The Kingdom of the Saivacaryas

Berliner Indologische Studien

Berlin Indological Studies

gegründet von / founded by

Klaus Bruhn

21 . 2013

herausgegeben von / edited by

Gerd J.R. Mevissen

¼WEIDLER Buchverlag

BERLINER INDOLOGISCHE STUDIEN | BERLIN INDOLOGICAL STUDIES 21 · 2013: 173-256

The Kingdom of the ãivåcåryas

Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay,Swati Ray & Shubha Majumder

During the course of our extensive field surveys in search of sculptural re-mains in West Bengal we came across a few stone images of ãiva åcåryasfrom the Moghalmari region in the district of West Midnapur. While the postfield-work documentation was in progress we were thinking in terms of areconstruction that would basically take into account the historical reasonsbehind such sculptural attempts (of depicting ̃ aivåcåryas) that were runningparallel over a wide part of eastern India and its adjoining central Indiansegment from about the post-Gupta period onwards, if not earlier. The choiceof the study area was prompted by the apparent cultural linkage that bondedthe settlement history of different geographical niches of eastern and centralIndia. This cultural linkage with a long antecedence is a fundamental archae-ological reality.

The present paper is a part of our survey of the archaeology and iconogra-phy associated with ̃ aiva establishments and the ̃ aivåcåryas, particularly ineastern India and adjoining central India, i.e., different geographical nichesof central India and the adjoining Mahanadi-Baitarani valleys of Chhattis-garh and Orissa, the trans-Vindhyan plateau region and plain lands of southBihar and Jharkhand and the adjoining segment of the lower Ganga valley,i.e., West Bengal (see Map). The involvement of the åcåryas within the sa-cred space of the ma¶has in the spread of the ̃ aiva ideology is apparent fromliterary sources and an extensive archaeological database comprising epigra-phic, sculptural, structural and other sources retrieved from different parts ofthe subcontinent. Till now the reconstruction of the ãivåcårya paradigm,i.e., its historical contour, is yet to achieve a definite form. The rationale be-hind this present survey is to give a brief outline of that major task by whichone can explore the essential silhouette of the entire trajectory as perceived

174 R.K. Chattopadhyay, S. Ray & S. Majumder [2]

Map of Eastern India showing the major sites associated with‘The Kingdom of the ãivåcåryas’

in the present study area. Several inscriptions have been cited here in favourof visualizing the ̃ aivåcårya tradition and its association with other religiousdevelopments and of course its involvement with political ideologies. A largenumber of inscriptions issued by the kings of several ancient Indian dynastiesnot only refer to the association of some of these åcåryas with different ãi-va sub-sects but also their role as råjagurus or royal preceptors. Moreover,the present paper can also claim to be a primary work not only for document-ing some hitherto unpublished ãivåcårya images found from West Bengalbut also relating them with epigraphic sources and other sculptural remainsfound from the concerned find-spots. The paper will obviously take into ac-count the iconographic forms depicted in the concerned images. The presentattempt will also reexplore the presence of ãivåcåryas in the ma¶ha com-plexes of eastern India and its adjoining central Indian region along with thediverse functions of the ma¶has, i.e., religious functions in the form of for-mulation of scriptures, intellectual, spiritual, charitable, cultural activities,besides humanitarian contributions, and finally, the involvement of the locallineages for the patronization of such establishments. The developments inKashmir, western India and south India are too elaborate to be considered inthe present attempt; however, one cannot in the final analysis ignore the factthat the developments in the study area were not isolated.

[3] The Kingdom of the ãivåcåryas 175

1 Regarding the relationship between religion and the state and the involvement of theãiva officiants, see SANDERSON 2005. For the qualifications and role of åcåryas, seeNAGASWAMY 2010: 241-245.

The early growth of the åcårya tradition certainly followed a route/pathinculcated by the collective heterodox and orthodox religious consciousnessthat gradually became associated with the growth of the ãiva ideology.Asceticism of the highest order may be perceived with reference to theseåcåryas (CHAKRABORTY 1973: 178ff.). The genesis of this ideology may betraced to a remote past and by the time it spread to different parts of theIndian subcontinent, both literary and archaeological sources indicate that theãivåcåryas had acquired a dual identity, i.e., a manifestation of divinity anda vehicle for deliverance. Already the spiritual lineages of ãivåcåryas, likeimperial lineages, were referred to in several inscriptions. The ancient ̃ aivå-cåryas, preceptors of kings and their subjects, and a veritable historical iden-tity, were gradually conceived by the creators of innumerable inscriptions,texts, sculptors, temple builders, etc. The formulation of religious texts inparticular, in order to put together religious sentiments and practices, was amajor breakthrough involved in making this tradition. Theologians par excel-lence, interpreters of the faith, preceptors of kings and above all, preacherswho faced the challenging role of confronting the masses, these åcåryas weredefinitely associated with the functioning of ãiva ma¶has and their gradualmetamorphosis into distinct institutions.1 These centres, like the Buddhist andJaina vihåras, besides the monasteries which evolved with the spread of otherBråhma½ical faiths including the Vai¹½ava tradition as major centres of reli-gious activities, gradually became associated with the crystallization of dif-ferent schools of religious thoughts. The institutional basis which has beensearched for and attained by the Jainas and the Buddhists, had also beenachieved by the ãiva followers through these functional spaces or ma¶hasand their åcåryas, of course with support of the ruling powers. The apparentdemocratic nature of the Jaina and Buddhist orders were gradually assimi-lated by the ãiva orders as they had a well-balanced position harbouringboth an orthodox factor and, side by side, a popular, folk tradition. A seriesof patronages and new adherents to the orders were associated with thegrowth of these ma¶has. After all, the tradition of the gurukula alluded to inthe Epics, and carried forward by subsequent generations of the Indian so-ciety, has consistently pleaded for the viability of the ma¶ha system. It must


be kept in mind that we have enough constraints in specifying the develop-ment and growth of different ãiva schools which made a major impact onthe concerned socio-religious life and also in ensuring its credibility to themechanisms of the concerned political powers. The latter obviously recipro-cated on the former’s growth. The fortification of some monasteries hints tothe military function of several ma¶has of the medieval period and there areseveral inscriptions which refer to the war-like prowess and administrativefunctions of ãivåcåryas. Far removed from the ascetic ideal there wereseveral ãiva akhårås which functioned as ‘para-military’ bases of thema¶has (GHURYE 1964: 103ff.). We have meagre data to trace the nucleusformation of the ma¶has and the interconnecting developments between theso-called secular (temporal) and the sacred mechanisms. Ultimately, what issignificant is that the formulation of scriptures in these schools was respon-sible for catering to the royal lineages as well as accelerating the participationof the common support, including the traders’ communities. Several inscrip-tions refer to the presence of ãiva establishments in different pattanas orspaces involved in trading networks. Anyway, these establishments asso-ciated with different ãiva sects and favoured by royal patronage wereinitially responsible to record the mechanism of the åcårya system.

It is very difficult to visualize the time and space with reference to theearliest/initial phase of royal patronage (or otherwise) accorded particularlyto these ãiva ma¶has. The participation of other non-Bråhma½ical groupsbesides, other social groups in this åcårya system was clearly apparent fromseveral epigraphic sources. In spite of the available sources, the ideologicalbackground or for that matter the visualization of the antecedence in form ofinvolvement of other ideologies, both orthodox and heterodox in the long-term systemization (from the initial centuries of the Christian Era onwards)of ãiva doctrines, philosophy, beliefs and practices, as well as the activitiesof the ma¶has and their overall impact on the history and society of the sub-continent remains, to a great extent, obscure.

The collective psychology behind the success of the ma¶ha system andthe validity of the åcårya tradition is quite perplexing.

VINDHYAN AND TRANS-VINDHYAN DEVELOPMENTS

An overall survey of the hitherto available sources suggests that the ãi-våcåryas’ connection with the socio-religious and cultural life of different


2 However, if these two holy places had association with Tamralipta or the modern Tam-luk region, then there is a remote possibility of identifying them with modern Satrangain the Dantan region or Khatpukur near the Bargobhima temple complex of Tamluk.

geographical niches of eastern India was definitely part of the Vindhyan andtrans-Vindhyan developments. The Vindhyan and trans-Vindhyan ̃ aivåcåryaphenomenon is significantly evident from a large number of inscriptions issuedduring the tenures of regional powers like the Våkå¶akas, Candellas, Paramå-ras, Pratïhåras, Kalacuris and others. Out of these, it was mainly the Kalacuriinscriptions and also the inscriptions issued during their tenure that elaboratedthe rise of the Mattamay÷ra sect from the 9th to the 13th centuries AD. For thesake of the present study area, the role of the Kalacuris was vital. The Kalacurikings of Tripuri or the Jabalpur region had their counterparts in Ratnapura orthe south Kosala region and the ãivåcårya lineages and ma¶has referred toin their inscriptions are also mentioned in contemporary and later inscriptionsof several dynasties ruling over parts of Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Bengal.

Before elaborating the database available from the Kalacuri inscriptionsof central India, we would like to cite an earlier inscription. The AsanapatNa¶aråja image inscription of ̃ atrubhañja, palaeographically assignable to the6th century AD (SIRCAR 1973b),was found from Asanapat village in the Keon-jhar district of Orissa. This inscription of thirteen lines is beautifully engravedon a stone slab/stela below the depiction of a graceful eight-armed Na¶aråjawhose main pair of hands play on a lute or vï½å (PANDA 1984: 31). That theNa¶aråja form is a signifier for the present reconstruction will be explainedlater. This inscription while referring to ãtrubhañja as Någa-van¸o (vaº¸o)(i.e., of the Någa clan) and the lord of the Vindhyan forest, records the erectionof a ˜iva temple and the inscribed Na¶aråja stela was probably a part of theiconographic programme of the temple. It may be noted that the provenanceof this inscription is not the forested Vindhyan region and either this inscrip-tion was issued from another place or the term ‘Vindhyan forest’ incorporatedthe forested region of the adjoining Chotanagpur plateau which included theKeonjhar tract. It is also possible that all the mountain ranges running east towest or west to east in the central part of the subcontinent were known as theVindhya (SIRCAR 1971: 56, fn. 6). The fact that the king donated lakhs of cowsat holy places like På¶alïputra, Gayå, Krimilå, Lalåvardhana, Pu½ ravardhana,Vardhamåna, Gokkha¶ï, Khadra¼ga and Tåmaliptï is significant for it hasseveral implications. Gokkha¶ï and Khadra¼ga are yet to be identified.2


Can Gokkha¶i be identified with the ancient settlement of Geokhali in the vicinity ofTamluk or the impressive structural mound of Godhantikri in the village of Bahiri,West Midnapur? The archaeological sequence of Geokhali is unknown to us, whereasthe site of Bahiri has a long cultural sequence from the black-and-red ware associatedcultural phase to the early medieval/medieval/late medieval period. Several moundsstrewn with cultural debris and other habitational remains, besides early historic find-ings indicate the antecedence of a settlement that continued during the historical period.

