Planning to Play Cricket Child Training for Citizenship Work in a North Indian Development Initiative

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DOI: 10.1177/097317411000500203

2010 5: 243JOURNAL OF SOUTH ASIAN DEVELOPMENTJacqueline H. Fewkes

Development InitiativePlanning to Play Cricket : Child Training for Citizenship Work in a North Indian

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Planning to Play Cricket: Child Training for Citizenship Work in a North Indian Development Initiative

JACQUELINE H. FEWKES

Associate Professor of Anthropology, Wilkes Honors College, Florida Atlantic University, Florida, USAE-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

This article presents the data of an ethnographic case study of a non-governmental organisation’s development project in northern India, the creation of Children’s Committees for Village Development (CCVDs). Through this case study, we can examine how children are crafted into a child public that is constituted by global development ideologies and moulded by local social structures. CCVD tasks can be recognised as a form of ‘work’, with specifi c activities related to citizenship practices. A focus on the tasks in which the children are engaged illustrates the specifi c practices through which transnational development organisations contribute to expectations about national citizenship in India. While these practices are informed by transnational ideologies, local social relations shape the children’s implementation and adult reception of these ideologies. Understanding citizenship activities as work practices, highlights the role that the ascription of value to children’s work plays in this development process.

KeywordsChildren, children’s rights, citizenship, India, labour

INTRODUCTION

The children used to play cricket before… […]…they are playing cricket now. The difference is that now they can effectively plan to play cricket.

—Quote from an NGO worker

I n the north Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakhi villages are con-sidered ‘punishment postings’ by some state government school teachers. The

Himalayan climate is harsh and many of the mountain-surrounded villages are remote. Ladakhis claim that some teachers from other areas respond by extending

Journal of South Asian Development 5:2 (2010): 243–269SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore/Washington DC

DOI: 10.1177/097317411000500203



244 Jacqueline H. Fewkes

Journal of South Asian Development 5:2 (2010): 243–269

their vacation beyond the allotted leave period—they are said to not show up to teach for several weeks, and their absence goes unnoticed by the Jammu and Kashmir state government as regional instability absorbs many of the state’s fi nite fi nancial or organisational resources. In the late 1990s, a group of rural Ladakhi children tackled this problem—they organised as a group, analysed their education needs and identifi ed their teacher’s sporadic attendance as the main problem. The children then systematically recorded the teacher’s attendance for an extended period, elected child representatives to travel to their district education offi ce and submitted a formal letter of complaint, with the teacher attendance documentation, to the chief district educational secretary. According to village adults, the teacher was subsequently fi red from his position.

These children did not spontaneously develop the ability to work as organised advocates for their own interests. They were a part of a non-governmental or-ganisation (NGO)—developed initiative, Children’s Committees for Village Devel-opment (CCVD)—that provided organisational guidance and training to child participants. Success of a children’s committee, measured in terms of achieving their advocacy goals, depended on the groups’ ability to provide political socialisation for child participants—to teach the children how to work with both governmental and non-governmental organisations. This task required the development of a child public, a public that was ultimately constituted by global ideologies and moulded by local social structures. Thus, while the existence of these committees has given rise to new child citizens, in training for their future duties as citizens and as functioning minor citizens, the duties associated with the ‘job’ of national citizenship have been articulated and reproduced largely in relation to global and local interests.

The data presented in this article are based on an ethnographic case study and were collected between 2000 and 2001 through fi eldwork that involved participant observation, rapid assessment procedures and interviewing. The participant ob-servation work was primarily conducted within the NGO offi ces, with fi eldwork-ers involved in CCVD formation and training. Participatory rapid assessment procedures—including tools such as focus group discussions, preference ranking, mapping, modelling and diagramming—were used by research teams in fi eld visits to CCVDs in the Ladakhi districts of Leh and Kargil for both the collection and analysis of data. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with CCVD child mem-bers, adult villagers and regional NGO workers. Supporting materials are derived from NGO reports and proposals, as well as from shorter written statements by NGO workers involved with CCVD work since the late 1990s. This information was originally gathered as part of a programme impact study for the international NGO involved in CCVD formation, the results of which were published in a report titled Our Voices… Are You Listening? (Fewkes and Bhat 2001), and has been analysed further for the purposes of this article. Detailed descriptions of the actual tasks that CCVD children are engaged in, as well as some of the outcomes of those tasks, are provided to answer the need for works that document ‘the actual contribution[s]



Planning to Play Cricket 245


NGOs make either to political change or democratization’ (Fisher 1997: 444). For, as Fisher noted, in spite of the fact that NGOs are generally believed to contribute to political processes, ‘[t]he connections among development, empowerment, and democratization remain speculative and rhetorical’ (Fisher 1997: 444). Thus, this article represents a grounded critical approach to the topics discussed.

SETTINGS

Development workers were inspired to create CCVD groups based on the contents of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) (UN Gen-eral Assembly 1995). The UNCRC was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on November 1989 and has at this time been ratifi ed by all nations except the United States and Somalia. The international convention was ratifi ed by the Government of India in 1992, and the Indian Department of Women and Child Development formulated a nation plan of action for children in the same year. The UNCRC is particularly utilised by CCVD organisers to justify children’s rights to work as citizens, as ‘children are rights holders with claims to survival, protection, development and participation rights’ (O’Kane 2002:700).

Local development workers began planning CCVDs in 1997, and implemented their plans the next year with the support of international NGO funding. Devel-opment workers created a ‘child public’ in Ladakhi villages throughout the region to, in their own words, mobilise children as ‘participants rather than aid recipients’. The groups would include children of any age up to 18 years, be organised in local communities in both rural and urban environments and include children of all social and religious backgrounds in these communities. These children were brought together as an interest group and trained to act as social/political advocates for their own collective interests.

