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Pre-print: The paper is currently under review for proceedings of Practical Applications of Corpus Linguistics 2015. Please contact the author before citing. Victoria Kamasa The Faculty of Modern Languages and Literatures Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań Corpus Linguistics for Critical Discourse Analysis. What can we do better? 1 Introduction Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth CDA) has lately celebrated its 20th birthday with a seminar in Amsterdam. During these 20 years both theoretical reflection and empirical studies have flourished within the field. Different approaches, such as the Discourse Historical Approach (Reisigl & Wodak 2001) or the sociocognitive approach (Dijk, Teun A. van 2008), have been proposed, adopted for a vast range of topics and overviewed in publications such as Wodak & Meyer (2009) or Duszak & Fairclough (2008). But CDA has not only been developed and practiced. It has also been criticized, most remarkably by Widdowson (1995; 1998) and Breeze (2011) who offer an extensive overview of controversies surrounding CDA. Some critical remarks in the context of educational research have also been summarized by Rogers et al. (2005), while more particular comments are scattered through various publications (O'Halloran 2009; Orpin 2005; Prentice 2010; Stubbs 1997). This critique contributed to the application of some techniques of corpus linguistics (henceforth CL) in CDA . First attempts of employing such an approach came from the late

Metody korpusowe w Krytycznej Analizie Dyskursu: co możemy robić lepiej?

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Pre-print: The paper is currently under review for proceedings of Practical Applications of Corpus Linguistics 2015.

Please contact the author before citing.

Victoria Kamasa

The Faculty of Modern Languages and Literatures

Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań

Corpus Linguistics for Critical Discourse Analysis.

What can we do better?

1 Introduction

Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth CDA) has lately celebrated its 20th birthday with

a seminar in Amsterdam. During these 20 years both theoretical reflection and empirical

studies have flourished within the field. Different approaches, such as the Discourse

Historical Approach (Reisigl & Wodak 2001) or the sociocognitive approach (Dijk, Teun A.

van 2008), have been proposed, adopted for a vast range of topics and overviewed in

publications such as Wodak & Meyer (2009) or Duszak & Fairclough (2008). But CDA has

not only been developed and practiced. It has also been criticized, most remarkably by

Widdowson (1995; 1998) and Breeze (2011) who offer an extensive overview of

controversies surrounding CDA. Some critical remarks in the context of educational research

have also been summarized by Rogers et al. (2005), while more particular comments are

scattered through various publications (O'Halloran 2009; Orpin 2005; Prentice 2010; Stubbs

1997).

This critique contributed to the application of some techniques of corpus linguistics

(henceforth CL) in CDA . First attempts of employing such an approach came from the late

Pre-print: The paper is currently under review for proceedings of Practical Applications of Corpus Linguistics 2015.

Please contact the author before citing. 1990‟s (e.g. Beaugrande 2008; Flowerdew 1997; Hardt-Mautner 1995; Krishnamurthy 1996)

and were followed by the seminal work of Baker (2006), in which he describes basic corpus

techniques useful for discourse analysis and illustrates them with examples of his own

research. The discussion on the benefits of corpus techniques for CDA continues in a wide

array of research papers using these techniques (e.g. Baker et al. 2008; Degano 2007;

Subtirelu 2013).

The idea of corpus assisted CDA led to the proliferation of studies in which corpus

techniques were used to reveal and describe discourses of interest for critical analysts. The

popularity of this approach is visible both in the variety of techniques used and the diversity

of subjects analyzed. The techniques range from straightforward analyses of concordances

(Albakry 2004) to quite sophisticated research on lexical bundles (Herbel-Eisenmann &

Wagner 2010) or automatically tagged semantic categories (Prentice 2010). The vast range of

subjects includes, among others, national identity issues in Ireland (Prentice 2010), Malaysia

(Don et al. 2010) or Quebec (Freake et al. 2010), different social problems such as sexism

(Yasin, Mohamad Subakir Mohd et al. 2012) or eating-disorders (Lukac 2011), and social

construction of businesswomen (Koller 2004) or economic crisis (Lischinsky 2011). Also, the

sheer number of publications using corpus techniques demonstrates the growing interest:

according to the Scopus database, the total number of publications combining CDA and CL in

1990‟s was 3, in 2000‟s it amounted to 29, and since 2010 it has already reached 471. This

tendency is also visible in the leading conferences in the field: the 2014 Critical Approaches

to Discourse Analysis Among Disciplines (CADAAD) conference featured talks by almost 40

authors who used some form of corpus analysis in their studies.

