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Sources of teacher job satisfaction and
dissatisfaction in Cyprus
Michalinos Zembylas* and Elena PapanastasiouIntercollege, Cyprus
This paper aims to contribute to the limited literature on teacher job satisfaction in developing
countries, especially in Cyprus. Drawing on interviews with 52 teachers and administrators in 17
schools, the paper describes the sources of job satisfaction and dissatisfaction of Cypriot teachers
and the impact on how teachers feel. Teachers emphasised their satisfaction with interactions with
students, relationships held with colleagues and opportunities to contribute to the growth of
individuals and the development of society. Sources of dissatisfaction were social problems and
their impact on teachers’ work, students’ lack of interest and bad behaviour, the centralised
educational system and the lack of professional autonomy in schools, and teacher evaluation and
promotion prospects. Some of the factors are predictable but others are less so, having to do with
the particular historical and social context in Cyprus. The context of a developing country is
especially considered in an effort to explore how education officials may address issues of teacher
satisfaction and dissatisfaction.
Keywords: Teacher job satisfaction; Empowerment; Developing countries; Cyprus
Introduction
In the developed world teacher job satisfaction has been an issue of concern for
many years. Perennial factors, such as student achievement, helping students,
positive relationships with colleagues and self growth have been associated with
teacher job satisfaction, while other factors such as perceived low status, low pay,
lack of professional autonomy and deprofessionalisation have been linked to teacher
dissatisfaction (Hargreaves, 1994; Pollard et al., 1994; Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000;
Helsby, 1999; Osborn et al., 2000; van den Berg, 2002; McNess, Broadfoot &
Osborn, 2003). However, research exploring the sources and impact of teacher job
satisfaction in developing countries is relatively limited (Garrett, 1999; Hean &
Garrett, 2001).
The objective of this qualitative research study is to describe and analyse the
sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction as they appear in the Cypriot context, a
context of a developing country in which previous research has shown some
*Intercollege, 46 Makedonitissas Av., P.O. Box 24005, 1700 Nicosia, Cyprus. Email: zembylas@
mail.msu.edu
Compare
Vol. 36, No. 2, June 2006, pp. 229–247
ISSN 0305-7925 (print)/ISSN 1469-3623 (online)/06/020229-19
# 2006 British Association for International and Comparative Education
DOI: 10.1080/03057920600741289
surprising results, i.e. that Cypriot teachers are motivated to enter teaching by
extrinsic rather than intrinsic motives, i.e. the salary, the hours and the holidays
associated with this profession (Zembylas & Papanastasiou, 2004). This is contrary
to findings in developed countries like the USA, the UK, Australia and New Zealand
in which teachers seem to enter teaching for intrinsic rather than extrinsic reasons
(see Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000; Scott & Dinham, 2003). Thus, an underlying
goal of this study was to further explore the results from our previous research and
ascertain whether the sources of teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction were
particular to the context of a developing country or whether they were more generic
and international.
In many developing countries, the teaching force is mired in bureaucracies and
centralised educational systems that support neither the effective performance of
teachers nor their career progression in their jobs (VSO, 2002). Teachers, previously
benefiting from considerable public respect, feel that their status is in decline.
Various international reports on education in developing countries draw attention to
the high attrition rates and the lack of feelings of power and confidence among
teachers (Dove, 1986; Farrell & Oliveira, 1993; Carron & Chau, 1996; Evans,
1998). However, unlike the case in many developed as well as developing countries,
teaching in Cyprus (especially elementary school teaching) is a popular destination
for high school graduates. The main reason for the popularity of teaching is
considered to be the good job benefits: immediate employment after completion of
their undergraduate studies (for elementary teachers); attractive working schedule
with short working days and long vacations; competitive salary with comparable
occupations in the civil service; and high status of the teaching profession (Menon &
Christou, 2002).
Our exploration in this paper provides an opportunity to develop a holistic and in-
depth understanding of the interplay of factors that contribute to teachers’
satisfaction and dissatisfaction. The findings express the first-hand views of
Cypriot teachers and capture their feelings about the impact of those factors on
their sense of empowerment and confidence. Such knowledge will be of importance
to those wishing to gain a more detailed view of teachers’ feelings of satisfaction and
dissatisfaction, something of particular relevance to ongoing reform efforts in several
developing countries around the world.
Theoretical framework and literature on teacher job satisfaction
In terms of definitions, there is no generally agreed upon definition of what
constitutes teacher job satisfaction. Teacher job satisfaction refers to a teacher’s
affective relation to his or her teaching role and is a function of the perceived
relationship between what one wants from teaching and what one perceives it is
offering to a teacher (Zembylas & Papanastasiou, 2004). In general, Morse (1953)
viewed the strength of an individual’s ‘desires, or his/her level of aspiration in a
particular area’ to be an important factor in job satisfaction (p. 28). Those with the
strongest desires or highest aspirations are least happy with their job, if the
environment does not facilitate satisfaction of their needs.