NGO workers began by educating villagers about the UNCRC, which was used to categorise children as a distinct interest group. To do so they referred to the UNCRC preamble, which states that the ‘United Nations has proclaimed that childhood is entitled to special care and assistance’, as well as Article 12 of the document, which states the need to ‘assure the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child’ (UN General Assembly 1995).

Having gained adult consent, NGO workers then trained the children. What the development workers called training was education with local children on ‘Life Skills’—processes such as analysis, planning, documentation and management skills—and exposure to current thinking on common development issues such as ‘Environment’, ‘Education’ and ‘Health’. Village children were invited to a district-level training camp for a few days, where they attended lectures, and took part in activities organised around these lessons. They were given the equivalent of approximately US$ 100 in start-up funds, and assigned adult mentors, usually from





the local area, to encourage them to develop their own agendas. Upon returning to their villages, the children were left to their own devices, although they were visited periodically by NGO workers who observed activities and advised on future projects.

While this structure may sound simple, the results were surprisingly effective. Children in CCVDs worked to clean up polluted natural water sources, collect litter and conduct public campaigns to educate villagers about health concerns such as polio, tuberculosis and the dangers of smoking. Children in remote villages organised tutoring programmes to increase adult literacy in their villages and improve the school performance of the child members. They held fundraisers within their villages to provide schoolbooks and clothing for poorer children and help fund local preschools. At the time this research was conducted, there were a total of 36 children’s committees in the region—18 in the Leh district and 18 in the Kargil district. By 2002, membership had grown to 77 CCVDs in Ladakh—38 in Leh and 39 in Kargil—with plans for groups in other parts of northern India as well (Majumdar 2002).

DEVELOPING CITIZENS

We commonly conceptualise work in terms of effort, as labour or energy expend-iture. For example, one author defi nes work as, ‘the expenditure of energy or effort directed toward the achievement of some goal, whether or not that goal is realized’ (Kaplan 2000: 312). Energy expenditure with a particular aim is often associated with its value, a line of reasoning used when Kaplan refl ects how, ‘when we use the term “work,” we usually mean some activity for which we are remunerated, usually monetarily—that is, work refers to employment’ (Kaplan 2000: 312). The value of unpaid or non-remunerated labour is also recognised in both popular and anthropological terms. In popular discussions this realisation has led to, among other ideas, general acknowledgements of the value of housewives’ contributions to household economies. In classic anthropological literature the value of hunter-gather labour and the social relations that encourage the sharing of food in subsistence work (e.g. Lee 1984) has served as a classic case study for broadening our notions of what types of behaviours are included in the concept of work. Kaplan demonstrates this broader conceptualisation of the term by mentioning that ‘keeping one’s social relationships in good working order’ could be counted as work, a point discussed by Wiessner as ‘the business of social relations’ (Weissner 1982: 78–9), insofar as the activity can contribute to access to sustenance (Kaplan 2000: 319).

Even when the arena of what constitutes ‘work’ is narrowly defi ned, children are recognised as signifi cant actors. The International Labour Organization defi nes child labour as, ‘children in productive activities’, including both ‘working children’, those employed outside of the household and ‘children engaged within their





household in unpaid household services (i.e. unpaid production of domestic and personal services by a household member for consumption within same house-hold)’ (2008). UNICEF’s defi nitions of child labour in the household make a fur-ther distinction that household chores become child labour when the total work time for chores is greater than 28 hours per week for one child (ILO 2008). Child labourers contribute to household and national economies, in both paid and unpaid positions, in many parts of the world. According to recent estimates, more than 217 million children are employed as labourers outside the home; this number excludes many more children engaged in child labour inside their households (ILO 2009). In general boys are more likely to be employed in child labour outside the home, while girls are more likely to be employed as household labourers (ILO 2009).

When work is understood more broadly in the aforementioned terms, to include the many forms of social relations that have value, then even children’s activities that are not normally thought of as labour should be considered for inclusion in the category of work. One aspect of many children’s experiences that is commonly recognised as being related to work is that of children’s educational or training experiences (e.g. LeCompte 1978). In this category of literature on children and work, we can also see an existing link between the concepts of work and citizenship, as formal schooling has long been commonly discussed as a setting for the training of citizens. Classic scholarly writers such as John Dewey (1902) and Emile Durkheim (1973) provide discussions of the role of formal education in shaping citizens for national goals. Contemporary scholars have written about diverse related issues, such as how schools can be used as part of both national and colonial endeavours through their formulation of women’s subjectivities (Wong 2004), the role of schooling in immigrant assimilation (Hall 2004), how schools shape concepts of multi-ethnic nations (Baptiste 2002) and local strategies to subvert national education models (Reed-Danahay 1987). What is clear in all these studies is a general agreement that schools, particularly in countries with national education systems but also in other settings, are common sites of training for ‘imagining a community’, in Benedict Anderson’s sense of the term (Anderson 1983).

In this particular case study we will see that international non-governmental organisations can supplement the state’s role in this education process, as they in-struct children to develop and utilise a set of skills particular to the tasks necessary to act as transnationally conceptualised citizen advocates. This article, in addressing the role that transnational civil society institutions play in shaping ‘citizen-labour’ contributes to a growing literature on transnational labour communities and is meant to answer the call for increased anthropological enquiry to address ‘how industries manage to overcome political boundaries’ (Ortiz 2002: 399). Examining the role of the transnational development organisation on the micro-level of labour training exercises is also meant to provide a contrast to existing larger-level studies





of development initiatives in South Asia that have addressed how larger-level development structures can enforce national, rather than regional, objectives (e.g. McDuie-Ra 2008).