1

Presented numbers result from search term: “KEY ("critical discourse analysis" ) AND TITLE-ABS-

KEY (corpus OR corpora OR "corpus linguistics")” (Scopus, 2014).

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Please contact the author before citing. Such interest gave rise to some critical considerations concerning the usage of corpus

techniques in CDA. For instance, Mautner (2009b) suggests that the contextual nature of

CDA and the lack of context in corpus research may produce some tensions. She also points

to semiotic impoverishment and oversensitivity to frequency as possible drawbacks of the CL

approach. Gabrielatos (2009) and Gabrielatos & Duguid (2014), on the other hand, offer a

more detailed discussion concerning the techniques chosen (such as keywords), statistical

measures used to perform them and the way these measures are interpreted in empirical

studies. Nevertheless, until now the steadily growing body of corpus-supported CDA studies

has not been critically reviewed in order to identify the most vulnerable points of the research

practice and suggest some improvements.

We will attempt to fill this gap in the presented paper. As a way of organizing our

reflections, we will use the criticism voiced about CDA and the ways the corpus approach has

been expected to address it. We will therefore strive to answer the question whether the way

corpus techniques are used in research practice fulfills the hopes vested in them and, if not,

what are the major problems we should address.

The starting point is the critical one; therefore, we will concentrate on such research

practices that from our point of view need to be improved in order to take full advantage of

the CL approach. We will focus on weaknesses and practices which may raise doubts,

withholding from presenting all the excellent practices both in the field and in the studies we

base our overview on. We will focus our considerations on the body of research papers

published between 2002 and 2013 in which the authors both declare a commitment to some

form of CDA and use at least one of corpus techniques (such as the analysis of concordances,

collocations, keywords or lexical bundles). The presented overview is not claimed to be

exhaustive, but is hoped to provide some useful insights into how the use of corpus techniques

in CDA might be improved.

Pre-print: The paper is currently under review for proceedings of Practical Applications of Corpus Linguistics 2015.

Please contact the author before citing. The following sections will briefly present the main points of criticism of CDA and the

ways the corpus approach was expected to address them. Then we will demonstrate some

examples from research practice in which, despite using corpus techniques, the problems

pointed out by CDA critics remained unsolved. Finally, we will suggest some good practice

that should help to avoid such problems and consider issues that seem to remain unresolved

even with the use of advanced CL techniques.

2 CL as answer for criticism of CDA

In its 20 years CDA has been discussed from different perspectives and criticized for

various shortcomings. The key points of critique relate to the analyzed material

(decontextualization of analyzed texts and fragmentary character of the analyses), scholarly

discipline (bias and cherry-picking and pivotal role of the researcher's intuition) and lack of a

coherent theory of audience response. Introduction of CL techniques into CDA was believed

to address all these problems.

2.1 Decontextualisation of analyzed texts

One of CDA's weaknesses CL should help to overcome is the decontextualization of the

analyzed texts. This lack of context relates to production, consumption, distribution, or

reproduction of texts (Breeze 2011; Rogers et al. 2005), but can also be seen more broadly as

ignoring the interactional frame (Rogers et al. 2005). While the CL approach alone does not

allow for more context embedded analyses, working with large volumes of data (Mautner

2009a) might balance out the omission of context in the analyses. Consequently, researchers

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Please contact the author before citing. using the CL approach still miss the context of a particular text, but they see such a large

amount of texts that they encounter the studied phenomenon in multiple instances. Therefore,

it might suffice to obtain reliable results, even though no context is taken into account. In this

case, CL, rather than offering a simple answer to the decontextualization problem, offers the

researchers a possibility to ignore the context without detriment to the validity of the results.