3 Cf. also NEUSS 2013: 131-144 (in this volume) [Editor].

ãtrubhañja had also donated lakhs of hira½ya and also thousands ofgrants at the various ma¶has or temples such as the Åcicchatraka-¸a¼kha-kara-ma¶ha(¶he) Yå(Ya)k¹-e¸vara-Ma½ibhadra-ma¶he (ma¶ha of a conch-shell worker of Ahicchatra? and Ma½ibhadra ma¶ha). He was a scholar ofrepute and claims to have studied the Bhårata, Purå½a, Itihåsa, grammar,Samïk¹ya, logic, Mïmåºså, the metrical science, Veda, Så¼khya and Bud-dhist scriptures (Bauddha-prakara½a). He also built houses and donated forthe monasteries that were used by the followers of the Bråhma½ical, Bud-dhist, Jaina and other ideologies (SIRCAR 1973b: 124).

The above record has been cited at the beginning of our discourse so asto highlight the ãiva paradigm in the forested Vindhyan regions during thelater part of the 5th or the early part of the 6th century AD. Moreover theNa¶aråja connection and the reference to the ã¼khakara ma¶ha are signifi-cant. However, this instance of an early Bhañja sponsorship of central Indianãivism is overwhelmed by the vast evidence of Kalacuri participation andsponsorship.

The early Kalacuris ruled over parts of present Malwa and its adjoiningregion (with their capital at Ujjain) during the middle of the 6th century AD.Besides Ujjain and Anandanagara (Gujarat region), another important earlyKalacuri base was at Måhi¹matï or Mahesvar which lies on the ancient routefrom Paithan to Ujjain (SANKALIA et al. 1958: 1-15; SIRCAR 1971: 44, fn. 4).Måhi¹matï had earlier been identified with Måndhåtå island in the Narmada.The Måndhåtå plates of Devapåla (dated VS 1282 = 1225 AD) found nearthe Siddhe¸vara temple at Måndhåtå refers to the worship of ˜iva at Måhi¹-matï with reference to a grant (KIELHORN 1908: 105).3 The later Kalacurisruled over a considerable part of the trans-Vindhyan segment with their capi-tal at Tripuri, identified with the modern Jabalpur region in Madhya Pradesh.Branches of this lineage also ruled over a part of the Gorakhpur region of


4 This inscription records the erection of a ˜iva temple by one Unta¶a, son of Kakkuka,a resident of Rohïtaka. Lines 9 to 12 mention ãivåcåryas of the På¸upata sect likePramå½arå¸i and Cåmu½ åkarå¸i (MIRASHI 1942). Kaman is about 40 miles west ofMathura and is in the Bharatpur region of Rajasthan.

Uttar Pradesh, another branch at south Kosala, i.e. a part of modern Chhattis-garh, adjoining Jharkhand and Orissa, and yet another branch ruled overparts of south India. Måhi¹matï, the famous epico-Puranic city, is associatedwith the great Kårtavïrya Arjuna, who is generally described as a supremeãiva. The Kalacuris in several inscriptions claimed descent from the Hai-haya race to which Arjuna belonged. Both Måhi¹matï and Tripuri were loca-ted along the banks of the Narmada. In the Purå½as, the river Narmada or theReva is constantly associated with the ãiva religion and a great number oftïrthas were situated on its banks. The sacred place of present Mahesvar onthe bank of the Narmada, not far away from Bheraghat, has enough merit inthe context of the archaeology of the historical period. Its ãiva shrines stillacclaim its past antecedence.

Apart from Mahesvar, one may recall the well-known ̃ aiva centres in theNimar plain overlooked by the Mandu plateau. On the south bank of theNarmada is the famous shrine of Oºkåre¸var-Måndhåtå (enshrining one ofthe twelve jyotirli¼gas) in the east Nimar district of Madhya Pradesh (NEUSS

2013). The plateau region of Mandu itself seems to have harboured severalãiva establishments like the Nïlaka½¶he¸vara temple complex. Most of theKalacuri inscriptions provide vivid descriptions of the serene pristine landscapeadjoining the sacred valleys of the Reva and the Sona, the abode of the ‘divine’ascetics of the Mattamay÷ra clan. It is from the Kalacuri inscriptions that wefind the predominance of the Mattamay÷ra school and several ̃ aivåcåryas ofthis sect were the råjagurus or preceptors of the Kalacuri kings. Accordingto the Mahåbhårata (Sabhåparvan, 33, 4-5), the Mattamay÷ras inhabited aplace called Rohïtaka (MIRASHI 1942: 329-332) and this place is also men-tioned (line 4) in the Kaman stone inscription of about the 9th century AD.4

Again a town Mattamay÷ra, capital of king Avantivarman, is mentionedin a late 10th or early 11th century inscription affixed to another Mattamay÷rama¶ha at the site of Ranod (KIELHORN 1892c). Ranod is situated in the Gwa-lior region about half way between Jhansi and Guna. According to this in-scription, the king Avanti or Avantivarman had invited the ̃ aiva sage Puran-dara who was residing at Upendrapura to his capital Mattamay÷ra and was


5 Åmardaka is also associated with the ãivåcårya Oºkara¸ivåcårya mentioned in theRajor inscription of Måthanadeva (dated 1016 VS = 959 AD) as a member of theSopuriya line which started at Åmardaka (KIELHORN 1895b). With reference to theÅmardaka connection, the Oºkåre¸var-Måndhåtå pilgrimage centre on the south bankof the Narmada in the east Nimar district may be noted. Further, most of the ãivå-cåryas who served the Cðåa court as råjagurus hailed from the Lå¶a country and theybelonged to the Åmardaka ma¶ha (NAGASWAMY 2010: 238, 246-248).

initiated by the latter. Avantivarman can be placed in the 9th century andtherefore Purandara could be assigned to the same. Purandara founded ama¶ha at Mattamay÷ra and another at Ra½ipadra. The Ranod inscriptionstates that it was issued from Ra½ipadra and since the inscription is found af-fixed to an ancient structural complex at Ranod, Ra½ipadra is to be identifiedwith Ranod. What is important for us is that this inscription further mentionsthe spiritual ancestors of the illustrious sage Purandara. They are Kadamba-guhådhivåsin (the inhabitant of Kadambaguhå), ã¼khama¶hikådhipati (thesuperintendent or lord of ã¼khama¶hikå), Terambipåla (the protector ofTerambi) and Åmardakatïrthanåtha (the lord of Åmardakatïrtha).5

What is noticeable from the Ranod inscription is that these spiritualancestors of Purandara have not been referred to by their proper names.Terambi may be identified with Terahi which is 5 miles to the south-east ofRanod and Kadambaguhå with Kadwaha which is about 6 miles south of Te-rahi (KIELHORN 1892c: 353). It is probable that a part of the multiphase mo-nastery at Terahi may be assignable to the 8th century AD (SEARS 2008: 7).Kadwaha is famous for her ãiva temples and was a Mattamay÷ra centre.The town Mattamay÷ra and Upendrapura have not been unanimously identi-fied. What about ã¼khama¶hikå? Can it be identified with ã¼khakara-ma¶ha of the Asanapat inscription?

The Ranod inscription further mentions the spiritual successors of Puran-dara as Kavaca¸iva, Sadå¸iva, H¡daya¸iva and Vyoma¸iva. Vyoma¸iva isthen eulogized for his holiness and learning in which he surpassed all devo-tees and learned men including those who were associated with the Buddhistand Jaina ideologies. He restored the former glory of Ra½ipadra, repaired andenlarged the ma¶ha, erected temples and set up statues of ˜iva and built amagnificent tank. 20 verses are devoted to record the magnificence of thistank. Significantly, the Måndhåtå plates of Jayasimha of Dhara dated VS1112 = 1055/56 AD refer to the god ˜iva as Vyomake¸a (KIELHORN 1895a).


Another epigraph found from the former Gwalior state and presently inthe Gwalior Museum (MIRASHI 1955, I: cli) mentions the fact that the fourthteacher Åmardakatïrthanåtha bore the name Rudra¸iva, and that Vyoma¸ivahad a disciple called Pata¼ga¸ambhu.

We will see later that the Senakapat inscription (DIKSHIT/SIRCAR 1960;SHASTRI 1995f) and the Lodhia plates of the time of Mahå¸ivagupta Bålårju-na (590-650 AD), the På½ uvaº¸in king of south Kosala, mention ãivå-cåryas like ˜ivåcårya, Sadå¸ivåcårya, ˜÷lapå½i and Pramathåcårya in con-nection with the establishment of the Åmardaka order.

The Ranod inscription mentions a place called Dåruvana (line 6), a placeof penance. Dåruvana has also been mentioned in the Kadwaha inscription(MIRASHI/SHASTRI 1968) as the place of penance for Ðr§kantha.

Finally, we would like to mention the fact that the benedictory verse ofthe Ranod inscription narrates the power of the dancing lord, Na¶e¸a, whichushered in both liberation and destruction. ˜iva’s power destroyed the ritualimpurities of a practitioner that finally led to emancipation.

It is therefore evident from the Ranod inscription that the Mattamay÷rasect had been important enough to have attracted the attention of kings resid-ing in the western part of central India as early as the 9th century AD. That theMattamay÷ra sect had become associated with a major transregional religiousmovement by the 10th century AD is apparent from an inscription affixed tothe exterior wall of a ma¶ha the ruins of which still stands several miles fromthe bank of the holy Sona river in the village of Chandrehe/Chandrehi, locatedin the northeastern part of the present state of Madhya Pradesh. This site isclose to the confluence of the Sona/Son and the Banas in the Rewah regionin Baghelkhand. This Banas is a tributary of the Sona/Son and is not the largerBanas river that flows through western India. This inscription records theerection of a ma¶ha by a ãivåcårya named Prabodha¸iva who intended it toaccompany a temple established a generation earlier by his preceptor Pra¸ånta-¸iva (BANERJI 1933). This temple is still standing on a tall platform in the vil-lage. A pilgrim’s record found on this temple confirms that it was in use by949 AD (ASIAR 1920-21: 31-32). According to the inscription, the Matta-may÷ras arrived in this region during the first half of the 10th century AD whenPra¸ånta¸iva set up a quiet hermitage ‘at the foot of the Bhramara hill that iscovered with priyåla trees and that is situated at the confluence of the õ½river’ (verse 7). The location was apt for ritual performance and meditation


6 The Gurgi inscription states that Prabhåva¸iva was later brought to the Cedi country byYuvaråjadeva I. According to MIRASHI (1955c: 226), there was another spiritual suc-cessor of Prabodha¸iva who originally belonged to the Mattamay÷ra sect.

and verse 11 of the inscription mentions the attainment of liberation of Pra-bodha¸iva by practicing austerities on the bank of this river. He subsisted onfruits, roots and lotus bulbs. The construction of the ma¶ha in 973 AD by Pra-bodha¸iva marked a significant metamorphosis in the status of the Mattama-y÷ra monastic community at Chandrehe. This monumental two-storied struc-ture built from large blocks of stone with ground-floor dimensions of 77 by69 feet and numerous rooms radiating around a central courtyard (SEARS

2008: 10) has been eloquently described in the inscription. Prabodha¸iva alsorepaired and reexcavated a well built earlier by his preceptor Pra¸ånta¸iva. Thetechnique of repairing the well ‘with beautiful masonry of heavy stones’ isreferred to in verse 17. He also erected a new well and tank called the Sindhu,thereby ensuring water management in the ma¶ha complex. Another achieve-ment of Prabodha¸iva was equated to a wonder in the world (verse 13). Thiswas the construction of a road through mountains, across rivers and streamsand also through forests and thickets by excavating, breaking and rammingheaps of large stones. Due to its proximity to Gurgi and other Kalacuri-spon-sored religious sites, Chandrehe was obviously part of a larger ritual networkassociated with the Mattamay÷ras, and the arable lands and rocky hillocksaround the Sona and the Banas rivers were ideal for a ãiva retreat.