This article is also meant to contribute to the small, but growing discussion in current anthropological literature about development issues and citizenship roles for children. The existing literature on children’s roles as citizens indicates a growing anthropological awareness of the association between children’s labour, development initiatives and state-building processes. Literature on child soldiers, such as David Rosen’s Armies of the Young: Child Soldiers in War and Terrorism, has shown how children’s roles in wars are so clearly tied to intertwined notions of state-controlled violence and nationalism that military schools are commonly said to, amongst other roles, ‘develop citizenship’ in participants (Rosen 2005: 8).

My overall goal in writing this article is thus to present an ethnographic case study that will bridge these different bodies of literature—on children, education, nationalism and labour—through exploration of the relationship between chil-dren’s work and the transnational development spheres from which it derives value, exploring the implications of this case study for understanding the role of transnational development organisations in national political processes such as citi-zenship practices. I will begin by outlining the particular practices associated with CCVD formation and continuation that can be recognised as work, and explain how these activities are thought to contribute to the work of citizenship. My focus on the tasks in which the children are engaged illustrates the specifi c practices through which transnational development organisations shape expectations about the labour of national citizenship. These included the citizenship skills of: (1) elections and voting, (2) meetings and time management and (3) documentation and fi nancial accountability. Each of these skills played a substantial role in child participants’ experiences in CCVDs, while preparing them for their present role as minor citizens and future duties as voting citizens. I then address the transnational ideological basis for these practices, and consider the impact of local social relations that shape the children’s implementation of these ideologies. Later in this article, I return to the concept of how citizenship is formulated as a work practice, and address the role that concepts of the value of the children’s work plays in this process.

ELECTIONS AND VOTING

In India, the world’s largest democracy, voting is a skill that every citizen must master. This skill is emphasised in CCVD formation and one of the fi rst tasks that a new children’s group undertakes is to form their own executive committee. This task was originally resisted by some children, who did not like the idea of having offi cers or a governing committee, as well as others who felt this was simply too much ‘work’. Elections, however, are a requirement for all CCVDs. After NGO workers





have taken a list of children that are participating in the CCVD group (called the ‘General Body’), verbal nominations are solicited. The group then votes using secret ballots, and the ballots are tallied to determine who has won seats by a direct majority. While the particular structure and duties of the executive committee vary from group to group, the process of their selection remains the same. Children are taught this in the NGO training sessions, and conduct the elections in their own villages with adult supervision.

Beyond the NGO requirement for democratically elected leaders, children defi ne the leadership roles: some have presidents, other have councils and one children’s committee even instituted a system of multiple ‘chairs’ that represented male, female and age sub-sections of the children’s group. Many groups have stratifi ed their executive committee with the posts of president, vice president, secretary and treasurer. These variations refl ect the local social worlds of these children, as discussed later in this article.

The degrees of power that elected offi cials hold also varies between children’s groups; however, many of the children have vested a great deal of power in their elected leaders. One CCVD president, Amir1, explained his work as:

I had to conduct meetings to decide what we are going to do, when we are going to do it, how we are going to do it. For example if we had to do some work, we distributed the children and decided how many children will go, who will go. The president has to initiate these things; otherwise it will not be done properly.

Tsering, CCVD president in a different village, also expressed that his role carried with it a decision-making authority within the committee. He explained:

We have to take each child’s view to try to solve each thing one by one. But sometimes there are different views—as one child complains about a teacher and others are in favor of them… in terms of teacher attendance. In that case we had to take both of the views and discuss them, and try to come up with the common points both are arguing. Sometimes the president has to make the fi nal decision.

One commonality between CCVD executive committee structures was that many of the children’s groups developed a system of reservations in their election system, guided by the NGO criteria statement that ‘[e]qual representation is important, in age groups, male/female, school going/non-school going, etc., depending on the composition of the village community’. This resulted in the common practice of seat designations for community interest groups. As such, this practice was very clearly impacted by national governmental practices, and the CCVDs presented micro-cosmic expressions of the special community reservations in India’s national government (Figure 1).





Figure 1Voting Sheet for a CCVD Election4

Source: Adapted from Fewkes and Bhat (2001: 61).

Although NGO workers claimed that the CCVD groups individually decided which different segments of their child communities need special representation in their government, in all CCVDs visited during the study reserved positions were divided in the children’s groups by age, gender and school status, refl ecting the NGO’s initial criteria for group formation.





NGO workers concerned about the maximum age for child participation have set 18 years as a standard age cap for CCVD participation. The decision was organ-isationally justifi ed through reference to Article 1 of the UNCRC, which defi nes a child as, ‘every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier’ (UN General Assembly 1995). This is the same age as the minimum national voting age in India, which was adjusted from 21 to 18 through constitutional amendment in 1989. Thus, children could move directly from the voting skills training setting of CCVDs into their jobs as citizens, participating in national and state elections.

MEETINGS AND TIME MANAGEMENT

A second aspect of citizen vocational training emphasised in the children’s groups is the utility of group meetings. CCVD president Tsering considered the meeting forum to be his central function, explaining on being asked what he did as president:

My work is to call children for gathering and then the members do that. Initially I, along with the secretary and the other two members, sit together and discuss the issues. We decide on a time and date of the next meeting for the other committee members. We have meetings once in week, sometimes two/three times in a month.

The focus on meetings as a venue for CCVD group identity was refl ected in many of the individual general body members’ explanations of their activities in CCVDs as well. In one village, the children who gathered were asked to explain their CCVD by drawing pictures and then presenting the pictures to the group. The children divided into groups to draw, and then elected one child from each group as their representatives to explain the drawings.

Although the children’s sub-groups focused on different development topics—that is, presenting an education drama versus the renovation of public structures—they each began their picture presentation in a similar way (Figure 2). One group explained, ‘This is on planning a drama. First, we have a meeting. We discuss how do we do a drama? The fi rst drama we performed was about child labour and punishment also.’