2.2 Fragmentary character of analyses

Another point of criticism directed at CDA to which CL seems to offer answers is the

fragmentary character of the analyses, observed both on the levels of sampling and analytic

procedures. With respect to the former, the critics question the representativeness of the

studied texts (Stubbs 1997) and point to their exemplificatory character (Fowler 1996). With

respect to the latter, doubts arise concerning the legitimacy of conclusions about ideology

based on focusing on particular lexical items or certain grammatical features (Breeze 2011).

CL presents an obvious solution for both aspects of this problem: the representativeness of the

data is achieved through sophisticated sampling procedures and, above all, through large

sample size (Degano 2007). Moreover, CL also enables a more exhaustive analysis by

“highlighting lexical and grammatical regularities” (Lischinsky 2011: 155) and a

comprehensive, rather than selective, description of syntactic and semantic properties of

lexical items (Hardt-Mautner 1995). Therefore, the problem of the fragmentary character of

the analysis can be solved by the use of corpora and corpus tools, both on the level of

sampling and analytic procedures.

2.3 Bias

CL is also believed to reduce the bias often indicated as another weakness of CDA. This

bias has been associated with the political commitment of CDA that in some cases leads

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Please contact the author before citing. researchers to act on personal grounds, rather than a scholarly principle (Breeze 2011). The

critics of CDA also pointed out that some analyses are conducted in such a way as to confirm

the researcher‟s preconceptions (Widdowson 1995) and that “political and social ideologies

are read into the data” (Rogers et al. 2005: 372). As mentioned above, CL offers the

researchers a heuristic tool (Hardt-Mautner 1995) and a more focused approach to the texts

(Lischinsky 2011), both being helpful in reducing bias. Moreover, Subtirelu (2013: 43)

mentions that using CL techniques in CDA provides “results that are not idiosyncratic to a

specific analyst”, while Baker (2011: 24) sees the bias-reducing potential of CL in the fact

that it forces the researcher to “account for any larger-scale or salient patterns”, i.e. also those

that do not conform to her or his political or social ideologies. Hence, it is believed that focus

on frequency and regularities provided by CL helps (at least partially) to overcome the

problem of bias.

2.4 Cherry-picking

It is also hoped that using the CL approach will address the cherry-picking problem

voiced, for example, by Breeze (2011), Verschueren (2001) or Mautner (2009b). This

problem is described as a tendency to choose such sets of texts or sets of examples that fit

either the interpretative framework (Verschueren 2001) or the presumptions of the researcher

(Rogers et al. 2005), which may skew the results and diminish their social credibility. As an

answer to this, CL offers a clear and precise criterion for choosing what should be analyzed,

namely frequency. As Degano (2007: 363) puts it: “the quantitative approach forces [sic] to a

closer observation of data, with a view to the frequency with which a certain characteristic

occurs, so that uses which can be identified as recurring are considered as more relevant than

isolated examples”. As a result, such approach helps to shift the researcher's attention from

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Please contact the author before citing. what seems to be interesting and might confirm (unconscious) presumptions to what is

demonstrably frequent, regular and forms some kind of a pattern.

2.5 Pivotal role of researcher’s intuition

Additionally, the CL approach may be able to deal with the pivotal role of the

researcher‟s intuition noted by Breeze (2011), Widdowson (1998) or Prentice (2010). On a

general level, such a role of the researcher demonstrates itself in the crucial significance of

her or his interpretive and explanatory skills for the obtained results (Breeze 2011) and the

subjectivity of the reading which leads to many possible interpretations of the same text

(Breeze 2011). On a more detailed level, this intuition also plays a central role in all analyses

that involve some kind of categorization, as they are based on a subjective application of a

coding system (Prentice 2010). Here again, the focus on frequency and patterns characteristic

for CL can be helpful in dealing with this issue. “The concordancer produces „results‟ in its

own right” (Hardt-Mautner 1995: 24), so there is no need for the researcher to use her or his

intuition to decide which lexical items or patterns of co-occurrence should be analyzed. The

involvement of the intuition in the analysis is also lowered by the heuristic function of the

corpus software, which draws the researcher's attention to phenomena that should be

investigated more closely (Hardt-Mautner 1995). Finally, some level of intersubjectivity,

being a consequence of reducing the intuition‟s role in the studies, has also been confirmed

experimentally (Marchi & Taylor 2009).