Before coming to Chandrehe, Pra¸ånta¸iva was the head of the ma¶haestablished by the famed king Yuvaråjadeva I (915-45 AD) at the Kalacuricentre of Gurgi, and in addition to constructing a retreat at Chandrehe, he builtanother å¸rama for sages at the holy city of Varanasi. The genealogy referredto in the Chandrehe inscription starts from Purandara (referred to as havingperformed austerities and who was the spiritual preceptor of kings), hisdisciple ˜ikhå¸iva, followed by Prabhåva¸iva, Pra¸ånta¸iva and finallyPrabodha¸iva. Incidentally, verse 5 mentions ‘after him (who was) lord of Ma-dhumatï came Prabhåva¸iva’ and it is not clear whether this lord of Madhu-matï was ˜ikhå¸iva or Ch÷ å¸iva, mentioned in the Gurgi inscription as thepreceptor of Prabhåva¸iva.6

The Chandrehe inscription also evokes the power of the dance of ˜iva asboth a joyful and ferocious force (verse 3). In the central part of the lintelabove the entrance to the ma¶ha at Chandrehe is an image of Na¶e¸a or lord


Fig. 1 Ascetic flanked by adisciple, Chandrehe monas-tery. After SEARS 2008: fig. 32

of the dance. The depiction of Na¶e¸a at thecentre of the entrance lintel was a standardpractice in contemporary Mattamay÷ra templesin other parts of central India, e.g. in the Kad-waha temple complex. Na¶e¸a’s frequent ap-pearance on door lintels suggests his signifi-cance for the Mattamay÷ra sect. At least fourãiva temples at Kadwaha dating to the 10th andearly 11th centuries (e.g. the Khirnïvålå temple1 at Kadwaha) bear these depictions of Na¶e¸ain the bhadra niches.

As far as sculptural representations of ãi-våcåryas are concerned, the significance of as-cetic practice in upholding the sacrality of theChandrehe ma¶ha has been conveyed by sculptural renderings of ãivaascetics. Figures of ãiva ascetics (Fig. 1) are depicted at the corners of thedoor lintels of several rooms in the monastery. Emaciated kneeling ãivaascetics accompany female divinities on either side of the door. They areclad in kaupïna with their matted locks heaped high above their heads. At thecentre of the lintel of the doorway to a small room in the southeast portion ofthe monastery is an image of a ãivåcårya, rendered frontally. He wears akaupïna and is accompanied by a disciple depicted in profile. The accom-panying ascetic is similarly attired and clasps his hands in devotion. Boththeir coiffures are similar and are arranged in a tripartite manner. This is atypical coiffure of the ̃ aivåcåryas. Remnants of a figure of a second discipleare barely visible to the left of the main åcårya. This ãivåcårya is flankedby the goddesses Durgå and Sarasvatï depicted on either side of the lintel.This particular doorway constructs the ãivåcårya as a deity as the centralposition is usually allotted to a ̃ aiva deity. Here, the ascetic replaces ̃ iva asthe primary object of devotion. It may be noted here that the entire lay-out ofthe ̃ aiva establishment at Chandrehe comprising a temple with an accompa-nying ma¶ha/monastery has been referred to by inscriptions found from therest of the present study area, for example, the Bangarh inscription of thetime of Nayapåla (SIRCAR 1975a; 1983).

A few similar specimens of ãivåcåryas have recently been offered onthe art market in Paris, France (Fig. 2). Probably the provenance of these


Fig. 2 ãivåcårya Sculptures from AAO ARTS Expertise Portal. Courtesy ofhttp://www.aaoarts.com/asie/enchinde/imedi1e.html

fragments is to be located in central India. They are all made of reddish buffstone quarried from the Vindhyan range.

Apart from the extant Kalacuri monastery in Chandrehe, another extantmonastery was recently discovered at Chunari, 70 km from Rewah (SINGH

2002; MISRA 1993). It also stands close to a ˜iva temple in the same pre-mises. It lies on the National Highway 27 (Allahabad-Rewah road) on thefoothills of the Sohagi escarpment of the Kaimur range of the Vindhyas, inthe Teonthar tehsil of Rewah district. Another recently discovered Buddhistst÷pa and monastic complex of Deour Kothar lies about 3 km south of theChunari monastic complex (VARMA 1990). Near Chunari and on the banksof the Tamas is the ˜iva temple of Baghedi of the 10th century AD. Thistemple can be ascribed to the Kalacuris. The garbhag¡ha of this temple issimilar to that of the Putale¸vara temple, Amarkantak. The monastic remainsof Chunari have striking stylistic affinity with the monastery at Chandrehe.According to SINGH, the circumstantial evidence indicates that the survivingstructural remains to the south of the temple platform at Chunari are part ofa ãiva monastic complex.

During the 10th and 11th centuries another centre of Mattamay÷ra activitywas at Gurgi, situated on an open plain near the source of the Mahanadi river,in the eastern range of the Vindhyas and the upper Sona valley. Gurgi is nearChandrehe. The Kalacuri king Yuvaråjadeva I established a ma¶ha at Gurgi.According to the Gurgi stone inscription, one of the famous ãiva Siddhån-tika ma¶has was at Madhumatï. This Siddhåntika lineage with ascetics likeCh÷ å¸iva, Prabhåva¸iva and Pra¸ånta¸iva were noted not only for theirausterities and profound knowledge, but also for their active involvement inhumanitarian activities and for promoting the construction of monasteries


7 It may be recalled here that the Chandrehe inscription refers to the names of the spiri-tual predecessors of Prabodha¸iva from Purandara. The latter does not mention Ch÷ å-¸iva but refers to one ˜ikhå¸iva between Purandara and Prabhåva¸iva.

(ma¶has) and temples (devålayas). The slab on which the Gurgi inscriptionof Prabodha¸iva is engraved was discovered among the ruins of the greattemple called Gurgaj. The extant part does not indicate a date and it is diffi-cult to ascertain to which Kalacuri king it belonged. The characters of thisinscription are similar to those of the Chandrehe inscription of Prabodha¸ivaof the Kalacuri year 724 corressponding to 972/973 AD. Therefore, the Gurgiinscription is assignable to the 10th century AD. The first part of the inscrip-tion refers to the spiritual genealogy of the ascetics of the Mattamay÷ra clanand the second part records a short account of the rulers of the Haihayadynasty of Tripuri and the landed property belonging to the ãiva ascetics(BANERJI 1938). The third verse refers to Madhumatï as an abode of the Sid-dhåntikas and the clan of ‘mad peacocks’ or the Mattamay÷ras. The inscrip-tion states that Ch÷ å¸iva’s disciple Prabhåva¸iva was brought from Madhu-matï to the Cedi country by Yuvaråjadeva I and conferred him a monasterywhich was built at the cost of a large sum of money. His disciple Pra¸ånta¸ivabuilt a ˜iva temple close to the palace built by Yuvaråjadeva I. Pra¸ånta¸ivaalso dedicated several ãiva deities to this temple. As evident from the mo-nastic ruins at Chandrehe, this inscription refers to images of Sarasvatï andGa½e¸a adding to the visual vocabulary of the Gurgi temple. It may be re-called that, as referred to in the Chandrehe inscription, Pra¸ånta¸iva had builta place for meditation (tapaμ sthånakam) on the banks of the Sona. The nameof Pra¸ånta¸iva’s disciple cannot be read and this disciple gave his place ashead of the monastery to a younger brother disciple named Prabodha¸iva.7

This inscription was issued during the time of this Prabodha¸iva. This inscrip-tion also records certain grants made by Yuvaråja II, and the king Kokalla-deva mentioned in this inscription is probably the son and successor of Yuva-råjadeva II.

The Chanderi stone inscription of the time of Ranapåladeva dated VS 1100(= 1043 AD) is a pra¸asti of the ̃ aivåcårya Prabodha¸iva (SINGH 2010: 6-7).

The Gurgi stone inscription of Kokalladeva II refers to Yuvaråjadeva Ias a great follower of the ãiva åcårya Prabhåva¸iva of the Mattamay÷rasect, and he constructed for him a ãiva monastery built at an enormousexpense (MIRASHI 1955c: 231). Significantly, this inscription mentions the


8 It may be mentioned here that the names of the Mattamay÷ra åcåryas generally endedin -¸ambhu or in -¸iva. However, we also find that the names of the Mådhumateyaascetics had similar endings. This may be due to the fact that the Mådhumateya, Matta-may÷ra and the Åmardaka-ma¶ha sects all had the same origin, viz. from the Guhåvåsiline which again originated from the ãiva Siddhånta sect.

pañcårthika system of the På¸upatas being studied by the monks of theMattamay÷ra sect.

The Bilhari inscription of the Kalacuri king Yuvaråjadeva was foundfrom Balihri or Bilheree or Bilhari in the Jabalpur district. It is assignable toabout the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century AD (KIELHORN

1892b) and corroborates the evidence regarding the Mattamay÷ra sect as re-ferred to in the Ranod inscription. What is significant is that apart from de-scribing the mighty exploits of Yuvaråjadeva (also referred to as Key÷ra-var¹a), the Bilhari inscription is a brilliant lithic record of the activities of theãivåcåryas of the Mattamay÷ra sect. The successive ̃ aivåcåryas mentionedin this inscription include Rudra¸ambhu, Mattamay÷ranåtha, Dharma¸am-bhu, Sadå¸iva, Mådhumateya, Ch÷ å¸iva, H¡daya¸iva and Aghora¸iva. TheBilhari inscription mentions that Kadambaguhå has an uninterrupted line ofsaints and the chief of sages was Rudra¸ambhu. Verse 43 mentions a differ-ent line of sages starting with Mådhumateya Pavana¸iva (the spiritual lord ofMadhumatï), his disciple ãbda¸iva and his disciple, the pious Ï¸vara¸iva.This inscription further records the grant of two villages by Nohalå, the chiefqueen of Yuvaråjadeva I, to Ï¸vara¸iva. The same queen also constructed themagnificent Nauhale¸vara temple at Bilhari itself. This temple was subse-quently offered to H¡daya¸iva’s disciple Aghora¸iva. This inscription furtherstates that both H¡daya¸iva and Aghora¸iva were honoured by Lak¹ma½aråjaII, the successor of Yuvaråjadeva I. A ãiva temple called Vaidyanåtha wasoffered to H¡dayaÑiva8 by Lak¹ma½aråja II (CHAKRAVARTY 1999: 45).

It may be mentioned here that a benedictory verse in this inscriptiondescribes the power of the dancing lord.

