Situating Graphic Anthropology

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Situating Graphic AnthropologyJean DennisonPublished online: 03 Dec 2014.

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Situating Graphic Anthropology

Jean Dennison

While much has been written on the potential of film, photography, and to a lesserextent visual art and hypermedia to communicate ethnographic information, therehas been little discussion of the potential for graphic design. Drawing inspirationfrom the graphic design work of Buffalo Nickel Creative, which was commissionedto accompany an ethnographic text, this article will explore some of the possibilitiesgraphic design offers the field of anthropology. In particular it will consider howsocial design, branding and collage have the potential to create situated knowledgethat challenges existing power dynamics.

Visual anthropology has long served as a site for experimentation. Visual toolsallow for approaches to knowledge beyond the printed word [Edwards 1999;Grimshaw 2011; MacDougall 1998; Schneider and Wright 2010; Wright 2010].Elizabeth Edwards’ work illustrates some of the ways in which photographycan function as a third space, neither pure fantasy nor reality. She discussesthe potential of photography to ‘‘question, arouse curiosity, tell in differentvoices or see through different eyes...[to be] more evocative, multidimensional,even ambiguous’’ [1999: 54]. Anna Grimshaw likewise argues that ‘‘The observa-tional turn in ethnographic filmmaking... was founded in a new approach to theworld that respected its materiality, its continuity, and fundamental ambiguity...[which] were intended to open up a space between the concrete details of livedexperience and broader historical and political abstractions’’ [2011: 255].

Visual as well as other sense-based approaches to anthropology are capable notonly of providing a broader context for issues, as text does so well, but alsoof immersing the audience in an experience [Wright 2010]. Similarly DavidMacDougall has argued, ‘‘Anthropological understanding is rarely achievedthrough unitary meanings.... Film offers anthropology, alongside written text, amixing of embodied, synaesthetic, narrative, and metaphorical stands’’ [1998:83]. Such approaches not only allow for additional possibilities for communicat-ing anthropological information but they also have the potential to reshape thefield itself fundamentally.

JEAN DENNISON is a citizen of the Osage Nation and an Assistant Professor of anthropology atUniversity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Trained in visual communication as well as anthro-pology, her areas of interest include representation, visual anthropology, and North AmericanIndian citizenship, governance and sovereignty. She is author of Colonial Entanglement: Consti-tuting a Twenty-First-Century Osage Nation [University of North Carolina Press]. E-mail:[email protected]

Visual Anthropology, 28: 88–108, 2015

Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

ISSN: 0894-9468 print=1545-5920 online

DOI: 10.1080/08949468.2015.973339

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While much has been written on the potential of film [Grimshaw, Owen andRavetz 2010; Hockings 2003; MacDougall 1998, 2006; Ruby 2000], photography[Bateson and Mead 1942; Edwards 1999; Pink 2006], and to a lesser extentart [Schneider and Wright 2010] and hypermedia [Pink 2007; Ruby 2011] tocommunicate ethnographic information, there has been little discussion of thepotential for graphic design. Part of the reason for this is perhaps the historicallink between graphic design and the field of advertising. While historians ofgraphic design refer to its origins in cave paintings and carvings dating to at least35,000 BCE, the establishment of the professional field is tied to the full-scaleemergence of advertising in the 1880s [Drucker and McVarish 2013]. This fieldis understood primarily as a ‘‘transmitter of commercial information,’’ though,since the widespread adoption of the personal computer, it has a growing non-professional subfield, which ‘‘stylistically is usually radical, adventurous, andsometimes even downright purposeless’’ [Shaughnessy 2006: 167].

Graphic design has much to offer beyond increasing global consumption.Targeted and persuasive, graphic design strategically uses visual informationand can be tweaked to meet the complex needs of anthropology. More than agrouping of various forms (ads, billboards, books, brochures, webpages, etc.),graphic design is best understood as a social practice [Blauvelt 2006]. Put anotherway, graphic designers are defined by the tasks they perform, but how those taskshave been defined is in constant flux, particularly as the line between art and designis often blurred. According to John O’Nolan, however, unlike the field of art, whichis most often inspired by something within the artist, graphic design comes out ofinteractions in the world. It is also used to serve a purpose, where art is more oftensaid to exist for its own sake. ‘‘The designer’s job isn’t to invent something new, butto communicate something that already exists, for a purpose’’ [2009]. While thepractice of art is frequently an organic act of a single individual, graphic designis generally a collaborative process, planned out in advance [Cousins 2012].

Certainly hybrid in nature, graphic design has a long history outside the field ofadvertising. According to the graphic design historians Johanna Drucker andEmily McVarish, in the period of what is termed ‘‘early writing,’’ (3200–500BCE) graphic artists codified laws, created historical records, and turned experi-ences into social facts. As distribution technologies became more prolific in thepost-Renaissance era, graphic design contributed to new senses of community,particularly in reference to nationalism. Cheaper and more widely available print-ing presses fostered growth in graphic media as part of partisan politics. TheWorld Wars and the Great Depression also broadened the field, directing graphicdesign toward large-scale public information campaigns. From the 1960s onward,as the tools of graphic design became more readily available, graphic designershave played a growing role in counterculture and protest movements across theglobe [Drucker and McVarish 2013].