2.6 Lack of coherent theory of audience effects and audience response

The problem of the lack of a coherent theory of audience effects and audience response

can also be partially tackled by using the CL approach. As Rogers et al. (2005: 386) put it:

CDA authors “failed to represent the relationship between the grammatical resources and the

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Please contact the author before citing. social practices”, whereas Breeze (2011) points to the great complexity of reader-text

relations (involving readers‟ exposure to many different discourses and subtlety of ideological

meanings‟ transfer) and advises caution in drawing conclusions about thought from language.

Once again, focusing on high frequency items and patterns in texts contributes to the solution

of this problem, as it might be suspected that persistent recurrence is related to cognitive

visibility (Baker 2011; Gabrielatos & Baker 2008).

As demonstrated above, CL presents itself as a remedy for numerous issues voiced by the

critics of CDA. For some problems the solutions offered by CL are obvious and quite

comprehensive, as in the case of the fragmentary character of the analyses or cherry-picking.

For others, it is rather indirect and more of a hint or direction to be followed and developed

than a clear answer, as in the case of the decontextualization of analyzed texts or the lack of

audience effects theory. The problems and their respective solutions are summarized in the

Figure 1.

“@@ Insert Figure1 here”

Decontextualisation of analyzed texts

Large material as balance for the lack of context

Fragmentary character of analyses Representativeness (large corpora)

Exhaustive analysis (software)

Cherry-picking Choice of analysied items on the

basis of statistics

Pivotal role to the researcher’s intuition

Statistical significance instead of intuition

Bias Intersubjective methods

Focus on patterns and regularities

Lack of a coherent theory of audience effects and audience

response

Frequency as main factor effecting the audience

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Please contact the author before citing. Figure 1 – CDA critique and CL answers

3 CL answers and research practice

With such an optimistic view of the possibilities opened for CDA by the use of CL, the

question arises if the research practice lives up to these expectations. There is a number of

problems which recur in numerous studies that might weaken the belief in CL as a solution

for most issues that CDA is facing.

3.1 Decontextualisation of analyzed texts

3.1.1 We do not pay enough attention to the numbers

As shown above, the potential of CL for solving the decontextualization problem lies in

balancing the lack of context with the great amount of data. In research practice, however, we

sometimes tend to focus on items whose frequency does not justify that interest and therefore

we limit that potential. This might be the case for Lukac‟s study (2011) on the pro-eating

disorder discourse. She analyses the corpus of 19 blogs of pro-ana community members

consisting of 222 464 tokens. Although she starts with most frequent expressions used for

eating disorders (with frequencies up to 422), at some point she bases one of her conclusions

on the co-occurrences of words which appear in the corpus as seldom as 25 times: “Goal (…)

premodifies the noun weight in 25 occurrences. Goal weight is one of the terms specific for

the pro-eating disorder vocabulary” (Lukac 2011: 204). Mulderrig (2011) presents an even

looser approach to numbers. In her analysis of “change in the discursive construction of social

identity in UK education policy” (Mulderrig 2011: 563) based on 17 policy consultation

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conclusions with descriptions such as “more frequently” or “comparatively infrequently”.

These examples show that using CL techniques does not always lead to focusing on what is

frequent and pervasive.

