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The Legal Status of the Judge in Contemporary Political Systems
In contemporary democratic structures, judicial power is becoming more and more
important. Apart from their basic function, consisting of the execution of justice, judicial
organs play a significant controlling function within the entire structure of state authorities.
Judicial control applies to both the activities of the executive power (administrative justice) as
well as the legislative power (the judicial review of legislation). In particular, the latter causes
courts or tribunals to become one of the most important authorities of the country. It is their
final decisions that determine whether some legal provisions will apply and will be used in
practice. Controlling the legislator, the judge strives to defend a set of standards or values
which have superior status compared with ordinary acts.
The editor of the volume, Piotr Mikuli, expresses the conviction that the existence of
independent judicial power should be perceived as a necessary condition for the
implementation of the idea of a democratic country. The role of judges should consist in
performing arbitration or controlling functions in a cool manner, i.e., as being unaffected by
current policy. It is obvious, however, that the independence of court authorities and judges
may not close any discussion of the legitimization of the third power.
The performance of administrative control functions and an assessment of the
constitutionality of normative acts - nolens volens - involve judges in matters which are more
or less political. Therefore, it is aptly noted in the theory of constitutional law that political
factors still play a more important role in the activities of the highest courts and that the law is
not the only factor affecting their functioning.
Mikuli notices that an increase in the importance of judicial authorities provokes a
closer analysis of the position of the courts in the political system and the legal status of
persons holding the positions of judges. The holding of significant power by judges often
raises emotions and evokes discussions on the scope of various warranties and privileges and
disputes concerning the principles and conditions of those judges responsible for infringing
the law or the dignity of the office.
This collective study is an attempt to present the legal status of judges in selected
political systems. A political system, as Mikuli, argues, can be defined quite broadly, taking
into account not only the system of mutual relations between traditional political authorities -
i.e., the legislative and executive powers (the government system) together with factors such
as political parties, lobbies, trade unions and the mass media - but also including the most
important judicial authorities. The influence on the third power on the process of the actual
exercise of power keeps growing.
The analysis in this book covers both the national political systems of several
countries and supranational systems (the Council of Europe and the European Union).
Nobody needs to be convinced as to the enormous importance of the decisions of the
European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice.
In the foreword to the monograph, Marian Grzybowski, a full professor at the
Jagiellonian University and a former judge of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, expresses
his conviction that judicial power has been a necessary and commonly occurring component
of a state's mechanism. Its status - regardless of the position in the system of the remaining
powers - was determined by the status and the scope of the authorizations of judges (the basic
holders of offices belonging to the judicial power). It is characteristic that the legal status of
judges (persons performing court functions) has, more frequently, been the subject of the
scientific reflection of historians studying law and political systems than the subject of
comparative legal research.
Grzybowski notices that, in terms of theory, a gap must be noticed between the
monarchical tradition (where the authority of the country represented by the leader of the
country constitutes the element consolidating the legal and system-related function of a judge)
and the democratic and republican position where the position of the judge is based on the
participation of authorities elected (directly or indirectly) by its citizens in the process of its
creation (or legitimized by democratic procedures for determining their composition). The
author of the foreword emphasizes the serious differences in the mode of appointing judges
and in the detailed requirements connected with the selection of candidates for judges. In
particular, relations between elements of the auto-selection environment and the influence of
external authorities are presented in a different way, including - and in particular - the head of
state as the authority responsible for the formal nomination of judicial posts. This issue should
be perceived and solved in the context of the independence principle and the organizational
(systemic) separateness of judicial power including, in particular, courts. Detailed
requirements for candidates for judges - apart for the requirement of a professional legal
education (at the university level) - take different forms, especially as far as the training
period is concerned (also called court practice), the qualification for practice in other legal
professions as the required professional experience in the application for judicial posts, and
the criteria and mode of promotion (vertical) in the judicial profession and circumstances
disqualifying candidates for judges.
Professor Grzybowski also refers to the issues contained in the last two chapters of the
book devoted to the status of the Court of Justice judges in Luxembourg, which is an
authority for resolving disputes in the European Union, and the European Court of Human
Rights in Strasbourg, which adjudicates on matters concerning the protection of human rights
and fundamental liberties after exhausting any national cause of action in countries belonging
to the legal and institutional system of the Council of Europe. According to Professor
Grzybowski, these studies give an idea how distant the model of appointing the members of
these courts have become from the national models of appointing judges in the member states
due to the supranational character of the two aforementioned interstate organizations as well
as the extent to which they have been influenced by traditions of the judge's position in the
internal (national) legal system of the member states of the European Union and the Council
of Europe. These problems, as emphasized by Professor Grzybowski, are not presented in a
comprehensive manner within the Polish legal literature, owing to which the final chapters
and the entire book gain the quality of originality and novelty.
As a result of Chapter I by Przemysław Biskup and Piotr Mikuli, the theory of the
Parliaments' sovereignty prevented the development of the judiciary in the United Kingdom to
a certain extent. The judicial review of legislation was not crystallized - as in the case of the
United States - due to the lack of a codified constitution which could be perceived as a basic
law with a higher legal status within the hierarchy of legal norms. At the same time, however,
the specificity of the legal systems in the United Kingdom resulted in the continuation of the
law-making mission of the courts which developed common law. Courts became the creators
of law, despite the fact that it was always against the theory on the sovereignty of Parliament.
Courts - especially in the 20th century - considerably strengthened their position. This is
connected with the development of the courts’ control of administrative actions and the
possibility of controlling Parliament's legislation due to the application of European law and
the Human Rights Act.
The authors emphasize that warranties have been introduced gradually into British
statutory law since 1701, which have been primarily aimed at guaranteeing the independent
adjudication of judges. Only as a secondary matter did they concern themselves with the
separation of judicial power from the executive and legislative branches; however, this aim
was achieved fully as a result of the reforms of the years 1999-2009.