Graphic design is ultimately as flexible as its designers. It can be used to create aglobal brand, but can also be employed in anti-branding efforts, such as those com-monly featured in the magazine Adbusters. Graphic design, like all knowledge, isdeeply situated. Using vision as a metaphor, Donna Haraway masterfully illus-trates the power of such partiality: ‘‘There is no unmediated photograph or passivecamera obscura in scientific accounts of bodies and machines; there are only highly

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specific visual possibilities, each with a wonderfully detailed, active, partial way oforganizing worlds’’ [1988: 583]. It is the specificity available in imaging technology,such as the microscope or telescope, that allows it to create such detailed infor-mation. She terms this approach ‘‘situated knowledge,’’ and describes it as a criti-cal practice committed to specific, positioned, politicized and relational accounts.

Such situated knowledge provides a powerful guide for graphic anthropology,because it rejects detached, universalist perspectives and the power dynamicsthey take for granted. Within this approach, relationality is prized rather thanveiled. In valuing the connections from which all knowledge is built, it is possibleto be more accountable and to better extrapolate the various power dynamics atstake in the creation of experience. Ostensible ‘‘neutrality,’’ which can only serveto reinforce existing power dynamics, is exposed as a position in and of itself. Situ-ated knowledge provides a perspective that sees subjugation in both the mostobvious and mundane of forms. In weaving together many such situated perspec-tives, one can then create more productive accounts of the world, which challenge,rather than reinforce, existing power dynamics.

Situated knowledge does not however simply replace the singular universalgaze with reflexivity. MacDougall writes that such an approach is dangeroussince it leaves ‘‘the ideology and mechanisms of nineteenth-century positivismintact: object separate from subject, body separate from mind, work separatefrom reader.... It assumes a privileged level of discourse outside the work. It setsout to cleanse the film of its contingency. It implicitly treats films as good and badcopies of reality rather than interpretive works’’ [1998: 88]. In other words, bothobjectivity and reflexivity create overly coherent selves, which end up hidingrather than highlighting the ongoing production of identity and the power atstake in all processes of knowledge production.

The goal of weaving these perspectives together is not the attainment of knowl-edge itself, however, but to create ‘‘knowledge potent for constructing worlds lessorganized by axes of domination’’ [Haraway 1988: 585]. In creating such situatedaccounts of the world, academics must be willing to get up close and personalwithout losing sight of the larger power dynamics at play in the situation. Thismeans working at once with both our grounded relationships and theoretical per-spectives. From such meeting-points we can then work on creating visual repre-sentations of findings that are layered enough to communicate lived complexity.

It is through the process of situating knowledge that graphic design transformsinto a powerful medium for visual anthropology. While graphic design offersmany possibilities for the field, the remainder of this article will focus on socialdesign, branding and collage as particularly useful graphic design tactics forvisual anthropology. To illustrate each of these approaches, I discuss the imagerythat was part of my recently published ethnography, Colonial Entanglement:Constituting a Twenty-First Century Osage Nation [2012].

SOCIAL DESIGN

Even a cursory look at the history of graphic design in the United States revealsthat, while its role in the field of advertising has been its most visible, there has

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always been an undercurrent of social design, or, ‘‘human-centered design’’ or‘‘design for social change.’’ The difference here of course is not the fact that suchapproaches to design create social change, for, as we saw above, graphic designhas always had a social impact, but that such an impact is intentional. During a2000 conference in Cape Town the Minister of Education, Dr. Kadir Asmal, gavethe opening address on the importance of design being grounded in human dig-nity and human rights. As Richard Buchanan wrote in response to his presen-tation, ‘‘Human-centered design is... an ongoing search for what can be done tosupport and strengthen the dignity of human beings as they act out their livesin varied social, economic, political, and cultural circumstances’’ [2006: 142].The primary argument of social design theory is that design offers both the waysof mapping the power dynamics at work in the world and the tools for remakingsuch systems of inequality.

In his book, Designing for Social Change, Andrew Shea outlines strategies for gra-phic designers who want to work closely with communities to engage complexsocial issues. His process-centered approach focuses on building long-term rela-tionships with communities, utilizing community resources and highlighting theirunique design style. Such an approach hopes to engage issues in a way that willresonate locally. For social design theorists the goal is ‘‘designing people back intosituations,’’ which involves ‘‘displacing the focus from stuff to humans, theirexperience and contexts’’ [Escobar n.d.: 6]. In this framework the designer becomesa facilitator, working at the intersection of design and activism, often operatingfrom a critical perspective. This can involve ‘‘revising ontological frames,’’ ‘‘foster-ing a non-dualist approach,’’ ‘‘providing an articulate critique of expert knowl-edges,’’ and working toward ‘‘significant ecological-ontological redesign’’ [ibid.:14]. Such approaches to design are productive for situating design anthropologysince they bridge dangerous binaries (community=academy and theory=actionin particular) and map out ways of challenging existing power dynamics.

In the summer of 2011 I began conversations with Ryan Red Corn aboutdesigning exterior and interior images for the upcoming publication of my book.Red Corn is a citizen of the Osage Nation, as I am. He is the co-founder of BuffaloNickel Creative, a graphic design and digital storytelling company located on theOsage Reservation in Oklahoma. I originally approached Red Corn because hehad designed various promotional posters for the reform process which I washoping to use as illustrations. In talking with him about the book, however, heconvinced me that we should instead work together to create new images, whichwould all share a similar look and thus give the book a unique visual style.

