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The genesis of Ismā'ili Da'waactivities in the YemenShainool JiwaPublished online: 24 Feb 2007.

To cite this article: Shainool Jiwa (1988) The genesis of Ismā'ili Da'wa activities inthe Yemen, British Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Bulletin, 15:1-2, 50-63, DOI:10.1080/13530198808705472

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THE GENESIS OF ISMĀ'ĪLĪ DA'WA ACTIVITIES IN THE YEMENShainool Jiwa

This article is an edited and expanded version of a paper presented at the Seminarfor Arabian Studies held at the University of Durham 28-30 July 1987.

iIntroduction

In the third/ninth century a number of regions in the Muslim world were thescene of flourishing activity on the part of promoters of the Ismaill mission(da'wa; literally 'summons'). One province in which the movement was able toestablish itself successfully in the relatively early stages of its active existencewas the Yemen. The Yemen was not merely responsive to the movement'sactivities; it also served as a training centre concerned to inculcate thedoctrines and objectives of Isma'ilism in prospective emissaries, or missioners(du'ah; sing. dST). Upon completion of their training the dffis were despatchedto different parts of the Islamic empire to disseminate their ideology and to winthe populace over to their cause.

It is the aim of the present paper to examine the genesis of Ismail! da'waactivities in the Yemen. In it an attempt will be made to assess such factors asmay have been responsible for the choice of the Yemen as a suitable locationfor the propagation of Isma'ilism planned by the IsmaTlI headquarters,situated at that time in Salamiyya in Syria. The paper also aims at outliningthe conversion to Isma'ilism of the two pioneering dffts of the Yemen, namelyIbn Hawshab and 'All b. Fadl, as well as the careers of the two men after theirarrival in the Yemen in 268/881. Finally, factors responsible for thedisintegration of the IsmaTlT cause there will be analysed; for, despite themovement's remarkable achievements in the first decades of its presence in theYemen, weaknesses within as well as pressures from without caused it to suffermajor reverses. For the period under consideration not only standard primarySunni sources will be exploited; extensive use will be made of contemporaryIsmaHI works—works which collectively constitute an as yet inadequatelytapped source of information.1

iiThe Historical Background: A Synopsis

The Hamdanids,2 who were one of the two most numerous and powerful tribalgroups of Yemen, were particularly well disposed to the Prophet's Family (ahlal-bayt) ever since they had been converted to Islam by 'AH b. Abi Talib, thelast of the four Caliphs who 'followed the right path' (al-Rashidun).3 Jafri, whohas conducted an extensive study of pre-Islamic Arabian society as a way offostering a better understanding of the events that occurred after the rise ofIslam, points out that the 'Arabs in the South were . . . accustomed tohereditary succession in leadership based on hereditary sanctity'.4 He further

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asserts that there was a 'clear prominence of religious ideas' among them. Thusit may well be that the central doctrine of the Imamate (imamd) in Shi'ism,with its emphasis on hereditary religious leadership, had no small appeal toYemeni sentiments.

Throughout the Umayyad Caliphate (40-132/661-750), a number of revoltsbroke out in the Yemen, as elsewhere in the Islamic empire, in support of the'Alid cause.5 A significant cause of unrest was that the majority of theUmayyad Caliphs pursued anti-Shi'ite policies. This was, of course, partly areaction to the serious threat posed by the ShFa to the Umayyad leadership.With the Abbasid accession to political authority the proponents of Shi'ismthought they had triumphed. But, once the 'Abbasids had declared themselvesheirs to the caliphate of the Umma, or Muslim community, the consequencesof installing an Imam as Amir al-Mu'miriin, or Commander of the Faithful, didnot elude them. To quote Shaban:

Of course they knew that the general Shi'ite opinion was in favour of anImam/Amir al-Mu'miriin, an all powerful leader who could bring justice to all.However, they also realized that by installing such a leader they would have togive up their own power. As they were not ready to accept this, they opted for anAmir al-Mu'miriin who would not be an Imam.6

Their hopes frustrated, the ShFa continued to oppose Abbasid rule andseek various means of overthrowing them, including frequent revolts. One ofthe most important methods employed by some of the Shfa groups—theIsmaills included—to seek support for their cause was the use of da'waorganizations.7

iiiThe Origins of the IsmailT Da'wa in the Yemen

The earliest source of information on Ismaill da'wa activities in the Yemenprior to the arrival there of the dffis Ibn Hawshab and 'All b. al-Fadl is theacclaimed Fatimid jurist al-Qadi al-Nu'man's historical work Iftitah al-da'wawa-ibtida" al-dawla.8 Al-Nu'man states, on the authority of Ibn Hawshabhimself, that when the latter entered Adah La'a,9 a man called Ahmad b. AbdAllah b. KhalF (or, according to Halm, Khulay'), who 'possessed knowledge',was awaiting the arrival of Ibn Hawshab there. He [Ahmad] would say: 'In thisyear he will enter, and I will prepare arms for him'.10 The report also makesthe point that information regarding Ahmad b. Abd Allah b. KhalF hadreached Ibn Yu'fir—the Abbasid governor in control of parts of the Yemen atthat time. Of the Yu'firid dynasty more will be said later. At this juncture itneed only be said that Ibn Yu'fir had Ibn KhalF imprisoned, where he diedsome time later.