The authors write that the independence of judges presently results from a range of
statutory and procedural warranties. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the procedure for
candidacy for the position of a professional judge depends on an appropriately rich legal
carrier (in the position of a barrister or a solicitor or a lower-rank judge), while previously
nominations were openly party-related. In the area of nominations, the discretionary power of
the monarch, the Lord Chancellor and the Prime Minister were gradually abandoned to
become replaced with the currently used system of nominations. Since only recently, specially
established nomination committees - separate for England and Wales, Scotland and Northern
Ireland - are to play a significant role in the process of judicial nominations. The aim of the
activities of the aforementioned committees involves the limitation of discretion in taking
nomination decisions and the limiting of the possibility of using political motives in this
respect. The committees’ tasks consist of recommending candidates for judicial positions.
In the United Kingdom, a system of statutory warranties also developed in an
evolutionary manner concerning the non-removability of judges. In light of the regulations of
the Senior Courts Act 1981 and the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, senior court judges in
England and Wales and the judges of the Supreme Court are generally non-removable during
the period of their “good behaviour” (the phrase repeated after the Act of Settlement 1701)
and, if necessary, may be removed from their offices on an address presented to Her Majesty
by both Houses of Parliament . Similar solutions are in force Northern Ireland and Scotland
(however, in the latter case the Scottish Parliament is entitled to pass the aforementioned
address). Taking such a step may require the committing of a crime by the judge or
negligence of their judicial official duties; however, Parliament is not formally obliged to
remove such a judge. The last case of the effective use of this procedure was recorded in
1830. The authors describe in their chapter the new procedures concerning the removal of
higher judicial office holders as well as judges of the inferior courts in which the institution of
special tribunals or review bodies are created to examine the grounds for removal.
Biskup and Mikuli stress that in the UK, financial warranties connected with a high
level of judicial remuneration also serve the purpose of ensuring judicial independence. One
should also remember that British judges of all categories are, by constitutional convention
and statute, entitled to full material immunity in the area of civil responsibility for actions
undertaken in office. Moreover, regulations concerning the incompatibility of offices and
conflicts of interests are aimed at guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary in the United
Kingdom. Pursuant to the incompatibilitas principle, professional full-time judges may not
fulfil the function of legal advisors or attorneys and may not undertake employment in the
entrepreneurial sector. Moreover, they are excluded from being members of the House of
Commons and the House of Lords. Judges may not adjudicate on matters against which they
are biased or in which they have an interest (in accordance with the nemo iudex in causa sua
principle). The independence of the judicial branch is to be protected by constitutional
conventions, pursuant to which debates on matters pending before the court are excluded from
the Parliamentary debate (the sub judice rule) and, also, pursuant to which members of the
government generally may not criticize judgements passed by the courts.
In chapter II and with regard to the legal status of judges in the United States, Tomasz
Wieciech argues that the overwhelming majority of legal controversies in the country are
tried in the state courts. Therefore, federal judges are in a minority among American judges.
In 94 district courts, 13 courts of appeals, the Supreme Court of the United States and the
Court of International Trade, there are currently 874 judgeships. The judges of theses courts
are commonly called “article III” judges because they serve in courts established by Congress
under the authority of article III of the constitution. Other federal courts are established under
the authority of article I (the so-called specialized courts other than the Court of International
Trade, i.e., the Court of Federal Claims) or article IV of the constitution (territorial courts for
federal territories, e.g., the Virgin Islands). Only judges serving in the courts of article III
have constitutional protection with respect to their term in office and their salary.
Federal judges in the US are appointed for a life term. This is the most important
guarantee of judicial independence in the American legal system. According to the
constitution, they “shall hold their offices during good behaviour”. The judge can be removed
from office only “on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high
crimes and misdemeanours”. In the history of the federal judiciary, impeachment has been
moved against 15 judges, of which only 8 were convicted by the Senate and removed from
office. If a judge engages in conduct prejudicial to the effective and expeditious
administration of the business of the courts or is unable to discharge all of the duties of office
by reason of mental or physical disability, the judicial council of a circuit or judicial
conference of the United States can order that, on a temporary basis and for a certain time, no
further cases may be assigned to such a judge. Apart from impeachment, however, or pressure
for voluntary resignation, there is no way to remove a federal judge from office.
The second constitutional guarantee of judicial independence in the United States is
the assurance of periodical compensation for their service, which cannot be diminished during
their continuance in office. The Constitution does not guarantee any level of judicial salaries,
which has for some time now been under heavy criticism as being adequate for the position.
Among the constitutional guarantees of judicial independence, there is no judicial
immunity. In the US, judicial immunity is an institution of common law. Therefore, its scope
is defined by the courts. Federal judges are immune from liability for monetary damages in
the civil courts. They cannot be held responsible in civil courts for acts done by them as
judges in performing their judicial function. The scope of judicial immunity in the United
States is extensive, although it does not protect judges from responsibility in the criminal
courts. In addition, judicial immunity does not include responsibility for administrative
decisions, such as in hiring and firing court employees.
The judges of the federal courts in the United States are nominated by and with the
advice of the Senate, appointed by the President. There are virtually no formal (prescribed by
law) requisites for the office - even a legal education or training is unnecessary. The
evaluation of the professional qualifications of the candidates for federal judgeships is
provided by the American Bar Association Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary. The
evaluation procedure guarantees that only the most qualified nominees will be accepted by the
Senate. The rankings provided by the Committee are of the most importance and are highly
valued by senators. For this reason, the criteria used by the Committee amount to de facto
extra-legal requisites for federal judgeships. They have to be met by prospective presidential
nominees if they are to be successful. The President’s freedom of choice among the
candidates for positions in the federal judiciary is also constrained by the custom of
“senatorial courtesy”. Under this, any member of the Senate may block the confirmation of a
nomination by stating that the nominee is personally obnoxious or offensive to him. The
President therefore has to consult his nominations with the senators from the state where the
appointments are being made, provided that they represent the same political party. This leads
to a situation where it is not the president but rather the senators who effectively decide on the
nominations for federal judgeships. The custom of senatorial courtesy most heavily influences
nominations of district judges. Positions in the federal judiciary - and especially in the
Supreme Court - have always been considered political. It is certainly a distinctive feature of
the American judicial system. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, it was common
for federal judges to be politicians before or even after serving in the federal judiciary. The
prime examples of politicians on the bench include presidents of the Supreme Court: J.
Marshall, Ch. E. Hughes, W. H. Taft and E. Warren. Now, only rarely do judges recruit from
politicians. Nevertheless, political criteria still play a significant part in nominations for
federal judgeships, especially for the Supreme Court judges.