Regarding the ãivåcårya Dharma¸ambhu mentioned in the Bilhari in-scription, it is probable that he is also mentioned in the Budhi Chanderi in-scription of the time of Ranapåladeva dated in 1100 VS = 1043 AD (JAIN/TRIVEDI 1976). Verse 4 states that disciples initiated by the Mattamay÷rasage Dharma¸ambhu are freed from the impurities of the body. Similarly,


9 One ãivåcårya ˜rïka½¶ha of the Åmardaka centre has been mentioned in severalinscriptions, e.g. the Rajor inscription of 1016 VS = 959 AD (KIELHORN 1895b).

10 We know from the Bharat Kala Bhavan Plate of Hariråja, dated VS 1040 (SIRCAR

1960), that Hariråja was ruling in 984 AD, and therefore, his guru could be assigned tothe last quarter of the 10th century AD.

verse 49 of the Bilhari inscription states that king Avantivarman after beinginitiated by Purandara was freed from impurities.

It may be recalled here that both the Chandrehe and the Gurgi inscriptionsin the Rewah district refer to the link between the Mattamay÷ras and theãiva Siddhånta school. On the basis of the spiritual genealogy referred to inthe Bilhari inscription, MIRASHI places Purandara, the sage who first estab-lished the temple complex at Mattamay÷ra, in 825 AD. Therefore, Avanti-varman of the Ranod inscription should also be assigned to the same period.

Another fragmentary stone inscription from Kadwaha is an importantdocument regarding the ̃ aivåcåryas of the Mattamay÷ra sect (MIRASHI/SHA-STRI 1968). Remains of a Bråhma½ical monastery and fifteen temples havebeen reported from Kadwaha and this site is justly referred to as the Kha-juraho of the erstwhile Gwalior state. It is about 12 miles to the north ofEsagarh in the Guna district of Madhya Pradesh. The sites of Terahi (Terambiof the Ranod inscription), Ranod and Mahua (Madhumatï ma¶ha whoseåcårya lineage has been mentioned in the Chandrehe, Gurgi and Bilhari in-scriptions), famous for their Mattamay÷ra establishments, are within a radiusof 5 miles from Kadwaha. The Kadwaha inscription is engraved on a stoneslab found in the monastic remains in the fort at Kadwaha. It is palaeogra-phically assignable to the 10th century AD. The fragmentary extant part is partof a large inscription. It mentions a ãivåcårya Purandaraguru who chose aplace called Ara½ipada for his penance just as ˜rïka½¶ha chose Dåruvana(Dårukåvana). This ̃ rïka½¶ha could be the lord ̃ iva himself or a ̃ aivåcårya.9

Verse 10 records the death of Purandara who is described as the crestjewel of the ãivas. The inscription refers to his disciple Dharma¸iva whoconquered the whole army of the foes by means of a bow and arrow acquiredby his own miraculous power. The name of Dharma¸iva’s disciple is no lon-ger legible and the latter was the spiritual preceptor of the Pratihåra kingHariråja.10

V.V. MIRASHI and A.M. SHASTRI (1968: 119) have observed that Kad-waha could be identified with ancient Mattamay÷ra. KIELHORN (1892c: 353)


had earlier identified Kadambaguhå of the Ranod inscription with Kadwaha.MIRASHI and SHASTRI (1968: 122) have also suggested that Ra½ipadra of theRanod inscription was actually Ara½ipadra, as in the three instances whereRa½ipadra has been mentioned in the Ranod inscription, the sandhis can beso split as to indicate that the real name was Ara½ipadra. The Ranod inscrip-tion mentions king Avantivarman as going to Upendrapura and persuadingPurandara to come to his capital Mattamay÷ra. We know that Purandarafounded a ma¶ha at Mattamay÷ra and another at Ra½ipadra or Ara½ipadra ormodern Ranod. The capital Mattamay÷ra of this Cålukya lineage has not yetbeen definitely identified, but MIRASHI and SHASTRI (1968: 119) suggest thatit was probably Kadwaha, which vies with Khajuraho in the number andgrandeur of its temples. If we accept their identifications, then, from theKadwaha inscription, we come to know that after the Cålukya interlude thisregion was under the rule of the Pratihåras under Hariråja and Dharma¸iva’sdisciple was his preceptor (during the last quarter of the 10th century AD).

The lineage of the Mattamay÷ra ãivåcåryas mentioned in the Ranod,Chandrehe, Gurgi, Bilhari and Kadwaha inscriptions has been reconstructedby MIRASHI and SHASTRI (1968: 121). The genealogy reconstructed by themstarts with Kadambaguhådhivåsin, followed by ã¼khama¶hikådhipati,Terambipåla, Åmardakatïrthanåtha (alias Rudra¸iva) and Purandara (aliasMattamay÷ranåtha). Purandara or Mattamay÷ranåtha initiated three branchesat Kadwaha, Ara½ipadra and Madhumatï. The Mattamay÷ra or Kadwahabranch starts with Purandara, followed by Dharma¸iva and his disciple,whose name has been lost to us. The Ara½ipadra branch of the Mattamay÷rasstarts with Purandara followed by Kavaca¸iva, Sadå¸iva, H¡daya¸iva, Vyo-ma¸iva, and Pata¼ga¸ambhu. The Madhumatï branch again starts with Pu-randara followed by Dharma¸ambhu, Sadå¸iva, Mådhumateya or Purandara,and Ch÷ å¸iva. This Ch÷ å¸iva was the founder of two branches at Bilhariand Gurgi. The Bilhari branch starts with Ch÷ å¸iva followed by H¡daya¸ivaand Aghora¸iva and the Gurgi branch starts with Ch÷ å¸iva followed byPrabhåva¸iva, Pra¸ånta¸iva, Ï¸åna¸ambhu and Prabodha¸iva. The Mådhu-mateya lineage of Pavana¸iva, ãbda¸iva and Ï¸vara¸iva mentioned in theBilhari inscription has not been accomodated in the reconstructed genealogyof MIRASHI and SHASTRI.

As far as the Jabalpur region is concerned, the earliest known inscriptionof the great Kalacuris of —åhala is the Saugor stone inscription assignable on


palaeographic grounds to the 8th century AD (MIRASHI 1955a). It was issuedduring the reign of ã¼karaga½a I in connection with the construction of aãiva temple complex. The Choti Deori stone inscription of the time of thesame ruler may also be mentioned (MIRASHI 1955b).

One Våmadeva is mentioned in the inscriptions of Lak¹mikar½a and hissuccessors. This name is not found in the earlier inscriptions of the Kala-curis. The Varanasi copper plate inscription of Kar½a dated in the Kalacuriyear 793 = 1042 AD, refers to the king meditating on the feet of the ãivaåcårya Våmadeva (SIRCAR 1983a). Therefore, Våmadeva was Kar½a’s pre-ceptor. Våmadeva was also the preceptor of five other kings. Again, the Mal-kapuram inscription while referring to the åcåryas of the Golakï-ma¶ha in—åhala refers to Våma¸ambhu as the disciple of Soma¸ambhu who again wasthe disciple of Sadbhåva¸ambhu of the Durvåsas lineage.

The Tewar stone inscription of king Gayåkar½a (1123-53 AD), dated inthe Kalacuri year 902 (MIRASHI 1955d), refers to the great På¸upata åcåryaBhåvabrahman, a disciple of Bhåvatejas, a sage proficient in the yoga systemof Patañjali. This Bhåvabrahman built a temple of ̃ iva along with an image,and according to this inscription it (eulogy) was set up near this temple. Boththe åcåryas are described as followers of the Pañcårtha (karya or effect,kara½a or cause, yoga or union of the soul with Ï¸vara, vidhi or rites andduhkhanta or cessation of misery). Further, verse 12 mentions a few otherãiva temples built by Bhåvabrahman and a chariot festival in honour of ̃ iva.

The Bhera-Ghat stone inscription of king Narasiºha (1153-63 AD),dated in the Kalacuri year 907 corressponding to 1155 AD, records that thequeen Alha½adevï, the mother of Narasiºha, caused a temple dedicated toVaidyanåtha ˜iva to be built together with the monastery of wonderful sto-reys (MIRASHI 1955e). A great På¸upata monk of the Lå¶a lineage calledRudrarå¸i was entrusted with the management of this ãiva temple.

The Rewah plates of Trailokyamalladeva of the Kalacuri era 963 = 1212AD refers to this Candella king meditating on the feet of the illustriousVåmadeva (CHAKRAVARTI 1948). This inscription records a vitta-bandha ordeed of mortgage for the village Alira, situated in the Dhovaha¶¶a-pattana andthat this village was pledged by the ãiva teacher ˜ånta¸iva, son of the royalpreceptor or råjaguru Vimala¸iva. The deed was executed by Nåda¸iva, an-other son of Vimala¸iva, on the authorization of his elder brother ˜ånta¸iva.What is very significant for the present reconstruction is the fact that the sage


11 The Umariya Plates of Vijayasiºhadeva of the Kalacuri dynasty of Tripuri, issued inthe Kalacuri year 944 = 1193 AD, also refers to råjaguru Vimala¸iva (JAIN 1989: 41).

12 V.V. MIRASHI has pointed out the fact that although the present inscription refers toYa¸aμkar½a’s preceptor as Puru¹a¸iva, the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal plates ofGovindacandra mention Rudra¸iva as the råjaguru of Ya¸aμkar½a (MIRASHI 1948:311). MIRASHI suggests that Ya¸aμkar½a had two råjagurus in succession.

13 It may be mentioned here that both Kïrti¸iva and Vimala¸iva are mentioned in theMalkapuram inscription (SIRCAR 1983b) with reference to the Golakï-ma¶ha of theDurvåsas lineage. The Rewah plates of Trailokyamalladeva mentioned earlier also referto Vimala¸iva’s son ˜ånti¸iva as an incarnation of the sage Durvåsas.

Durvåsas is mentioned in this inscription and ˜ånta¸iva is said to be the in-carnation of the sage Durvåsas in the Kali age. The penetration of the Candel-la power into the Rewah or Baghelkhand region, north of the Kaimur range,is obvious from this inscription. Undoubtedly, Vimala¸iva mentioned in thisrecord is the same as the råjaguru Vimala¸iva11 of the Jabalpur Kotwaliplates of Jayasiºhadeva of the Kalacuri era 918 = 1167 AD, another impor-tant inscription (HIRALAL 1933). It records a grant of a village made by theking after bathing in the Reva at Tripuri. The grant to a Brahmin was madein the presence of the royal preceptor Vimala¸iva, other royal members,administrative officials and the chief priest. HIRALAL (1933: 92, fn. 1), citingBANERJI’s work entitled The Haihayas of Tripuri and Their Monuments(1931), suggests that Vimala¸iva probably belonged to the line of the ãivaascetics of the Mattamay÷ra clan. In this connection, the Jabalpur stone in-scription of the same king, dated in the Kalacuri year 926 = 1175 AD (MIRA-SHI 1948), records the construction of a temple of the moon-crested god Kïr-tï¸vara by Vimala¸iva. This god was named after Vimala¸iva’s guru Kïrti¸iva.The king Jayasiºhadeva endowed the temple with three villages on the occa-sion of a solar eclipse. Some ãiva teachers are named in lines 4-7, and thenames of Vimala¸iva and Våstu¸iva only are completely legible. Line 8 men-tions Puru¹a¸iva who is described as the cause of Ya¸aμkar½a’s prosperity.12

The Kotwali inscription mentions one ̃ akti¸iva in connection with Gayå-kar½a. ãkti¸iva’s disciple Kïrti¸iva is mentioned as the cause of prosperityof the king Narasiºha. Five eulogizing verses are devoted to Kïrti¸iva. Thenext 18 lines are devoted to Vimala¸iva.13 The Jabalpur inscription furtherstates that Vimala¸iva belonged to the gotra of Vi¸våmitra and performedreligious rites at Prabhasa, Gokarna, Gaya and other tïrthas. This handsome,


learned and liberal åcårya exercised great control over the affairs of the kingJayasiºha. The gardens, tanks, charitable houses, temples and dwellings forBråhma½as constructed by Vimala¸iva vied with heaven in splendour. The im-portance of this inscription lies in the evidence it furnishes regarding the spiri-tual preceptors of the Kalacuri kings of Tripuri from Ya¸aμkar½a onwards.