230 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
Over the last two decades, many studies in developed countries have attempted to
identify sources of teacher satisfaction and dissatisfaction by elementary and
secondary school teachers (e.g. Borg & Riding, 1991; Barnabe & Burns, 1994;
Shann, 1998; Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000; Evans, 1998, 2001). According to the
majority of these studies, teacher satisfaction is clearly related to levels of intrinsic
motivation. The main factor found to contribute to the job satisfaction of teachers is
working with children. Additional factors included: developing warm, personal
relationships with children, the intellectual challenge of teaching, having autonomy
and independence, having opportunities to try new ideas, participating in decision-
making and reform efforts, developing social relations with colleagues and having
opportunities for growth (Mykletun, 1984; Zigarelli, 1996; Lathan, 1998). Research
on teacher job satisfaction has examined several of these factors in an attempt to
understand and describe how these factors are related to teacher satisfaction.
In particular, researchers of the International Teacher 2000 Project—an
international study on teacher satisfaction, motivation and health—argue for the
existence of a ‘third domain’ (Dinham & Scott, 2000) that has a major influence in
determining how teachers feel about their work. Specifically, it is emphasised that
whereas older models of teacher satisfaction posited two domains for discussing
satisfaction and dissatisfaction—the actual work of teaching and the conditions
under which work must be performed—their new theory proposes a three-domain
model. The ‘third domain’, encompasses factors at the system level, as well as wider
social forces, such as teacher status, imposed educational change and the portrayal
of teachers in the media (Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000). According to Dinham
and Scott, a key outcome of their research has been the development of a ‘three
domain’ model of teacher career satisfaction which highlights the growing
yet variable influence and importance of societal based factors and forces which
seem to influence teacher and school executive career satisfaction, dissatisfaction
and stress.
Teachers view job dissatisfaction as principally contributed to by work overload,
poor pay and perceptions of how teachers are viewed by society. For example,
researchers such as Hargreaves (1994), and Nias (1989, 1996) mention a number of
factors that subvert a teacher’s sense of job satisfaction and are related to feelings of
loss, disillusionment, vulnerability and negative perceptions of self-worth: the
monotony of daily routines, a lack of motivation and discipline on the students’ part
and a lack of support and appreciation from colleagues and administration. These
factors are associated with some of the reasons that teachers leave the profession
(Farber, 1991; Friedman & Farber, 1992; Travers & Cooper, 1996; Vandenberghe
& Huberman, 1999).
However, studies have also found variations in the job satisfaction levels of
teachers, depending on certain social and political characteristics in schools (Spear,
Gould & Lee, 2000). Thus, it is argued that context seems to be the most powerful
predictor of overall satisfaction (Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000). As Cherniss points
out: ‘People can make their lives better or worse but what they think, how they feel
and what they do are strongly shaped by the social contexts in which they live’ (1995,
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 231
p. 166, added emphasis). Given that many studies on teacher job satisfaction are
using quantitative methodologies to explore the relationship between ‘teacher job
satisfaction’ and those factors that contribute to this feeling, there is a clear need for
qualitative in-depth studies that explore each particular context in which teachers
work.
In addition, it is well known that most studies on teacher satisfaction have been
conducted in developed countries (Garrett, 1999); thus, one realises the need in the
available literature for similar research in developing countries as well. The evidence
available from educational systems in developed countries identifies a complex
picture in which teacher job satisfaction is closely related to other key factors of the
complexities of work and life within a particular social context (Buchmann &
Hannum, 2001). We believe, though, that teacher job satisfaction is produced,
manifested and coped with differently in developing countries (Farrell & Oliveira,
1993). What little research had been done in developing countries was based on a set
of theoretical assumptions that had been developed from findings in developed
countries (Garrett, 1999). As Garrett (1999) writes, ‘The social context of the
teachers, the teachers’ attitudes and their working conditions are intimately related
in a very complex manner and we need to understand them better… What we do not
have is a very clear picture of what motivates teachers, or indeed, what demotivates
them’ (p. 2). An exploration of teacher job satisfaction based on qualitative
methodology in a developing country (such as Cyprus) provides an opportunity to
develop an in-depth understanding of teachers’ first-hand views. Ultimately, the goal
of this understanding is to discover ways that improve teacher motivation as it is
widely acknowledged that improving teacher motivation is perhaps the trickiest task
that governments in developing countries face in their effort to upgrade the teaching
force (Lockheed & Verspoor, 1991).
Context of the research
Cyprus is a small country situated in the Eastern Mediterranean and has a peculiar
mix of developing and advanced features, but essentially it remains developing
in character. The major source of economy in the island is tourism; also light
industry has been expanding considerably during the last decade. Cyprus has a
highly centralised public educational system. The Ministry of Education and
Culture is responsible for the administration of education, the enforcement of
educational laws and, in cooperation with the Office of the Attorney General,
the preparation of educational bills. This includes the responsibility for the
formulation of the curriculum, as well as the prescription of the syllabi, curricula
and textbooks.
The educational system in Cyprus was gradually transformed through a series of
reforms after the independence of the island from the British in 1960. These reforms
included the establishment of a compulsory, nine-year comprehensive school
(legislated in 1981), followed by a non-compulsory three-year high school (grades
10–12). The reforms were launched under the ideals of equality of opportunity and
232 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
the formation of citizens for a modern democratic society, especially after Cyprus
suffered a military coup and a foreign invasion in the 1970s. The nine-year
comprehensive school is divided into two levels: elementary (grades 1–6) and
gymnasium (7–9). All students are taught the same subjects and use the exact same
books in the nine-year comprehensive school. In lyceum, as high school is called
(grades 10–12), students can select courses of their preferences, however, this is
done in the context of their preparation for the highly competitive university
entrance exams. Upon finishing high school, students are encouraged to continue
their education. It was estimated, for example, that more than 60% of high school
graduates continued their studies in 1998–99 (Department of Statistics and
Research, 2000).