If this report may be accepted as valid, then some interesting inferences canbe drawn from it. To begin with, it is probable that members of the da'waorganization in the area were in contact with the central Ismaill da'waauthorities, even at this relatively early stage of their activities, for they wereexpecting the arrival of Ibn Hawshab, who was sent by the da'wa head-

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quarters. When Ibn Hawshab arrived at Adan Abyan1 * in the south of theYemen, he encountered some elements of the Banii Musa12 who had Shi'iteinclinations and were in close contact with the ShFa from Adan La'a, situatedin the north of the country. Thus sympathizers, if not followers of Isma'ilism,were already resident in different parts of the country. Furthermore, the factthat the ruling authority in the Yemen at the time felt the need to imprison theIsmail! dST Ahmad b. KhalF and thereby attempt to curb his activities maywell indicate that it regarded both him and his movements as sufficientlythreatening to call for action to subdue them.

ivIbn Hawshab and Allb. al-Fadl: Origins and Conversion to Isma'ilism

Al-Nu'man reports at great length the conversion of Ibn Hawshab toIsma'ilism.13 As regards the man's origins, Abu al-Qasim al-Hasan b. Farah b.Hawshab b. Zadan al-Kuff belonged to a Shi'ite Ithna Ashari family in Kiifa.Ibn Malik states that he was a descendant of Muslim b. Aqfl b. Abl Talib.15

According to Ibn Hawshab's companions, the dST had a thorough knowledgeof the Qur'an and was also well versed in hadith (Tradition) and fiqh(jurisprudence).16 Converted to Isma'ilism by the Imam of the time and hiscompanion, Ibn Hawshab states that it was on one of these visits to the banksof the Euphrates river that he had become acquainted with them. He alsoremarks that it was the Imam himself who imparted the knowledge of theIsmaill faith to him.17 It is quite evident from al-Nu'man's report18 that theImam was personally involved in the organization of the da'wa structure andwas the deciding factor in despatching da'Ts to the various parts of the Islamicempire. And so it was that he advised Ibn Hawshab that he was awaiting thearrival of a man called Ibn al-Fadl, in whose company the Imam wished IbnHawshab to proceed to the Yemen.

For his part, Abu al-Hasan AIT b. al-Fadl belonged to a Shi'ite IthnaAshari family from Jayshan.19 He had left his home town in the company ofsome Yemenis in 266/879-80 to perform the pilgrimage. After completing thepilgrimage, he proceeded to the tomb of Imam al-Husayn at Kufa. One of theIsmail! da'Ts present at the tomb was so impressed by the earnestness withwhich Ibn al-Fadl was mourning the death of Imam al-Husayn that he struckup an acquaintance with Ibn al-Fadl and subsequently pursuaded him to jointhe Ismail! fold. The dST then arranged for All to meet the Imam. The latterenquired about conditions prevailing in the Yemen with reference to thecountry's suitability for the propagation of Isma'uT doctrines. AH reassured theImam that the IsmaTlI cause would be successful in the Yemen, since large.sections of Yemeni society were inclined towards Shi'ism.20

vThe Departure of the Two Da'Ts for the Yemen

Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl left al-Qadisiyya21 and headed towards Meccaduring the pilgrimage season. Before their departure the Imam is reported tohave advised them on the manner in which they were to conduct the da'wa

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activities. He met with each of them individually and recommended them tocoordinate their work, even though they were to operate in separate regions.Furthermore, he asked Ibn Hawshab to take good care of Ibn al-Fadl, for 'heis a man with an intimate knowledge of the matter, so watch how you conducthis affair'.22 Ibn Malik adds that the Imam instructed Ibn Fadl: he was young,and the Imam was uncertain of his loyalty to the Ismaill cause. In the courseof conversation with Ibn al-Fadl the Imam spoke of Ibn Hawshab in thefollowing terms: 'This man whom we are sending with you is a sea ofknowledge, so watch how you accompany him'.23 According to Ibn Malik'sreport, the Imam also urged Ibn al-Fadl to accord Ibn Hawshab respect and toobey him, for if he were to disobey Ibn Hawshab, he would be doomed tofailure. This additional information reported by Ibn Malik is suspect, andappears to have its roots in judgment with hindsight, for subsequent eventsdemonstrate that Ibn al-Fadl declared himself independent from the Fatimidda'wa once he had established a secure military and political base for himself inthe Yemen.

viWhy the Yemen?

At this juncture it is, perhaps, appropriate to consider the factors that thecentral Ismaiff da'wa may have considered in its selection of the Yemen as oneof the areas for its activities. They may be listed as follows:

1. Distance. One important factor that immediately comes to mind is thegeographical location of the Yemen. Here was a country situated at aconsiderable distance from the central authorities at Baghdad. Furthermore, itwas fairly inaccessible because of its numerous mountains and deserts. Inshort, geography afforded it natural means of defence against external attack,such as might come from the 'Abbasid army, for instance.

2. Political fragmentation. Since the 'Abbasid Caliphs could not make ashow of direct military supremacy in the Yemen, they sought to maintainpolitical domination of the area by appointing governors to act on their behalf.Their interests in the Yemen in the ninth and tenth centuries were representedby two separate dynasties: the Ziyadids (Ziyadls) (204-409/819-1018),24

whose capital was at Zabld, and the Yu'firids25 (247-345/861-956), who werethe rulers of San'a' and al-Janad. With the passage of time these governorsmade themselves politically independent of 'Abbasid control. They continued,however, to accept the nominal suzerainty of the 'Abbasids, for the latter werethe source of these governors' religious legitimation. Both the Ziyadids and theYu'firids suffered from internal dissensions over authority, which thus led to aweakening of their political supremacy in their own territories.

Meanwhile the Zaydis (Zaydls) 2(S were also seeking to establish a politicalbase in the Yemen. They became a political force to be reckoned withparticularly after the zuhwr ('emergence') of their Imam Yahya b. al-Husaynal-Hadl ila al-Haqq in 280/893. The Zaydis were active in the northernhighlands of the Yemen and had their headquarters at Sa'da. Thus the Yemenwas, as H. Hamdani describes it, 'a special political unit which fused together

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all the different states weakened by internal opposition and sectariandifferences...'27

3. Responsiveness to ShCism. As has been noted earlier, Shi'ite ideas appearto have had firm roots in certain tribes of the Yemen. Taking advantage ofthese sentiments, the Zaydis were well entrenched in the country by thethird/ninth century and were competing not only with the 'Abbasids forreligious supremacy but also with the local forces for political domination.