The most important constitutional function of American judges is the judicial review
of legislation. Since the famous case Marbury v. Madison decided by the Supreme Court in
1803, which established the precedent that federal judges may rule on the constitutionality of
acts before deciding the case and - should they find a given act unconstitutional - refuse to
give it effect. In time, judicial review made the Supreme Court an equal partner of the
President and Congress. It strengthened the constitutional position of the federal judiciary in
the United States, which in the constitution-making era was considered the weakest branch of
government.
Radosław Pucha, in Chapter III, about French judges,, reminds us that according to
Article 16 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizens of 1789 - which has
constitutional value in the French legal system - a society in which the observance of the law
is not assured - nor the separation of powers defined - has no constitution at all. Since the
Revolution of 1789, the French legal doctrine has assigned the task of protecting citizens’
rights to the Judicial Authority (autorité judiciaire). Nowadays, this principle is expressed in
Article 66(2) of the French Constitution of 1958, which specifies that the Judicial Authority
remains the guardian of the freedom of the individual. The accomplishment of this task
requires adequate guarantees of independence and impartiality. As has been confirmed several
times in the case law of the French Constitutional Council, the principles of the independence
and the impartiality of judges seem to be inseparably connected with the exercise of judicial
powers.
The chapter by Puchta is an attempt to clarify the French legal rules concerning the
status of persons appointed to the exercise judicial powers. This proves to be quite difficult
for at least three reasons. Firstly, the structure of the court system, being divided into two
separate orders (administrative courts and common courts), implies the non-existence of a
single occupational group of judges who are the subject to one set of legal norms. As far as
administrative judges are concerned, their legal status is determined by different provisions to
those which regulate the status of persons appointed to be judges in common courts.
Secondly, several occupational groups whose legal status is governed by different sets of legal
norms exist within one branch of the court system. In the common courts, judicial powers are
vested not only in professional judges, being part of one occupational group (the so-called
magistrature) together with public prosecutors and court assistants, but also in non-
professional judges, whose status clearly differs from the status of the members of the
magistrature. In the administrative courts, the set of legal norms governing the status of the
members of the Council of State arises from provisions other than those provisions applicable
to judges who exercise their judicial powers in the administrative courts of appeal and
administrative tribunals and who constitute a separate occupational group. Thirdly, the legal
rules determining the status of French judges are derived not only from normative acts but
also from the case law of the Constitutional Council and – especially in the case of
administrative judges – from legal customs.
The principle of judicial independence in France is enshrined in Article 64(1) of the
Constitution of 1958, according to which the President of the Republic shall be the guarantor
of the independence of the Judicial Authority. As the term “Judicial Authority” has been used
in the wording of this provision, the scope of its application is interpreted in French scholarly
circles as limited only to the group of judges appointed to exercise their judicial powers in the
common courts. Consequently, it may not be seen as a basis for the guarantee of the
independence of either administrative courts or non-professional judges adjudicating in the
common courts. However, as the Constitutional Council has confirmed in its case law, the
principle of the independence of administrative judges arises from the so-called fundamental
principles recognized by the statutes of the Republic and – as one of those fundamental
principles – it has constitutional value in the French legal system. The independence of non-
professional judges has been guaranteed in the legislative provisions.
Article 64(4) of the French Constitution also provides for the principle of the
irremovability of judges exercising their judicial powers in the common courts. The Act on
the Status of Magistrature specifies that each transfer to another bench or position requires
the consent of the judge concerned, even in the case of promotion. As far as administrative
judges are concerned, the principle of the irremovability of judges appointed to the
administrative courts of appeal and the administrative tribunals arises from legislative
provisions, while the irremovability of the members of the Council of State seems to be
guaranteed only by virtue of the customary rules.
Puchta emphasizes that the status of the French judges is protected by some
institutional guarantees. The Constitution (vide its Articles 64 and 65) establishes the High
Council of the Judiciary. No candidate for the position of judge in one of the common courts
may be appointed by the President of the Republic without a prior positive opinion of the
section of the High Council of the Judiciary with jurisdiction over judges. In addition, no
judge of the common courts may be recalled from office without being sentenced by the
section of the High Council of the Judiciary with jurisdiction over judges, acting as a
disciplinary tribunal. By virtue of various legislative provisions, the High Council of
Administrative Tribunals and Administrative Courts of Appeal has been established with
competence in the field of matters concerning judges who exercise their judicial powers in
these courts; however, the said competence is merely consultative in character. Decisions on
appointing administrative judges or recalling them in the context of disciplinary infringements
- taken by the President of the Republic - do not require any prior consent on the part of this
High Council (unlike in the case of rules governing procedures concerning the judges of the
common courts).
In Puchta’s chapter, attention has also been paid to the problem of special professional
training in France, which is in general obligatory for everyone who intends to become a judge
and which is provided by the National School for the Judiciary, located in Bordeaux (as
regards candidates for judges of the common courts), and the National School of
Administration, located in Paris (as far as candidates for administrative judges are concerned).
After having completed this training, the candidates are subjected to special procedures aimed
at verifying their aptitude for the profession of judge. Some candidates are appointed as
judges without completing the training; however, in those instances, the fulfilment of special
requirements has to be proved (particularly the requirement of a career in another legal
profession or public administration for a period of time prescribed in statutes).
Moreover, Puchta refers to legal rules governing procedures for promotion, evaluation
and disciplinary action that apply to judges in France. In addition, some detailed remarks have
been included on the terms for performing judicial duties, especially as regards remuneration
and the obligation to reside within the borders of a court circuit. Moreover, the chapter by
Puchta contains a brief analysis of the special sets of legal norms governing the status of non-
professional judges appointed to perform their duties in the common courts (the so-called
juges de proximité) and the status of the members of the Constitutional Council.
The next chapter, by Przemysław Florjanowicz-Błachut, is devoted to the legal
status of judges in Germany. The author analyses the Federal Constitution – both the “Basic
Law” and the federal laws. The main issues examined in the study are outlined below. The
legal status of judicial power and the judges has been regulated in Chapter IX “Judiciary”
(Articles 92-104) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany, the so-called Basic
Law. Pursuant to article 92 of the Constitution, judicial power is vested in independent judges
being subject only to the law and it shall be exercised by the Federal Constitutional Court and
the federal courts provided for in the Basic Law: the Federal Court of Justice, the Federal
Administrative Court, the Federal Finance Court, the Federal Labour Court and the Federal
Social Court as the supreme courts of the ordinary, administrative, financial, labour and social
jurisdictions and the courts of the Länder.