Such research practice may lead to two dilemmas. Firstly, one can question the validity of

the “specific for the pro-eating disorder vocabulary” label for a term occurring only 25 times

in a corpus of more than two hundred thousand words. Moreover, limiting the comparisons

between items to vague description rather than quoting specific numbers supplies only weak

support for the conclusions based on such comparisons. But besides these small (in

comparison to the results of the described studies as a whole) doubts, an important question

can be posed: how frequent must an item be in order to state that the many contexts in which

we see it balance the decontextualization of the analyzed texts it occurs in. It seems to be

quite legitimate to claim that an analysis of 16 000 occurrences of the word refugees

(Gabrielatos & Baker 2008) allows to see it in so many different contexts that detailed

discussion of production or consumption of texts it appears in can be neglected. But the same

logic probably does not apply to 25 or even 10 instances of a word in a corpus. It is doubtful

whether any particular number of occurrences or definite frequency per thousand words can

be defined. Nevertheless, if we wish for CL to solve the decontextualization problem, we need

to pay closer attention to the numbers we base our conclusions on.

3.1.2 We do not use statistical possibilities fully

The insufficient attention paid to the numbers we obtain from our corpora is also visible

in the underuse of statistical measures in some of our research. This underuse has two

dimensions: the first involves basing our interpretations on a difference in numbers for which

the statistical significance was not checked, while the second concerns the replacement of

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(2010) study of feminism‟s representation in Estonian print media. Describing the changes of

this representation in time, Marling points to the alterations in the number of articles

containing the word feminism in different thematic sections of the analyzed newspaper. These

alterations (specifically the increase of articles concerning domestic news) are interpreted as a

signal of the domestication of feminism in Estonia. However, the statistical significance of the

difference is not examined2 and the raw difference (2,5 per year as opposed to 3 per year)

seems to be rather small.

As for the second dimension – replacing statistical measures with raw frequencies – it

may be the case for Edwards (2012), who determines the node words in British National Party

discourse by identifying “words which stood out for their clear quantitative variation between

texts” (Edwards 2012: 247). Searching for keywords instead of concentrating on raw

frequencies would probably be more informative, keywords being a statistically based corpus

technique for comparing two sets of texts in search for words with relatively high frequencies

(Scott 2013). Such approach would grant the certainty that the differences in frequencies are

significant enough to be taken into account. Also, the study by Freake et al. (2010) on the

construction of nationhood and belonging in Quebec would presumably benefit from using

statistical measures for collocates as a replacement for raw frequencies of co-occurrence.

Such measures ensure to some extent that the co-occurrences are both frequent and unique

enough to call them collocates and base interpretations on them.

Basing conclusions on raw frequencies can be misleading and, no less importantly, it

neglects the potential of corpus supported discourse analysis to deal with the problem of

2

Chi-squared test for the numbers provided in the cited paper showed no statistical significance

(chi=0,26, p=0,39).

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Please contact the author before citing. decontextualization through balancing the lack of context with the high number of examples

taken into careful consideration.

3.2 Fragmentary character of analyses

3.2.1 Our corpus design is not always clear

Large size of corpora and sophisticated sampling methods used in corpus-supported CDA

contribute substantially to solving the problem of the fragmentary character of analyses. In

order to ensure this contribution, every step of corpus design must be carefully considered and

fully justified. Nevertheless, not all corpora we base our analyses on seem to comply with

these requirements: some claims regarding the representatives of the analyzed material,

relevance of the chosen texts to the subject in question or coverage of the studied topics can

be challenged. The problem with representativeness is exemplified by Almeida‟s (2011)

research on U.S. newspapers‟ construction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Her corpus

contains 3 randomly chosen newspaper stories per week for 4 months (April through July) in

a span of 6 years (2002–2006). As a result, she grounds her findings in a corpus of 250 press

articles which she claims are representative of media coverage. Nevertheless, it is rather

doubtful if the structure of the population (all press articles concerning the Israeli-Palestinian

conflict) and the sample are similar. Such similarity is one of the most commonly described

requirements for representativeness of a sample (e.g. Babbie 2013), therefore the lack of

compliance with this requirement may suggest that the analysis remains fragmentary rather

than exhaustive.