Another inscription though found from Andhra Pradesh will be cited hereas it mentions a ãiva ma¶ha in —åhala-ma½ ala, i.e., the Jabalpur region.This inscription is the famous Malkapuram inscription which mentions thatthe spiritual predecessors of Vi¸ve¸vara¸ambhu were the gurus of the Kala-curi kings. The Malkapuram Stone Pillar Inscription of the time of Rudråmbå,ãka year 1183 = 1261 AD (SIRCAR 1983b), mentions that in the —åhala-ma½ ala lying between the Bhagirathi and the Narmada, there was the ̃ aivaascetic Sadbhåva¸ambhu of the Durvåsas lineage who obtained 3 lakhs ofvillages from the Kalacuri king Yuvaråjadeva (915-45 AD) and founded themonastery called Golakï-ma¶ha. His disciple Soma¸ambhu succeeded as headof the Golakï monastery. Soma¸ambhu was the author of the Soma¸ambhu-paddhati. His successor was his disciple Våma¸ambhu whom the Kalacurirulers continued to worship even when the present inscription was written.The subsequent ascetics of this spiritual lineage who became the heads of thisma¶ha were ̃ akti¸ambhu, his disciple Kïrti¸ambhu, Vimala¸iva, his discipleDharma¸iva or Dharma¸ambhu and his disciple Vi¸ve¸vara¸iva or Vi¸ve¸-vara¸ambhu respectively. This Vi¸ve¸vara¸iva or Vi¸ve¸vara¸ambhu, whohailed from P÷rvagråma within Dak¹i½a Rå ha in the Gau a country, was thepreceptor of the Kåkatïya king Ga½apati (1199-1261 AD) as well as of Cðåa,Målava and Kalacuri kings. He was the founder of another monastery knownas Vi¸ve¸vara-Golakï on the southern bank of the Krishna river (identified asthe modern Malkapur region) in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh. Ga½a-pati granted his preceptor Vi¸ve¸vara the village of Mandara. Ga½apati’sdaughter Rudradevï confirmed her father’s grant along with another place,Velangapudi, together with an islet in the bed of the Krishna. This Vi¸ve¸va-ra-Golakï-ma¶ha bounded by the river Krishna to its north was therefore builtin the 13th century during the reign of the Kåkatïya queen Rudråmbå (1260-91AD). Soma¸ambhu’s disciple Våma¸ambhu was the preceptor of the Kalacuriking Ga¼geya (c. 1015-41 AD) and also his son Kar½a (1041-71 AD). Earlierwe have mentioned the Varanasi copper plate inscription of Kar½a whichrefers to Våmadeva or Våma¸ambhu. Nayapåla of Bengal (c. 1042-58 AD)


14 The painstaking work carried out by Tamara SEARS (2007) in the context of Rajasthanas well as the functional use of ‘sacred space’ identified either as ma¶ha establishmentsor temple complexes enrich our knowledge about the subject concerned. Moreover,SEARS (2011: 144-152) justly elaborates the trajectory of the various facets of theãiva ideology, system, institutions and other cultural expressions.

was a contemporary of these rulers. Jayasiºhadeva’s Jabalpur stone inscrip-tion also corroborates the fact that Kïrti¸iva (or Kïrti¸ambhu) was the pre-ceptor of Vimala¸ambhu or Vimala¸iva. Dharma¸ambhu, the disciple of Vi-mala¸ambhu mentioned in the Malkapuram inscription, was perhaps differentfrom Dharma¸iva, successor of Purandara mentioned in the Kadwaha inscrip-tion, or Dharma¸ambhu, successor of Mattamay÷ranåtha or Purandara men-tioned in the Bilhari inscription. The Malkapuram inscription does not referto Purandara. Undoubtedly Dharma¸ambhu mentioned in the Kadwaha andBilhari inscriptions was the same åcårya. Significantly, this inscription refersto land grants in favour of various social and charitable activities and also toBråhma½as who were teachers of the g, Yajur and Såma Vedas.

Incidentally Dhoyï, the court poet of Lak¹ma½asena, in his Pavanad÷tamassignable to the late 12th century, mentions a sacred place of Vi¸ve¸vara (i.e.Varanasi) (CHAKRAVARTI 1926: 18). Most probably this Vi¸ve¸vara was sub-sequently and still is worshipped as the renowned Vi¸vanåtha.

The limited scope of this paper does not permit a discussion on the nume-rous epigraphic sources from central India which refer not only to the spreadof different ãiva cults but also mention several ãivåcåryas who were theråjagurus of different central Indian dynasties. We have already seen thatmany branches of the Mattamay÷ra faith were set up at Surwaya, Terahi,Mahua, Ranod, Chandrehe, Gurgi, etc. The åcåryas erected temples and mo-nasteries with the concerned royal grants and associated privileges. This, inturn led to a widespread endorsement of architectural and sculptural activi-ties. The vyakhyåna¸ålas (lecture halls), sattras (charitable feeding houses),gardens, colleges, maternity homes and hospitals mentioned in the Kalacuriinscriptions are also significant. With the donation of land to the monasteriesor temple complexes, these establishments in turn became landholding insti-tutions and they certainly enjoyed economic control over the surroundingagrarian areas. Apart from these central Indian sites this order also spread toGujarat, Rajasthan,14 Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarhand Orissa. The ramifications of other associated developments of different


schools of thought which made a simultaneous impact on ãiva practicesincluding highly complex Tåntric rites are beyond the scope of this presentattempt. It is probabale that the May÷rï Vidyå of Tåntric Buddhism influ-enced the Mattamay÷ra concept (PANDA 1985: 91).

What is clear from the central Indian inscriptions is that the Mattamay÷raform had evolved around the Siddhånta doctrine. This doctrine is based uponthe three material bases of Tripådårtha Tattva and the four bases of Catu¹pådaTattva (for further details see SANDERSON 1988). The doctrine of threematerial bases defines three basic principles of Mattamay÷ra ̃ aivism as pati,pa¸u and på¸a (BANERJI 1966: 103). According to the traditional Siddhåntadoctrine, Parama¸iva is the pati or Supreme Lord of the Universe and hisbody is formed of the five mantric powers of Ï¸åna, Tatpuru¹a, Aghora, Vå-madeva and Sadyojåta. In the philosophy of Mattamay÷ra ãivism, all jïvas,whether in the body of a ˜÷dra or K¹atriya, etc., are considered as pa¸us orunenlightened souls. The attributes which increase the attachment towardsmaterial pleasures and enhance spiritual ignorance are kalas. Jïvas accompa-nied by these kalas are variously referred to in the Siddhåntika texts. Any-way, the jïva which surpasses all these kalas becomes A¹¶avidye¸vara or themaster of eight spiritual powers and finally a Muktåtmå ̃ iva. The intellectualtraditions of both eastern India and central India played an important role tocater to such religious theorizations. We have seen how the central Indianinscriptions refer to the Mattamay÷ra gurus being well-versed in a body oftexts associated with the ãiva Siddhånta school. These texts assign muchimportance on the guru, the vehicle for individual liberation. The first step forattaining emancipation was initiation which was performed by the concernedåcårya. The åcårya was primarily responsible for instructing his pupils on theperformance of ritual activity and for instructing them the contents andinterpretations of sacred scriptures. The Kashmiri text M¡gendratantra of the9th-10th century has much to say on the åcårya-disciple relationship (SEARS

2008: 22; cf. BRUNNER-LACHAUX 1985: 360-361).

DEVELOPMENTS IN THE MAHANADI VALLEY

As far as south Kosala (Chhattisgarh and the adjoining regions of Orissa) isconcerned, the period ranging from 7th to the 8th centuries AD witnessed thegradual diffusion of the Siddhåntika norm, i.e. earlier than what has been spon-sored by the Kalacuri and Pratihåra kings. Here, we would like to refer to a


Kalacuri inscription from Karitalai (Jabalpur region) assignable to the early10th century AD which refers to Yuvaråjadeva I’s victories over the Gau as,Kosalas, the south Indian kings and the Gurjaras (JAIN 1963). It may be notedthat this inscription is earlier than the Bilhari inscription and indicates Yuva-råja’s connection with the Kosala region from an early part of his career.

Anyway, the Siddhåntika order actually served the ambitions of the locallineages that ruled in the south Kosala region during the period ranging fromthe 7th/8th to the 13th/14th centuries AD. The På½ uvaº¸ï kings who had theirpolitical headquarters at Sripura, modern Sirpur near Raipur, substantially con-tributed to the growth of ãivism in the present Raipur and Bilaspur districtsof Madhya Pradesh and Sambalpur and Bolangir districts of Orissa. In factthe ˜iva temple of Bhumara of the Gupta period in Madhya Pradesh and the˜iva temples of Tala in the Chhattisgarh region indicate the popularity of theãiva faith in the south Kosala region during the 4th-5th centuries AD. Theperiod ranging between the 7th and the 8th centuries AD was apparently the for-mative phase of the Åcårya system of ̃ aivism along the Mahanadi-Baitaraniregion under the patronage of the local ruling powers. In fact, as far as thechronological parameter is concerned, in and around Sirpur and Malhar in theMahanadi valley, there is enough evidence to suggest a marked growth of ̃ ai-vism from the 6th century AD onwards. This initial stage of ãivism had al-ready conceived the earlier developments of the Buddhist and Jaina traditions.

Maha¸ivagupta (˜ivagupta) Bålårjuna, the last known king of the På½ u-vaº¸in dynasty, was a devout ̃ aiva, although like his predecessors he patro-nized Vai¹½avism and the Buddhist ideology. The copper plate charters ofthe På½ uvaº¸in kings Tivaradeva, his son Nannaråja, and Maha¸ivaguptaBålårjuna were found in the Chhattisgarh region, Mallar in the Bilaspur dis-trict and Bonda in the Raigarh district.

