Political science in Spain, 1960-1990: the unfinished history of its coming of age *

European Journal of Political Research 20: 431-444, 1991. 0 1991 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Political science in Spain, 1960-1990: the unfinished history of its coming of age*

JOSEP M. VALLES Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona, Spain

1. Introduction

The emergence of political science as an academic discipline in Spain has been long and difficult. For reasons of historic timing and institutional context, the process has been slower than in other Western European countries.

In the following pages I will first give a rCsume of the circumstances which I feel prevented political science from developing in Spain at the same pace as in other Western countries. Secondly, I will give a more detailed account of how political science evolved as a discipline in the years between 1960 and 1990, taking 1975 (the end of Franco’s long dictatorship and a year of major changes in the political system) as the dividing point between two different stages of development. Although I will analyze my subject mainly in terms of the relation between the sociopolitical context and the development of political science as an academic discipline, I will not overlook certain other factors, among them scientific influences from abroad, academic traditions, and personal circumstances, which may have played a part in this evolution.

I will also review the major changes in the way the study of political science is academically organized, its research content, and personnel resources. Finally, I will present an overview of developments in Spanish political science research which will indicate the future impact of political science on the sociopolitical environment and the possibility that the discipline will be given greater public recognition.

2. The emergence of political science in Spain: a history of missed opportunities

An emergence long overdue

The point of departure for this analysis is the obvious fact that the development of political science in the contemporary Spanish academic world was

* English translation by Patricia Phelan.

432

belated and insufficient. Until 1985 only one Spanish university offered a degree programme (licenciatura) in political science and only in 1985 were political science teachers formally recognized by Spanish universities. Why did Spain lag so far behind the rest of the Western world?

An explanation outlined elsewhere (Valles, 1989) suggests that the emergence of political science as a publicly sanctioned academic discipline was the result of the juncture of two events: the development of politics as an object of specific intellectual interest, and the institutionalization of political analysis as an academic discipline. On more than one occasion, these processes had failed in Spain and the meeting between them did not take place.

Scientific isolation

Politics first became an object of intellectual interest thanks to the individual efforts of a few authors who distinguished the idea of political activity from the full range of social actions. Because of their special interest in the subject these authors separated politics from the fields in which it had traditionally been included: moral philosophy, history or law. At the same time, the emergence of politics as a field of knowledge was opposed to, or at least differentiated from, the skill necessary to engage in politics, which continued to be considered an ‘art’, a subject of discussion, or a matter of opinion impervious to scientific treatment.

This was the start of a gradual separation of fields of social analysis and the emergence of specific disciplines such as political economy, sociology and political science. When these disciplines were organized within institutions it was by no means infrequent for each one to stake out its own particular territory while at the same time striving to expand its intellectual activities until they occupied the entire range of the social sciences.

In order to better understand the Spanish situation, we must remember that Spain was cut off from scientific developments in Western Europe. This isolation, which began at the end of the 16th century, placed Spain on the fringes of the major social changes which affected Europe, and which triggered the intellectual processes that caused politics to become an independent subject of scientific study. Moreover in Spain there was a strong theological- juridical tradition which acted as a barrier to separate treatment of the new political and economic phenomena.

Spain was thus limited to receiving passively the intellectual production of other countries, only gradually and belatedly becoming aware of new ap- proaches to social analysis and the concepts and interpretations involved. At the end of the 19th century, and during the brief years of the Republic (1931-1936), some sectors of the Spanish intelligentsia attempted to reestab-

433

lish links with scientists and intellectuals in the rest of Europe, but this was made difficult, if not impossible, by the social and political pressures which finally led to the long years of the Franco dictatorship. It is symptomatic of this isolation that, generally speaking, no Spanish names appear on the usual lists of classic political authors.’

Political projects and scientific initiative

Once politics had become a matter of intellectual concern, the next step was to institutionalize political science as an academic discipline. The process of institutionalization stemmed from the efforts of intellectuals and academics who were convinced that a scientific knowledge of politics was essential if politics was to be transformed or reformed. It was hoped that institutional recognition of political analysis, stimulation of its production through empir- ical research, and encouraging its spread through teaching would have a positive influence on shaping professional politicians, public administrators and civic leaders.