The other group representative began in a similar fashion, saying, ‘First of all we have drawn how we did the meetings (Figure 3). . . . We have the meeting about how to renovate and whitewash the stupa.2 We brought the white powder from another village.’

In CCVD organisational methods meeting duties were accompanied by other related skills, similar to those used in larger scale bureaucratic organisations, such as effective time management.





Namgyal, a CCVD member, explained that the CCVD made the most difference in how he used his time, saying, ‘[b]efore the CCVDs we didn’t know anything and we spent our time without any organisation. We didn’t know where we were going, what we were doing… we would just throw away our schoolbags and roam around’. These concepts of planning and time management were echoed by many of the NGO workers working with the children’s groups. Thus one development worker explained, ‘[CCVD organisation] is about balance of time; the children used to play cricket before CCVDs, they are playing cricket now. The difference is that now they can effectively plan to play cricket’. Children in CCVDs would be expected

Figure 2Children’s Picture of a CCVD Meeting. When Asked to Draw Any Group Activity,

Many Children Chose to Draw Meeting Pictures. Here the Group President in the Centre Presides Over the Members Arranged in a Circle Around Him

Source: Author’s research.





Figure 3Children’s Picture of Whitewashing a Stupa (Religious Monument).

The Group Repeated the Meeting-centred Theme in Spoken and Written Language while Drawing the Activity


to organise their cricket games as an organised cooperative. Rather than merely having a pick-up game, the elected leadership designated members to procure the necessary resources (the cricket bat, the cricket ball, etc.), coordinated teams, and deliberated on starting positions.





DOCUMENTATION AND FINANCIAL ACCOUNTABILITY

Precise documentation was required of the children for a number of CCVD tasks and literacy skills were considered a part of development of this skill set. Many children had organised literacy groups for both children and adults in their communities. When asked what her favourite thing about a CCVD was, a girl named Tashi responded, ‘adult education’, explaining that illiterate adults needed to learn this skill because, ‘whenever they need to sign something, some papers, they have to sign it with their own names. That is very important for them.’

Encouraging documentation practices were an important part of the CCVD process that extended beyond literary skills. In each CCVD secretaries were encour-aged to keep minutes of meetings that the children had, as well as create their own summary documents. The latter were used to prioritise development issues in their area, involving methods such as NGO led ranking exercises to assess local needs in relation to different public services. In one village, the children’s fi les demonstrated that they had ranked education as their fi rst priority, electric and health facilities as second. The CCVD secretaries would record these activities using varied record keeping methods, such as visually representing the use of tokens to symbolise issues in exercises that included younger and non-literate members (Figure 4).

In the exercise pictured in Figure 4, the initial voting and ranking process were fi rst conducted using items that visually represented issues and pebbles for the children’s votes. As a second step in the process the children then discussed the possible solutions of the problems they faced, and the CCVD group’s potential role in that solution (Figure 5).

Careful records were kept to document their advocacy goals and enable the chil-dren to communicate their goals with adult mentors.

For advocacy purposes the children were engaged in other public documentation tasks, such as logging the letters and notices that they had issued to governmental and non-governmental bodies. When NGO workers visited the children in one village with a long-standing CCVD organisation, they were proudly shown a chrono-logically ordered fi le with a large stack of letters. The CCVD secretary and president had written these letters to offi cials such as the area education offi cer (a request for updated schoolbooks), to the district commissioner (for the development of a local kerosene depot) and to the executive director of their sponsoring NGO (requesting aid to obtain items for the CCVD offi ce).

Another function of many CCVD groups’ documentation work was the upkeep of their account books. In addition to the initial US$100 of start-up funds, the NGOs provided each CCVD group with their own bank account, and deposited the equivalent of approximately US$ 25 additional funds to bankroll group activities. The children’s groups were supposed to maintain their accounts, document ex-penditures and conduct their own fund-raising activities to supplement the initial deposits (Figure 6).





Figure 4A Ranking Exercise to Identify Key Problems in Village Infrastructure. The Children Initially Used Objects (Pictured in Top Row and Labelled

in Second Row) to Represent Different Local Development Problems, and then Placed Pebbles (Represented in ‘How Imp’ Row) Near the

Objects to Vote on which Issues they Thought were the most Important

Adapted from Fewkes and Bhat (2001: 64).

Figure 5Ranking Exercise Step Two

Adapted from Fewkes and Bhat (2001: 65).





The children in most CCVDs reported that they were at fi rst confused about how to keep accounts for their organisations. They were provided with training in book-keeping methods through visiting other local village committees such as the women’s group and youth clubs, both governmental and non-governmental organisations. After this time, children were expected to provide detailed accounts of their group’s expenditure and income.

CITIZENSHIP AS WORK, CCVDS AS JOB TRAINING

Citizenship is clearly ‘work’ in the classic sense of the term in this case study—there is energy expenditure on specifi c tasks, with particular goals. The classifi cation of

Figure 6Account Book Examples from a CCVD

Image adapted from Fewkes and Bhat (2001: 68).





this activity as work is further enhanced by the aforementioned broad notion of work; while remuneration is sometimes monetary, social relationships are primarily focused upon as part of a system that creates access to necessary goods and services within the nation. In the Kargil area CCVD, for example, national tasks included the running of schools and provision of sanitary facilities, and CCVD activities were focused on these goals. Being able to participate in elections, run meetings, organise a bureaucratic system, keep records and manage fi nances were emphasised as necessary citizenship skills in a democratic nation, and therefore each of these skills played a substantial role in the training of CCVD child participants.