On their webpage Buffalo Nickel Creative simply and directly describes whatthey do: ‘‘We tell stories. Your stories. We are storytellers.’’ It was clear from ourfirst conversations that their commitment to telling other people’s stories in avisual way resonated deeply with my own desire to add visual imagery to mybook on the 2004–2006 Osage Nation government and citizenship reformationprocess. Additionally, like the social design philosophy of Shea, which arguesthat we should ‘‘design with the community’s voice’’ [2012: 111], I hoped thatby including the work of Buffalo Nickel Creative the final product would bemore likely to speak to Osage citizens and suggest the complexity of their issuesto non-Osage audiences.


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During my research on the reform process I recorded over 300 hours ofcommunity and business meetings, as well as interviews and other activitiesaround the Osage Reservation. While I hoped to use this footage to later createa digitally enhanced, electronic version of the book, I wanted the print editionto have some imagery as well. I collected two-dozen stills from this video footage,but these single moments failed to capture the significance of the larger events tak-ing place. As documentary images, they added little more than literal illustrationsof what the Osage people involved in the reform process looked like: the imagesthemselves were not capable of adding much to the story. They could not speak tothe debates behind the moment, the larger structures of power at work in themoment, or even the complex desires of the actors depicted. They were, as photostoo often are, static and in need of something else to add vitality.

In the winter of 2011–12 I worked with Red Corn and his staff to create visualstories that engaged with each of the chapters. Based on their reading of eachchapter, Buffalo Nickel Creative used some of the still images from my video foot-age as well as archival sources, crafting a preliminary image for the book coverand each of the chapters. Using the online software Basecamp they uploadeddrafts of images, and I was then able to view and make suggestions about them.Most of my suggestions involved adding additional layers to the images, tweak-ing their content to better engage with the book’s content, as well as adding certainstylistic elements that would unify the pieces. The graphic artists would thenrespond by uploading new images, which, while based on my suggestions, ofteninvolved their own approach to my concerns. Our responses went back and forthseveral times with each image, a negotiating process that led to the creation of acover and five interior images, stylistically similar but thematically tied to eachchapter. All but one of these contain graphic elements, text and imagery.

Another tenet of social design is the creation of a process-based approach,which means ‘‘generating numerous ideas based on visual research, prototypingthose ideas, and soliciting feedback from the target audience’’ [Shea 2012: 55].Through our collaboration Red Corn, his staff and I each brought our own knowl-edge of Osage history and current debates to the images themselves. We each sug-gested elements that represented the knowledge that our friends, families andother community members had communicated to us. At various points in the pro-cess I showed the images to both Osage and non-Osage people whom I saw asrepresenting the primary audience for the book, gaining insight and suggestingchanges based on their readings of the images. Red Corn also shared several ofthe images on the social media site Instagram, where they received some criticalfeedback, but mostly just positive reception in the form of ‘‘likes.’’ In addition tocommunity buy-in and excitement around the project, such a process-basedapproach ensures that the images communicate their intended message amongthe target audience. While already practiced within the field of visual anthro-pology, a process-based approach is certainly a good model for graphic anthro-pology, since it can help to bridge the community–academy divide and ensurethat the stories being told reflect the complexities of lived experience.

Ultimately the graphic design pieces in my book were an attempt to communi-cate such complexity as it existed within the 2004-06 Osage reform process. Theimages within the five chapters represent the five primary foci of the debates that

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took place during the writing of the 2006 Osage Nation constitution, including:‘‘Reform,’’ ‘‘Blood,’’ ‘‘Culture,’’ ‘‘Minerals,’’ and ‘‘Sovereignty.’’ Like socialdesign, which often has to confront controversial issues [ibid.], each of theseimages addressed a major area of debate within the Osage community duringthe 2004-06 reform process. Whether it was the process of reform, the role of raceand culture in determining Osage citizenship, the importance of leaving the OsageMineral estate alone, or the need to assert Osage sovereignty, these graphicimages, and the chapters they engaged with, hoped to disrupt assumed normsby showing how our assumptions were part of the ongoing colonial process. AsHardy and Phillips point out, ‘‘Failure to recognize the importance of conflictleads to a preference for the status quo and an implicit adoption of the viewpointof powerful stakeholders’’ [1998: 228]. In addressing the primary issues facing theOsage Nation in the 21st century, these graphic images were among the tools thebook deployed to disentangle Osage lives from the ongoing colonial process, andto work toward imagining a stronger future for the Osage people.

As social design places an emphasis on a human-centered approach, the goal isnot simply to represent an event. As Buchanan writes, social design is fundamen-tally about ‘‘facilitating the exchange of information and ideas that is essential forcivil and political life’’ [2006: 143]. Similarly, my goal was not to use imagery to‘‘document’’ the reform process, but to provoke the reader into a deeper engage-ment with the text and thus the issues that it addresses. This would ideally involvethe graphic design pieces stimulating initial questions and then becoming anorientation-point to return to throughout the reading of the chapter, provokingadditional questions. This dialogue is also productive within graphic anthro-pology because it adds an additional layer of situated information to the processof knowledge production.