The process did not follow the same rules or take the same shape every- where. But judging from the history of the treatment of political science in other countries, it seems clear that elsewhere the institutionalization of the discipline has made good use of its political potential.

This juncture of politics and academic life did not occur in Spain. The fragile structure and ideology of the Spanish liberal state (Vallb, 1989), together with the isolation and weakness of much of the country’s intelligentsia, apparently prevented this process from getting underway.’

Paradoxically, Spain had to wait for General Franco’s conservative dictatorship before a plan to institutionalize political studies could survive and flour- ish. It was during the first years of the dictatorship (1941-1943) that the Faculty of Political Sciences at the Universidad Complutense and the Institute of Political Studies in Madrid were founded. These two institutions were part of the Franco regime’s ‘reformist’ movement, intended to shape a ‘New State’, and provide its politicians and bureaucrats with the necessary indoctrination and practical training.

Born of an authoritarian, highly conservative regime, both institutions tended to handle politics from an official, doctrinaire angle rather than opting for a more positive approach which would have brought them more in line with the leading trends in political science abroad. Their peculiar nature and monopoly of political education acted as a barrier to the development of the discipline for many years, causing its outlines to fade and undermining both its academic and its professional status.

This unpromising situation became more evident when the discipline began

434

to get off the ground in Western Europe after the Second World War. In the years between 1945-1955, political science spread into more institutions and earned greater scientific accreditation because it went hand-in-hand with reformist projects following the collapse of Nazi and fascist regimes, and because it aimed to develop a model of welfare state, which would have the technical support and accreditation of other social sciences. In Spain in 1945- 1955, General Franco allowed little room for such projects or for the consoli- dation of political science as such.’

Another missed opportunity

Even so, between 1960 and 1975 the situation showed signs of changing. These years marked a second period in the Franco dictatorship. Economic autarchy began to weaken, and in the 1970s the economy become more liberal and open to the otside world. The ‘technocrats’ who directed this process called upon the social sciences to validate these new socioeconomic directions. Scientific contributions from economics and, to a lesser extent, sociology, were considered essential for the so-called ‘Economic and Social Development Plans’ drafted by the Franco government. This facilitated the expansion of economics and sociology in the public universities and their recognition as professions.

Although political science did not benefit to the same extent, it became more visible in publications, translations of works by foreign authors, new university courses, and the training of academics abroad.

Nevertheless, the discipline was an extremely delicate subject with the Franco authorities. Although they accepted some criticism and asked for recommendations regarding the economic and social situation, they ignored the existence of politics as such. The dictatorship was based on political demobilization of the public and a leader who could be neither criticized nor corrected.

On the other hand, cultural winds from abroad brought with them the works of Marxist theorists, which had previously been strictly prohibited. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the revisionist Marxism of the Frankfurt school predom- inated and Spanish social scientists politically opposed to the Franco regime were also greatly influenced by authors such as Gramsci, Althusser, Poulant- zas or the Anglo-American New Left. This had an important, but contradic- tory, effect on the development of political science as a discipline. On the one hand, there was the aversion of these authors to treating politics from a strictly juridical viewpoint, or viewing it as a matter of institutional history. Further- more, these forms of Marxism corrected the original thesis of politics as totally subordinate to economic relations and the class struggle, and the vision of the state as a superstructure. In recognition of its ‘relative autonomy’, politics

435

became an object of scientific knowledge, with attempts to devise a ‘Marxist theory of the State’ or even ‘Marxist political science’.

On the other hand, this philosophical-Marxist orientation combined un- easily with a discipline like political science, which was generally thought of in terms of the U.S. academic world and frequently criticized as a tool for legitimizing liberal capitalism. Thus, political science was faced with a double obstacle: the traditional hostility of the conservative thinkers who supported the Franco regime, and the reservations of the people who were intellectually opposed to the dictatorship.