As it has been pointed out earlier, teaching is one of the most popular destinations
for high school graduates because of the good job benefits; however, we need to note
that previous research has shown elementary school teachers to be dissatisfied with
several aspects of their job such as the highly centralised system and the frustrating
evaluation and promotion system (Menon & Christou, 2002; Zembylas &
Papanastasiou, 2004). According to the existing evaluation and promotion
procedures, teachers are promoted to vice-principals and principals based on a
complicated point system that primarily takes into consideration the number of years
in teaching service. These procedures are highly centralised and teachers often
complain that they are not evaluated merit; instead, according to their views, these
procedures are open to criticisms of favouritism and corruption.
Purpose of the study
The research upon which this paper focuses was carried out over two years, from
2002–2004, and was conducted in two phases. In the first phase, the data were
collected through a survey sent to elementary and secondary school teachers and
administrators in the five districts of Cyprus; overall, there were 449 respondents
who took part in this phase. A previous publication has explored the quantitative
measures of teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction with facets of teaching and its
context (Zembylas & Papanastasiou, 2004). This paper will report findings from the
second phase of the study in which semi-structured in-depth interviews were
conducted with 52 teachers and administrators (selected as described below).
The present study was designed to shed light on the following research questions:
1. What are the critical factors influencing job satisfaction and dissatisfaction
among Cypriot teachers?
2. What is the impact of these factors on teachers’ work and their sense of
empowerment?
The study provided the opportunity to explore two additional research questions,
as a result of our findings from the first phase of the study:
3. To what extent do the external motives of ‘the salary, the hours and the
holidays’ influence teachers’ feelings of satisfaction?
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 233
4. What is the influence of teachers’ views about the existing promotion and
evaluation system on teacher satisfaction?
Methodology
In each school that we initially distributed the survey, we asked principals to identify
one or two teachers and/or administrators who wished to be interviewed. The 52
participants we selected for in-depth interviews were broadly representative of the
larger sample out of which we conducted the first phase of the study—in terms of the
school level in which they taught, their status and their sex (see Table 1). The sample
of 52 teachers and administrators was distributed across the five districts in Cyprus,
serving different kinds of communities (i.e. urban, suburban, rural). The
interviewees had two or more years of teaching experience—the mean was 15
years—and 33 were between the ages of 45 and 60.
The interviews typically lasted between 45 and 75 minutes, but in every case
respondents were given plenty of time and were encouraged to respond freely. Most
of the participants were interviewed in their own classrooms or in their offices. The
interviews were semi-structured and we worked from a protocol of basic questions
on what satisfied (or dissatisfied) them in their job, why they enjoyed (or did not
enjoy) their jobs, whether they had always enjoyed (or not enjoyed) teaching, how
they attended to the emotional needs of and their emotional interactions with
students and colleagues, and how they would change things to become more
satisfied in their job. We also asked questions that utilised some of the findings of the
first phase of the project such as why so many Cypriot teachers go for postgraduate
studies these days and why there is so much dissatisfaction with the current
promotion and evaluation system. The interviews were recorded on cassette tapes
and have been transcribed.1
We independently read through the interviews several times, searching for
important thematic patterns and then returning to confirm and refine the themes we
had identified. In many cases, we were able to triangulate, drawing on findings from
the surveys we distributed in phase one. Since each one of us was initially working
independently it was necessary to test the reliability of our categorisations. This was
done by categorising all the data separately and then coming together to finalise our
decisions. Our overall analysis looked for any references teachers made to the
Table 1. Selected characteristics of teachers interviewed
School Level Taught Status Sex
Elementary Class teacher 3 M, 6 F
Elementary Administrator 9 M, 7 F
Secondary Class teacher 4 M, 6 F
Secondary Administrator 10 M, 7 F
234 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction in their work such as: working with
children, interaction with colleagues, centralised policies, autonomy, etc. Data were
marked, coded and grouped into increasingly larger themes like ‘Satisfaction from
working with children’ or ‘dissatisfaction from student failure and the lack of
discipline’. Each of these themes contained many quotations. These detailed themes
provided the foundation for the interpretations of the findings. Thus, when quoting
or paraphrasing teachers in the next section, we also included their gender as well as
their status and school level in which they teach to provide a more complete picture
of the respondent.
While one-time interviews have limitations in terms of making others feel
comfortable to disclose their feelings about what dissatisfies them, they do reveal
interesting issues to be identified across different kinds of teachers. Although these
interviews cannot reveal any frequencies of experiences of job satisfaction and
dissatisfaction (since that was covered in a previous study), they do highlight what
teachers find emotionally satisfying and dissatisfying in their work.
The research findings
The analysis of the interviews deepened and enriched insights about Cypriot
teachers’ sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction and revealed many complexities
of teachers’ emotions about their work. In analysing the interviews, we have grouped
responses under themes that capture the emotions of satisfaction and dissatisfaction
underlying teachers’ work. These themes are included under two broad headings—
Sources of satisfaction and Sources of dissatisfaction.