The next problem – relevance of material – may be noticed in Subtirelu‟s (2013) research

concerning the language ideologies and nationalisms present in the U.S. Congress. Unlike

Almeida, he studies the whole population rather than a sample. He decides to work with

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3” (Subtirelu 2013: 44). Such approach

should ensure the exhaustive character of the analysis, especially as considerable effort has

been taken to encompass all relevant documents in the first outline of the corpus. However,

then the author decides to manually categorize the documents according to the role of

multilingual voting materials and to further analyze only those sections of the documents

which he believes to be relevant to the subject. Such approach is justified by the need to

"ensure that keywords identified in the later analysis pertained only to S203" (Subtirelu 2013:

44). However, as the specific criteria used to distinguish the relevant sections from those

considered irrelevant are not listed, the criticism related to the fragmentary character of the

analysis may still hold.

3.3 Bias

3.3.1 We do not follow our own rules

Bias in the studies should be minimized by the use of intersubjectively replicable methods

supplied by CL. Nevertheless, in some cases we tend to overstep the methods we described.

This can both provide a more detailed and sophisticated view of the discussed problems and

reintroduce bias into our studies. This double nature of not exactly following one‟s own

methods is visible, for example, in Weninger‟s (2010) study of representations of social actors

at the lexico-grammatical level in the US urban redevelopment discourse. At some point, she

complements her planned study of colligations with “a closer look at the lexis” (Weninger

2010: 604) which, on the one hand, supports her claims and provides a more comprehensive

picture of the discussed problem. On the other hand, paying closer attention to facts which

confirm a point of view may be seen as biased. In a similar manner, Albakry (2004) bases his

conclusions about text attitudinal or ideological positions expressed and negotiated in US and

3

A portion of the Voting Rights Act mandating multilingual ballots for language minorities.

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Please contact the author before citing. Canadian reports investigating the Kandahar „friendly fire‟ on the comparative analysis of the

“use of salient terms of representation, anonymity, agency terms, passivization, and use of

modals and expression of stance” (Albakry 2004: 165). But then he strengthens these

conclusions with detailed analysis of selected lexical items such as friendly or fratricide. And

again, such practice has an ambiguous character: it offers broader and deeper perspective on

the examined data, but at the same time it is selective and thus may confirm the researcher‟s

preconceptions.

3.3.2 We do not pay enough attention to the numbers

Another research practice which reintroduces bias into corpus-supported CDA is the

above-described lack of sufficient attention paid to word frequencies. Focusing on items that

are thought-provoking or supportive of our conclusions regardless of their frequencies may

undermine the bias-reducing power of corpus techniques. Resigning from considering high

frequency of an item as the only factor determining its inclusion in the analysis most likely

raises the influence of the researcher‟s convictions on the presented results.

Baker (2012) offers an exhaustive discussion of the problems related to the numbers

generated by corpus research and bias that is brought into research by interpreting them. He

suggest that every interpretation of frequencies derived from a corpus carries some level of

bias which cannot be omitted due to the critical commitment of CDA. Nevertheless, not

incorporating frequency into analysis seems to strongly increase the level of bias and reduce

the potential of corpus techniques to ensure the credibility of CDA through “analytical tools

and methods that are rigorous and grounded in scientific principles such as representativeness,

falsification, data-driven approaches, using statistical approaches to test hypotheses and a

desire to provide a full picture of representation” (Baker 2012: 255).

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Please contact the author before citing. 3.4 Cherry-picking

3.4.1 We choose examples

Research practice shows that focus on frequency only partially solves the cherry-picking

problem described in the literature. Although we use big corpora and statistical methods to

generate lists of words or phrases we wish to analyze, we sometimes still tend to narrow our

further analyses only to selected items. For example, Bachmann (2011) concentrates on

keyword analysis in order to reconstruct discursive constructions of same-sex relationships in

the debates of the British Parliament concerning the Civil Partnership Bill. He devotes

considerable effort to generate a keyword list which will be both manageable for study and

subject accurate (using different reference corpora and different significance levels). But, after

finally acquiring such lists, he uses less than a half of the keywords for further analysis

without taking into consideration either frequency or keyness of these words. Therefore, he

selected some items from those with marked frequency in the studied texts and bases his

conclusions on an in-depth analysis of these items. Similarly, Freake et al. (2010), describing

the construction of nationhood and belonging in Quebec, include only some of the

collocations they got from their corpus in their interpretations. Likewise, Salama (2011), in

his attempt to characterize discourses about Wahhabi-Saudi Islam post-9/11, discusses in

detail 33 concordances out of 435 occurrences of the word in question in the analyzed texts

without providing a description of the way those concordances were chosen.