3. Political science in a democratic context: another opportunity for the discipline

The new political context

Between 1975 and 1985, Spain experienced a series of major political changes. Democracy peacefully replaced dictatorship. At the same time a decentralized and quasi-federal state replaced the old unified, centralized model. In an international context, Spain became a full member of the European Commu- nity and the Western economic system as well as a partner in the Western strategic defense system (NATO).

To what extent did political science take advantage of this period of change to make up for lost opportunities and become solidly established in academic and intellectual circles as a recognized discipline? Generally speaking, the results are good but a number of ambiguities still persist.

Some positive indications

In terms of institutions, the picture is quite positive. Among the institutional developments are the following: - The ‘Asociacion Espafiola de Ciencia Politica y Derecho Constitucional’, a

member of IPSA, was founded in 1978. However, as indicated by its name, the members of the Association are political scientists and jurists.

- A discipline known as ‘Ciencia Politica y de la Administracion’ was formally recognized by the educational authorities in 1984. This had a major impact and caused new teachers in the subject to be recruited by the public universities.

- An increasing number of articles on political science began appearing in such new or revised publications as: Revista de Derecho Politico (1978), Revista Espaiiola de tnvestigaciones Socioldgicas (1978), Estudis Electorals

436

(1978), Revista de Politica Comparada (1980), and Politica y Sociedad (1988).

- On the international scene, a number of Spanish political scientists connected with European and U.S. research teams (Heidelberg, Florence, Michi- gan, Yale, Ohio State, Indiana, and others) and several Spanish universities or departments joined the European Consortium for Political Research, thereby gaining access to networks within the international community of political scientists.

- Lastly, but perhaps of the greatest importance for the future, new degree programmes (5-year studies leading to a licenciatura) in political science were started in a number of Spanish universities. To the only degree programme that previously existed (Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Socio- logia at Madrid’s Universidad Complutense) have now been added programmes at the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona (1986); UNED (Spain’s equivalent of the Open University) (1986); Granada (1988) and the Basque Country (1988).

All this indicates that we are on the threshold of a new era with the potential to develop the discipline of political science. Although Spain is years behind the rest of the Western world, it seems as though the period of political reform (1975-1985) and the development of political science finally coincided for the first time in history.

The difficulties involved

There are aspects of this period of history which nonetheless make it likely that political science will have to overcome a number of adverse circumstances before it is able to expand and make a real breakthrough in Spanish scientific and academic worlds.

First, it must be noted that during the 1970s social sciences experienced a worldwide drop in prestige in comparison with the period immediately following World War I1 (Trent, 1989). But it must also be noted that the case of political science in Spain presents some particular characteristics which stem from the country’s specific political circumstances, the position of the Spanish universities, and other factors.

The dark side of the transition to democracy Spain’s new democracy offered opportunities that were offset by some features of the political transition between 1975 and 1985. These features differ- entiate the Spanish transition from similar processes in other countries, which triggered an expansion of political science as a discipline.

During the first years (1975-1981), Spain’s transition to democracy was the

437

result of a pact among the political elite, and not the toppling of a dictatorship by means of mass mobilization or military intervention by some foreign power. Among other things the transition involved a considerable degree of mass demobilization and no close inspection of individual or collective pasts. The pact emphasized the legal and procedural nature of the institutional changes, and therefore sought accreditation from juridical sources rather than scientific political analysis. Thus, a body of emergency constitutional law, rooted in the jurisprudence that is traditionally predominant in Spain’s public administration, became an important mechanism for sanctioning the entire process.

At the same time, this pact silenced queries about who was responsible for the effects of the dictatorship. Leaders of the regime were not investigated, nor was any study made of the collective attitudes and values which had facilitated the emergence of the dictatorship and its survival for almost half a century. In Spain there was no process of intellectual research, as in other countries, where social scientists were charged with analyzing the factors which had made dictatorships and their preservation possible in order to avoid a repetition of history and consolidate their countries’ fledgling democracies (Kastendiek, 1987; Graziano, 1987).