Sources of satisfaction
The findings in this study confirmed those documented by many researchers in
developed countries, i.e. that the main sources of teacher job satisfaction are the
satisfaction of working with children and seeing them grow and achieve, making a
contribution to the society, working collaboratively with colleagues and achieving
personal professional growth. In addition, the respondents in the interviews
confirmed our earlier findings that the salary, the hours and the holidays associated
with this profession are also significant sources of satisfaction yet, not the most
important as one might have thought. On the other hand, this exploration of the
sources of teacher job satisfaction in Cyprus also revealed the significance of
historical and social aspects that are relevant to the sense of satisfaction.
Working with children. Almost every teacher interviewed stated that she or he liked
working with children. Often these statements came in response to the question
‘What is the most satisfying thing in being a teacher?’ but they emerged elsewhere in
the interviews as well. It is also interesting to note that several teachers spoke about
the powerful feeling of love in teaching and its impact on their work. The following
comments were typical:
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 235
The greatest satisfaction in teaching is the love that I receive from kids, when kids show
their love to you in a variety of ways, e.g. with a simple gesture, a kiss on the cheek, a
hug, or a card. This is undoubtedly the most wonderful feeling. (elementary school,
classroom teacher, female)
I enjoy seeing kids progress and teaching them how to become critical thinkers. I get a
lot of satisfaction from helping to open kids’ minds, selves and souls. And this in itself is
very important. It’s a real magic to be among young individuals every day and
participate in their struggles to cultivate their spirits and virtues. (secondary school,
classroom teacher, male)
I love teaching and I want to share this feeling of love with my students. I feel that I’m in
a mission to save souls. And I tell this to the parents: ‘I’m here to save your kids’. I feel
very strong about that. As teachers, I feel that we are doing something noble. (secondary
school, principal, male)
These findings confirm the results of others (Lortie, 1975; Nias, 1989; Cockburn,
2000) which show that the satisfaction of working with children, forming
relationships with them, having the opportunity to contribute to the growth and
achievement of young individuals, may be common internationally, regardless of
country context. The emotional rewards of teaching affect what teachers do as they
adjust their teaching to make sure that they continue to experience these feelings of
satisfaction. For example, many teachers talked openly about ‘the feeling of love’ in
teaching and explained how they were trying to establish a safe emotional climate in
their classrooms. The emotional relationships that teachers built with their students
were central to how these teachers taught their students. The importance of the role
of the teacher as a contributor to children’s growth and development becomes
particularly interesting, if one considers Cyprus’s long-time efforts to develop as a
modern democratic society. This becomes even clearer in the next part.
Making a contribution to the society. An important aspect with respect to job
satisfaction for Cypriot teachers and administrators is the opportunity to contribute
to the society through making a difference in young people’s development. This
seems to be an area from which teachers appear to derive a sense of important value
and worth. This is their status in, and contribution to, the communities in which
they teach and to the wider society. Several Cypriots teachers and administrators
emphasised their commitment and social interest, despite the fact that they also
acknowledged the negative impact of social problems on their work and the lack of
respect for teachers nowadays (see our second theme). The feeling of satisfaction
from making a contribution to the society is illustrated by some of the following
comments:
The greatest satisfaction for me is a deep realization that I make a contribution in our
efforts to build a more prosperous and democratic society in Cyprus. (secondary school,
classroom teacher, male)
I love to watch my students grow and become responsible and successful citizens in our
society. I cannot hide that I’m deeply proud when I meet my former students 20, 30
years after they finish school and tell me, ‘We have very fond memories from you as a
236 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
teacher’. This touches me a lot… I feel very satisfied with my work, with the fact that
I’ve done my duty to the society and some people recognize this. (elementary school,
principal, female)
When I first became a teacher and saw the kids in front of me, I said to myself, ‘In front
of me I have the future of my country’. This was an even more powerful feeling for me
under the difficult circumstances that our country was going through back then… you
know, the military coup, the foreign military invasion in Cyprus. I felt that these were
the ‘children of my country’ and I had to do something to build a better future for them.
(secondary school, principal, female)
The data from the present study indicate that the contribution to society becomes
particularly important for a small developing country, given the challenges for
economic growth and democratic development. Teachers feel that through them a
more democratic and economically developed country may develop. This kind of
sensitivity is not unique in this context, of course; however, it becomes particularly
interesting, because it illustrates the utmost importance attached to the contribution
by educators in the development of a country that struggled to establish a democratic
state. This sense of responsibility and commitment among teachers carries a lot
of burden and pride; thus it is no wonder that teachers gain a lot of satisfaction from
it.
Working collaboratively with colleagues. Some teachers mentioned collegial relation-
ships as a strong aspect of their satisfaction with teaching. Others were highly critical
of their fellow faculty members and preferred not to collaborate with them; this
created a feeling of dissatisfaction and they wished things were different. One female
elementary school teacher stated that when teachers work as a team, supporting one
another and exchanging ideas then ‘a lot of good things can be done and this is a
source of immense personal and professional satisfaction’. A male elementary school
principal explained how important it was in his school to build collaborative
relationships among teachers, because this helped reduce stress. A female
elementary school teacher admitted that she did not collaborate much with
colleagues, although she thought it might be a good thing. She explained how she
felt a lot of disappointment whenever she was implementing an innovative idea,
because some teachers did not like it and responded negatively to it. Another female
elementary school teacher added that, ‘there is a lot of politics and jealously among
teachers, especially young ones who try to establish themselves. So I collaborate with
those who don’t feel threatened!’ Finally, several older teachers and administrators
both at elementary and secondary school level pointed out that when they were
younger teachers, many of them had collaborated a great deal with their colleagues,
as opposed to what happens nowadays. The latter finding has been documented in
studies conducted in developed countries as well (Brunetti, 2001). In general, both
this study and other studies in developed countries show that positive social
relationships with colleagues are important sources of teachers’ emotional health,
because colleagues are seen as a source of friendship and a source of social and
emotional support; when these relationships don’t exist, teachers share deep feelings
of dissatisfaction (Schwarzer & Greenglass, 1999; Cockburn, 2000).