The German Judiciary Act (the DRiG) expands the constitutional clause and stipulates
that the exercise of judicial power belongs to professional and honorary (lay) judges. The
Federal Law regulates inter alia the qualifications for judicial office, preparatory training
before appointment, judicial tenure, the legal forms of judicial service (appointment for life,
for a specified term, on probation or by commission), disciplinary measures, dismissal, and
transfer and discharge from service. The Act, as such, applies only to professional judges (in
the service of the Federation and of a land). Honorary judges are generally the representatives
of the society in administration of justice.
The central constitutional clause of the German Basic Law (article 92) distinguishes
between two elements: personal (the vesting of judicial power in the judges) and institutional
(the exercise of judicial power by the courts). The guarantees enshrined in the Constitution are
applicable to the individual judge as an office bearer, not as an individual. Both constitutional
clauses concerning independence (article 97) and sub-constitutional provisions concerning
official status have subsidiary and complementary character to article 92. Personal
independence in Germany is guaranteed for professional and lay judges. It is an expression of
the principle of separation of powers and a core element of the concept of Rechtsstaat. It
distinguishes judges - being only subject to the law - from civil servants who are bound to
respect and execute instructions from superiors.
Pursuant to Article 97 paragraph 2 of the Basic Law, judges appointed permanently to
full-time positions may be involuntarily dismissed, permanently or temporarily suspended,
transferred or retired before the expiration of their term of office only by virtue of judicial
decisions and only for the reasons and in the manner specified by the laws. The legislature
may set age limits (usually the age of 65) for the retirement of judges appointed for life. In the
event of changes in the structure of the courts or in their districts, judges may be transferred to
another court or removed from office provided they retain their full salary. The Constitution
and the German Judiciary Act formulate the principles of irremovability and immovability.
The Federal Constitutional Court (The FCC) found in its case-law that the third element of
judicial independence is adequate remuneration and pension. The exceptions from
irremovability and immovability are: the judge’s own written consent, a judicial decision for
the reasons and in the manner specified by the laws (i.e., retirement on account of unfitness
for service), expiration of the term of office, changes in the organization of the courts’
structure or their districts with the retention of a full salary, judicial impeachment
(infringement of the Basic Law or a constitutional order of the land confirmed by the FCC
decision on transfer, retirement or, in case of an intentional infringement, dismissal).
Florjanowicz-Błachut emphasizes that the substantive independence of the judge in
Germany includes judicial activity directly concerning the administration of justice as the
concretization of the rights and obligations of the parties in the course of proceedings. The
judicial activities not protected by judicial independence are: administrative tasks, the courts’
administration, the training of the Rechtspfleger, the implementation of the budget of the
court, the enforcement of the law on the civil service and labour to public officials and other
employees. The judicial independence is directed against all parties to court proceedings, the
executive and the legislature and must also be respected within the Judiciary. Independence
from the executive is a crucial element of judicial independence.
Pursuant to the DRiG, every judge shall be subject to supervision only insofar as there
is no detraction from his substantive and personal independence. The supervisory authority
has the right to censure an improper mode of executing an official duty and to urge proper and
prompt attention to official duties. The official duties of the judge are enshrined in the judicial
oath (the exercise of the judicial office in conformity with the Basic Law and with the law,
adjudication to the best of one’s own knowledge and beliefs, without distinction of person,
serving the cause of truth and justice alone) and in other DRiG provisions (e.g., secrecy of
deliberations and voting). Besides this, every single judge both within and outside his office
should also conduct himself, in relation also to political activity (judges in Germany can be
members of political parties), in such a manner that the confidence in his independence will
not be endangered.
Florjanowicz-Błachut pays attention to the Federal Service Court – one of the
Chambers (Senat) of the German Federal Court of Justice - being aware of the limitation of
supervision (independence) - developed in its case law the concept of two spheres covering
judicial activity: the core sphere (Kernbereich) and the outer sphere (äußere
Ordnungsbereich). The core sphere includes all those functions related to the finding of
justice. The outer sphere includes: the manner and form of the decisions, the timeliness of the
setting of a court hearing, the summons to explain any excessive duration of court
proceedings, the assessment of the number of cases settled by the judge compared to the other
judges adjudicating in the same court.
Every judge in Germany, as a citizen, also has the constitutional right to express freely
and disseminate their opinions in speech, writing and pictures. In its case-law (accepted by the
FCC), the Federal Administrative Court imposed a clear separation between the exercise of
judicial authority and use of the freedom of opinion within democratic political discourse,
since neutrality, impartiality, distance and self-restraint are inseparable from the constitutional
concept of a judge, who must - within his judicial activity - always be able to ensure the law’s
validity and application in such a manner that it is free from extralegal influences or pressure.
Pursuant to the DRiG (article 4, paragraph 1), a judge should not simultaneously
perform duties of adjudication and legislative or executive duties, except for in some areas
(performing duties: involving the court’s administration, in matters concerned with
examination, assigned by statute to the courts or judges; undertaking research and giving
instructions at a scientific institution of higher education, at a public teaching institution or at
an official teaching institution; acting as a chairman in conciliation agencies and in
corresponding with independent agencies specified in the Federal Employee Representation
Act). The membership of a judge in the Bundestag, the land parliament or in a federal or land
government is prohibited. If he or she accepts their election to any of these bodies he must
resign from holding judicial office. However, in practice, the taking over by judges of
unsalaried avocational municipal functions has been tolerated.
In the case of judges of the Federal Constitutional Court, they may not be members of
the Bundestag, the Bundesrat, the Federal Government or of any of the corresponding organs
of a Land. On their appointment, they shall cease to be members of such organs. The only
allowed professional activity besides are the functions of a lecturer of law (Lehrer des Rechts)
at a German institution of higher education - but judicial functions take precedence over the
function of such a lecturer.