The Arang stone inscription of Bhavadeva Ra½akesarin and Nannaråja(SHASTRI 1995b) assignable to about the middle of the 7th century AD, corro-borates the popularity of Buddhism and its interactions with the practitionersof the Bråhma½ical ideology. A set of three copper plates found from Mallar,Bilaspur district, Madhya Pradesh, of ˜ivagupta Bålårjuna (regnal year notmentioned) refers to the grant of the village of Kailåsapura situated in theTara aº¸aka bhoga to the venerable order of the monks of the four quartersresiding at the small monastery at Tara aº¸aka (MIRASHI 1940; SHASTRI

1995: 134-137). According to A.M. SHASTI, the site of Tara aº¸aka, where


15 One åcårya ˜÷lapå½i is mentioned in the Dhureti plates of Trailokyamalla (accordingto MIRASHI 1955f, a Candella king), dated in the Kalacuri year 963 = 1212 AD.

the small Buddhist monastery mentioned in this inscription was situated, ispresently represented by Jaitpur, nearly a mile to the north of Mallar. TheSirpur stone slab inscription of the time of ˜ivagupta Bålårjuna (DIKSHIT

1960; SHASTRI 1995e) also refers to a local Buddhist monastery. His reignperiod is generally assigned to c. 590-650 AD. After Nannaråja, Tivarade-va’s son, there occurred a revolutionary change in the religious persuasionsof the dynasty and Vai¹½avism was replaced by ãivism (SHASTRI 1995a).Regarding the patronage of ̃ aivism by Mahå¸ivagupta we will first look intothe evidence provided by the Lodhia plates.

Lodhia is a small village in the Saria Pargana in the Raigarh district,about 15 miles east of Sarangarh town. About 6 miles to the north-east ofLodhia lies another village called Saria with the adjoining small village ofPujaripali where there are a number of ruined brick temples and sculpturedstone door-jambs. These ruined temples stylistically resemble the famousLak¹ma½a temple at Sirpur on the banks of the Mahanadi in the Raipur dis-trict. This temple was erected by queen Våsa¶å, the mother of king Mahå-¸ivagupta Bålårjuna. These ruined temples and carved pillars suggest the ex-istence of a well-known town datable to about 600 AD in the vicinity ofLodhia. Lodhia itself yielded several ˜iva-li¼gas of polished stone, sculp-tured stone pillars, beautifully carved sculptures and structural ruins. Theconcerned plates were found by a villager during the course of digging workat the back yard of his house.

The Lodhia plates issued during his 57th or last regnal year records thegrant of a village named Vaidyapadraka (situated in the O½i bhoga) for thetemple of Ï¸åne¸vara-bha¶¶åraka (the Ï¸åna aspect represents the Åkå¸atattvaor space [MITRA 1933: 193-194]) erected at the pattana or commercial cen-tre of Khadirapadra-tala (PANDEYA 1956; SHASTRI 1995c). This grant wasmade at the request of ˜÷lapå½i, the pupil of the divine Pramathåcårya, inorder to meet the needs of the temple such as offerings to and worship, withmusic, dancing, feeding the lord Ï¸åne¸vara, and for the repairs and main-tenance of that structure.15 The inscription further mentions that the preceptorof Pramathåcårya hailed from the Pañcayajña tapovana in the Dvaitavanaforest. Dvaitavana, according to the Mahåbhårata, was close to a desert


(maru-bh÷mi) and the river Sarasvatï flowed through it. Khadirapadraka andVaidyapadraka have been identified with two villages in the Kalahandi dis-trict of Orissa (PANDEYA1956: 323, fn. 1). Yet another undated Mallar char-ter of this king records the grant of the village ˜u¹kasirillikå (forming part ofthe O½i bhoga) made by him in favour of the temples of Kapåle¸vara ˜ivaand Bha¶¶åraka which were erected by ˜ivanandin, a resident of Kosalå-nagara (SHASTRI 1995d).

Moreover, a hoard of nine copper plate charters from Sirpur, ancient ˜rï-pura, and another grant from Mallar confirm that ˜rïpura was a great centreof ãivism during the reign of Bålårjuna. Seven of these nine copper platecharters and the Mallar grant are directly associated with the Båle¸vara-bha¶-¶åraka temple and all of them record grants to this temple complex and itsadjuncts by ̃ ivagupta. The earliest of the copper plate charters, issued duringthe 37th regnal year of Bålårjuna, records that the king had erected a magni-ficent temple of ̃ iva known after himself as Båle¸vara-bha¶¶åraka at ̃ rïpura(SHASTRI 1996: 126). It is apparent that a monastic residence or ma¶hikå wasadded to the temple complex in the 38th regnal year of Bålårjuna. In the 46th

year, a shrine called Daye¸vara-bha¶¶åraka was erected inside the ma¶ha. Twoyears later, a shrine called Amare¸vara, named after its patron Amaradevï,was added to this temple complex (ibid.: 127). In the 55th year, the Abbe¸varashrine, named after queen Abbaniba i, was added and in the 57th year thegrant of two villages, På¸ipadraka and Kurupadraka, was made to Bhïma-soma for the maintenance of the tapovana attached to it. The site of the Bå-le¸vara temple can be identified with Bhålesar Pahå , near the southern bankof the river Mahanadi and in the suburbs of modern Sirpur town (ibid.).

As evident from the copper plate charters, the above long term project atSirpur was associated with several ãivåcåryas. The earliest copper plate re-cord issued during the 37th regnal year of Bålårjuna, in connection with theinstallation of the Båle¸vara temple, refers to the grant of the village Hasti-padra to Vyåpa¸ivåcårya, pupil of Dïrghåcårya of Nandapura. The next cop-per plate inscription (of the 38th regnal year of Bålårjuna) records the grantof the village Bhandagara-cuttaka to Vyåpa¸ivåcårya, pupil of Dïrghåcåryaand grand-pupil of ãivåcårya Aghora¸iva of Nandapura. This grant wasmade in connection with the establishment of the ma¶ha in the temple com-plex (mentioned above) and for the performance of sacrifices, initiations, dis-courses, provisions for food and maintenance of free distribution of food, by


the åcåryas for generations. Another copper plate charter issued during the48th regnal year (apparently of Bålårjuna) recorded the royal grant of the vil-lage Devapadrullaka (attached to Bhå½ ågårå¸vatthaka) to Astra¸iva, pupilof Vyapa¸ivåcårya and grandpupil of Dïrghåcårya, also known as Aghora¸ivaof Nandapura (ibid.: 126-127). Another undated copper plate grant, whilereferring to the donation of the village Katambapad÷llaka in favour of theAmare¸vara shrine, mentions that the shrine was established (prati¹¶håpita)by Vyåpa¸iva, pupil of Dïrghåcårya and grand pupil of Aghora¸iva of Nanda-pura. The copper plate charter issued during the 55th regnal year records theaddition of the Abbe¸vara shrine to the Båle¸vara temple complex. This char-ter also mentions the ̃ aivåcårya Astra¸ivåcårya, pupil of Vyåpa¸ivåcårya, asthe teacher-in-charge (sthåna-guru) of the ma¶ha. The charter further refersto the donation of a village at the time of the installation of this new shrineat the request of queen Abbanibba i. It may be mentioned here that half ofthe donation was meant for offering to her guru (guru-dak¹i½å) in order tomeet the expenses of the religious sermons by the line of spiritual teachersand for the maintenance of a free feeding house.

The Mallar plates of the 57th year, the latest dated record of Bålårjuna,refers to the penance grove (tapovana) attached to the Båle¸vara shrine asunder the mentorship of another line of ̃ aiva ascetics, probably of the Soma-siddhånta school. These plates further refer to the royal grant of the villagesof På¸ipadraka and Kurupadraka situated in the O½i bhoga (also referred toin the Lodhia Plates) in lieu of the earlier granted village of Bhå½ ågåra-Tula-padraka situated in the same bhoga, to a renowned ̃ aiva ascetic Bhïmasoma(pupil of the renowned Tejasoma and grand-pupil of Rudrasoma, who be-longed to the Lakulï¸a-nåtha lineage) for charitable activities of the Båle¸varatemple. The grant was given to Bhïmasoma to meet the expenses of sacri-fices, initiatory rites, preaching and residence of his pupils and grand-pupilsand repairs to the shrine. This is the only epigraphic evidence which refers toLakulï¸a, the exponent of the På¸upata school, to have been born in the Bråh-ma½a family of the famous Soma¸arman. Incidentally, some of the Purå½asalso refer to Soma¸arman as an incarnation of ˜iva. An inscription fromPrabhas Patan, Gujarat, of the time of the Cålukya king Kumårapåla (1169AD) refers to Soma as having erected the golden temple of Somanåtha atPrabhåsa and Soma’s cult was associated with the På¸upatas (ibid.: 128). TheMallar plates further refer to Lakulï¸a being initiated with the mahåvrata, a


16 The name of an åcårya Sadå¸iva is found in the genealogy mentioned in the Ranod andBilhari inscriptions.

typical practice associated with the Kåpålika sect. It may be inferred thatduring the close of the 8th century AD, ãivism in the south Kosala regionhad synthesized the religious practices and beliefs of the På¸upata, Soma-siddhånta and Kåpålika traditions. From the above epigraphic evidence itmay be inferred that although the Somasiddhåntin ascetic Bhïmasoma was incharge of the penance grove attached to the Båle¸vara temple complex, thetemple itself and its associated shrines were under the ãiva ascetics of theãiva Siddhånta school, as indicated by their names ending with -¸iva.

A stone inscription of the time of ̃ ivagupta Bålårjuna was found from thevillage of Senakapat in the forested area on the right bank of the Mahanadi,about 2 miles to the south of Sirpur in the Raipur district of Chhattisgarh(DIKSHIT/SIRCAR 1960; SHASTRI 1995f). This inscription was found amidstruins most probably of a temple complex along with two big li¼gas, eachabout two and a half feet in height. This inscription eulogizes the constructionof a ̃ iva temple and its dedication in favour of a ̃ aiva ascetic, besides record-ing a grant. Verse 4 mentions the king by his second name Bålårjuna and re-presents him as an incarnation of Vi¹½u, although the preceding verse has re-ferred to the king as a devotee of ˜iva. Verse 13 refers to the construction ofa temple of ̃ ambhu or ̃ iva by Durgarak¹ita. As suggested by verse 9, the lat-ter was a subordinate of Bålårjuna. This temple may be associated with themodern temple ruins of Senakapat, the find-spot of the present inscription. Re-ferences to ̃ aivåcåryas are found in verses 16 to 18. Verse 16 refers to a ̃ aivaascetic Sadyaμ¸ivåcårya hailing from the penance grove called Åmardaka.Another ascetic, Sadå¸ivåcårya, who was probably the spiritual successor ofSadyaμ¸ivåcårya, is referred to in verses 17 and 18. Verse 19 states that Dur-garak¹ita made over the ˜iva temple built by him in favour of Sadå¸ivåcåryaand his spiritual successors for enjoying and protecting it as long as the moonwould endure. The following few verses record the grant of villages in favourof Sadå¸ivåcårya.16 Verses 22 to 24 of the second part of the inscription referto various activities of the ãivåcåryas such as arranging for a sacrificialceremony as well as for the initiation of people into the ãiva faith, i.e. dïk¹åwhich is capable of achieving spiritual freedom (nirvå½a-dak¹a), the expo-sition of the ̃ aiva doctrine or samayasya vyakhya and the organizing of a free


17 The Ranod inscription mentioned above had referred to one åcårya Åmardakatïrtha-nåtha. We have referred to a few other inscriptions which refer to a sect of ãivaascetics associated with Åmardaka or the place itself. It seems that Åmardaka was aprominent centre of the ãiva Siddhånta school to which the Mattamay÷ra sectbelonged (SHASTRI 1995f: 157-158, fn. 22).