4. The economic position of the Yemen. From pre-Islamic times the Yemenseems to have enjoyed a flourishing economy deriving from a climatefavourable to agriculture, advanced methods of irrigation, mineral wealth,weaving industries and the manufacture of leather goods and weaponry.28

Moreover, the country was located at a strategic point on the trade route toIndia. It therefore enjoyed a favourable position as a centre of trade for Indianproducts. This economically advantageous position may have been a factor inthe choice of the Yemen as a centre for IsmaHI da'wa activity, for, combinedwith political independence from the 'Abbasid Caliphate, the Yemen appearsto have been a wealthy enough province of the Islamic empire not to befinancially dependent on the central treasury to meet its deficits. Furthermore,Yemen's strategic position on the trade routes would have certainly assisted inthe spreading of the IsmaHI da'wa activities in other regions. It is well knownfrom al-Nu'man's work29 that Ibn Hawshab dispatched IsmailT da'Ts from theYemen to Sind, Hind, Yamama, Bahrain, Egypt and the Maghrib. Althoughthe means by which these da'Ts travelled to such destinations are not indicated,trade caravans would certainly appear to have been a suitable means ofreaching them.

viiThe Arrival of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl in the Yemen

The two da'Ts travelled together with pilgrims from the Yemen until theyreached al-Ghulafiqa30 in 268/881. They then parted company after agreeingto keep each other informed of their activities. Ibn Hawshab went to al-Janad,where he sought information on 'Adan La'a, the place where he was tocommence his da'wa activities, according to the instructions of the Imam.31 Ashe was unable to obtain any information on Adan La'a, he went instead toAdan Abyan.32 He entered the town as a cotton merchant and began sellingcotton in its market. A few days later he came into contact with the BandMusa, who eventually disclosed to him that they were Shi'ites and wereawaiting the arrival of a dST from the Ismail! Imam. Since the Banu Musawere in close contact with the ShFa from Adan La'a,32 Ibn Hawshab travelledto the place in their company. Taking up residence there in one of the housesof the previous dSi, Ahmad b. KhalF, he married his daughter.34

As for Ibn al-Fadl, there is disagreement among the sources regarding hisdestination after he had parted company with Ibn Hawshab.35 He appears tohave settled either at 'Adan Abyan or in the neighbouring highlands of Yafi'.Thus, Ibn Hawshab set up quarters in the north of Yemen, while hiscounterpart, Ibn al-Fadl, established himself in the south of the country. The

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sources unanimously report that both these dffts practised asceticism and wereaccepted as models of good Muslims by the inhabitants of their respectiveareas. They were thus successful in rallying them to the cause of Isma'ilism aswell as in enlisting their political support. Within two years of their arrival inthe country i.e. by 270/883, the two dcTis were in a position to declare openlythat they were preaching on behalf of the IsmaTH Imam.

viiiThe Conquests of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl: A Synopsis

As Heinz Halm36 has given a detailed account of the military activities of thetwo IsmaTIT da"is, no more than an outline of the military operations of the twomen need be given here. Once Ibn Hawshab had secured sufficient manpowerand resources, he embarked on a programme of conquests. Accordingly, he setout conquering territories around the Jabal Maswar in the province ofHajja.37 He decreed that a fortress located at the foot of the Jabal, calledvariously in the sources *Ayn Muharram, 'Abar Muharram, or 'AtharMuharram, was to be the ddr al-hijra, or, loosely, 'place of refuge', of theIsmaTlIs and took up residence there with his followers in 272/885-6. This ddral-hijra served not only as a military, religious and administrative centre of thecommunity but also as a site of the new beginning—the centre of a newumma.38

As was to be expected, Ibn Hawshab was challenged in his endeavours bythe Yu'firids—directly when they could, or indirectly through their supplyingresources and ammunition to the tribal chiefs to oppose the dd'T. Nevertheless,because of Yu'firid weaknesses and the rising power of Ibn Hawshab, the latterwas able to extend his conquests to cover the territories west of the Tukhlamassif to what Halm refers to as the 'mikhlaf of the West'.39 He thenattempted to challenge the Yu'firids at the very nerve centre of their power,namely the area of Shibam. Although the dd'T achieved initial success, he hadto withdraw some time later. However, by 293/905 Ibn Hawshab was incontrol of the whole of northern Yemen with the exception of the Zaydlstronghold of the city of Sa'da and its environs. Whilst Ibn Hawshab wasoccupied in pacifying the northern half of the Yemen, his counterpart, Ibnal-Fadl, was extremely successful in subduing the southern half of the country.

Ibn al-Fadl had eventually settled in the Yafi' area to the north-east of'Adan Abyan. After securing tribal support, he too embarked on a wave ofmilitary conquests. His first targets were Lahaj and 'Adan Abyan.*0 Hecontinued to extend his authority until, with the takeover of al-Mudhaykhirain 292/904,41 he had 'obtained virtual mastery over most of southernYemen'.42 He ruled over the vast territories he had conquered from thefortress of al-Mudhaykhira—his ddr al-hijra.