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 237
Achieving personal professional growth. Many of the interviewed teachers—especially
those who taught at the secondary school level—commented on the emotional and
intellectual stimulation they had on an everyday basis. A female secondary school
teacher pointed out how excited she was for ‘having opportunities to be creative,
explore different ways to teach some ideas and constantly improvise’. A male
secondary vice-principal stated that ‘every day is different. You don’t know what
new challenge will come up. Although this gets tiring sometimes, I enjoy the
opportunity to solve problems and experience the joy of overcoming challenges’.
Finally, a female secondary teacher compared teaching with her previous job and
said: ‘I had two other jobs until I became a teacher. I never felt as intellectually
stimulated in my previous employments as I’m feeling now. I like teaching because it
allows me to learn and grow on an everyday basis’. These comments indicate that
the teachers’ sense of satisfaction was connected to their own professional growth.
As long as teachers found excitement and stimulation in what they did, they loved
both working with their students and growing professionally.
The salary, the hours and the holidays. In their responses to the first phase of our
study, Cypriot teachers and administrators gave very high ‘marks’ to the salary, the
hours and the holidays as sources of satisfaction in their job. We wanted to further
explore this factor because it stood out as a surprising finding compared to other
countries, both developed and developing ones. Thus we shared this finding with
teachers and asked them to share their reactions with us. Most of the teachers said
that their decision to stay in the profession had little to do with this factor. A female
elementary teacher stated that, ‘It is true that there is job security, the salary is good
and you have two months of summer vacation. However, if you are in it [teaching]
for these [reasons], you are in the wrong profession, because you have to love kids to
do this day after day and year after year’. Another elementary teacher (male) said: ‘I
hate it when everyone says we did it for the money and the vacation. OK. Teaching
is an attractive profession in Cyprus compared to some other countries. But this is
not enough. If you don’t love teaching kids you’ll be a miserable human being as a
teacher’. A male secondary vice-principal pointed out that, ‘There are teachers who
are attracted by the external motives offered by this profession in Cyprus. This is not
entirely a bad thing, because the best graduates are attracted to the job. Of course,
gradually they gain more experiences, they learn to do things better, they grow and
become more successful and so they come to enjoy teaching. As teachers gain more
experience, the holidays and the salary are like a reward for what they do. You know
what I mean? These are not the primary reasons that offer satisfaction in teaching’.
On the other hand, a male elementary principal sounded more skeptical and raised
an interesting question: ‘For better or worse these external motives exist. I wonder
how many would initially choose to become teachers, if these motives didn’t exist’
(added emphasis). This is an interesting issue, because in many developed as well as
developing countries teachers’ salaries are a significant factor influencing recruit-
ment and retention. Our study provides important information about the nature of
teacher satisfaction and motivation in a social context in which the government
238 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
provides serious incentives to those who want to become teachers. This does not
imply, of course, that by offering these incentives issues of recruitment, retention
and satisfaction are necessarily addressed once and for all. In fact, the case of Cyprus
indicates that satisfaction and dissatisfaction in teaching involve many more complex
issues, as shown below.
Sources of dissatisfaction
As with the sources of satisfaction, there are some sources of dissatisfaction that are
well known and have been documented by researchers in developed countries, e.g.
the effects of social problems; student failure and lack of discipline; lack of respect,
status and recognition from society; the lack of autonomy; and the lack of collegial
relationships (Thompson, McNamara & Hoyle, 1997; Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000;
van den Berg, 2002). In addition, there are some significant contextual features that
bring to the surface further sources of teacher job satisfaction in Cyprus. These are:
the lack of autonomy as a result of the educational system’s centralisation; and
teacher evaluation and promotion prospects. All of the above sources of
dissatisfaction are analysed below.
The effects of social problems. Many consequences of recent social changes in the
international arena and especially in the Mediterranean region (e.g. migration of
workers, rise of unemployment, growing multicultural societies) have negatively
affected Cypriot teachers’ satisfaction. This is best illustrated by some of the
comments made by our interviewees:
The recent social changes in Cyprus have caused a lot of problems for us [teachers].
The contemporary demands in our society, the parents’ attitudes towards teachers, the
increasing incidents of student violence and discrimination against foreigners… all these
have negatively affected our job. That is to say, we don’t experience the same feeling of
satisfaction as we did some years ago. (elementary school, vice-principal, male)
The biggest problems in the Cypriot educational system are directly related to the social
problems in our society. After all, the school is a reflection of the society. The infusion
of foreign social customs and trends in Cyprus and the bad habit of Cypriots to copy
them without any critical input have had a destructive influence on our job as teachers.
Our job is basically to go against this trend and teach kids to become more critical. But
can you, really? Last year, a colleague of mine was beaten by a student, because he
‘‘dared’’ to send this student to the principal’s office, after the student had threatened to
beat another student to death. (secondary school, classroom teacher, male).