18 For more information see MISRA (1993; 1997) and BANERJEE (2012).

feeding establishment annually (annasya sattram). The inscription furtherstates that the ascetics would have to stay at the place and that they should notlend money to gain interest. It may be mentioned here that Åmardaka,17 an-other name of Kåla-Bhairava, a form of ˜iva, was probably derived from theplace where the Bhairava was worshipped.

What is significant is that there is no mention of Na¶aråja in the bene-dictory verses. Instead, ˜iva and Pårvatï are invoked.

Apart from the På½ uvaº¸in kings, the Somavaº¸ins and the Kalacurikings of south Kosala also patronized ãivism. By the end of the 10th centu-ry, during the rule of the Somavaº¸ï rulers in eastern Orissa, the På¸upataand Kåpålika sects were gradually overwhelmed by the Tåntric sects like thepopular Kaulåcåra sect of central India. The Ratanpur stone inscription of theKalacuri king Jåjalladeva I (1090-1120 AD) (MIRASHI 1955g: 410), whoruled over south Kosala, mentions one Rudra¸iva as the spiritual preceptor ofJåjalladeva I. Rudra¸iva was a highly erudite saint and was even acquaintedwith the logical systems propounded by the famous Buddhist logicianDignåga. Govindacandra’s inscription mentioned above also refers to oneRudra¸iva.

Apart from the grand establishment at Sirpur, other settlements along theMahanadi valley are noteworthy for their ãiva connection. Boudha Danda(the temple remains), Madfe Danda (brick temple), Semara, Shahdol (Sita-madhi group of temples), Bandhogarh, Bheraghat, Amarkantak, Seori Nara-yan, Malhar, Ratanpur, Bilaspur (the Sonthiva and Patharia ˜iva temples),Kharod, Vadada, Pertha, Arang, Lavan, and a few other sites along the Ma-hanadi and its tributaries like Seunath etc. had significantly contributed to thedevelopment of the ãivåcårya tradition including the formation of religiousinstitutions or ma¶has in the eastern part of central India adjoining Chhattis-garh.18 It must be mentioned here that a major part of eastern India, particu-larly the adjoining parts of Jharkhand and West Bengal, certainly interacted/reciprocated with this development.


ORISSA

The expansion of ̃ aivism in that part of eastern India comprising the presentstate of Orissa has a long antecedence. From the 4th century AD onwards, wefind numerous archaeological remains attesting to the crystallization of thisparticular ideology. It will be a contextual argument if we consider the spreadof Buddhism under the Mauryan banner, the Åjïvika connection during thepre-Såtavåhana and Såtavåhana periods and the association of Jaina monksduring the time of Khåravela (as evident from the cave sites of Udayagiri andKhandagiri), which all led to a vigorous practice of intellectual-spiritual de-velopments in conjunction with mass support. Several verses of Rock EdictNo. XIII and the two special Kali¼ga edicts of A¸oka, the Håthïgumphåinscription of Khåravela and the Bhadrak inscription of Mahåråja Gana hintto the early history of ãivism in the Kali¼ga region (PANDA 1985: 1). Thelong tradition of sainthood sustained by both the ruling authorities and popu-lar support probably provided the background or platform in which the ̃ aivafactor gained ascendancy.

Several inscriptions assignable to the 5th-6th centuries AD indicate thepopularity of the ̃ aiva faith in Orissa. The Srungavarapukota plates of Anan-tavarman, king of Kali¼ga, assignable to the 5th century AD, refers to thisking as a devout worshipper of Mahe¸vara (MAJUMDAR 1940). The Siripuramplates of the same king also refer to him as a worshipper of Mahe¸vara(SRINIVASA RAO 1942).

Excavation of a structural mound (associated with a ̃ iva temple) at Mara-guda valley, Nuapada district, has yielded a fragmentary inscribed slab, pa-laeographically assignable to the 4th century AD (SINGH DEO 2001: 95). TheAsanapat inscription of the 6th century AD refers to the erection of a devå-yatana or temple of ˜iva by Mahåråja ˜rï ãtrubhañja of the Någa dynasty.Several scholars have tried to identify the ã¼khakåra-ma¶ha mentioned inthis inscription as being patronized by ãtrubhañja with the ã¼kha-ma¶hikåof the Ranod inscription. The image of Na¶aråja ˜iva engraved on the stoneslab bearing the Asanapat inscription is probably the earliest anthropomor-phic representation of ̃ iva in Orissa. The attributes of this sculpture conformto the Siddhånta mode of representing ̃ iva. When we consider the south Ko-sala (parts of Chhattisgarh and adjoining Orissa) inscriptions of Bålårjuna(590-650 AD) like the Senakapat stone inscription and Lodhia plates, then wefind the names of ãivåcåryas like ˜ivåcårya, Sadå¸ivåcårya, ˜÷lapå½i and


19 However, one has to keep in mind that the Rajor inscription (1016 VS = 959 AD)refers to åcåryas like ˜rïka½¶håcårya, R÷pa¸ivåcårya and Oºkåra¸ivåcårya and thatOºkåra¸ivåcårya was a member of the Sopuriya line which started at Åmardaka(KIELHORN 1895b). Again this Oºkåra¸ivåcårya may be associated with the famousjyotirli¼ga and tïrtha of Oºkåre¸var-Måndhåtå on the south bank of the Narmada inthe east Nimar district of Madhya Pradesh.

20 We have earlier referred to an inscription from Gwalior which states that Pata¼ga wasa disciple of Vyoma¸iva. The Ranod inscription has referred to Vyoma¸iva as an asce-tic of a very high order and a profound scholar, well-versed in the ãiva Siddhåntas aswell as in the Nyåya, Vai¸e¹ika, Mïmåºså and Såºkhya ̧ åstras and equally proficientin the Lokåyata, Buddhist and Jaina doctrines. A similar proficiency associated with

Pramathåcårya in association with the establishment of the Åmardaka andMattamay÷ra order of the ãiva Siddhånta system in Orissa. These Orissandevelopments may be linked with the ãivåcårya genealogy of the line ofKadambaguhåvåsin (i.e., the Mattamay÷ra genealogy) as mentioned in theRanod and Bilhari inscriptions. Both the latter inscriptions mention the ̃ aivå-cårya Sadå¸iva. Several scholars have identified Amarda in the Mayurbhanjdistrict with Åmardaka.19

Also from the Keonjhar district we have enough evidence of the practiceof the ãiva ideology from the cave and rock shelter sites of Dengaposi andSitabinji. According to J.P. SINGH DEO (2001: 97), the shrines at Sitabinji andthe Bhåskare¸vara temple at Bhubaneswar were established by the På¸upatasect. There are several other sites in Orissa which witnessed the spread ofãivism along with Vai¹½avism during the 5th-6th centuries AD, if not earlier.

It was during the political hegemony of the Eastern Ga¼gas, i.e. from the7th century AD onwards, that we can associate the initial patronage of the Mat-tamay÷ra school. From this time onwards, this cult spread to different partsof Orissa. The kings of the Eastern Ga¼ga dynasty were patrons of ãivismand it was during the reign of Devendravarman (his known dates range bet-ween the years 183 = 679 AD and 195 = 691 AD) that Pata¼ga ˜ivåcårya ofthe Mattamay÷ra school visited Kali¼ganagara and initiated Devendravarmanin the Ga¼ga era 184 (682 AD). The Dharmali¼ge¸vara plates issued by De-vendravarman I refer to the grant of the village Haduvaka to his preceptorPata¼ga ˜ivåcårya (GHOSHAL 1952). Palaeographically, this inscription hasto be placed in the second half of the 7th century AD. Pata¼ga is described asaccomplished in the Vedas, Vedå¼gas, Itihåsa, Purå½as, Nyåya, and a practi-tioner of his own Siddhånta.20 The role of Pata¼ga and his disciples in the


the famous ãivåcårya M÷rti¸iva is referred to in the Bangarh inscription (SIRCAR

1975a; 1983).

concerned socio-cultural-political milieu of Orissa is noteworthy especiallywith reference to the period of confrontation of different religious ideologiessuch as Vai¹½avism, ̃ aivism and Buddhism. There is enough literary and ar-chaeological evidence from Orissa which highlights this time of confrontation.

The extensive temple complexes dedicated to the ãiva ideology and as-signable from the 6th-8th century AD onwards reflects the fact that the mode-rate ways of the Siddhånta school gradually overwhelmed the others. Thefortunes of ̃ aivism were definitely shared by the royal houses of the EasternGa¼gas, the Mudgala kings (especially ̃ ambhuyasa), the ̃ ailodbhava rulersof Ko¼goda-ma½ ala, ̃ a¸å¼ka of Bengal and even Anantavarman of the Må-¶hara dynasty. From epigraphic sources it seems that the ãilodbhava kings,ã¸å¼ka and Ne¶¶abhañjadeva worshipped or contemplated ˜iva in associa-tion with the moon, the garland of skulls, serpents, celestial rivers, Pårvatï,matted hair, ashes, etc., as worshipped by the ãivåcåryas of the Mattama-y÷ra clan (as evident from the Chandrehe inscription of Prabodha¸iva). Theirway of worshipping ˜iva was different from the Lakulï¸a-På¸upata mode.The Russellkonda copper plates of the 8th century AD of Ne¶¶abhañjadevarefer to the king invoking the grace of Sadå¸iva with matted hair, crescentmoon, a garland of skulls and the great serpent (SIRCAR 1958). The undatedJurada grant of Ne¶¶abhañjadeva refers to the king as a parama-vai¹½ava;however, the expression matta-may÷ra-t÷rya occurs while praising the kingsmentioned in this record (KRISHNAMACHARLU 1942).

Recalling the Chandrehe inscription we find that verse 1 refers to the formof ˜iva (with his piles of matted hair, in the humming waters of the divineriver, snakes on ̃ iva’s body, the lightning of the fire of his third eye, the gar-land of human skulls, the shower of the collected effulgence of the moon onhis crest, the attire of the elephant skin as white as the geese, and the dark orblue neck) that was preferred by the Mattamay÷ra ascetics. The followers ofthe Lakulï¸a-På¸upata school worshipped ˜iva without his attributes.

While explaining the gradual development of ãivism in ancient Orissa,it must be mentioned that the Lakulï¸a-På¸upata cult gained ascendancy dur-ing the time of the Bhauma-Karas (c. 732-945 AD). The major temples ofthis period like those of Bhårate¸vara, Para¸uråme¸vara, Vaitål, ˜i¸ire¸vara,


21 See note 17 above.

Mårka½ eye¸vara, etc., are adorned with Lakulï¸a images. The Para¸uråme-¸vara temple inscription (India Office Plate; RANDLE 1952) records the im-portance of the Lakulï¸a-På¸upata school in Orissa. There are inscriptions (ofthe Bhauma-Karas) referring to the appointment of ̃ aivåcåryas for conduct-ing worship in temples. A votive cave inscription from Tapang near Khurdarefers to one ̃ rïka½¶ha who has been identified with ̃ rïka½¶håcårya, a ̃ aivå-cårya of the Åmardaka centre (PANDA 1985: 4).21 It may be noted here thatthe sculptural tradition associated with the Bhauma-Kara period was influ-enced by the Buddhist, ãivite and Tåntric ideologies. Along with the Laku-lï¸a-På¸upata cult, the Kåpålikas and the Kålåmukhas (off-shoots of the La-kulï¸a-På¸upata cult) were also popular cults which survived during theBhauma-Kara period. The contemporary Bhañjas (subordinates of the Bhau-ma-Karas) who ruled over Khijji¼gako¶a and Khijji¼ga-ma½ ala during the8th-9th centuries AD, were devout worshippers of ˜iva and Bhairava.