These approaches to social design can clearly be seen in the chapter image forCulture [Figure 1]. In stark contrast to the rest of the images opening each chapter,the design for Culture is devoid of imagery, with only text and a graphic border.The lack of imagery is an intentional part of the design, in defiance of the ways thatAmerican Indian culture has been over-represented and stereotyped throughoutthe colonial process. Instead, the primary text boldly reads, ‘‘You are not hiringa drum keeper.’’ This assertion that Osage culture is not for sale speaks to boththe economic and political encroachment that has attempted to monopolize Amer-ican Indian culture. Drum keepers are the young Osage men put in charge of tend-ing the drum for one of the three yearly dances held over three weekends in June,known as the In-lon-shka dances. In this way, this statement, and the prominence ofthe Osage ribbonwork pattern around the border, also speak to the uniqueness andspecificity of Osage culture, something that is too often lacking in representationsof American Indian cultures. Ultimately however the statement is intended to pro-voke the viewer to not only read more but to return to this image with additionalquestions about the debates taking place during the reform process.

One of the most contentious issues facing the writers of the 2006 Constitutionwas how they would go about including ‘‘Osage culture.’’ Despite externalpressure and some internal desires for the inclusion of practices labeled as‘‘cultural,’’ most recognized ‘‘cultural’’ markers were excluded from the 2006Osage Constitution. Desires for separation reflected how the current Osage


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structure had been operating for the last hundred years, with the Osage TribalCouncil functioning separately from operations such as the Native AmericanChurch and the In-lon-shka dances. The U.S. government originally set up theOsage Tribal Council for the sole purpose of managing the Mineral Estate, andit had only gradually begun to take on other governmental functions, and hadonly recently begun funding activities such as language preservation. Since polit-ical control had been decentralized for so long, the resistance to the incorporationof other Osage activities was in opposition to centralizing various local and infor-mal governing institutions under a single governing structure.

When an early draft of the Culture chapter’s image was circulated, however,various Osage and non-Osage readers were not able to connect the phrase

Figure 1 Front image for chapter 3, Culture, in Colonial Entanglement: Constituting aTwenty-First-Century Osage Nation. (Design by Buffalo Nickel Creative, 2012; # JeanDennison. Reproduced by permission of Jean Dennison. Permission to reuse must be obtained fromthe rightsholder.)

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‘‘You are not hiring a drum keeper’’ to the debates found in the chapter. To makethese connections stronger several statements from the Osage reform debateswere added to the border of the image. On its left side the text reads, ‘‘Keepit separated, independent’’ and ‘‘Osage culture should be maintained andtransferred by the people themselves.’’ Throughout the reform process, manyparticipants expressed similar concerns regarding the consolidation of these ‘‘cul-tural’’ systems into the new governing system. There was a strong feeling amongmany of the participants that politics should be kept outside cultural events suchas naming ceremonies and the yearly dances, which have their own means ofdetermining authority.

The text on the right side of the image echoes these sentiments and pushes themfurther, stating, ‘‘If you need a governing document to tell you how to be Osage,you’ve waited too late to take care of your culture.’’ To incorporate any aspect ofthese practices into the constitution, or to require participation in them as part ofthe citizenship requirements, was seen as detrimental to the living quality of thesepractices. To constitutionalize was to freeze fluid activities that were constantlygiven new form. Such culturally labeled activities were considered to be outsideformal governance, and certainly outside a constitutional structure which hadto be written and therefore fixed. In this way, the primary statement, ‘‘You arenot hiring a drum keeper,’’ can also be understood as representative of the waysthat informal leaders were speaking back to the reform process, telling politiciansto keep their hands off Osage culture. Such social design approaches thus allowfor the confrontation of popular imagery of American Indians, the insertion ofmore complex debates about the roles of particular community and governancepractices, and for the opportunity for more possibilities of imagining a future out-side dominant narratives, which too often limit what counts as Osage culture. Inthis way the ultimate goal of the image is to inspire viewers to rework their ownunderstandings of culture.

Social design offers visual anthropology many important strategies, some ofwhich I have outlined here. As Arturo Escobar puts it, the goal of social designis to ‘‘seek to make the processes and structures that surround us intelligibleand knowable so as to... construct alternative cultural visions as drivers ofsocial transformation’’ [n.d.: 7]. Such an approach utilizes the critical skillsfostered in the academy and in collaborative relationships in order to creategraphic pieces that engage their viewers. This means working neither from theground up, nor from theory down, but struggling to put various perspectivesin conversation with each other in order to bring into being new knowledgesand thus realities.

BRANDING

Originally a mark burnt into the hide of livestock to identify ownership, the brandwas developed in graphic design to represent a product, company, image or ideain public consciousness. Branding most often uses repetitive imagery to com-municate and reinforce a particular message. It can include a specific image thatserves as a logo or it may use a subtler style that in turn becomes associated with a


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particular identity. As Drucker and McVarish argue, ‘‘the graphic language ofbrand design is not just about creating a concise, recognizable visual identitybut about generating image-value within competitive markets’’ [2013: xxvii]. Aclassic example of this is the NIKE, Inc.1 logo, a swoosh with a simple geometricshape that is internationally recognizable. For the designer William Drenttel[2006], generating image-value through branding means facilitating communi-cation and building long-term relationships.