As the above mentioned studies show, researchers who use corpus techniques in their

analysis sometimes chose the items on which they base their conclusions. The problem might

be moved to another level, as in the case of keywords and collocates: the choice concerns

words (or combination of words) which are statistically more frequent than randomly or

intuitively chosen words. But the problem of (unconsciously) picking examples that confirm

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justified better than in the case of traditional qualitative studies.

3.5 Pivotal role of researcher’s intuition

3.5.1 We categorize on the basis of intuition

Even though corpus software draws researchers‟ attention to phenomena that call for a

closer investigation (Hardt-Mautner 1995) and, therefore, should lower the role of intuition in

the analysis, many examples from research practice show that this role continues to be

prominent. This is especially visible in studies that involve some form of categorization of the

analyzed items. The first form of such categorization is related to the determination of the

semantic prosody of a given word which is based on categorizing every collocate of this word

as positive, negative or neutral. These judgments about the evaluative load of the words seem

purely intuitive as no procedure leading to the presented result is described. They are part of

many studies such as Mautner‟s (2007) reconstruction of the ageing discourses or the author‟s

research on in vitro fertilization discourses (Kamasa 2012). A similar role of the researcher‟s

intuition may be observed in studies including the analysis of semantic preference, only the

subject of assessment shifts from emotional load to semantic field a word belongs to (eg.

(Lischinsky 2011; Salama 2011; Weninger 2010). In both cases, the researcher‟s intuition is

to some extent supported by corpus software as it provides frequency-based lists of items

which ought to be judged on their emotional load or semantic field. Nevertheless, the

judgment itself depends fully on the skills of the researcher.

Also other types of intuition-based categorization are present in the research practice.

Chen (2012) considers the changes in the usage of different evaluation types4 in the articles

from China Daily due to the political developments in China and provides information about

4

The evaluation types are based on the work of Labov (1972)

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The statistics are nevertheless performed on intuitively chosen and categorized examples.

Similarly, Edwards (2012) uses corpus tools to generate a list of all uses of the word our in his

corpus. However, then he divides these instances manually and without any specific criteria

into three types in order to base some of his conclusions on the differences in the number of

occurrences of particular types through time. As a result of such practices, the role of the

researcher‟s intuition remains pivotal to the results.

3.6 Lack of a coherent theory of audience effects and audience response

3.6.1 We try to read in minds

The caution in drawing conclusions about thought from language (as advised by Breeze

2011) is not always fully exercised in some of our analyses. Even though corpus tools allow

us to determine the frequencies of words or their co-occurrences and therefore to include

these frequencies as the main factor influencing the audience‟s response, we sometimes tend

to neglect them and build conclusions about audience‟s reception leaving them aside. This

might be the case O'Halloran‟s (2009) investigation of the pre-UE-expansion discourses about

immigrants in the UK: she investigates a 26-thousand-word corpus of newspaper articles but

her suggestion that “regular readers have been positioned into making negative contrast with

information on Eastern European immigration” (O'Halloran 2009: 38) is only based on 36

examples of specific usage of the word “but”5. The role of frequency (as a main factor

justifying the conclusions about audience response) for such an interpretation could be

questioned and thereby the potential of corpus techniques to address the lack a coherent

theory of audience effects is partially limited.

5

Specifically, she refers to Wodak‟s (1999) strategies realized via the usage of word “but”.

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Please contact the author before citing. A comparable problem concerns inferences about the intentions of the text‟s author. On

the basis of the texts‟ analysis we form claims about the state of mind or will of the sender

without grounding them in psycholinguistic knowledge about relations between

communicative intention and the form of the utterance. For example, Forchtner & Kolvraa

(2012) in their paper about representations of Europe‟s past, present and future in speeches

given by major political figures sometimes comment on the mental states of these political

figures rather than on the texts delivered by them as in “Prodi aims to6 unify the continent”,

„Merkel (2007), for example, apparently sees no contradiction between Europe‟s dark history

and an emerging ambition to make a distinctly European contribution to the running of the

world beyond Europe” or “Prodi can again avoid differentiating between perpetrators and

victims” (Forchtner & Kolvraa 2012: 388-393). Therefore, the question arises if for such

interpretation the claim that CL offers a more data-based approach to discourse analysis can

be fully sustained.