Spain evaded this exercise in collective introspection and preferred to await the verdict of history (deferred and therefore less painful) or the reflections of moral philosophy (less socially compromising) on the individual conscience of each citizen. Because of this it scarcely seemed necessary to provide Spain’s younger generations with education for democracy, assisted by the social sciences in general and political science in particular. Moreover, because constitutional and administrative law played such a key role in accrediting the transition to democracy, political science was overshadowed. Its main contribution was the use of opinion polls, primarily for such purposes as determining how the electorate would vote.

The second stage of this ‘transition by pact’ began when the Socialist Party took power in 1982, having won the first absolute Parliamentary majority for the Socialists in the history of Spain. Until that time, the Socialist Party’s platform had been built upon two pillars. On the one hand, it was inspired by the social democratic model, and by certain features of the welfare state, counting on the help of academics in economics, sociology and - to a lesser extent - political science to design this plan. On the other hand, the Socialists called for ‘moralization’ of public life, basing their exhortations on a code of political ethics provided by philosophers.

However the world economic crisis of the 1970s radically changed the Socialist blueprint for government. From 1979-1984 Spain was particularly hard hit by the crisis. The situation was so critical that in 1982 the Socialist government opted for an economic policy of rigorous stabilization and rele- gated the reformist features of its programme to the background. During this

438

period, the value of free enterprise weighed more heavily than the costs of state regulation, and individual initiative was prized over public action. Social reforms were forgotten or postponed and the government turned its energies to promoting private economic activity, much of it international: the emphasis was on economic rather than social policies, which the social sciences, in- cluding political science, might have helped design.

To sum up, it can be said that the transition and reform processes which Spain underwent between 1975 and 1985 did not give political science the recognition it had received in other countries in similar circumstances. In terms of institutional policy and administrative reform, the role of jurisprudence and jurists continued to be extremely important in formalizing and validating the transition pact. Moreover, during the crisis period the emphasis was on the economy and economists, rather than on social reforms.

The second major difficulty facing Spanish political science was the intellectual tradition and institutional context. As mentioned earlier, the position of political science has improved somewhat in recent years, but has had to contend with major disadvantages in terms of intellectual traditions and institutional organization. In Spain, as in other Latin countries (Graziano, 1987), social scientists were particularly reluctant to join the positivist movement and for a long time their stance was a prescriptive one, rooted in moral philosophy or law (Valles, 1989). Therefore, before political science could be recognized, it had to overcome the resistance of other social sciences which, in the Spanish case, was aggravated by political circumstances.

Virtually all Spanish universities are public and thus subject to rigid government regulations. There are thirty public and four private universities, and all of the latter are run by the Catholic church. Although the highly centralized Napoleonic model has been changed since 1985 and each university has been given greater autonomy, a number of important matters (basic content of the curricula, organization of faculty by departments, the number and recruitment of teachers) continue to be governed by a central authority (Consejo de Universidades) .

Still, it has been possible to take advantage of the climate of change and the number of licenciatura degree programmes in political science offered by the thirty Spanish public universities has grown in the years between 1985-1989 from one - in Madrid - to five. It seems likely that the increase will continue over the next five years until a maximum of a dozen such programmes are established. But these programmes are subject to the same conditions as Spanish universities in generai, among them the pressure of a tremendous demand that leads to ‘massification’ of the student body, which the universities endure in the absence of effective admissions criteria.s Furthermore, these political science programmes also include courses in law, history, political philosophy, economics and other subjects. Fortunately, political science has

439

gradually come to account for a greater part of the curriculum and its position is now more solid and less marginal than in the past.6

Despite the increase in political science programmes and the longtime presence of the discipline as a complementary subject in some Faculties of Law and Economics (Vallks, 1989), the positions available to political science teachers in Spanish universities’ are still few compared with law, economics or even sociology. This lack of human resources, coupled with a chronic lack of funds, affects university research, which takes a definite back seat to teaching and is usually carried out in institutions not actually connected to the universities.