While CCVD participants are thus engaged in labour as national citizens, the children are workers in training, participating in an apprenticeship for citizenry. This is clear when we recall the focus on learning skills, rather than development task outcomes, in many of these examples; the notable lack of emphasis on the short-term results of these activities highlights the training role of CCVDs. As seen in running meetings, the children’s discussions of meetings and leadership roles focused mainly on the systems and structures of these interactions. This emphasis was also evident in the cricket game example—CCVD workers were interested not in changing children’s play activities into work tasks for the sake of achieving development tasks, but instead in training the children to interact in a particular manner. From this point of view, playing cricket is secondary to the children being able to demonstrate their abilities to ‘plan to play cricket’. Structural variations in CCVD leadership refl ected national democratic processes, with seat designations for community interest groups that are enactments of Indian caste and tribe reser-vations. Even membership in these groups transitions children from training roles directly to the work of citizenship, as the 18-year-old age cap for CCVDs dovetails child citizen-in-training participation neatly with adult citizenship work. While this is the ‘work’ of national citizenship, however, the global and local sources of ideas of value are emphasised in this process.

TRAINING A CHILD CITIZENRY WITHIN THE GLOBAL COMMUNITY

While the children in CCVDs are thus engaged in tasks that encourage them to take on the duties of activists early in life and train them to be an engaged national citizenry, the formation of such a group was conceptualised within non-national political arenas. Global interests and ideologies play a signifi cant role in formulating their work as national citizens. This role of global organisations in formulating political agendas is widely acknowledged; as one author has observed, ‘humanitarian groups and other members of civil society increasingly defi ne themselves as political actors, pursuing specifi c political agendas’ (Rosen 2005: 10). In this CCVD case, we can see how this actually occurs in local communities, and the degree to which a local community is complicit in the process.





The main ideological force behind this ‘project of the nation’ is international; as mentioned earlier the contents and language of the UNCRC is routinely utilised to justify children’s right to work as citizens in a nation. While the document was used by the Indian Department of Women and Child Development to formulate a nation plan of action, CCVD members and NGO trainers rarely refer to the national plan; the UNCRC text is most commonly referred to in fi eld interactions. The UNCRC was presented to village communities in the 1990s as a piece of international legislation, with the weight of global development funding and international agency support behind it. As one village adult who worked with CCVDs explained, the words themselves seemed to carry a certain power. This man wrote, in response to a question about why he was involved in the CCVD work,

[b]eing one of the remotest areas of Ladakh region, [our village] is an area where discussion like ‘Rights of Child’, ‘Eradication of Child Labour’, ‘Parental Care’, ‘Child Health’, ‘Civic Amenities’ and other big bang names sound somewhat odd to ears. But with the will of God and by active support of some philanthropic agencies, our institution was able to achieve some sort of breakthrough in this regard… As desired by the UN Convention on Rights of Child, an awareness campaign is very necessary to let the children know of their rights and duties. This was the sole motive of our exposure tour, which led us through all this tiresome and challenging work.

The power of UN ideology is seen here in the strength of wording, for example, the ‘big bang names’, and the discursive agency of the document itself—the UNCRC was spoken of as being able to ‘desire’ something itself. Rather than a recommendation, this document has become a de facto mandate for communities engaged in progressive activism.

Skills that were taught to CCVD children to prepare them for national work were also been constructed within the global development arena. While particular tasks such as accounting were linked to governmental organisation practices, justifi cations of their value by those involved with CCVDs most commonly invoked global knowledge sets. The CCVD ‘seven life skills’ that were the main theme of ‘trainings’ and frequently were alluded to by NGO workers and children alike as central to the CCVD task, included: Analysis, Planning, Management, Communication, Leader-ship, Teamwork and Documentation. These life skills are derived from a drive for ‘life skills’ based education initiated by the United Nation’s Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and utilised by diverse international agencies such as the World Health Organization (WHO), World Bank, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and United Nations’ Educational, Scientifi c and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in various development projects. While UNICEF documents state that, ‘there is no defi nitive list of life skills’, the authors specify categories of skills that ultimately relate to all seven of the life skills taught to CCVD participants, including, Interpersonal





communication skills, Empathy, Advocacy, Negotiation, Cooperation, Teamwork, Decision-making, Problem solving and Critical thinking (excerpted from UNICEF 2007). The global initiative of ‘Life Skills’ training has formed the children’s basis for conceptualising their roles as citizens and activists.

The nation as a setting for activism is also discursively de-emphasised within this globally defi ned arena, as global development agency reports assessing the impact of children’s groups tend to discuss the task in regional terms rather than nationalised ones. To choose one example, a former NGO participant wrote of CCVD programmes and other child initiatives,

[i]n diverse settings across South Asia—in the high altitude regions of Ladakh and Kashmir (in India), in Himalayan villages in Nepal, in the Thar desert of Pakistan and in Rajasthan (India), in the urban cities of Delhi, Bangalore, and Dhaka, in rural villages in India and Bangladesh, in the tropical beach areas of Sri Lanka and the Maldives, as well as in confl ict areas in Sri Lanka, Kashmir and Afghanistan—children are uniting together as a positive force for social transformation to claim their rights and to challenge discrimination (O’Kane 2002: 7023).

Choices of spatial terms here illustrate the conceptual ambiguity of the nation in this global setting. The activity, ‘children uniting together’, refers to the regional setting, while local and national settings are merely used as qualifi ers of regions. Urban areas are listed by themselves, as if existing as separate zones of practice, while nations act as containers for regions and rural villages. Furthermore, in this example nations are conceived of as regions in relation to particular issues rather than pol-itical units, a phenomenon that allows ‘Sri Lanka’ and ‘Afghanistan’ (nations), and Kashmir (a region within a state, within a nation) to exist at the same level due to the shared issue of armed confl ict. Many forms of development literature share such discursive tendencies; in such literature the nation is emphasised as a geographic setting for particular segments of the perceived ‘South Asia’ regional interest group perspective, rather than as national communities with their own political agency and agendas.