After his military successes in the south, Ibn al-Fadl aimed at conqueringthe capital city of San'a', which was still under Yu'firid control. Accordingly,he made preparations for a major confrontation with As'ad b. Yu'fir. Hemarched via Dhamar and Hirran. At the approach of Ibn al-Fadl's forces, theYu'firid governor abandoned the city. Thus, by 293/905, Ibn al-Fadl had

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succeeded in conquering the most prized possession of any ruling authority inthe country.*3 It was at this high watermark of the careers of each of themthat the two da'Ts arranged to meet.

ixThe Meeting of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl

It is interesting that in the twenty-five years of their activities in the Yemen thetwo da'Ts had not met even once. Their first meeting after all these interveningyears took place at Shibam Kawkaban.** Militarily, the two men were by thistime operating in the same area. This could only cause damage to the Ismail!cause in the country. Both Ibn Malik*5 and al-KhazrajT46 report that IbnHawshab attempted to convince Ibn al-Fadl of the need to halt the conquestsuntil they had consolidated their authority in the territories that they hadrecently conquered, so as to 'form a more cohesive state in which the IsmailTda'wa would be supreme'.*7 If this was not done, warned Ibn Hawshab, thenthe territories that were already under their control would slip away at theexpense of further expansion. Although Ibn al-Fadl showed outward deferenceto Ibn Hawshab, he rejected the latter's policy and stated, on the contrary, thatit was essential for him to engage in further conquests.*8

xIbn al-Fadl's Expansion Policy and Subsequent Apostasy

In accordance with his policy of further expansion, Ibn al-Fadl set out for theTihama in 293/905. He was, however, encircled by the local forces there. IbnHawshab rescued him with a large, well-equipped army. Thus Ibn al-Fadl wasable to leave the region and return to San'a '.*9 But this initial setback did notdeter the dST; he undertook a series of military operations in which heconquered the mountain of Hadur as well as Haraz and its environs. In293/905-6 he even seized control of Zabld, the seat of ZiyadI authority.50

Meanwhile, during Ibn al-Fadl's absence from San'a' his authority therewas challenged by both the Zaydis and the Yu'firids.51 For the next six yearshis control of San'a' was hotly contested by both parties. It was not until299/911, in a major confrontation with As'ad b. Yu'fir, that Ibn al-Fadl wasable to secure a firm hold of the place.52 With the reconquest of San'a' he nowbecame, in Geddes's words, 'the master of most of southern and westernYemen and without doubt the most powerful man within the entirecountry'.53

After a brilliant career as an IsmailT dSl for almost three decades m theYemen Ibn al-Fadl repudiated his allegiance to the IsmailT Imam al-Mahdland declared himself independent in 297/909.5* Ibn Hawshab is reported tohave reminded him of the oath of allegiance to the Imam that they had bothtaken at the outset of their careers as da'Ts, whereupon Ibn al-Fadl commentedthat he found in Abu Said al-Jannabi55 a perfect model of an IsmailT dST.Abu Said had renounced his loyalty to al-Mahdi and was instead conductingthe da'wa for himself. Geddes is of the opinion that Ibn al-Fadl not onlyrepudiated the IsmailT cause but 'apostasized from Islam as well',56 for he is

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reported to have made public pronouncements which included the denial of theProphet and his Shari'a as well as the declaration that he himself was the lordand master of the world.57 But, as Serjeant has explained at great length,Islam sat very lightly on many of the Yemeni tribes years after they hadbecome Muslims.58

One of the major accusations levelled against Ibn al-Fadl in our sources isthat he encouraged 'promiscuity'. Yet, as Serjeant has pointed out, actions thatwould be termed promiscuous according to the Shari'a are very much thenorm of the tribal culture. It must be borne in mind that Ibn al-Fadl was aYemeni and may therefore have reverted to his tribal customs, especially sincehe seems to have been extremely proud of being a Yemeni.59

xiIbn al-Fadl's Apostasy: Possible Causes

Geddes suggests four possible causes for Ibn al-Fadl's apostasy. First, therewere precedents for the apostasy of dd'Ts from the Ismail! da'wa organizationabout whom Ibn al-Fadl could have had some knowledge (Hamdan, 'Abdan,Firuz and others). Secondly, Ibn al-Fadl had to his credit many more militarysuccesses than Ibn Hawshab; therefore, 'why should his extraordinary effortsover a quarter of a century redound to one less able than himself who wouldthereby gain his glory?' Geddes hereby seems to imply that, once the militaryconquest of the Yemen had been accomplished, Ibn Hawshab was meant totake over rulership of the new state, leaving no authority in the hands of Ibnal-Fadl. But, as the Ismail! state had not been established in the Yemen at thattime, it is difficult to speculate just how Ibn Hawshab would have handled thesituation if such had been the case. Nevertheless, reports of his previousdealings with Ibn al-Fadl do not convey the impression that Ibn Hawshabexpected the latter to hand over all authority to him, thereby requiring him toremain his mere subordinate.

In making his third suggestion Geddes writes as follows:

.. .it is known that by 293/906 'Ubayd Allah ['Abd Allah], the Ismail! Imam, hadreached the Maghrib and, furthermore, was either in prison or under housearrest... To Ibn al-Fadl certainly it would appear that it was most unlikely thatthe Imam, or his descendants, would ever be willing or able to assume politicaland spiritual authority in person over the territories which he himself hadconquered. Rather than place these dominions under the suzerainty of a ruler sofar distant, and apparently in disgrace, why should he not claim them forhimself?40

It seems a little presumptuous of Geddes to make these remarks; for, if theIsmail! Imam could change his mind about the actual location of theestablishment of the Fatimid Caliphate, he—or, for that matter, his descen-dants—could, in all probability, have decided to come to the Yemen and rule,had they felt it favourable for them to do so. Moreover, it is a well-knownfact—and Geddes himself accepts it—that Ibn al-Fadl did not declare hisapostasy until 297/909. By this time the Ismail! Imam al-Mahd! had beendeclared the first Fatimid Caliph at Raqqada, hardly a matter of'disgrace'.