Florjanowicz-Błachut also stresses that neither the Basic Law nor the federal law
provide for the participation of judges in the procedure for the selection of federal judges or a
constitutional body like the national council of judiciary (e.g., in Poland and in Spain), having
the character of self-government that would safeguard the independence of the courts and
judges.
The German Federal Constitution provides that the judges of the supreme courts of the
Federation shall be chosen jointly by the competent Federal Minister and a committee for the
selection of judges consisting of the competent land ministers and an equal number of
members elected by the Bundestag. The constitutional provisions have been specified by the
Federal Act on the selection of judges (the RiWG). This procedure met with the criticism of
scholars (with allegations of politicization and a lack of transparency) but was accepted by its
majority as constitutional and proven in practice. In the case of constitutional federal judges,
half of the members of the Federal Constitutional Court shall be elected by the Bundestag and
the other half by the Bundesrat. The constitutional clause concerning constitutional judges has
been expanded in the provisions of Federal Constitutional Court Act. Both categories of
judges shall be appointed by the Federal President.
Florjanowicz-Błachut emphasizes that the Federal Constitution provides that the
Länder may provide that Land judges be chosen jointly by the Land Minister of Justice and a
committee for the selection of judges. The federal constitutional clause has been variously
implemented at the Lands level – there are different models and appointment procedures
which differ considerably from Land to Land. Based on this constitutional clause, the
judiciary takes part to a limited extent in the process of the selection of judges in these
Länder, where the committee for the selection of judges consists inter alia of the judges.
It can be seen from Florjanowicz-Błachut’s paper that the only judicial body that
generally takes part indirectly in the process of the selection of federal and state (land) judges
in Germany is the so-called Präsidialrat – the council for judicial appointments (established
for every jurisdiction: the supreme courts of the Federation and courts of the Länder) that
shall deliver a written opinion, with reasons, on the judge’s (candidate’s) personal and
professional aptitude at the request of the competent minister or a committee for the selection
of judges.
Florjanowicz-Błachut emphasizes that the German judge shall be subject only to the
law and is bound by law as a ground for adjudication – it refers only to valid statutes, formally
and substantially compatible with the law (including the Federal Constitution). In
consequence, it appears necessary for judicial review (richterliches Prüfungsrecht) – a power
that is not enshrined directly in the Basic Law but which results from the constitutional
tradition and case-law of the Weimar Republic (1925) that has been confirmed by the FCC
case-law (1952). Because of article 100 of the Basic Law, if a court concludes that a law on
whose validity its decision depends is unconstitutional, the proceedings will be stayed and a
decision from the FCC will be obtained. The FCC in its case-law found that this duty is
excluded in the case of statutes promulgated before the entry into force of the Federal
Constitution (24th May 1949). In consequence, every adjudicating judge has the right to prove
the “constitutionality” of “pre-constitutional” laws and declare them null and void or even
interpret their provisions contra legem if such an interpretation is compatible with the values
and grounds of the constitutional order determined by the Basic Law. This is the only allowed
example of the interpretation in conformity with the constitution against the wording and ratio
legis of the statute.
The status of judges in the Kingdom of Spain is presented in Chapter V, written by
Janusz Karp. The Spanish constitution of 1978 declares that justice emanates from the
people and that it is administrated in the name of the king by judges and magistrados (which,
in Spain’s case, means higher judicial office holders). With reference to the constitutional
principle of the democratic state, the judiciary is independent and subject only to the rule of
law. This essential principle is developed by a system of guarantees which is necessary for the
correct functioning of the judiciary. According to the constitution, jurisdictional power should
be exercised by independent courts and tribunals and should be impartial, which means that it
assures effective judicial trusteeship to all citizens by the Constitution. The highest judicial
body in Spain is the Supreme Court. The Constitution prohibits special courts and limits the
jurisdiction of military courts to members of the armed services, except during a state of
siege. The Constitutional Court is the highest judicial body with the power to determine the
constitutionality of the acts and statutes of the Spanish Government.
The correct functioning of the judiciary is also guaranteed by a number of legal
requirements related with the status of the judges. The Spanish Judiciary is a professional
judiciary whose members are public servants divided into the three categories: judges
(jueces), magistrados and Supreme Court judges (magistrados del Tribunal Supremo). Entry
into the judiciary is limited to Spanish nationals who hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Law, issued
by a Spanish university, and who are not legally disbarred from applying. Applicants must
pass a competitive state exam. Selected applicants enter the Judiciary School where they take
mandatory courses over a year, as well as carrying out practical courses as associate judges in
the courts and tribunals of the different jurisdictional orders. Candidates successful on this
course are then sworn in as judges.
Judges and magistrados are banned from membership of political parties and trade
unions, from issuing messages of congratulations or censuring public powers or official
corporations, and from attending public meetings or rallies in their role as members of the
judiciary. Judges and magistrados are irremovable and cannot be moved, suspended,
separated or retried without grounds and with guarantees established by the law. They are
personally responsible for their disciplinary infractions and crimes committed in the exercise
of their office. In the exercise of their function, judges and magistrates are subject to the
Constitution and to the rest of the laws.
Karp also describes the Spanish General Council of the Judiciary, which is a
constitutional body responsible for overseeing the work of all courts and tribunals of Spain.
The General Council is composed of twenty members - twelve of them must be judges and
magistrates and the remaining eight other jurists of renowned competence and with more than
15 years of professional experience. The primary functions of the Council are to participate in
the process of appointing judges as well as maintaining ethical standards within the legal
professions. The abovementioned Council proposes the appointment of the President of the
Supreme Court and of the General Council of the Judiciary. The President is appointed by the
King, through a Royal Decree ratified by the President of the Government. The Council
appoints, through a Royal Decree ratified by the Ministry of Justice, the judges of the High
Court, the presidents of the Courts and Halls of Justice and higher judicial office holders.
Other judges are appointed by the Council, through an order, after a process of selection and
training in the Judicial School. Karp also describes the status of the Constitutional Court
judges. The Spanish Constitutional Court consists of twelve members appointed by the King.
According to article 159 of the Constitution of these, four are nominated by the Congress
through a majority of three-fifths of its members, four are nominated by the Senate with the
same majority, two are nominated by the Government and two are nominated by the General
Council of the Judicial Power.