There were indeed many teachers who shared with us their intense feelings of
dissatisfaction as a result of having to deal with the effects of social problems in
schools. Thus it seems that this source of dissatisfaction is not unique to the Western
societies in which social changes have seriously affected teachers’ work (Dinham &
Scott, 2000); the consequences of recent international changes seem to also affect
developing countries like Cyprus. This finding confirms earlier results in the
countries in which the International Teacher 2000 Project has been implemented
(Dinham & Scott, 1998, 2000). According to the researchers in this project, a major
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 239
influence in determining how teachers feel about their work in developed countries
comes from factors at the system level, as well as wider social forces, such as
teacher status, centralised policies and the portrayal of teachers in the media. Our
findings seem to agree with Dinham and Scott’s (2000) results regarding the
existence of a ‘third domain’ in teacher career satisfaction which highlights the
growing yet variable influence and importance of societal based factors in teacher job
(dis)satisfaction (see also our sub-theme on ‘lack of respect, status and recognition
from society’).
Student failure and lack of discipline. A corollary of teachers’ feelings of satisfaction
with their students’ growth and success in society was their feelings of disappoint-
ment when their students failed or when they behaved badly. As a female secondary
school teacher put it: ‘I feel very disappointed and stressed out when my students
fail. I take it very personally… Especially when I realise how much potential they
have’. A male secondary school teacher said: ‘The most negative feelings I
experience are coming from students’ bad behaviour and lack of interest. You work
so hard to prepare your lesson and then you have students who make noise, talk all
the time, say nasty things to their classmates and to you… You feel very
disappointed. You feel that no matter what you do you’re not appreciated by some
students’. Several principals and vice-principals from both elementary and
secondary school levels reported that student failure and bad behaviour has become
a serious issue in Cypriot schools. As one male secondary school principal said: ‘Year
after year things get worse and this makes us feel very demoralised. Bullying has
become a frequent phenomenon in many Cypriot schools. This wasn’t the case ten
years ago. It got so bad these days that students beat teachers. Last year, a colleague
of mine, a principal at another school, had a heart attack and died because of the
stress and pressure following an event in which a student had beaten a teacher… I
often wonder whether it’s worthy to do this any more’. Also a female elementary
principal attempted to put things in perspective: ‘I wonder what we are doing
wrong… you know, as professionals and as a society, more generally. In our school,
we are very concerned with student failure and student bad behaviour. I know that
my teachers try very hard to support students who have difficulties. On the other
hand, there are parents who don’t care at all, so there are not many things we can do
here at school’. Like this administrator, a few others attempted to put things in
perspective and made connections between student failure and social problems.
Most of them were reluctant to take personal responsibility for their students’
failures; however, some felt that they had a personal responsibility and should do
something about it.
Lack of respect, status and recognition from society. It is worthwhile to mention that
many teachers complained about parents’ indifference or parents’ interventions in
schools. A male elementary school teacher said: ‘I am very dissatisfied by how some
parents treat teachers. They demand that we do whatever they want! They intervene
to transfer teachers from one school to another or they confront the principal and
demand that teacher X should not teach their children. There is no respect left for
240 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
us…’ A female elementary school principal pointed out that parents often intervene
and prevent the school from operating as it is supposed to be: ‘I’ve had serious
problems with parents because they basically wanted to run my school! Even with a
small punishment of a student, they make a big fuss. They go to the Ministry [of
Education] and press ridiculous charges on us; they take the matter to the media. It’s
become a circus! Our hands are basically tied’. A male secondary school principal
pointed out that in the last few years the media has had a negative impact on
teaching and teachers: ‘The media hammers teachers. I often feel demoralised when
I think about the criticisms made against teachers. The channels are after every kind
of gossip and teachers often become victims of this. Teaching has become a
misrepresented profession in Cyprus. People think we have an easy job, a good salary
and two months vacation in the summer and somehow they resent this. Even some
kids think that way!’ All these comments indicate that the disillusionment resulting
from unfulfilled expectations for respect and recognition gives rise to dissatisfaction
and low morale. The lack of respect and recognition of teachers causes a lot of
disappointment among Cypriot teachers, a tendency noted in several societies
around the world in the last few years.
The educational system’s centralisation. Many of the interviewed teachers and
administrators commented on the lack of autonomy as a result of the educational
system’s centralisation. The following comments are typical:
The most negative feelings for me come from the lack of vision in education… Many
educators and students, the ministry officials, the parents, all these face education as an
instrumental mechanistic process that simply aims to prepare students for the national
exams. You know, the society cannot progress, if everything is measured quantita-
tively… As teachers, we are constantly pressured to teach to the national exams and
prepare students to memorize endless facts. The curricula—which are imposed from
above—are extremely inflexible and boring. Teachers are gradually ‘‘dying’’,
intellectually and emotionally. At least, this is how I feel… (secondary school,
classroom teacher, male)
There is no autonomy in schools. I can see this more now, as a principal. Even for small
things we need to ask permission from the ministry or the school board; there is so
much bureaucracy… For example, I want to make an improvement in the school
building (e.g. replace a window) and yet I have no budget. I need to wait for 10 days
until I get approval from the school board or from the Ministry. (secondary school,
principal, female)
The educational system is so centralized and conservative that a teacher does not have
any power to change anything. Even if inspectors and ministry officials ask for our
suggestions they never implement those. Everyday they send memos: do this, do that
etc. There is no room for creativity or for taking initiatives. The system is so powerfully
hierarchical that no one can basically challenge his or her superiors. The most serious
problem for me in education is that the teacher is subjugated. Subjugation for me means
that bureaucracy, hierarchy and centralization create a subjugated consciousness for
teachers. This is something you feel on an everyday basis, when the inspector comes to
evaluate you, when you have to do exactly what the Ministry tells you to do.