In addition to the universities, other institutions have directly or indirectly contributed to the development of political science. Although these contributions have been important in establishing links and exchanges, providing training for political scientists and occasionally financing research, they have not been large or systematic enough because they were not backed by a programme designed to strengthen and promote the discipline in academic circles.

Among these institutions, special mention should be made of the Joint Spanish-USA Committee for Scientific and Technical Cooperation which enabled several Spanish political scientists to be trained in the United States and which contributed to a number of research projects. Also noteworthy is the Ebert Foundation - linked to the German SPD -, which promoted and financed meetings of Spanish academics, some of which resulted in the found- ing of the Spanish Association of Political Science and Constitutional Law.

Though Spanish political science has benefited from the aid of these foreign institutions, this assistance was not as great as the assistance which some U.S. foundations gave countries like Germany and Italy when the discipline was first becoming established there.

In terms of research, several public and private institutions deserve mention. Among the public ones are the Centro de Estudios Constitucionales (formerly the Instituto de Estudios Politicos mentioned above), the Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas in Madrid, and the Institut de Citncies Politiques i Socials in Barcelona.

The Fundacib Jaume Bofill (Barcelona) is outstanding among private foundations for its continued support for research on electoral behaviour which is carried out by a team from the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. Also noteworthy is the Fundacidn Juan March (Madrid) which recently created a postgraduate and research programme in the social sciences.

Nevertheless, the infrastructure for political science research is still limited. There are no institutions which have permanent research programmes and this makes any sustained research endeavour difficult. Not is there an agency to coordinate, evaluate or stimulate social science research as in other countries.8

440

The absence of intellectual leaders In some European countries political science benefited greatly from the existence of intellectual leaders whose scientific work and public influence promoted the discipline. They gave the ‘new’ discipline academic legitimacy and social recognition and helped overcome both the resistance of other academic sectors and public ignorance.

Spanish political science has had no powerful individual spokesman to trigger development and public acceptance of the discipline. Although there have been prominent scholars with a notable influence on other academics, none has actively campaigned for public recognition of the discipline. Aca- demically speaking, they have ambiguously straddled the emerging field of political science and safer fields such as constitutional law, sociology, political philosophy and the theory of the state. The reasons for this are institutional as much as personal. For example, one of the country’s most respected political scientists once stated that he is a ‘practising, non-believer’ in the di~cipl ine.~

Conclusion

Taken together, these factors explain why the modest expansion of political science during this period (1960-1975) was not sufficient to permit an assault on traditional academic structures and law schools. Political science remained in the shadows of constitutional law, in a position inferior to that enjoyed by sociology and economics. Thus, for reasons of politics and scientific tradition, the Spanish intelligentsia was not present in the landmark years of political science (1870-1890 and 1945-1955) when the discipline really got off the ground. Yet twenty years after the second important period in the history of political science, Spain entered a phase of radical change which has had a major impact on the development of the discipline, as we will now see.

4. Political science research: its characteristics and impact

The current state of scientific output

The reputation of a social science is founded to a great extent on its contribution to the knowledge and interpretation of life. After reviewing the conditions in which the discipline has historically been developed, it seems logical to conclude this overview with a survey of Spanish political science research in the past twenty years, and to indicate what we can expect in the future.

The volume and quality of research is conditioned by a shortage of political scientists in Spain, by the fact that they are predominantly dedicated to

44 1

teaching in overcrowded universities, and by an inadequate infrastructure. Still, in recent years the situation has improved.

Subject matter The study of the Spanish political system and its recent evolution are the leading subjects of political science research. Other subjects dealing, for instance, with political theory, comparative politics or methodology occupy a much weaker position.

Although they have paid some attention to the Latin American region, Spanish political scientists are notably ethnocentric. This provincial approach is partly explained by their awareness that Spain had failed to achieve stable political organization comparable to that of its European neighbours. Starting from 1977, this concern with the country’s historic failure turned into curiosity about how the fledgling democratic institutions operated and how they compared with similar political systems. It should be added that the inclination to examine one’s own political system is quite common in countries which have little presence abroad (even with lost empires) owing not only to lack of strategic interest, but to lack of funds and other resources.