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Fourthly and finally, Geddes is on much firmer ground in observing thatIbn al-Fadl enjoyed the total obedience of his soldiers and that he rarely metwith defeat. Both factors must have made Ibn al-Fadl appear 'more thanhuman . . . to some of the uneducated tribesmen, upon whom Islam sat verylightly...'.61

Halm62 links the apostasy of Ibn al-Fadl with the change of doctrineconcerning the role of the Mahdi that the Ismail! Imam 'Abd Allah al-Mahdlformulated in a letter he sent to the Yemen. According to this letter,63

al-Mahdl is reported to have stated that, contrary to the Ismail! belief at thetime that the Mahdi would bring the cycle of the Ismail! Imams to a close, thatcycle was to last as long as God decreed, and the task of the Mahdi to bringjustice where injustice prevailed was not to be confined just to the one Imam,that is to say al-Mahdl himself, but was to be performed also by the Imamsthat succeeded him.

The other major change that the letter of al-Mahdl advocates is that thetrue Ismail! Imams were to be the progeny of 'Abd Allah b. Ja'far al-Sadiqrather than his son Ismail. As Halm explicitly states, however, 300/912 wouldhave been the earliest year in which the letter would have been sent to theYemen.64 Yet the sources are unanimous in reporting that Ibn al-Fadl'sdefection took place in 297/909. Thus Halm's assertion that Ibn al-Fadlapostasized in reaction to al-Mahdfs reformation of Ismail! doctrine asespoused by the latter in his communication to the Yemen is not beyondquestion, particularly since Halm himself admits that the sources, 'offernothing concrete regarding his motives'.65 What was inevitable, however, wasthat, because of a clash of interests and policies as between the two da"is of theYemen—Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl—the two men would be compelled toconfront each other militarily.

xnThe Breakdown of Relations between Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl

After Ibn al-Fadl had declared his independence, he demanded that IbnHawshab submit to him, otherwise he would attack him. Ibn Hawshab thusbegan to fortify himself at Jabal Maswar. True to his word, Ibn al-Fadlmarched on Ibn Hawshab and, after a number of battles against the latter,managed to besiege him at Jabal Maswar for eight months. As he was unableto gain a decisive victory over Ibn Hawshab, Ibn al-Fadl eventually agreed towithdraw on condition that a son of Ibn Hawshab be placed in his custody.Ibn Hawshab agreed to Ibn al-Fadl's terms, whereupon the latter returned toal-Mudhaykhira.66 The sources yield little information on Ibn al-Fadl'sactivities after this event. As neither Ibn Hawshab nor Ibn al-Fadl trusted eachother, hostilities continued between them.67

Ibn Hawshab appears to have remained at La'a after his confrontation withIbn al-Fadl. He died in 302/914.68 It is interesting, as Hamdani has pointedout, that in non-Ismail! sources the 'privilege' of killing Ibn al-Fadl isbestowed upon the 'Abbasid authorities, whereas, in Ismail! sources, it is the

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Fatimids who are credited with this 'noble' deed.69 The STrat al-Hadi,however, avers that Ibn al-Fadl died of an abdominal malady.70

xiiiThe Impact of the Da"is' Activities

on the IsmailT Da'wa Movement in the Yemen

The remarkable success achieved by the two IsmaTil da'Ts in the eighth andninth centuries in the Yemen bears testimony to the wise choice made at theIsmaTIT da'wa headquarters in singling out the Yemen as one of the first placesfor active and open propagation of IsmaTIT doctrines. These two pioneeringda'Ts—Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl—came very close to establishing apolitical state for the IsmaTIT Imam al-MahdT. The manner in which the twoIsmaTIT da'Ts operated in the Yemen, overwhelming all the forces that were inopposition to them and winning the populace to their cause, reflects the highcalibre and capabilities of the men. Undoubtedly, however, the defection ofIbn al-Fadl from Isma'ilism dealt a severe blow to the IsmaTIT cause in thecountry and to the objectives of its da'wa. Nevertheless, the foundation laid bythe two da'Ts stood the movement in good stead and helped it to flourish underthe Sulayhids in the fifth/eleventh century.

Notes

1. For a succinct survey of Ismail! and non-Ismail! sources for the history of the Ismail! da'wa inthe Yemen at this period see S. Jiwa, 'The Initial Destination of the Fatimid Caliphate: TheYemen or the Maghrib?* in BRISMES Bulletin, 13 (1986), pp. 16-18.

2. On the Hamdanids and their fervent support for 'All b. Abi Talib and his progeny see W.M.Watt, 'Hamdan', EP, III, p. 123; C.L. Geddes, 'Hamdanids', EP, III, pp. 125 f.; H.C. Kay,Yaman: Its Early Mediaeval History (London, 1892), p. 218, n. 3.

3. On 'AI! b. Abi Talib's conversion of the Banu Hamdan see C. Huart, 'AIT b. Abi Taiib', ShorterEncyclopedia of Islam, ed. H.A.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers (Leiden and London, 1961), p. 30;S.M.H. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development ofShta Islam (Qum, 1980-2), p. 12.

4. Jafri, Origins, pp. 1-13; M. Watt, 'ShTism under the Umayyads\./iL4S (1960), pp. 158-72.5. I.K. Poonawala, 'Ismail! Sources for the History of South-West Arabia', in Studies in the

History of Arabia, I, pt. 1 (Riyadh, 1979), p. 151; G. Rentz, 'Djazlrat al-'Arab', EP, I, pp. 550f.