(elementary school, classroom teacher, male)
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 241
As these illustrative comments show, responses to the issue of the educational
system’s centralisation were very powerful. Amongst the full sample a majority of
interviewees were clearly dissatisfied with this aspect; some with the lack of
autonomy, others with imposition of authority and rules without any input from
teachers, and, some, with the irrationality of this. This issue was intensified by the
fact that teachers were trying to accommodate curriculum changes arising from
reforms—reforms on which they felt they had not been consulted and were therefore
sometimes inappropriate or badly planned. In their efforts to do what they think best
in their classrooms and schools, these teachers and administrators appear to lack the
kind of autonomy enjoyed by other professionals. This may also reflect a sense that
inspectors and impersonal memos sent from above may be ineffective ways to
communicate with grassroots, because teachers feel that they have no voice.
Teacher evaluation and promotion prospects. Finally, supervision from inspectors and
prospects for promotion were sources of great dissatisfaction for the majority of our
interviewees. Many teachers expressed their intense negative feelings about the lack
of justice and fairness in the current system of teacher evaluation and their prospects
for promotion. The following comments indicate these feelings:
The evaluation and promotion system is demoralizing. Unfortunately, promotion is
based on years of teaching experience and not on merit. For someone to become a
principal in Cyprus, he has to be old! In Europe you see young talented principals full of
energy and creativity. In Cyprus you get promoted based on your birth certificate! Not
to mention that you have to have the right political connections and social
acquaintances… Mediocrity rules, I’m telling you! (elementary school, vice-principal,
male)
The current evaluation and promotion system plays one teacher off against the other. It
promotes fierce competition and division instead of cooperation and collegiality. The
system has created a culture of distrust and rivalry among many teachers who do
everything possible as a means to get on with their careers—e.g. undermining
colleagues, hiding ideas and resources so that others won’t use them, getting
postgraduate degrees just to say that they have a degree etc. (secondary school,
classroom teacher, male)
The situation in terms of the evaluation and promotion system is really a joke! Their
[Ministry] official reports that our promotion system is fair and blah, blah, blah, all
these reports are full of lies and deceptions. In which other European country is there an
unofficial agreement among inspectors (they don’t hesitate to tell us about this!) that all
teachers are assigned the same points depending on their position and their years of
teaching experience? In other words, everyone receives the same evaluation regardless
of worth. This is really insane, if you think about it! (elementary school, classroom
teacher, male)
It seems that the current evaluation and promotion system in Cyprus has created
many negative feelings and has had unfortunate consequences for teachers’ work
and collegial relations. Factors, which determine how teachers consider the
evaluation system, include comparative insights with systems that exist in other
European countries. There is a widespread feeling that there is a lot of corruption at
242 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
all levels of public life in Cyprus. As a male elementary school teacher put it: ‘You
cannot really confront the inspector and ask him ‘why you gave me so and so many
points?’ He cannot really prove it. He cannot really say that the reason he gave so
and so many points to that other person is because they belong to the same political
party or they are relatives or old classmates’. There is an intense bitterness among
many teachers and a widespread perception that Cyprus has still a long way to go to
establish a truly democratic and objective evaluation system. Thus it is not surprising
that this has a negative impact on motivation, as teachers feel that there is no way for
them to gain feedback and praise for good performance or to seek honest advice
about how to improve. Cypriot teachers’ resentment for this system indicates a need
for professional discourse and positive reinforcement for teachers who work hard.
Discussion
The findings presented and analysed in this study make a significant contribution to
the study of teachers’ attitudes to their work in the context of a developing country.
Cypriot teachers’ perceptions of their satisfaction were intimately connected to the joy
gained from working with children, the growth and well being of their students and
their contribution to the society. This is not a surprising finding because other studies
in developed countries have discovered similar things (Pollard et al., 1994; Evans,
1998; Dinham & Scott, 2000; Osborn et al., 2000). Also, studies of Jamaican
(Rodgers-Jenkinson & Chapman, 1990) and Chilean (Hean & Garrett, 2001) teachers
noted that these were important sources of teacher job satisfaction. Other factors such
as working collaboratively with colleagues, achieving personal growth and having a
good salary and vacation were important but were not emphasised as much as the joy
gained from working with children and making a contribution to the society.
It is often assumed that teacher job satisfaction is largely related to salary and
other benefits. This study has demonstrated that teachers’ motivation stems from a
complex interplay of factors that are linked to their sense of their own worth and
value as educators. While salary is certainly one factor in influencing their
satisfaction, Cypriot teachers and administrators expressly identified other more
importance factors. The Cypriot teachers’ beliefs that they had a positive impact in
the lives of their students and made an important contribution to the society—
especially in its democratic and economic development—generated a powerful sense
of satisfaction among teachers. Given that the joy of working with children is almost
a universal motivator for all teachers, we want to draw attention to the significance of
the factor of making a contribution to society. It is here that the contribution of this
study also lies. This factor seems particularly interesting in the Cypriot historical and
political context—and perhaps to similar contexts in other developing countries in
which military coups and foreign invasions have created the need for an education
that promotes justice and democracy. The participants in this study seem to get a lot
of satisfaction from contributing to the development of a democratic and just
society. The power of this source of satisfaction cannot be underestimated as a factor
in the teachers’ lives.