One characteristic worth mentioning is that research is frequently limited to examining issues on a regional or sub-state level. This is a reflection of the fragmentation of the Spanishpolis on ethnic-territorial lines as well as a lack of funds for broader research.”

Theoretical and methodological tendencies In Spain as in other countries political science is national in terms of its subject matter, but international in terms of theoretical focus and methodological tools (Anckar, 1987: 75). But this influence from abroad does not imply the existence of a single approach nor of various ‘schools’ which compete with one another. On the contrary, political science in Spain is marked by a vacillating eclecticism in which signs of past ideological tensions are still visible.

At the moment, Marxist-based critical theory (which was popular just prior to the transition) has few advocates. Moreover, belated exposure to the U.S. influence has given way to an electicism which has served to lessen the ‘Americanization’ of Spanish political science. There are now no clear theoretical or methodological differences between the different schools.

Generally speaking, the analyses of the process of transition, ‘political culture’, electoral behaviour and public opinion are functionally based, and infused with historical and cultural explanations.

In terms of data selection and research methods, the use of quantitative techniques in analyzing electoral data and opinions is noteworthy. The speed with which the political system assimilated the techniques of mass communi- cation, with their focus on commercial advertising and audiovisual media

442

(rather than political parties or the press) contributed to the spread of quantitative analysis.

Despite the abundance of surveys and opinion polls, the multitude of in formation they generate is seldom closely analyzed or given interesting interpretations. This is either because theoretical frameworks are non-existent or frail, or because of a failure to make sufficient use of the data available. Often research of this type is carried out with an eye to the political market- place (election surveys commissioned by the government, political parties or the media) rather than to longer-term academic research. In other words, there is a wealth of ‘rank-and-file positivism’, with the inherent risk that political science will be identified with that tiny segment of the discipline involving analysis of political opinions and behaviour.

Future expectations

Spanish political science research is still limited and shows little interest in theory or methodology. Analysis of the Spanish political system, and particularly its ‘inputs’, enjoys a clear preference, while little has been done on the ‘outputs’: the design of public policies and their implementation.

For historical reasons already mentioned, political science still occupies a lesser position than public law or economics. However, there are some signs of change for it seems that law and economics are reaching the limits of their ability to respond to the new issues arising from a changing sociopolitical system.

The actual workings of democratic institutions (Parliament, the electoral system, local governments), the beginnings of a quasi-federal State (intergo- vernment conflicts) and the reform of public administration (deregulation, the quest for efficiency and new management styles) all present problems which cannot be adequately analyzed by the strictly juridical approach. In fact, although public law was used as a tool to analyze and validate the new democracy, its implementation and day-to-day preservation will now require greater assistance from political science.

At the same time, Spain’s economic recovery - notable since 1987 - has shaped a need for public intervention in matters that cannot be handled simply and strictly in economic terms. There are new collective problems to be addressed and new ways to address old problems. This is an opportunity for political science to become directly involved with discussions of these problems, and to demonstrate how its analytical powers can complement the contributions of economics and law.”

In other countries political science took its opportunities some years ago. It seems as though things are now beginning to happen in Spain where several

443

public administrations have asked research organizations and university departments to study issues involving institutional and social policies.

This movement can develop if Spanish scientists prove capable of respon- ding. To this end attempts should be made to orient the new licenciatura and Ph.D. programmes in political science towards a labour market that is not strictly academic. It will also be necessary to equip research centres with adequate resources and stable medium and long-range working plans.

If this can be achieved within the next few years, Spanish political science will come of age. It will be recognized by society for its contribution to knowledge and be accepted by the academic world as a discipline per se.

Notes

1 Only two Spanish names are present on the world political science scene, with works translated into several languages: J . Donoso y Cortes (180%1853), a professor of Political Law whose anti-liberal positions are valued by various European intellectuals (among them, C. Schmitt) and J. Ortega y Gasset (188>1955), a professor of metaphysics, influenced by German philosophy and sociology, who was interested in the social and political problems of his era and had great influence in intellectual liberal-reformist circles between 1920 and 1950.