In the context of visual anthropology, branding can be used as visual shorthandfor complex messages, in much the same way as academic terminology is used tosignal more complex understandings, such as ‘‘situated knowledge.’’ Here,branding works to signal a larger discussion, reminding the viewer of the complexarguments being represented. More usually referred to as academic jargon, a termitself in need of rebranding, such terms serve an important role in the communi-cation of information. They can be used, with sufficient context, to facilitatecommunication and advance knowledge, rather than to distance academics fromnon-academic audiences. Thinking of a particular term as a brand acknowledgesthe power ideas can have. Within visual anthropology, such an approach allowsimages to signal more complex conversations.

Through the design process with Buffalo Nickel Creative we decided to useOsage ribbonwork [e.g., Figure 2] as a symbol of the book’s central concept of

Figure 2 Osage ribbonwork on a broadcloth skirt. (Photograph # Jean Dennison, 2012)

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‘‘colonial entanglement.’’ In the context of my book the term ‘‘entanglement’’ ismeant to mark the area of tension created through the ongoing colonial settlerprocess, with a particular focus on the agency that is possible within these spaces.Other authors have used the concept of entanglement to compare colonization toa hunter’s strategy of entrapment [Mbembe 2001], in an effort to move away fromus=them binaries [Thomas 1991], and to follow the ways that ‘‘identities, spaces,and histories... find points of intersection in unexpected ways’’ [Nuttall 2009: 20].Pushing this focus on interconnection, rather than authenticity and difference, Iuse the notion of entanglement to seek a means by which colonized people canpick up the pieces of the current moment and create their own original patternsfor the future.

Osage ribbonwork, stemming from 18th-century trade with the French, is aparticularly well-suited brand image for communicating the inherent power-dynamics within the ongoing colonial context without erasing existing agency.Using the raw material and tools obtained through trade with the French, Osageartists began by tearing the silk into strips and then cutting, folding, and sewingthem back together to form something uniquely Osage. While many AmericanIndian peoples continue to create ribbonwork today, it is particularly popularamong both male and female Osage, who often wear it in regional social dancesand in the yearly Osage-specific In-lon-shka dances. According to Daniel Swan,‘‘the Osage earned a position of great stature [among American Indian ribbon-work artists] based on their distinctive patterns, high standards of quality, andthe sheer volume of ribbon work they have produced’’ [Bailey et al. 2004].

Graphically simplistic, the ribbonwork design on the book’s cover emergesfrom the title, Colonial Entanglement [Figure 2]. The web of white lines that spillout of the entanglement are shaped into a ribbonwork pattern as they fall downthe page. The simplified design element of ribbonwork was also included in eachof the interior illustrations to remind the viewer that in each of these nodes ofdebate are beautifully rich and thematically complex colonial entanglements.That is, while Osage reform, blood, culture, minerals and sovereignty all cameout of the colonial process, Osage are also reshaping them into their own uniquepatterns. In the images from the chapters ‘‘Reform’’ [Figure 3], ‘‘Culture’’[Figure 1], and ‘‘Sovereignty’’ [Figure 4], ribbonwork is a prominent feature ofthe design piece, signaling the success Osage people have had in reworking thesefields to serve their own needs. In ‘‘Blood’’ [Figure 5] and ‘‘Minerals’’ [Figure 6],the ribbonwork has a much less prominent role, signifying the struggles theOsage have had in remapping these fields to build a stronger community. Bybringing attention to the ways in which Osage people have reworked colonialnotions, my goal is to promote such processes, enabling Osage to take morecontrol in building their future.

Like the design technique of branding, the ribbonwork within these imagesalso serves to create value around the concept of entanglement. ContemporaryOsage ribbonwork artists most often use a style known as ‘‘reverse applique,’’wherein geometric patterns are created by the spaces between up to 15 combinedribbons. These patterns have come to stand as a symbol for the Osage communityand can be found in a variety of media, including T-shirts promoting the Osagelanguage, cellphone pouches, and the Osage Nation website. There are also


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classes at the Osage cultural center, where people of all ages gather to learn andperfect the craft. Such ribbonwork serves as a marker of Osage belonging, parti-cularly on the clothing worn during the district dances that take place each June.Given its popularity among the Osage people, ribbonwork serves as a helpfultool in branding and therefore fostering interest in the issues of entanglement.

This case illustrates how branding can be used as a technique for graphicanthropology. By redeploying the concepts of branding, academics are forced toacknowledge the ways that they are creating knowledge and hoping it does workin the world, similar to the function of branding in graphic design. Such anapproach has been shown to be effective in shaping public opinion and can thus

Figure 3 Front image for chapter 1, Reform, in Colonial Entanglement: Constituting aTwenty-First-Century Osage Nation. (Design by Buffalo Nickel Creative, 2012; # JeanDennison. Reproduced by permission of Jean Dennison. Permission to reuse must be obtained fromthe rightsholder.)

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be used as a powerful tool for challenging existing power dynamics. Given thatbranding has been such a powerful tool in creating our current world, it cancertainly be used in constructing new worlds.