6. M.A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation, II, (Cambridge, 1976), p. 2. Shabanseems to be contradicting himself, for at this point in the work he seems to assert that the'Abbasid Caliphs did not wish to lose their recently acquired authority and therefore they choseto reject the Shi'ite model of leadership. Later in the text (p. 127), however, he states that 'thecollective will of the Muslim community to preserve its unity had been so strong that it forcedthe 'Abbasids to set themselves apart from Shi'ite sectarianism', giving the impression that theAbbasid rulers did not really have much choice in the matter. B. Lewis, "Abbasids', EP, I, p.17, expounds a view similar to the one propounded later by Shaban.

7. For an overview of the inception and development of da'wa organizations see M. Canard,'Da'wa', EP, II, pp. 168-70. On IsmaTH da'wa activities see A. Esmail and A. Nanji, "TheIsmaifis in History', in IsmSTti Contributions to Islamic Culture, ed. S.H. Nasr (Tehran, 1977),p. 232. This work also presents an account of the rigorous training that the Ismail! dd'isunderwent and their role in society as portrayed in Ismail! sources.

8. On al-Qadl al-Nu'man see I.K. Poonawala, Biobibliography of Ismff TIT Literature (California,1977), pp. 58-60, where he cites primary and secondary sources on the Qadi. The Iftitahal-da'wa has been acclaimed by esteemed present-day historians such as W. Ivanow and S.M.Stern as the earliest extant source on the Ismail! da'wa activities. Though compiled by anIsmail! jurist and scholar, the Iftitah is 'almost free from religious adjustment of facts' and

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does not attempt to 'write a laudatory account of the events . . . round the subject of hisglorification . . . [as was] the habit of a great majority of Islamic historians [of the time]'. W.Ivanow, Ismaili Tradition concerning the Rise of the Fatimids (London, 1942), pp. 6 f. S.M.Stern, 'Abu 'Abd Allah al-ShIT, EP, I, p. 104. The If Utah has been edited twice: by W. al-Qadl(Beirut, 1970) and F. Dachraoui (Tunis, 1975). The latter also gives content analysis of the text.In this paper W. al-Qadrs edition has been used. In recent years a number of studies have beenbased on the Iftilah. See M. Canard, 'L'autobiographie d'un chambellan du Mahdr, Hesperis32 (1952), pp. 324-8; T. Nagel, Fruhe Ismailiya und Fatimiden im Lichte der Risalat Iftitahad-da'wa: eine religions-geschichtliche Studie (Bonn, 1972). Cf. Poonawala Biobibliography, pp.58-60. Cf. also W. Madelung's review of the Iftitah in Der Islam 48 (1971-2), pp. 345f.

9. See Kay, Yaman, .pp. 232f., n. 11, for the exact location of the town. It is apparent from hisresearch that it was located somewhere to the north-west of San'a' in WadT La'a, and north ofMount Haraz. W. al-Qadl, Iftitah, p. 41, states that La'a is a town on Mount $abr in the regionof San'a' and beside it is the beautiful village of 'Adan La'a. However, S. Zakkar in his editionof Kashf asrar al-Batiniyya in his Akhbdr al-Qaramita ft al-Ahsa"—al-Sham—al-'Irdq—al- Yaman (Damascus, 1980), p. 220, mentions that 'Adan La'a is inruins today. He further states that it is a distance of three days from San'a', but does not putthis information in relation to the means of transport used.

10. Iftitah, p. 45. Besides the Iftitah, the first of the other two earliest extant sources for the historyof the Yemen in this period is a Zaydl work: STrat al-Hadi US al-Haqq Yahya b. al-Husayn. Thiswork was edited by S. Zakkar (Beirut, 1972). Segments of the Sira that are pertinent to thispaper are also to be found in Zakkar's Akhbar al-Qaramifa, pp. 87-110. Consequently, due tothe unavailability of the earlier work, the latter has been referred to in this paper. The secondwork is Muhammad b. Malik al-Hamadfs Kashf asrar al-Batiniyya, ed. Zakkar, Akhbaral-Qaramita, pp. 203-51. However, neither STrat al-Hadinor Kashf offers any information onAhmad b. KhalT.

11. 'Adan Abyan is the same place as the modern city of Aden. Cf. Kay, Yaman, p. 232, n. 11.12. Iftitah, p. 44. In Kashf they are referred to as the Banu al-Wazzan (p. 221).13. Iftitah, pp. 35-8. Kashf mentions Ibn Hawshab's origin and conversion only in passing, while

the STrat al-Hadi is totally silent on the matter.14. Iftitah, p. 32; Kashf, p. 218 refers to him as al-Mansur al-Hasan b. Zadhan. For variations on

his name by Ibn Khaldun, Ibn al-Athlr and al-MaqrizI see W. al-QadT, Iftitah, p. 32. IbnHawshab was granted the title al-Mansur bi-1-Yaman after achieving success in his da'waactivities in the Yemen.

15. Kashf,p.2\%.16. Iftitah, p. 33. A son of Ibn Hawshab wrote a Sira of his father, where he extensively reported

' from Ibn Hawshab and his companions. Although this Sira is not extant, H. Halm hasreconstructed it from a number of available sources in an article entitled 'Die Slrat IbnHawshab: die ismailitische Da'wa im Jemen und die Fatimiden*, Die Welt des Orients, XII(1981), pp. 107-37.

17. Iftitah, pp. 35f. Al-Nu'man does not give the name of the Imam before al-Mahdl. It appears tohave been his general policy not to reveal the names of the Imams of dawr al-satr('occultation'). Ibn Malik, Kashf, p. 128, refers to the Imam as al-Maymun. It is now wellknown that this could not be an allusion to Maymun al-Qaddah, who died in the earlysecond/eighth century. An interesting possibility is that Maymun was a cover-name used by theImam just as Mubarak and Said were apparently cover-names also. Cf. H. Hamdani, On theGenealogy of the Fatimid Caliphs (Cairo, 1952), p. 12; S.M. Stem, 'Heterodox IsmaTITsm at thetime of al-Mu'izz', BSOAS XVII (1955), pp. 10-33.