While political activism is taught as a part of the duties of national citizenship in CCVDs, many of the issues that are identifi ed for activist movement, the agenda for the work of citizenships, are part of international agency initiatives on issues that have been identifi ed as regional concerns, such as ‘The Environment’, ‘Public Health’ and ‘Eradication of Child Labour’. These issues are stressed in development initiatives with children throughout South Asia (Figure 7).

A fi nal role of the international organisation is as source of funding, a crucial power issue in this process. The aforementioned start-up funds given to each CCVD group, salaries of local NGO workers and operating expenses for involved organ-isations are all largely derived from transnational funding sources.





Thus international organisations have created the notion of a child public in Ladakh, a concept of children as a population with separate interests, embodied in groups that function as political associations to enable children to deal with the state as a formal collective. In Jammu and Kashmir, a state with multiple contesting interest groups based on religious, ethnic and national identities, the children’s com-mittees have manufactured a potential new category of political workers.

TRAINING A CHILD CITIZENRY WITHIN LOCAL COMMUNITIES

Although the concept of a child public was thus formulated within global ideo-logical arenas and implemented through the support of associated transnational organisations, the activities of child citizens within this public have been funda-mentally shaped by local social relations in the form of gender relations, age-based social roles and local social statuses within village power structures. The processes by which these social relations form ideas about the roles of child citizens occur in both negative and positive forms, through either constricting possibilities for certain children to participate or favouring the participation of others.

In Ladakhi villages, particularly in rural agricultural communities, gender roles determine the daily activities in which girls and boys are engaged. Girls are expected to be employed in household tasks such as cleaning, cooking and childcare, while boys are more likely to work outside the home at tasks in the fi elds, in agricultural and pastoral endeavours. Educational opportunities can also vary by gender; in

Figure 7CCVD Children’s Picture of a Rally on Environmental

Issues Organised to ‘Raise Awareness’






the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the male literacy rate is 66.6 per cent, while the female literacy rate is 43 per cent (Government of India 2001: Table T00-006).3 Within the scheduled tribe communities of India, of which many Ladakhi children are a part, 58.6 per cent of illiterate persons are female (Government of India 2001: Table C2508SC).

CCVD group trainers endeavour to challenge these gender roles with practices such as gender sensitivity training and encouragement of the reservation system of voting described earlier. Gender role reform discourse can be framed in relation to the same global ideologies that initiated the CCVD programmes. Thus Stanzin, an 18-year-old boy and the president of his local CCVD, justifi ed a claim that existing gender roles should be changed in the discursive framework of ‘rights’. He said, ‘[t]he partiality girls and boys is a problem, so my advice to all of them is to not do any partiality between girls and boys. Because girls and boys have to do equal work, they have equal rights’.

While the goal of equal participation of boys and girls may seem to challenge traditional regional practices, CCVD activities are still generally moulded by local social expectations of gendered work roles. Even when the groups seem to have redressed gender imbalances in their formal organisation, actual practices reinforce the same. In one mountain village, the CCVD members explained that gender em-ployment roles restricted equal access to their training activities, explaining that girls will say they are going to a training session one day, but during the night change their plans and not show up the next day. The children and development workers felt this was because some parents do not want their daughters to go out of the village for training as they are required to do household work. This is a common issue for girl children around the world, whose general average incidence of household em-ployment is 15.6 per cent higher than that of boys (ILO 2009). All of the Ladakhi actors involved were aware that gender imbalances in workloads negatively impacted equal participation but did not know how this problem could be solved.

In another village a girl, Leila, was elected president of her children’s committee, thus providing female leadership. Yet her confi dence in interviews with NGO workers contrasted highly with that of the former, boy, president of the group, Amir. Leila was less vocal than Amir, who had been called into town by development workers for an interview earlier in the week; most of her answers to interview questions were brief and whispered. Although she said that she had received training a few months before, she seemed unable to explain the subject of the training or what she had learnt. The interview team had actually travelled to this village particularly to speak with Leila, since she had not come to the town offi ce with Amir earlier. This was common, NGO workers claimed, saying that when activities called for presidential participation beyond the confi nes of the village, the girl president would send boys from the committee rather than representing the village herself. CCVD children said that this was because, ‘it is hard for a girl to travel to new places’. Leila’s opportunities had been shaped by this expectation from the beginning of her





participation in the group; only two or three boy members of the group had been trained by NGO workers outside of the village, and the boys had then communicated the results of their training to the rest of the children. These boys, who were the original executive committee of the group, maintained a monopoly on knowledge by instituting an ‘advising’ term for themselves to mentor new executive commit-tee members. This system meant that the new president, the younger girl, did not have full presidential powers; the boy who ‘advised’ her claimed in his interview that now he was ‘acting president.’

CCVD groups also face problems related to age discrimination, or children overreaching what their adult community members considered to be their ‘proper place’. In fi eld interviews there were a number of cases mentioned where adult mentors advised children to use an adult to voice their concerns to other adults, rather than confront that adult themselves. Age-based social roles were the source of confl ict in the only reported instance where CCVD activities resulted in explicit community confl ict. In this case, adult NGO workers were called back to a village by a group of angry adults who questioned the need for a CCVD in their area. The confl ict had begun during the CCVD campaign for environmental protection in their area, when the children’s committee members had tried to clean public areas to reduce the rubbish problem in their village. This activity met with ridicule, although not actual resistance, from the adult members of their community. The adults teased the children about cleaning the school area and according to the chil-dren belittled the importance of their work, telling them, ‘it doesn’t matter [how clean a place is], a person can study in a donkey shed if necessary’. The children felt frustrated by what they saw as a lack of respect for their ‘rights’. The situation came to a point over the washing of clothes in nearby streams—the children had been taught by development workers that washing laundry with chemical detergents polluted the water and therefore tried to dissuade adults from doing so. They were again ignored and teased, and felt they were denied the power to institute any real change. Child CCVD members then took radical action by going to the river and tearing up all laundry they found drying near the stream, destroying many villagers’ clothing. Adult villagers said these actions confi rmed what they had initially feared; that CCVDs could encourage children to defy their elders. With ‘children’s rights’ being taught as a fundamental human right, CCVD activities encourage children to believe that they have power in their community beyond that which is granted to them by adults.