COLLAGE

Collage has a very long history, dating at least to the invention of paper in Chinaaround 200 BCE. Picked up more readily by calligraphers in 10th-century Japan[Leland and Williams 1994], collage has been a tool of many movements seeking

Figure 4 Front image for chapter 5, Sovereignty, in Colonial Entanglement: Constituting aTwenty-First-Century Osage Nation. (Design by Buffalo Nickel Creative, 2012; # JeanDennison. Reproduced by permission of Jean Dennison. Permission to reuse must be obtained fromthe rightsholder.)


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disorientation and defamiliarization [Drucker and McVarish 2013]. In the early20th century the avant-garde movement used collages, among other techniques,to reshape the field of graphic design. Taking full advantage of innovations intechnology (from photography to typesetting) these artists were far more adven-turous in form and content than previous graphic designers. Appropriating theslogans and imagery of advertising, their goal was to both expose and subvertnot only the advertising industry but also the wider bourgeois culture. As Druckerand McVarish write, they ‘‘deployed phrases, images, and typefaces designed forcommerce, as they cut and tore publications to produce jarring new meanings indisturbing collage compositions’’ [ibid.: 177]. These techniques were ultimately

Figure 5 Front image for chapter 2, Blood, in Colonial Entanglement: Constituting aTwenty-First-Century Osage Nation. (Design by Buffalo Nickel Creative, 2012; # JeanDennison. Reproduced by permission of Jean Dennison. Permission to reuse must be obtained fromthe rightsholder.)

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reincorporated into advertising, to be used to layer complex messages, add visualenergy and appeal to a more diverse audience [ibid.]

Following Claude Levi-Strauss, anthropologists and philosophers have usedthe related concept of bricolage in their writings. Defined as the construction ofimages based on the materials at hand, whether mass-produced images alreadyin circulation or the scraps from other projects, bricolage implies an improvisa-tional process of collage=assemblage that leads to innovative thinking. Michelde Certeau’s use of the term seems particularly applicable to graphic anthro-pology. He writes about bricolage as a ‘‘tactic’’ for artfully using, manipulatingand subverting cultural icons and products that are imposed by external powers

Figure 6 Front image for chapter 4, Minerals, in Colonial Entanglement: Constituting aTwenty-First-Century Osage Nation. (Design by Buffalo Nickel Creative, 2012; # JeanDennison. Reproduced by permission of Jean Dennison. Permission to reuse must be obtainedfrom the rightsholder.)


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[de Certeau and Rendall 1984]. The process involves taking fragments of adver-tisements, television shows, newspapers, and making new stories out of them.Similarly, rather than being confined by what could be captured within a singlephotographic image, collage allows for more dynamic communication whichcan be used to subvert existing power structures. Unlike bricolage, however,collage tends to involve more planning and calculation, resulting in a differentsort of process.

The front piece for the ‘‘Reform’’ chapter [Figure 3] uses as its base a video stillof six of the reform commissioners sitting around a table in their Pawhuska,Oklahoma, office in the midst of a heated debate with someone just outside thecamera’s frame. Several of them have their hands in the air and all look in differentdirections. Many papers litter the table in front of them. By itself this image doescommunicate some of the contention that played such a central role in the Osagereform process. It speaks to the lack of cohesion between the reform commis-sioners, particularly early in the process. It also signals some of the chaotic natureof the process, with the papers in disarray and the commissioners looking andsignaling in different directions.

Missing from this image is a sense of what issues were actually on the agendafor the reform commissioners. To address this issue the image was layered withseveral of the challenges the reform commissioners had to face during the processfrom the ‘‘wait your turn’’ attitude of the old government structure to the‘‘restraints of grammar’’ in writing a constitution. The central message of the chap-ter, part of what this image needed to communicate, was that despite the seemingchaos the reform commissioners worked through these obstacles, creating a newconstitutional government. To communicate this progress, the image has manyof the major challenges of governmental reform crossed out with arrows fromthe reform commissioners indicating the final word on the page, ‘‘reform.’’

This piece has a movement and depth that the layering capabilities of graphicdesign make possible. This image is neither a straight document nor fantasy,but seeks to tell the story of the reform process from the situated vantage of thereform commission and their struggles. The clearly manipulated but representa-tional nature of this image, like the others that follow, allows it to occupy asituated space, neither simply an observed moment nor a reflection of my ownexperiences as a witness to the reform process. Instead the image operates to linkoutward from the reform commissioners to the challenges they faced in writingthe 2006 Constitution. The nature of the image also makes it more engaging toreaders, pulling them into the chapter to discover what ‘‘meat pies vs. chickendumplings’’ has to do with government reform. Graphic design thus enablesthe layering of content as well as imagery, enabling a viewer to engage in a deeperrelationship with the subject.

Another example of the layering potential of graphic design can be found in thefront piece for the chapter ‘‘Blood,’’ which is a combination of over eight differentgraphic elements, all of which are redeployments of imagery originally intendedto serve other purposes [Figure 5]. The primary goal of this image is to communi-cate complexity, and it thus serves as a powerful example of what graphic anthro-pology can entail. As Jay Ruby suggests as a strategy, this image was intended tobe ‘‘deliberately confusing’’ [email to [email protected], October 18,

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2011], to signal visually how complex the colonial entanglement of blood is for theOsage. Given the intricacy of this topic and the many different elements from cul-ture to citizenship that are often caught up in this debate, it was essential that thisimage leave the viewer with as many questions as answers. This becomes all themore important in the context of continued colonization, which so often relies onoversimplifications.