18. Iftitah, p. 38.19. Kashf, pp. 216f. W. al-QadT, Iftitah, p. 38, describes Jayshan as a place and a province. Its

province includes Hajr, Badr, Sawr, etc. In STrat al-Hadi it is stated that Ibn al-Fadl was bornin Janad but his family was originally from al-Rahba (p. 90).

20. Iftitah, p. 38. Ibn Malik adds that the Yemenis will accept the IsmaTH da'wa as they have feebleminds and possess little knowledge of the Shari'a (Kashf, p. 218). The first statement—attributed to Ibn al-Fadl, of course—appears highly unlikely as the latter seems to have beenextremely proud of being a Yemeni, as will be seen later. However, the second statement, alsoattributed to him, may perhaps be significant, as will be explained later; cf. 'AE b. al-Hasanal-Khazrajt, al-'Asjad al-masbukfiman waliya al-Yaman min al-muluk. Relevant sections of thework have been edited by Zakkar, Akhbar al-Qaramita, pp. 411-31, cf. pp. 413-4; H.

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HamdanT, al-Sulayhiyyun wa-l-haraka al-Fatimiyyali-l-Yaman (Cairo, 1955), pp. 29-30.21. Iftitah, p. 42. H. HamdanT states, however, that the two d&Ts left in 267 A.H. from Kufa for

al-Qadisiyya (Sulayhiyyun, p. 32).22. Iftitah, pp. 41f.23. Kashf p. 219.24. On the Ziyadids see R. Strothmann, 'ZiyadF, EP, IV, p. 1233; 'Umara, Kitab ta 'rikh al- Yaman,

ed. and trans, in Kay, Yaman, pp. 3-5; Ibn Khaldun, Kitab al-'ibar, partially ed. and trans, inKay, Yaman, p. 218.

25. On the Yu'firids see R. Strothmann, 'Ya'fur', EP, IV, p. 1145; Kay, Yaman, pp. 223-30; C.L.Geddes, 'The Yu'firid Dynasty of San'a'', unpublished PhD. thesis, University of London,1959; Iftitah, pp. 42-4.

26. On the Zaydis see R.Strothmann, 'al-Zaidlya', EP, IV, pp. 1196-8; Sirat al-Hadi, pp. 85-110reports at length on the activities of the Zaydis at this time; Kay, Yaman, 226-9. 314-7; R.B.Serjeant, 'The Zaydis' in Religion in the Middle East, ed. A.J. Arberry (Cambridge, 1969), II,pp. 285-301. D.T. Gochenhour, 'The Penetration of ZaydT Islam into Early Medieval Yemen",Harvard University Ph.D. thesis, 1984.

27. H. HamdanT, Sulayhiyyun, pp. 27f.28. A. Grohmann, 'Yaman', EP, IV, p. 1156.29. Iftitah, pp. 45,47.30. Al-Ghulafiqa is on the Red Sea coast. It is a port of ZabTd and is situated fifteen miles away

from the latter. Cf. Zakkar, Akhbar al-Qaramita, pp. 220,416; Kay, Yaman, p. 221.31. Iftitah, p. 41; Kashf, p. 220; al-JanadT, Suluk, p. 194; al-KhazrajT, 'Asjad, p. 416. It is interesting

that all the sources on this period are in agreement that the Imam had personally assigned IbnHawshab to commence da'wa activities at La'a. It reflects the fact that the Imam was to theforefront in directing the da'wa organization.

32. Iftitah, pp. 44-45. Al-Nu'man reports at some length on Ibn Hawshab's entry into 'AdanAbyan, his meeting with the Banu Musa and his arrival at Adan La'a.

33. It is interesting to note that Shi'ism was not restricted to a particular geographical region of theYemen but appears to have spread throughout the country, and there were communicationlinks between them. This is illustrated by Ibn Hawshab's receiving of information on the Shi'aof 'Adan La'a, which is located in the extreme north of the country, from the Shi'a of 'AdanAbyan which is situated in the extreme south of the country. Ibn Malik reports that IbnHawshab informed the Shi'ites from 'Adan La'a that he was a man of learning, whereupon theygladly invited him to accompany them, for they said that they were in dire need of someone toteach them matters of religion (Kashf, p. 221). Some years later, in 280/893, when the IsmaTHdSi al-Shfl accompanied the Berber pilgrims to the Maghrib, he too adopted the role of areligious instructor and gained quick acceptance among some of the Berber tribes.

34. It is a well-known fact that in tribal societies effective links are forged among the differenttribes by intermarriages among them. This appears to have been the purpose of the Prophet'smarrying into the various tribes with which he had formed alliances. In the case of IbnHawshab, this could have been a factor in his marrying Ahmad b. KhalT's daughter.

35. Ibn Malik states that Ibn al-Fadl departed in the direction of Jayshan from where he eventuallyheaded for Yafi' territory (Kashf, p. 220). Al-JanadT reports that Ibn al-Fadl proceeded to'Adan Abyan via al-Janad (p. 197). According to this report, though, it would appear that bothIbn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl took the same route. Al-KhazrajT mentions that Ibn al-Fadl setout for the highlands of Yafi"(p. 416). Geddes asserts that, 'Instead of returning to his home inJayshan as ordered by the Imam in Kufa he ['AIT] remained in Aden where they [Ibn Hawshaband Ibn al-Fadl] had first both gone' ('The Apostasy of AIT b. al-Fadl', Arabian and IslamicStudies: Articles presented to R.B. Serjeant, ed. R.L. Bidwell & G.R. Smith (London & NewYork, 1983), p. 81).