Bartłomiej Starzec’s paper (Chapter VI) deals with the position of judges within the
Russian judiciary. The constitutional regulations adopted in Russia are, to a large extent,
similar to those in the majority of European countries. The structure of the Russian judiciary
is defined by the Constitution and the Federal Constitutional Act on the Judiciary in the
Russian Federation of 31 December 1996. This act established the uniform character of the
judiciary in Russia.
The aforementioned act created the division of the court system into federal courts and
regional courts (the courts of the Subjects of the Russian Federation). The federal courts
consist of: the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the Supreme Court of the
Russian Federation, the supreme courts of the republics, the courts of krais (territories), the
courts of oblast (provinces), the courts of federal cities (presently, these are Moscow and St.
Petersburg), the courts of the autonomous oblast (autonomous province) and the autonomous
okrugs (autonomous districts), local district courts, martial courts and specialist federal courts.
Also, in that category, there are: the High Arbitration Court, the federal arbitrary courts of
okrugs, the arbitrary courts of appeal and the arbitrary courts of the Subjects of the Russian
Federation.
Among the regional courts of the Subjects of the Russian Federation there are: the
constitutional (charter) courts of the Subjects of the Russian Federation and the justices of the
peace who are the judges of the general jurisdiction of the Subjects of the Russian Federation.
In order to become a judge in Russia, one has to be a Russian citizen, be over 25 years
old, hold a masters degree in law and have practiced the law for an appropriate period of time.
The period of time required varies in accordance with the judicial post one seeks. As such, in
order to become a judge of the Constitutional Court, one has to be 40 years of age and have
practiced the law for at least 15 years. In order to become a judge of the Supreme Court or the
High Arbitration Court, one has to be at least 35 years old and have practiced the law for at
least 10 years.
To become a judge of the supreme court of a Russian Federal Subject, one has to be at
least 35 and have practiced the law for 10 years. An age of 25 and work experience of 7 years
in the law is required for the post of a judge of the arbitrary court of a Russian Federal
Subject, a constitutional court of a Russian Federal Subject, a district court, a martial court or
a justice of the peace.
It is of the utmost importance that the independence of the courts and the judges is
guaranteed. Russia lacks a tradition of the independence of the judiciary and, therefore,
attempts to establish one have tended to encounter a variety of problems.
The regulations on judicial self-government come from the Federal Act on the Organs
of the Judicial Community in Russia. According to its regulations, the Judicial Community
comprises all the judges and the justices of the peace from the moment they take their oath.
The organs of the Judicial Community are: the All-Russia Congress of Judges, the Council of
Judges, the Conferences of the Judges of the Russian Federal Subjects, plenary sessions, the
High Qualification Collegium of Judges, the Qualification Collegium of the Judges of the
Russian Federal Subjects.
There are a number of regulations concerning the organization of the Russian judiciary
and the status of judges that are, formally, in accordance with the standards adopted by most
democratic countries nowadays. However, it is important to note that there remain a range of
problems in the Russian judiciary. Among these, the most prominent are: the unlawful
influencing of judges’ rulings, the under-financing of the courts (which results in corruption),
the particularism of the judges and a lack of public trust in the judiciary.
The functioning of the judiciary is negatively influenced by political factors. The late
1990s saw the introduction of a number of beneficial changes in the law. However, recent
years have seen a considerable decline in the development of the judiciary with such actions
as the transferring of the headquarters of the Constitutional Court from Moscow to St.
Petersburg, an increase in the President’s role in appointing the Head of the Constitutional
Court and a rise in the number of complaints made by Russian citizens at the European Court
of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which is indicative of the failures of the Russian judiciary to
provide legal protection.
Chapter VII, written by Jacek Czajowski, undertakes the problem of legal status as
well as the rights and duties of judges in the Second Polish Republic, which is not a very
popular topic in the literature devoted to constitutional law. The study pertains to common
court judges, jurors and magistrates.
Czajowski makes an attempt to present the status of judges - especially common court
judges - in light of constitutional solutions in the period under analysis (the March
Constitution of 1921 and the April Constitution of 1935). Each of these Constitutions shaped
the political system of the country in a completely different manner. Despite these differences,
the legal status of judges remained basically unchanged. In the Ordinance of the President of
the Republic of Poland of 1928 (the Law on the Common Court System) constituting
secondary legislation to the provisions of the March Constitution and also applicable after the
April Constitution became effective, certain solutions were included which, as it seems, did
not fully correspond with the intentions of the authors of the 1921 Constitution. These
regulations, however, did keep the basic principles of the independence of courts and judges.
Moreover, the basic guarantees of these principles were kept, namely the non-infringement of
final court decisions, judges being subject only to statutory acts and the protection of judges
by means of formal immunity. On the other hand, however, a solution was introduced which
gave the Minister of Justice the possibility of exerting influence on courts and judges
exceeding - in my opinion - those competencies with an exclusively administrative character.
They were concerned, among other things, with issues such as supervision rights over courts
and judges, the influence on disciplinary proceedings against judges and the influence on their
retirement or transfer to another location without their consent. The author concludes that the
Ordinance of 1929, and in particular the solutions discussed in the article, corresponded to the
provisions of the March Constitution; they were, however, against the spirit of this
constitution and against the intentions of the provisions concerning judicial power. The
ordinance did correspond with the provisions and the spirit of the April Constitution.
The principles of independence referred both to the judges of the common courts and
jurors and magistrates. The article characterizes the scope of the properties of each of these
categories of judges, the principles of their appointment, their terms of office (referring to
magistrates and jurors), the conditions enabling their appointment and the conditions
preventing a candidate from being appointed or selected. Judges' rights and responsibilities
are also discussed in the article.
In the conclusion, Czajowski indicates that despite the basically different concepts of
the state recorded in the constitutions of 1921 and 1935, the courts and judges of the Second
Polish Republic were independent. In practice, the competencies of the Minister of Justice
were not used to undermine the aforementioned principles and did not lead to such a situation.
In Chapter VIII, Grzegorz Kuca analyses the legal status of judges in the Third Polish
Republic, pursuant to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, and judicial power
in terms of the organization is identified with certain structures and people employed within
them. The definition of the legal status of these persons should be used for the proper
execution of judicial power in functional terms.