The clothing-destruction episode was explained to the community as a failure in training rather than a result of child empowerment. In the initial formation stage, the children’s groups are ‘marketed’ by NGO workers to adults as another forum for positive interaction with governmental and aid agencies. A development worker explained that fi rst workers go to a village to fi nd out what problems the adults





are facing, and then ‘we met with the [adults] and told them about the CCVD, we made them understand what the CCVD was, and what the importance was’. Using this method the importance could be framed in terms of both adults’ and children’s needs. Haji Hussein confi rmed the need for this approach, explaining:

Most of the diffi culties are with the elders, who say ‘why are you only asking children to do these things, why not us’. They are saying there’s no use to do these types of things with children, that children are just children and can’t do any-thing. The main diffi culty is to motivate the elders. The elders take time to get motivated, then after [talking with NGO workers] they say the children should come forward and we are with the children to develop our villages.

As one adult, Yusuf Salaam, explained, the adults see CCVDs as a method for training children to act as effective village advocates in general:

The benefi t [of CCVDs] is that the children become aware, they can see what they can do and achieve. The thoughts of [those usually] above eighteen years, [the CCVD children] understand now at this age, and they understand what they are going to do in the future. How we are going to do work, how we are going to discuss [issues] at the community level, [the concerns of] youth, elders, females, children. Wherever they go for any meetings they can do better, and it is very useful.

Thus age-based roles, such as gender roles, act as underlying motifs to inform the ways in which CCVD groups conduct their activities and shape notions of the responsibilities and duties of citizenship within the child public. Children’s com-mittee members may have challenged the authority of some individuals, such as parents who were deemed to be beating their children ‘too often’. Yet at no point did those that followed their training challenge common notions of adult authority such as the right to beat children in general.

Interviews and comparisons between different children’s groups indicated that existing local social structures are necessary for supporting CCVDs as well. In 2001, the children’s committees were only successful in small villages; none have been formed in urban areas and insurmountable formation problems have occurred with groups that were attempted in refugee communities. NGO workers explained that children from villages came to the group with strong social structures that could be used to reinforce group organisation; the children’s committee formation process was about making a place within those structures for the concept of a child public. The NGO workers felt that they were modifying or redefi ning groupings in rural communities when forming a children’s committee, but not creating new social structures.





CCVD organisation refl ected social hierarchies that previously existed in village communities. Children from more wealthy families, who are usually not required to do extra work and earn wages for their family, were more likely to be members of the children’s committee. Thus, children from wealthier families were given the ability to act as advocates for less empowered children. As seen in Figure 8, for ex-ample, in one CCVD election only one non-school going (NSG) child, Choka, was actually included in the group’s voting process.

Figure 8‘Non-school Going Children’ Vote, and Overall Voting Results in a CCVD

Source: Adapted from Fewkes and Bhat (2001: 63).

Choka was not present at the voting meeting; nevertheless with the ‘non-school going’ seat uncontested she was voted unanimously into the executive committee seat reserved for less privileged children. Her position was thus designated by more elite children who were able to attend the election meeting.

In another village visited, CCVD members expressed concern that their schoolteacher was beating one non-member child for attending school without the required uniform. The CCVD children felt that this child could not afford a





uniform, and therefore was at risk for becoming a school drop-out. Their advocacy plans were paternalistic; the children discussed ways of raising the funds to buy the non-member child a uniform, or to represent the child to the teacher and explain why the child did not have a uniform. None of the children in the CCVD suggested including that child in future decision planning or training the child to act as his own advocate.

Individual children’s authority within the executive committee was also derived through kinship links from village class and economic hierarchies. In one such case, a model CCVD was dominated by a child president who, while confi dent and well-spoken, also had a father who was able to donate a building to the children’s committee with rooms for the children’s meetings and activities. The boy’s father had donated the building after seeing his son play the role of a governmental chief offi cer in a group drama presentation, and participating in a programme at the regional radio station. This boy had remained president of his group for longer than other presidents. The group had also customised their executive body and structured it with three vice presidents, two secretaries, two cashiers and multiple executive members. The children claimed that they had made these changes to ensure diversity within the executive committee and create alternates in case an offi cer is absent. Yet there was still only one president in this group, while all other leadership positions within the executive committee had been rendered more diffuse. Hierarchal statuses within the group were further emphasised as the executive committee had decided that they would meet in one of the rooms in the CCVD building, and general members would meet in another.

One of the clearest examples of the necessity for existing village communities was presented in a town in Kargil that housed many refugees from the 1999 Kargil War. Many of the children in this town were from families who had been resettled in the areas temporarily, and few families were fully employed. Development workers felt that instability of refugee populations made CCVD formation a necessity in this town; however, they soon faced diffi culties when trying to implement the groups. The target child population was an estimated fi ve hundred children and without a clear social hierarchy every child in the village wanted to be an executive committee member. The development workers were hesitant to divide the children into smaller groups, fearing that such a choice would lead to increased fragmentation and confl ict within the village. Initial group meetings with the children were not successful, and NGO workers said children became impatient while listening and disrupted meetings by throwing stones and talking. There were no evident adult authority fi gures within the community to assist, even in identifying the troublemakers. Thus children’s groups, while training a new child citizenry, were dependent on existing social hierarchies and relationships. Development workers who organised these groups were engaged in modifying and redefi ning interest communities, but not creating new ones.