The most accessible component of the image is the final layer of text, which reads,‘‘All lineal descendants of those Osage listed on the 1906 roll are eligible for mem-bership in the Osage Nation.’’ While this statement from the 2006 constitutionseems simple enough, it was a product of many long and heated debates, and con-tinues to cause controversy among many Osages, as evidenced by a failed attemptin 2012 at a constitutional amendment. The 1906 roll was heatedly debated at thetime of its implementation. Osage leaders argued that some of the people listedon the roll had no Osage connections, but had paid to have their names added tothe roll to gain access to Osage land and oil proceeds. The question remainswhether all of the Osage listed on the roll were of ‘‘Osage blood,’’ but even thisquestion was further complicated by the fact that the Osage did have a long historyof adopting outsiders prior to the federal government’s implementation of the roll.

The next most legible graphical element of this piece is a feather, which is rede-ployed to signal the way that concepts of culture are often caught up in notions ofAmerican Indian ‘‘blood’’ [Dennison 2012; Garroutte 2003; Sturm 2002]. Thatfeather does not stand alone but is used as a frame for two combined historicalimages. In the background is an image of an Osage delegation visiting Washingtonimmediately following World War I. Calvin Coolidge had brought the delegationto D.C. to honor Osage support of the war. Volunteering in high numbers, Osagemen had shed their blood for America. Such an image clearly signals Osage entan-glement with the United States, both as a country worth fighting for and as apowerful entity worth winning the favor of. There are of course many other layersto such a historical image, including the ‘‘diversity’’ of Osage represented in theimage; the many Osage delegations to D.C., both before and afterwards, that dras-tically changed the destiny of the Osage Nation; and the gendered dynamics ofconceptions of blood and nation.

Foregrounding the Osage delegation is an iconic image of Chief James Bigheart.Active in Osage politics from 1868 until his stroke in 1906, he fought to maintain aland base for the Osage Nation and to create a tripartite constitutional governmentthat was better equipped to deal with the United States. He fought vigorouslyagainst Osage allotment and is credited with ensuring that the subsurface oiland gas remained in trust for the Osage Nation within the 1906 Osage AllotmentAct. A deeply entangled figure himself, Bigheart rejected older Osage religiousand political practices in favor of Catholicism and ‘‘Western’’ forms of govern-ment while clearly working to ensure a strong Osage future [Wilson 1985]. Hisera also signals the Osage shift from a citizenship standard based primarily onresidence within Osage territory to one including only those people listed onthe 1906 allotment roll. Serving as the base roll from which the Federal govern-ment first, and now the Osage Nation, determines Osage citizenship, this 1906 rollhas come to define Osage ‘‘blood’’ itself. Little of the current Osage Nationgovernance is unaffected by the legacy of Bigheart.


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In addition to the entangled histories of these historical images themselves, thetone of the images and the marionette strings bifurcating the images are graphicelements intended to signify the foreignness of ‘‘blood.’’ Prior to theimplementation of the 1906 roll, Osage frequently incorporated outsiders, firstIndians and later Europeans, into their nation through a process of adoption.Blood was not viewed as a fundamental substance in determining Osage cit-izenship. Blood quantum, or the measurement of blood that excludes peopleunder a certain percentage of ‘‘blood’’ from Indian citizenship, was describedduring the reform process as ‘‘A Federal Government method of definingOsage. . . that was created to destroy itself’’ [Pawhuska Community Meeting,April 22, 2005]. This does not mean however, that blood has remained a foreignidea, but has, like many aspects of the colonial process including the clothingpictured in these historical images, been reworked and incorporated into Osagelife. The faint ribbonwork lining one of the marionette strings in the image speaksto the process of Osage revision, illustrating how even the most problematiccolonial entanglements are not entirely oppressive.

The feather that borders these images is not wholly intact, however, but isblotched around its edges with a substance that could be either blood or oil,and is best understood as both. As a result of the history of the 1906 roll, bloodand oil must be understood as having a shared history among the Osage. It wasthe discovery of oil, after all, that made blood so important to the Osage, servingto ensure that the people added to the 1906 roll were part of the Osage com-munity prior to its financial perks. Blood was thus a tool used to guard againstthe potential for fraud surrounding oil profits. A great deal of Osage bloodwas also shed over Osage oil. At its peak in 1925, when each annuitant earned$13,200 per quarter, many people came onto the Osage Reservation as legal guar-dians, merchants, suitors, swindlers and murderers in dubious attempts to gainaccess to this newfound wealth. The Osage eventually paid the FBI to investigatethe murders of sixty Osage, which ended in several convictions [Federal Bureauof Investigation 2011].

Osage blood, lineal descent, oil, war, murder, and culture are all layered in thissingle image, signaling the extreme complexity of any discussion of Osagecitizenship today. A great illustration of graphic anthropology’s potential, it chal-lenges the viewer to make different connections and think deeply about thisubiquitous concept in Indian Country. The collage is here used to juxtaposevarious social phenomena, teasing out the complicated forces at work in shapingcurrent understandings, and thereby stirring viewers to rework their own under-standings of blood. The complexity of the image itself serves to disrupt theconcept of American Indian identity, which is too often rendered static and over-simplified in the colonial process. In juxtaposing these different graphic elements,this image illustrates visually the entangled nature of blood. Instead of acting as asingle ‘‘true’’ representation, the complexity and layered nature of such an imageis intended to stimulate manifold readings. In this way graphic anthropology isnot just about creating documents of experience, but about challenging viewersto imagine a fuller range of future possibilities for the Osage.

