under Muslim rule, but were also its promoters and champion in the East. Theyhad their own respected gallery of martyrs and were intent upon preserving and enhancing their mem-ory. Like the movement in Cordoba, they too aimed at fortifying the Christian spirit in face of the

47 Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 548—49.48 1. Dick, “La passion arabe de S. Antoine Rfiwah néo-martyrde Damas,” Le Muséon 74 (1961), 109—33.4" Peeters, “S. Michel,” 65—98; see also the article by Sidney H. Griffith in this volume.50 G. Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ‘Abd al-Masih,” Le Muséon 79 (1966), 187-237; S. H. Griffith,

“The Arabic Account of ‘Abd al—Masih an—Najrani al—Ghassani,” Le Muséon 98 (1985), 331-74.51 R. Janin, “Bacchus,” DHGE 6:50.52 Peeters, “S. Michel,” 66, 80.53 P. Peeters, “S. Romain 1e neomartyr (d. ler mai 780) d’apres un document géorgien,” AB 30 (1911), 393-427,

405-6. Because the title was obviously appended later by someone other than the author, Peeters raises doubts aboutthe text’s reliability (ibid., 408).

54 P. Peeters, “La Passion de S. Pierre de Capitolias (d. 715),” AB 57 (1939), 299-333.

A SPANISH SOURCE ON MID-NINTH-CENTURY MAR SABA 71

temptations of Islam. This movement represented the struggle of the Christian communities underIslam to preserve their special cultural and religious identity and to stop or at least delay the processof assimilation and conversion that was taking place.55George, too, is a miles dez' fighting this war, as Eulogius says.56 He and his brothers need no expla—nation or convincing; they understand very well what the martyrdoms of Cordoba are all about.George knew that his brothers at Mar Saba would venerate his memory. It seems, however, that neitherGeorge’s letter nor other news of his martyrdom reached the monastery, since he is not commemoratedin the synaxaria of Mar Saba.

George’s Virtues as a Monk

Eulogius introduces George as an admired, even revered monk. He recounts that he was dedicatedto the service of God from adolescence, already for twenty—seven years.57 He emphasizes his immac—ulate character, humility, temperance, modesty, and pure heart.58 George wore only the cheapestclothes, he ate frugally, he never drank pure wine, only wine mixed with water, he held vigils andfasts, and chanted psalms; also, he had not bathed since the day he had entered the monastery.59 Thisdescription is modeled on that of the great monks of the Judaean desert: Euthymius,60 Sabas,61 Johnthe Hesychast,62 and Theodosius,63 among others. Such practices were not unfamiliar among Cordobanmonks, who apparently followed practices similar to those attributed to George and practiced a semi-anchoritic lifestyle, living in lauras similar to those of the Judaean desert, possibly having been influ—enced directly by it.64 It should be noted that the practice of completely abstaining from washing isnoted in the life of Cyriacus, who believed that “abstaining from washing was one of the greatestvirtues.”65In conclusion, the story of the monk George, who died a martyr’s death in Cordoba in 852, providesa glimpse into Mar Saba in the middle of the ninth century. Because of the difficult conditions of theChristian community in Palestine at that time, George, an honorable monk and deacon of thismonastery, was sent, as a representative of the patriarchate of Jerusalem, to collect alms abroad inorder to aid the community. Such missions for the purpose of collecting alms seem, in fact, to havebeen quite regular. In this case and in many others, Mar Saba continued to be the standard bearer ofthe patriarchate, representing it on many important occasions.George’s letter informs us that there were five hundred monks in the monastery at the time, anobservation that may not be as exaggerated as it seems at first glance. George’s knowledge of Greekand Arabic can probably be considered the rule among the more learned fathers and brothers of themonastery. Eulogius’ description of George is that of a pious anchoritic monk, living according to themodel of the great Sabaite fathers.

55 Coope, “Religious and Cultural Conversion”;Waltz, “Significance,”229.56 Pedrajas, “Pasion,” 540.57 Ibid., 534.58 Ibid., 536.59 Eulogius, text, 538.60 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Eutlzymii 4, ed. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skyt/zopolis, 11.9.61 V. Sab. 2 and 28, ed. Schwartz, 87.26, 113.9.62 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita IoalmiHerychasresis 6, ed. Schwartz, Kyrillos van Skyz‘liopolis, 206.5.63 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Theodosiz', ed. Schwartz, Kyrz'llos von Skythopolz's, 237.5.64 Coope, Martyrs, 22.

,

65 Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Cyriaci 3, ed. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skyr/iopolis, 20225—203.

72 MILKA LEVY—RUBIN AND BENJAMIN Z. KEDAR

The close ties George develops with the Cordoban monks, his open defiance of Islam, and finallyhis martyrdom result from the meeting of these two seemingly different worlds, which were in factone; they were both part of a Christian community living under Muslim rule and struggling to survivephysically, and more important spiritually, against assimilation, conversion, and extinction. Their sim-ilar arguments against Islam and Muhammad are a symptom of this common fate. George’s story istherefore an integral part of the cycle of hagiographies that were generated at Mar Saba in that era.George was another martyr in the line of martyrs who were a product of Mar Saba and whosememory served as a symbol of true and unrelenting Christianity in the face of Islam.

Hebrew University of Jerusalem