The structure of judicial power was generally defined in article 10 of the Constitution
of the Republic of Poland, establishing the principle of the separation of powers. Chapter VIII
of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, entitled "Judicial Power" (articles 173 - 201),
develops article 10 of the Constitution. This chapter includes three separate titles: "Courts",
"Constitutional Tribunal" and "State Tribunal". The principle of independence and
separateness of courts and tribunals plays the leading role in the legal regulations of Chapter
VIII (article 173 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland). In accordance with the
established judicial practice of the Constitutional Tribunal, the separateness of the courts and
tribunals primarily means the organizational and functional separateness of courts and
tribunals from other authorities so as to ensure full independence in the areas of examining
cases and making judgements. The independence of courts and tribunals, on the other hand,
consists of their separation from the other powers in order to guarantee independent
adjudication.
Kuca argues that the proper shaping of the status of the judges would not be possible
without considering the principle of judicial independence. The povoir constituant applies this
principle to both the judges of the court segment (article 178, paragraph 1 of the Constitution
of the Republic of Poland) and the tribunal segment (article 195, paragraph 1 of the
Constitution of the Republic of Poland - Constitutional Tribunal, article 199, paragraph 3 of
the Constitution of the Republic of Poland - State Tribunal) of judicial power. Judicial
independence includes a range of historically-shaped guarantees with the qualities of the
existing tradition and confirmed by numerous acts of international law. They include in
particular a judge's independence from other authorities, including court authorities, their
independence from political factors (especially political parties), their impartiality towards the
participants of proceedings and their internal independence.
Kuca stresses that the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 differentiates the
legal status of judges from the individual segments of judicial power. Court judges are
appointed by the President of the Republic of Poland upon a motion of the National Judicial
Council for an indefinite period of time. They take advantage of formal immunity,
professional independence and apoliticality (independence from political parties). They are
entitled to special material status and principles of remuneration. They may not hold other
offices or state functions. In addition, citizens participating in exercising judicial power can be
employed at courts (jurors). Activities in the area of legal protection, on the other hand, can be
performed by court referendaries (senior court referendaries) and educational and social
rehabilitation and preventive activities can be performed by court-appointed guardians. They
use certain warranties granted to judges. In turn, Constitutional Tribunal judges are elected by
Parliament for 9 years and they cannot be re-elected. They are irrevocable and their mandate
expires in strictly defined cases. They use formal immunity and, during their term of office,
they may not belong to a political party, trade union or else conduct public activities which
cannot be reconciled with the principle of the courts’ and judges’ independence. They are
provided with appropriate working conditions and remuneration and their return to the same
position or a position equivalent to the one they held before being elected to the Tribunal is
guaranteed.
The First President of the Supreme Court of Poland is ex officio the Chairman of the
State Tribunal. Two deputy chairmen and 16 members are elected by Parliament from outside
the Members of Parliament and senators during the term of the Parliament. The deputy
chairmen and at least a half of the members of the State Tribunal should have the
qualifications required to hold judicial office. Members of the State Tribunal are irrevocable
and loss of position is possible only in strictly defined cases. They use formal immunity.
An analysis of the legal regulations of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and
the appropriate ordinary statutory acts makes it possible to identify some significant
differences in the legal status of court judges and tribunal judges (members). These
differences result mostly from the functional differentiation of judicial power and, in
consequence, the necessity of their appropriate organizational adaptation (including structural
and personnel adaptation) to their activity. The principle of the independence of the courts and
judges remains the basic factor combining the status of court judges and tribunal judges
(members) with this difference; however, the latter gains special importance only with
reference to Constitutional Tribunal courts, making them subject to the Constitution only and
not - as in the case of court judges and judges (members) of the State Tribunal - also to
statutory acts. The procedure for shaping the composition of the personnel of the courts and
tribunals is the basic element differentiating the status of court judges and the judges
(members) of tribunals. The appointment of judges for an indefinite period of time - which
constitutes one of the guarantees of the proper performance of judicial functions - loses its
warranty properties with reference to the judges (members) of tribunals selected for a strictly
defined term of office. Some of the adopted solutions also raise justified doubts. The
procedure for creating the personnel make-up of the Constitutional Tribunal or the issue of the
apoliticality (independence of a political party) of the judges (members) of tribunals can be
quoted, here, as examples of such doubts.
The last two chapters of this collective book are devoted to the position of
supranational judges. Monika Florczak-Wątor’s paper concerns the European Court of
Human Rights (ECtHR). It operates on a permanent basis and is made up of full-time judges
resident in Strasbourg. The number of judges is equal to that of the State Parties to the
European Convention on Human Rights (47 at present). The judges are elected by the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe by a majority of votes cast for a non-
renewable term of 9 years. The terms of office of the judges expire when they reach the age of
70. They should be of high moral character and must possess either the qualifications required
for appointment to high judicial office or be jurisconsults of recognized competence.
The judges of the ECtHR are elected from a list of three candidates nominated by each
Contracting Party. They should be eminent jurists, since they bear a heavy responsibility for
maintaining the quality of judgments and the authority of the Court. In order to ensure the
election of judges of the highest calibre to the Court, the Assembly has, over a number of
years, taken additional steps to improve its own procedure for examining candidates. To this
end, it has adopted a number of different resolutions and recommendations on the nomination
of candidates and the election of judges to the Court. It creates some additional requirements
that the States should comply with when selecting and subsequently nominating candidates to
the Court. To assist it in making its decision, the Assembly invites a specially constituted
Sub-Committee on the Election of Judges to make confidential recommendations based on
personal interviews with all the candidates and the assessments of their curriculum vitae. If
the gender requirement is not complied with or if there exists no real choice among the
candidates submitted, the list of candidates is rejected by the Assembly without any vote
being taken. As part of the on-going reform process, an expert panel has been established to
advise Contracting Parties on national candidates for the position of judge at the Court before
the nominees are sent to the Parliamentary Assembly for scrutiny. Florczak-Wątor stresses
that the judges perform their duties in an individual capacity and they do not represent the
State from which they were elected. They are independent and cannot engage in any activity
that would be incompatible with their independence, impartiality or with the demands of a
full-time office. They should declare to the President of the Court any additional activity. In
the event of a disagreement between the President and the judge concerned, any questions
arising are decided by the Plenary Court. The judges are entitled, during the exercise of their
function, to the privileges and immunities provided for in article 40 of the Statute of the
Council of Europe and in the agreements based on this provision. In order to secure freedom
of speech for them and their complete independence in the discharge of their duties, they have
immunity from the legal process in respect of any words spoken or written and all acts done
by them in discharging their duties. Privileges and immunities are accorded to judges not for
the personal benefit of the individuals themselves but in order to safeguard the independent
exercise of their functions. No judge of the Court can be dismissed from his or her office
unless the other judges decide, by a two-thirds majority, that the judge ceased to fulfil the
required conditions. The procedure for dismissal from office can be set in motion by any
judge. However, before making a decision, the judge must first be heard by the plenary Court.