Another common collage strategy is the juxtaposition of various images tocreate irony. ‘‘Minerals’’ opens with a close-up of a $100 U.S. banknote with a

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none-too-ordinary image of a founding father of settlement, Benjamin Franklin[Figure 6]. Franklin has been adorned with Osage clothing, including a chokernecklace, beaded earring and feathered otter-skin cap. In an interesting inversionof the earlier image of Bigheart, and picking up on the clothing of many of those inthe Coolidge-era image, Franklin’s image speaks to Osage entanglement on twolevels. On one hand it, along with the ribbonwork sketched faintly along thetop edge, can be read as a clear way in which Osage made the most of theirnewfound fortunes. Referred to as the richest people on earth during the 1920s,they were no strangers to the $100 note. The Osage, perhaps more than any otherAmerican Indian group, indigenized wealth [Harmon 2010].

Of course disrupting stereotypes of the poor, disenfranchised Indian also camewith its own set of consequences. Even when an FBI investigation brought an endto the murders that plagued the Osages in the 1920s, it did not halt the loss ofmillions of dollars to price-gouging shop owners and legal guardians, who, asAlexandra Harmon states, ‘‘could skim money from their charges’ account withan ease too tempting for many to resist’’ [2010: 197]. Furthermore wealthyIndians were re-stereotyped as incompetent at handling their own money, whichwas used as ‘‘proof’’ of American Indian savagery and as a justification forcontinuing white paternalism [Deloria 2006; Harmon ibid.].

Signaling these devastations the chapter’s image has a large oil splotch resem-bling an entry wound near Franklin’s heart, which leaves a spray of blood=oilacross his face. In addition to the disruption of life caused by the Osage MineralEstate, this ironic collage also signals the ways that Osage politics has been andcontinues to be entangled with the money distributed to Osage annuitants, stag-nating many other attempts at government reform and limiting the conversationspossible during the reform process. Through the collage’s images and meanings,both comedic and deadly, this image criticizes the status quo, thus opening upother possible Osage futures.

Conceptualized from 18 months of fieldwork, including thousands of Osagediscussions, the tensions over blood and minerals are brought alive not throughdistanced and seemingly impartial imagery nor in overly personalized perspec-tives but through the layering of multiple images, which create tensions and raisequestions in the minds of the viewer. As layered images from many different per-spectives, created collaboratively, they serve as a web of situated knowledgeabout the experience of rebuilding an Osage Nation in the early 21st century.More than any intended reading or representation, the goal of these images isto engage the viewers, provoking questions the text will address or that theythemselves might continue to struggle with.

Layering happens not only in the graphic design production process, whichoften incorporates various kinds of imagery within a single piece, but also concep-tually, working to open up what is counted as knowledge. Rather than creating sta-tic representations that are made to encompass an event or people in their entirety,the collage technique illustrates the fluid and negotiated nature of various cate-gories. Such a project is particularly important in the context of indigenous popula-tions, where colonialism has worked to create rigid categories, such as ‘‘AmericanIndian culture,’’ thus limiting future possibilities [Dennison 2012]. In bringingtogether these different narratives, these images labor not so much to represent


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experience, but to challenge the viewer to think about the different issues at stakein such a moment, and thus to open up more possibilities for an Osage future.

CONCLUSION

Given that the world in general and our students in particular are increasinglyoriented to visuality, it has never been more important for anthropologists toengage with the kinds of communication techniques that will captivate our audi-ences. Social design tactics of ‘‘prioritizing process,’’ ‘‘confronting controversy,’’and ‘‘designing with the community’s voice’’ [Shea 2012] are all tools that enablemore engaging visual media. Likewise, branding and collage can both be used,among other things, to stimulate an audience visually, engaging them with boththe text and the subject as a whole. In these ways, graphic design not only createsdynamic and appealing imagery but also enables the production of situatedknowledge.

Working collaboratively with graphic designers is also a good way to createimages that are not so confined within our own historical baggage and insteadmay foster dialogue. The creative techniques of graphic design are not hinderedby the fetish of the real or the fetish of the self, but have developed as needed tocommunicate a particular message to a particular audience. Whether it comes inthe form of social design, branding or collage, there is a strong potential for thefuture of visual anthropology in the field of graphic design. Even beyond visualanthropology, such approaches help us rethink our relationship to the ethno-graphic project itself.

While graphic design provides a helpful model for anthropology, it is certainlynot the only form capable of communicating situated perspectives. All ethno-graphic forms could easily draw upon these and other tactics to challenge exist-ing power dynamics and open up space for new ways of being and thinking. Asituated approach means focusing on what knowledge does and can do in theworld. Being faithful to our grounded relationships means using all the toolsat our disposal to speak outward from variously situated perspectives to thelarger dynamics shaping the globe.

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Documents

Situating Graphic Anthropology