THE VALUE OF CHILDREN’S CITIZENSHIP WORK

The designation of citizenship tasks and/or political advocacy as work may seem to place NGOs that have developed CCVD groups in an awkward position, for ironically these are the same organisations that usually are working against ‘child labour’ in India, as well as other parts of the world. Yet as Olga Nieuwenhuys has pointed out, the concept of child exploitation that is commonly invoked by the phrase ‘child labour’ is constructed through a dialogue between complex ideas of modernity, agency and value rather than particular activities in which the children are actually engaged. Nieuwenhuys writes:

Irrespective of what children do and what they think of what they do, modern society sets children apart ideologically as a category of people excluded from the production of value. The dissociation of childhood from the performance of valued work is considered a yardstick of modernity, and a high incidence of child labour is considered a sign of underdevelopment. The problem with defi ning children’s roles in this way, however, is that it denies their agency in the creation and negotiation of value (Nieuwenhuys 1996: 237).

Thus, argues Nieuwenhuys, labour laws to reduce child labour can increase chil-dren’s vulnerability, as they ‘fail to address the exclusion of children from the pro-duction of value’, a far more pressing concern than the idea of children working (Nieuwenhuys 1996).

From this perspective the CCVDs in Ladakh do more to undermine exploitative child labour than anti-labour laws. The CCVDs, while increasing the amount of work that children are engaged in, have also increased the community’s awareness of the value of children’s work. In CCVDs children are made aware of the signifi cance of their work in market value terms, as they are taught that their daily household chores constitute an estimated 25 per cent of their family’s household income (Fewkes and Bhat 2001). The local government values the children’s participation in the political system, discussing it in terms of money saved on development initiatives, and thus CCVD members have been included in events such as the 2000 ‘People’s Participation in Education’ symposium convened by the education department of Kargil. At this meeting, CCVD representatives were invited to present a summary of their work and discussed some of the problems that they faced in the education system. Furthermore, children’s daily activities are legitimised and given value through the CCVD group training. The value of play, for example, is increased through CCVD participation—to return to the cricket example, we can see that play activities such as cricket have been transformed by CCVD children from unplanned games to structured interactions that are expected to further enforce notions of responsible citizenship.





As demonstrated, many of the indicators of value for these children’s work are situated in relation to global discourse about political activism and social change. While the Indian government is supportive of the children’s training process, and ratifi ed the UNCRC, the underlying ideological manifesto derives a large part of its value from its relationship to international development funding and NGO support. The children’s labour is shaped by the UNICEF-developed life skills practices, and UNCRC-authored concepts of rights. Even the issues identifi ed as the targets of the children’s labour are part of international NGO initiatives on regional issues, and the value of the children’s labour outcomes are assessed by NGO workers in regional terms in summary reports.

The value of the children’s labour in the Ladakhi case study is defi ned in relation to global interests and shaped by local interests. While the government supports such initiatives, the work of the CCVDs is frequently framed in opposition to national or state governmental structures, for example, the education board, as most of the examples of children acting as their own advocates have demonstrated. The possible implications in India are manifold. As Wong’s study in Hong Kong has illustrated, work on educational themes and goals plays an active role both in shaping individuals in the national arena and in making certain national projects possible. In Wong’s case study, the formulation of Hong Kong women as literate state participants allows for particular national relations in Hong Kong’s reunifi cation with China, as the women became symbols of progressive movements associated with colonisation (Wong 2004: 260). In this example, CCVD children’s training for the work of citizenship has the potential to not only constitute the children as certain types of Indian citizens, but also ultimately shape the possibilities of how India as a nation will participate in future international development initiatives.

This case study also has implications for our understanding of transnational labour patterns, as local social relations ultimately impact transnational knowledge sharing. Local social relations play a key role in shaping non-local concepts of the value of CCVD members’ labour. Many of the specifi c activities the children were engaged in, such as whitewashing the stupas, were informed by existing notions of value within the local communities; local values were used to attribute meaning to regional initiatives. CCVD organisations mirror local social hierarchies, and the value given to children’s work is delimited by local concepts of religion, age, gender and class. The ways in which local social networks shape the internationalisation of citizenship labour in CCVDs further resembles how adult international labour migration is impacted by kinship and friendship groups (e.g. Fernandes 1997 and Kurian 1998), as well as how fi rms organise and operate within the global economy (e.g. Dunn 2004). From this perspective, the value of children’s labour, while situated in relation to global development discourses, is fundamentally grounded in local social relations. As anthropologists have become increasingly concerned about the role of ‘virtual workspaces’ and the impact of communication technologies





in global labour, this is a reminder that signifi cant issues remain to be explored within physical workspaces and the local communities within which these global systems are situated.

NOTES

1. All individual and group names have been changed.2. A stupa is a Buddhist monument often used as a reliquary. The stupa is also called a

‘chörten’ by many Tibetan Buddhists, as used in the side writing in Figure 3.3. While state literacy rates refl ect gender inequalities present in Indian national fi gures

(75.3 per cent for males and 53.7 per cent for females) literacy is lower in the state of Jammu and Kashmir for all persons (55.5 per cent) than in India as a whole (64.8 per cent) (Government of India 2001: Table T00-006).

4. All identifying information pertaining to individuals or groups, on this and subsequent charts, has been marked over.

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Documents

Planning to Play Cricket Child Training for Citizenship Work in a North Indian Development Initiative