36. Halm, 'Die Sirat Ibn Hawshab', pp. 115-123.37. On Maswar (or, less correctly, Miswar) see D.T. Gochenhour, 'Miswar and its Human

Geography: A Historical View', Die Welt des Orients, XIII (1982), pp. 79-94.38. Kashf, pp. 221 f.; 'Asjad, p. 416; Sulayhiyyun, p. 36.39. Halm, op. cit., p. 115.40. Ibid., pp. 110; Kashf pp. 222-5; 'Asjad, pp. 417 f.; Sulayhiyyun, pp. 34 f.41. Kashf, pp. 227-31; 'Asjad, pp. 419-21; Sulayhiyyun, p. 36; Kay, Yaman, p. 222. On the petty

dynasty of Ja'far al-ManakhT, the rulers of parts of southern Yemen at this time, see Kay,Yaman, pp. 221 f., n. 99.

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42. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 81. According to Geddes, Ibn al-Fadl had control over most ofsouthern Yemen by 291/904. However, in 'Asjad the conquest of al-Mudhaykhira by Ibnal-Fadl is placed in 292 A.H. (p. 420).

43. Kashf, p. 231; 'Asjad, p. 421; Tabari, III, p. 2256 and Ibn al-AthTr, VII, p. 378 (as cited by Kay,Yaman, p. 326). Geddes, op. cit., p. 82 gives the date of the conquest of San'a' by Ibn al-Fadlas 15 Muharram 292/16 November 905.

44. Kashf, pp. 231 f. Shibam Kawkaban was occupied by the Yu'firids before Ibn Hawshabconquered it.

45. Ibid.46. 'Asjad, p. 422.47. Geddes, op. cit., p. 82.48. Kashf,pp.2i\;'Asjad,pA22.49. Kashf, p. 232; 'Asjad, pp. 422 f.; Sutuk, p. 200.50. 'Asjad,p. 423; Suluk, p. 200; in Kashf It is stated that the ruler of Zabid during that period was

al-Mu?affar b. Hajj, the governor of the 'Abbasid Caliph al-Muktafl (pp. 232 f.).51. 'Asjad, pp. 423-5; STrat al-Hadi, pp. 92-102. Al-KhazrajT reports at length on the various

attempts made by As'ad b. Yu'fir, Ibn al-Fadl and the Zaydl Imam al-Hadl in gainingpossession of San'a * from Ibn al-Fadl.

52. As'ad b. Yu'fir was unable to regain possession of San'a' until Ibn al-Fadl's death in 303/915.He reasserted his control over the city after 303/915 and ruled it until his death in 332/943. Cf.Kay, Yaman, p. 226.

53. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 82.54. Kashf, pp. 233 f.; 'Asjad, p. 425; Suluk, pp. 201 f.55. Abu Said al-Jannabl was sent as a da'Tto Bahrain in 273/886-7 by Hamdan and 'Abdan. When

the latter two dSXs split from the central Ismail! da'wa, Abu Said sided with them. A few yearslater he declared that he represented the Mahdi. According to QadI 'Abd al-Jabbar, the Mahdithat Abu Said was awaiting was Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya,who, Abu Said declared, would appear in 300/912. According to some sources, he is believedto have declared himself to be the Mahdi; this is what Ibn al-Fadl's understanding of AbuSaid's position appears to be. Abu Said died in 301/913. Cf. Madelung, 'KarmatF, EP, IV, p.661; B. Carra de Vaux (M.G.S. Hodgson), 'Abu SaTd al-Diannabl", EP, I, p. 452.

56. Geddes, 'Apostasy', pp. 82 f.57. An example of the esteem in which Ibn al-Fadl held himself is apparent in a letter which he is

supposed to have sent to As'ad b. Yu'fir. He writes: 'From him who hath spread out the plainsof the earth and extended them as a carpet, who maketh the mountains to shake and who hathfirmly rooted them, 'Aly ibn Fadl, unto his slave As'ad.' Cf. Suluk, trans, by Kay, Yaman, p.204.

58. Serjeant,'The Zaydis', p. 291.59. H. Hamdani, ($ulayhiyyun, p. 43) views the apostasy of Ibn al-Fadl as an extreme kind of

nationalism. He states that Ibn al-Fadl was too proud of being Qahtam and a Yemeni to be agood Muslim.

60. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 83.61. Ibid.62. Halm,'SIrat\p. 127.63. This letter of al-Mahdl was originally published by H. Hamdani, On the Genealogy of the

Fatimid Caliphs (Cairo, 1952). It was recently reinterpreted by A. Hamdani and F. de Blois, 'ARe-examination of al-Mahdfs letter to the Yemenites on the Genealogy of the FatimidCaliphs', 7&4S (1983), pp. 173-207.

64. Halm,'STraf, pp. 127f.65. Ibid, pp. 128f. W. Madelung has suggested that Ja'far b. Mansur al-Yaman! may have been

mistaken in his dating of the letter which may, in fact, have been written soon after al-Mahdfstriumphal entry into Raqqada in 297/910 ('Das Imamat in der friihenismailitischen Lehre', DerIslam XXXVII (1961), p. 81, n. 197).

66. Kashf, pp. 237 f.; 'Asjad, pp. 425 f.; Suluk, pp. 202 f. Ibn Malik reports that Ibn Hawshab's sonwas permitted to return to his father after a year.

67. Kashf, p. 238; 'Asjad, p. 426; Suluk, pp. 203f.68. Kashf, p. 243; 'Asjad, p. 429; Suluk, p. 208.69. Sulayhiyyun, p. 47.70. Halm,'STraf, p. 137.

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Postscript: I am grateful to Dr Carole Hillenbrand, University of Edinburgh, as well as my formersupervisor, Dr Mohammed Alibhai, formerly of McGill University, Montreal, for their valuableadvice and comments on this paper.

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