Even though CL helps to address almost every point mentioned by CDA's critics, some

shortcomings in our research practice might reintroduce all these problems back into our

studies. Figure 2 illustrates the relation between the main points of the criticism of CDA,

solutions offered by CL and problems emerging from our research practice.

“@@ Insert Figure 2 here”

6

Emphasizes from the author of the paper.

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Please contact the author before citing.

Figure 2 –critique of CDA, CL answers and problems from research practice

4 Conclusions

The foregoing overview of research practice in corpus supported CDA revealed numerous

obstacles which may prevent us from exploiting the full potential of CL techniques. This is

especially concerning in the light of hopes vested in CL as an answer to the criticism of CDA

and may raise the question whether various aspects of the research practice need to be

Decontextualisation of analyzed texts

Large material as balance for the lack

of context

We do not pay enough attention to the

numbers.

We do not use statistical possibilities

fully.

Fragmentary character of analyses

Representativeness (large corpora)

Exhaustive analysis (software)

We design our corpora in a way that

is not always clear.

Cherry-picking Choice of analysied

items on the basis of statistics

We choose examples.

Pivotal role of the researcher’s intuition

Statistical significance instead of intuition

We categorize on the basis of intuition.

Bias

Intersubjective methods

Focus on patterns and regularities

We do not follow our own rules.

We do not pay enough attention to

the numbers.

Lack of a coherent theory of audience

effects and audience response

Frequency as main factor effecting the

audience

We try to read in minds.

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Please contact the author before citing. improved or if these hopes were simply too high considering the present state of affairs. For

the above listed issues, both seem to be valid to some extent.

A few of these problems can probably be tackled by paying more attention to the research

design and analysis itself. If we increase the number of statistical techniques used in our

studies and base every comparison only on differences that are statistically significant, we

will contribute to addressing the decontextualization problem. Avoiding any intuitive and not

intersubjective steps in our corpus design will prevent our studies from being fragmentary

rather than comprehensive. Through usage of frequency and statistical scores as the only

criterion for the selection of items we base our conclusions on, we will lessen the bias in our

studies and avoid cherry picking. Finally, we can mitigate the lack of a coherent audience

response theory by limiting conclusions about mental states of text‟s recipients by thorough

inspection of frequency and restraining ourselves from conclusions about mental states of

texts' authors.

Nevertheless, answers to other problems still remain far from clear and call for a more

through consideration. With bias being one of the main points of the criticism of CDA on the

one hand, and the need for exhaustive and in-depth analyses on the other, we probably ought

to consider to what (if to any) extent is it justified to supplement our analyses and conclusions

with observations that do not result from the application of our originally planned methods. If

we wish corpus methods to solve the problem of the pivotal role of the researcher‟s intuition,

we still need to address the question of categorization. How (if not on the basis of intuition)

should we decide whether an item is positively or negatively loaded? What (if not intuition) is

the best basis for deciding to which semantic field a word belongs? Some answers for that

problem may be found in the field of computational linguistics such as sentiment analysis

(Thelwall et al. 2010) or automated semantic tagging (Prentice 2010). However, the suitability

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Please contact the author before citing. of these solutions for an essentially interpretative perspective such as CDA could be

challenged.

Self-criticism is one of the important features of CDA advised for example by Fairclough

(2001). We hope therefore that the presented critical overview, although not extensive and

biased by the author‟s personal views, will draw our attention to some crucial points in the

design and analysis of corpus data for CDA purposes and inspire further debates. We also

hope that these remarks will be in some way useful not only for CDA practitioners but also

for all who wish to reconstruct some form of social meaning on the basis of text corpora.

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