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 243
This ‘idealism’ seems rather surprising when one considers that our previous
research has shown that the power of external motives is an issue of concern for some
in Cyprus (Zembylas & Papanastasiou, 2004). However, this in-depth interview
study managed to further analyse some of the previous survey findings and cleared
some possible misconceptions from interpreting quantitative measures of teacher job
satisfaction without taking into consideration teachers’ detailed explanations. Here
we want to offer two possible explanations for the disparity between this qualitative
research study and our quantitative findings from a previous project. First, the
sample was different in the two studies; therefore, the results of both studies have to
be interpreted differently based on their respective samples. Most importantly,
though, in our previous research, the respondents were provided with many
statements to choose from; these statements were about issues that did not
necessarily come up in the teacher interviews during the qualitative study. Our
qualitative analysis dealt more with the presence and absence of factors related to
teacher job satisfaction rather than with their frequency; therefore, it is under-
standable that these two studies actually investigate ‘different’ issues—thus, both
studies make an important contribution on different terms. If nothing else, though,
the need for more research studies—both quantitative and qualitative—is clear in
order to shed more light on the identified ‘disparities’.
The research findings of this study also reveal many aspects of the dissatisfied and
disempowered situation of Cypriot teachers and administrators, and the discussion
here focuses on how teachers’ motivation is affected by social problems, students’
misbehaviour and lack of interest, a decline in teachers’ respect and status, power
relationships with national authorities and teachers’ lack of voice in education
decision-making processes. The increasing economic and social problems that
teachers confront, combined with the centralised educational system’s efforts to
impose solutions to those problems, have brought to the surface strong teacher
dissatisfaction (see also Helsby, 1999). Teachers’ sentiments tend to show a lack of
dialogue among various groups in education. We found that teachers were eager to
communicate their perspectives on their own situation, and their views on wider
education policy and practice. However, as this study revealed they rarely, if ever,
felt that these views were actively sought or welcomed. Teachers’ sense of neglect
and declining status is also indicated in the shared feeling of alienation from the
process of education reform. Teachers were aware that much is expected of them,
however, they shared their disappointment for the lack of respect and recognition at
what they did.
Overall, we would argue that the profound feelings of dissatisfaction expressed by
teachers and administrators in Cyprus are related to the intertwining of two major
factors. First, an internal motivation to teach in order to make a difference in the
society; and second, a complex set of power relationships at the national level that
often take the form of attacks on teachers’ work (Hargreaves, 1994; Scott et al.,
2001). The clash between these two factors often seems responsible for the erosion
of Cypriot teachers’ satisfaction and confirms the possibility of the existence of a
‘third domain’ just like Dinham and Scott (2000) have suggested. What is clearly
244 M. Zembylas & E. Papanastasiou
needed, then, is a wider analysis of this ‘clash’ and an exploration of ways to develop
a fruitful co-existence of these two major factors. For example, this study points to
some specific factors that might potentially improve teacher satisfaction in Cyprus.
In essence most factors relate to a lack of understanding and respect for teachers’
work (Cockburn, 2000; Osborn et al., 2000). A greater recognition and under-
standing of teachers’ work would enable them to focus on those factors that they
enjoy most, that is, working with children and nurturing their learning. This does not
mean that inspections and accountability should be completely abolished; rather, if
the teachers’ work was acknowledged, together with the development of a fair
evaluation system (that is not simply associated to promotions), then a different
spirit could be initiated.
Conclusion
This study highlights the complexities involved in understanding teacher job
satisfaction in a way that has clear implications for policy and practice. What is now
needed is serious consideration of how this understanding may be meaningfully
applied to efforts to improve teachers’ working lives. The findings amply
demonstrate that there is an urgent need for policy makers to recognise the fact
that educational quality is largely related to teacher job satisfaction. Unfortunately,
teacher satisfaction is often a critically ignored factor in education policy-making.
However, improving teachers’ working lives is not an optional extra, but a central
component of effective policy-making (Hargreaves, 1994; Pollard et al., 1994).
Teachers are not technicians but rounded professionals with complex and varied
needs. It is often assumed that ‘happier teachers are better teachers’ (Hean &
Garrett, 2001); thus an objective of any ministry of education should be to maximise
teacher satisfaction and minimise dissatisfaction not only for the benefit of teachers
themselves but for the sake of students as well. It must also be emphasised that
teachers and teachers’ organisations have a part to play in claiming their space in
education discourse (VSO, 2000).
This study has clearly raised further questions for research: What factors
transform some teachers’ perceptions from satisfaction to dissatisfaction over time,
especially in the context of developing countries? Why do some teachers enjoy their
jobs while others, in very similar conditions, do not? How might teachers be
encouraged to develop more satisfaction in their job and deal with the existing
dissatisfaction? How might policy makers be persuaded to provide more autonomy
for teachers and schools? Such research could provide further insight into the nature
of teacher job satisfaction both generally and particularly in the context of
developing countries.
Notes
1. The interviews were conducted in Greek (the teachers’ native language) and then the
transcribed text was translated into English for the purpose of this research report.
Teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction in Cyprus 245
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