2 Simply for the sake of historical accuracy, we should mention the fleeting existence of an ‘Escuela de Ciencias Sociales’ (1878-1879), created in Madrid under the auspices of the Instituci6n Libre de Enserianza. The school organized courses dealing with comparative political institutions, contemporary history, political economy and political theory. Its origin is linked to the upheaval that took place in the University of Madrid in 1877-1878 when a group of liberal-leaning, ‘Krausist’ faculty members were fired. The recently created ‘Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques’ in Paris may also have influenced the founders of the Madrid school (cfr. Valltrs, 1989).

3 Nevertheless, it was during this period that Political Science began to be mentioned in the titles and content of some academic papers (Ollero, 1955; Fraga, 1955).

4 In contrast, a major renovation in the organization and processes of public administration was permitted, although the administration itself continued to be understood as subordinate to, and isolated from, the political system. This renovation gave rise to the development of modern administrative law and strengthened the position of academics specializing in this field.

5 There are about 3,000 students enrolled in Spain’s licenciatura programmes in Political Science, approximately 2,500 of whom are studying in Madrid. There are approximately 900,000 university students in Spain (1988).

6 Currently (1989) all university curricula are being reviewed and reformed to establish the essential content included in each university degree program.

7 Up until 1984 teachers of political science and constitutional law were considered a single category for purposes of administration and recruiting. In 1984 they were separated into two groups. Thus, the current number (1989) of full professorships in the field of Political Science is fifteen, four of which are presently vacant. Only ten of Spain’s thirty universities have political science professorships. In addition, there are approximately 40 associate professors of Political Science teaching in Spanish universities.

8 The Social Science Research Council and the Comitato Italian0 per le Scienze Politiche e

444

Sociale (COSPOS) have brought the scientific community together and guaranteed its research operations by sponsoring medium and long-term programmes.

9 Juan J . Linz, who is perhaps the Spanish political scientist with the greatest public recognition, though full use of his influence has probably been limited by the ambiguity of his academic field - somewhere between sociology and political science - and his absence from the Spanish university system. Despite this, both his ambiguity and his distance from Spain were extremely fruitful.

10 The Departments of Political Science at the Universities of Santiago (Galicia), Autonoma de Barcelona and Barcelona (Catalonia), Granada, Seville and Cadiz (Andalusia) and the Basque Country have all done research on political phenomena in their respective regions.

11 Political scientists were frequently active in national, regional and local politics during the transition years. They held seats in Parliament and were active in party organizations and the government. But this activism stems from the old Latin tradition of university teachers - particularly members of the Faculties of Law - being involved in politics, and their background as political scientists may only be incidential. This explains why the active participa- tion of individual political scientists did not have a proportionate effect on public recognition of the discipline.

References

Anckar, D. (1987). Political Science in the Nordic Countries. International Political Science

Cotarelo, R. and Baras, M. (1990). Political Science in Spain. In: Bellers, J . (ed.) Politik-

Fraga, M. (1955). La Ciencia Politica espanola. Inforrnacion Juridica, May-June: 144145. Graziano, L. (1987). The Development and Institutionalization of Political Science in Italy.

Kastendiek, H. (1987). Political Development and Political Science in West Germany. In-

Ollero, C. (1955). Estudios de Ciencia Politica. Madrid: Editora Nacional. Trent (1987). Factors influencing the Development of Political Science in Canada. A Case and a

Vallks, J.M. (1989). Political Science in Spain: An Overview. Barcelona: Institut de Ciencies

Review 8: 73-84.

wissemchaft in Europa. MunsterlHamberg: Lit Verlag.

International Political Science Review 8: 41-58.

ternational Political Science Review 8: 2 5 4 0 .

Model. International Political Science Review 8: 9-23.

Politiques i Socials, Working papers.

Documents

Political science in Spain, 1960-1990: the unfinished history of its coming of age *