In turn, the chapter by Mirosław Wróblewski analyses three European judicial
institutions in the post-Lisbon era. The Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty on the
functioning of the EU - changed by the Lisbon Treaty - together with the Statute of the Court
of Justice of the EU and the Rules of Procedure define the legal position of judges in the
Court of Justice, the General Court and the Civil Service Tribunal. In some areas, these
changes - which are analysed and commented upon below in a more detailed manner - are
more significant and they affect not only judges themselves but the whole of judicial
protection in the European Union.
Wróblewski argues that it is necessary to place European judges in the context of the
evolution and development process of the legal protection system in the EU. One of the most
frequently discussed problems in the course of European integration was the principle “one
country – one judge”. The competing interests of member states, the need for judicial
efficiency and dialogues between intergovernmental and community concepts have fuelled
debates for years. At the end of the day, this principle has been respected until today.
After the accession of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, the Court of Justice has
consisted of 27 judges, one judge from each member state. The same principle applies, but
only on a statutory basis, to the General Court’s judges. The presentation of this principle -
still questioned in the literature - is assessed as enhancing the Court’s legitimization and the
dialogue between the member states and their differing national legal orders. Article 2 of the
Annex to Statute states that the Civil Service Tribunal consists of 7 judges. Only if the Court
of Justice so demands may the Council - by qualified majority voting - increase the number of
judges in the Tribunal.
The chapter written by Wróblewski also analyses the organizational structure of the
Court of Justice of the European Union. Special attention is paid to the organization of
chambers, the position and tasks of their presidents and the provisions governing the
functioning of the system. The efficiency of adjudicating lies primarily in the hands of judges
rapporteurs, and so their position is explained in light of legislation and empirical data and
statistics concerning the Count of Justice’s jurisprudence. The jurisprudence of the Court is
analysed in the wider context of the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty.
The description and explanation of the requirements set up for European judges as
stipulated in the treaties constitutes a very important part of Wróblewski’s paper. It is worth
noting that, at the beginning of the process of European integration, those requirements were
not very demanding and were completely clear. This is why it was possible for, e.g.,
economists, to adjudicate on behalf of the European Communities.
According to the European treaties, the judges of the Court of Justice are chosen from
persons of undoubted independence, having the qualifications suitable for the highest judicial
functions in their respective home countries or else they are lawyers of established
competence. They are nominated on common accord by member states for six years terms.
One has to underline the importance of the committee established in article 255 of the Treaty
on the functioning of the European Union. The committee, which was already foreseen by the
Treaty establishing the Constitution of Europe, and taking inspiration from the Council of
Europe’s recommendations, verifies the competencies of the candidates. The Committee
consists of seven personalities chosen from former members of the Court of Justice and the
General Court, members of national supreme courts or else lawyers of recognized
competence. One person is proposed by the European Parliament. The committee analyses
whether the legal conditions are met by the candidates by functioning as a specific filtering
mechanism. It is too early to assess the achievements of this new institutional mechanism, but
initial comments were made where possible.
Wróblewski emphasizes that the European treaties set different conditions for the
judges of the Court of Justice. Since the Nice Treaty, it is not enough for a candidate that
he/she be a national judge. The Nice reform raised the necessary qualifications for the
position of a high judge in the national legal order. The members of the specialized courts
must have unquestionable independence and they have to be able to hold a judicial position
according to a national legal order. Wróblewski, from time to time, not only analyses the
EU’s regulations but also looks into the Polish normative system and the interference between
them. This also refers to sociological and legal research, which shows and explains the
national strategies for the nomination of judges and the evolution of their attitude towards the
nomination process.
Wróblewski argues that - despite the fact that the equal treatment principle is one of
the key general principles of EU legal order - the “gender issue” was introduced into the
nomination process only recently. Compared with other international courts - and especially
the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg - there is, unfortunately, a normative
gender gap in the European system of justice. One cannot find even soft regulations obliging
member states to take gender into account while nominating European Union judges.
During their six year terms, the judges of the Court of Justice cannot be dismissed and
cannot be replaced with another candidate by a member state. Except for death and normal
rotation, a term may be terminated only by resignation. Nevertheless, a judge of the Court
may be dismissed as a result of a unanimous decision of all the other judges. This is possible
only when a judge has ceased to meet all the necessary conditions or else if they infringe the
obligations of a judge (trial by one’s peers).
An important part of the Wróblewski’s chapter is devoted to the institutional and legal
guarantees of judicial independence. One of the most important legal institutions is that of
judicial immunity. Such immunity is of formal character and is restricted to the protection of
professional judicial activity. It can be revoked by a decision of the Court of Justice alone.
The article also discusses problems concerning the responsibility of judges at the national
level after the revocation of an immunity. There are also other important guarantees and
privileges for the judges of the Court of Justice as enshrined in the treaties. These are inter
alia a separate system of social insurance and taxation as foreseen by the EU protocol on
immunities and privileges.
Wróblewski stresses that, having the above mentioned regulations in mind, it is
possible to assess the real observation of the concept of judicial independence and
impartiality. The majority of commentators assess the influence of member states as being
very limited. One can also add the ethical values shared by European judges, which were
codified in 2007. The provisions of the Rules of Procedure - such as the secrecy of judicial
deliberations and the prohibition of dissenting opinions - play an important part in the high
profile of European judges.
The final part of the paper by Wróblewski is dedicated to the reform proposals
presented by the Court’s President in March 2011. The purpose of these proposals is to make
adjudicating more efficient and to shorten judicial proceedings. One should pay special
attention to the introduction of the vice-President of the Court of Justice, the proposed reform