About the same time, i.e. during the 7th-8th centuries AD, ãivism waspopularized by Mahå¸ivagupta Bålårjuna, who as mentioned earlier was agreat patron of the Mattamay÷ra cult. His patronization of ̃ aiva temples wasassociated with the ãivåcåryas and his inscriptions like the Lodhia plates,etc., possibly refer to ̃ aivåcåryas associated with the Mattamay÷ra doctrine.The development of the Kosali style of rekha temples (based on Tåntricyantras), as exemplified by the Bodhi-komna temple in Nuapada district anda temple in the Ranipur-Jharial complex of Bolangir district, is perhaps attri-butable to the time of Mahå¸ivagupta Bålårjuna.

At Ranipur-Jharial, an inscription engraved on the architrave over the en-trance to the sanctum of a stone temple known as the Mahådeva temple (thelargest of the whole group) records the construction of the temple by anåcårya, named Gagana¸iva (CHHABRA 1942: 240). The characters of the in-scription belong to the Northern script of about the 10th or 11th century AD.Gagana¸iva is referred to as an immigrant from Uttara-Terambag¡ha. Thisplace has been identified with Terambi (ibid.: 241) referred to in the Ranodinscription (KIELHORN 1892c) as the seat of the ̃ aiva saint Terambipåla (theprotector of Terambi) of the Mattamay÷ra line. As already mentioned, Te-rambi is generally identified with Terahi. Anyway, Pata¼ga’s master Vyoma-¸iva (mentioned earlier with reference to an inscription from Gwalior) or


22 Vyoma¸iva is variously mentioned in the Ranod inscription as Gagane¸a (verse 39),Vyoma¸ambhu (verse 41), Vyome¸a (verse 50) and Gagana¸a¸imauli (verse 65) (KIEL-HORN 1892c: 358-361).

Gagana¸iva22 may be associated with the lineage of Gagana¸iva mentionedin the Ranipur-Jharial inscription.

SCULPTURAL REMAINS

Several temple complexes of ancient Orissa yielded images of ãivåcåryas.These temples testify to the fact that the Lakulï¸a-På¸upata and Kåpålikasects were quite popular. At the centre of the architrave of the entrance doorof the jagamohana of the Biñjhe¸vara temple at Kunjamara in Sambalpurdistrict, there is a depiction of a seated ãivåcårya figure in yogåsana pos-ture. This figure is flanked by eight grahas, four on either side of the ãivå-cårya figure. Similar seated depictions of ãivåcåryas are found at Chandi-pali in Bargarh district, Mohangiri in Kalahandi district, Kapilapur in Jharsu-guda district, Vaidyanath in Sonepur district and Sukhabandh in Sundargarhdistrict. The bearded figure of the ãivåcårya of the Chandipali stone slab isseated in yogåsana, his hands are folded in añjali-mudrå. There are twosmaller figures of standing attendants. The ãivåcårya figure of Mohangiriis seated in yogåsana with folded hands. A similar depiction is apparent fromthe ãivåcårya image found inside the Kapilapur ˜iva temple. The only dif-ference is that this particular åcårya wears strings of rosary beads as ankletsand armlets. The Vaidyanath specimen of a seated ãivåcårya is different asit is carved on a ˜iva li¼ga. It presently lies amidst other sculptural remainskept in front of the brick built jagamohana of the Kosale¸vara temple. Theãivåcårya figure in the Sukhabandh (Hemgir) Ðiva temple complex is pecu-liarly carved inside a niche on the western stone wall of a big tank (baoli).Several epigraphic sources refer to the excavations of tanks by ãivåcåryas.Other sites in the upper Mahanadi valley have yielded several ãivåcåryafigures in association with carved motifs of mystic yantra diagrams and pairsof foot-prints within eight-fold lotus motifs. På¸upata ¡¹is flanking Lakulï¸aare found on walls of the Some¸vara temple at Mukhalingam, on the lintel ofthe Marïci-ku½ a in the temple complex of Mukte¸vara at Bhubaneswar andon the backslab of a detached image kept in the Bhavånï-ã¼kara templecomplex (DONALDSON 2002, 2: 892).


From the sixth century AD owards, the Titilagarh region comprising Titi-lagarh, Ranipur-Jharial, Ghodar/Ghudar and its adjoining area was a centreof Mattamay÷ra ãivism. Ghudar has yielded rock-cut figures of EkapådaBhairava and Saptamåt¡kås along with foot-prints and yantra symbols. At theleft of the entrance of the cave temple on the Kumda pahad near Titilagarhtown is a carved figure of a ãivåcårya, seated in yogåsana with both hishands folded in obeisance. He wears large ku½ alas in his ears. Again, theKapålamålinï Tantra refers to the goddess Gha½¶åsinï as the presiding deityof Taitila or the Titilagarh region as early as the 7th century AD. The cult ofthis goddess was associated with different branches of music, yoga and Mat-tamay÷ra ̃ aivism (SINGH DEO 2001: 105). Folk deities widely known as Sinï(Makarasinï, Jhagarasinï, ̃ aka¶asinï, Taltorsinï, ̃ a¼khasinï, Berasinï, Ja¼gal-sinï, Bhedosinï, etc.) found worshipped as gråma-devatås or village deitiesin the districts of Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia may be recalled with refer-ence to the continuity of the Orissan context (CHATTOPADHYAY 2010: 210).

As far as sculptural remains from the temple complex of Some¸vara ˜ivaat Ranipur-Jharial are concerned, we find in the left doorjamb of the entranceto the garbhag¡ha a sculpted image of a seated male figure in yogåsana. Itscoiffure comprises a pile of hair arranged in a bun piled over his head (lookslike an u¹½ï¹a). He is wearing a yajñopavïta and both his hands are folded inobeisance (añjali-mudrå). A crescent moon symbol is carved above his head.M.P. MOHANTY (1986) has identified this figure as that of ãivåcårya Gaga-na¸iva, whose inscription is carved on the architrave (dvåralalå¶abimba) ofthe main entrance to the garbhag¡ha of the Some¸vara or Mahådeva temple.Another inscription of three lines on the top of a rocky elevation locallycalled Råk¹asa¸ilå is accompanied on the left by a line drawing, representinga pair of human foot-prints enclosed within a rayed circle. The word Siddhå-cårya mentioned in this inscription may refer to Gagana¸iva as he is similarlyreferred to in the Some¸vara temple inscription. Such carved foot-prints arealso found in front of the Liyahari temple at Ranipur-Jharial and on a hugesquare stone slab lying behind the Some¸vara temple complex.

Another ãivåcårya figure is found carved on a rectangular stone block,which is at present kept in front of the Chelia temple ruins at Ranipur-Jharial.

In the Prachi river valley of Niali, Cuttack district, is the 13th-centurystone temple of õbhane¸vara. According to an inscription engraved on thetemple wall, it was built during the reign of Vaidyanåtha, a subordinate king


Fig. 3 ãiva ascetics engaged in different activities. õbhane¸vara Temple, Niali,Cuttack district, Orissa. Photographs: authors

of the Ga¼ga dynasty. Several stone plaques adorning this temple depictbearded and emaciated ̃ aiva ascetics engaged in different activities (Fig. 3),such as the worship of the li¼ga, paying obeisance to a li¼ga, a peripatetic ̃ ai-va mendicant carrying a water vessel and his meagre possessions tied to a staffheld over his shoulder, in front of a bull, and a Ðaiva ascetic with ja¶å-bhårain a relaxed half reclining posture giving instructions to other ascetics. Thelatter type may be compared to ¸ik¹ådåna images commonly depicted onOrissan temples. The ̃ obhane¸vara specimen of a ̃ aivåcårya as an instructorhas been represented in profile. He has a relaxed posture with a raised kneeand comforts in the form of a raised seat and a back rest have been added. Thesuggestion is that of a senior monk or råjaguru. T.E. DONALDSON has elabo-rated on such images in one of his major works (2002) and has observed thatthe ¸ik¹ådåna motif occurred during the emergence of the Kaulåcåra Tåntricsect. There are several Orissan Kaulåcåra texts like the Kaulac÷ åma½i


Tantra, the ̃ ilpa Prakå¸a, etc., and since the ̧ ik¹ådåna motif was popular incentral India, as at Khajuraho (for details see DESAI 2013), it is possible thatthis motif along with the Kaulåcåra sect was introduced into Orissa by theSomavaº¸ï kings (DONALDSON 2002, 2: 894). It is well-known that duringthe latter part of the 10th century, the Somavaº¸ïs extended their sway inOrissa from their initial upper Mahanadi base. Most of the Bråhma½as inpresent-day Orissa trace their origin to the central Indian Bråhma½as.

The above images of seated ãivåcåryas in yogåsana posture found fromdifferent temple complexes belong to a common repertoire of iconographicmodes adopted by the ancient sculptors. From about the latter half of the 8th

or by the beginning of the 9th century AD, we find a number of sculptural re-presentations of ãivåcåryas which are, stylistically, signifiers of a change.DONALDSON has classified such images as “larger and more hieratic singleimages” (DONALDSON 1999: 139). These larger and more portrait-like singleimages were attempts to deify these historical entities and were essentially oftwo types. It should be kept in mind that these types were not interested in theportrayal of the different activities of the ãivåcåryas as apparent from thetemple plaques. The first type retained the earlier form as apparent from theimage of a ãivåcårya (identified as Gagana¸iva, mentioned above) foundfrom Ranipur-Jharial. This type mostly comprised the seated type in yogåsa-na posture and definitely not with a grotesque ja¶å-bhåra taking the form ofa turban-like coiffure. The calm composure of one who has attained the su-preme knowledge had been attempted. The ãivåcårya images of this typemay or may not be accompanied by attendant figures. The portrayal of thegroup of Saptar¹is in the complex of the Gaurï temple at Bhubaneswar mayalso be cited in this context. They are seated in vajraparya¼ka posture withtheir hands either folded in añjali-mudrå or placed on their laps in dhyåna-mudrå. The sage in the Påtåle¸vara temple complex at Paikapada holds a mi-niature rekha-deul between his folded hands and according to DONALDSON

(1999: 139), the same pose is frequently found with råjagurus elsewhere inIndia. The ¡¹i is flanked by an attendant on either side and by vidyådharas onthe upper corners of the stela. These images were meant for individual wor-ship and in most cases represented sages from the past. The local priests ofthe Påtåle¸vara temple worship the sage as Mårka½ a ¡¹i.

The second type of larger and portrait-like single images with an abbre-viated stark stela depicting attendant figures (in smaller dimensions) were


Fig. 4 ãivåcårya image, JagannåthTemple, Baripada, Mayurbhanj district,Orissa. Photograph: authors

made for independent worship ratherthan constituting a part of the templeembellishments. These images repre-sented ̃ aivåcåryas who were probablyof superior status, most probably råja-gurus, and therefore demanded a sepa-rate stylistic dimension. This stylisticdimension projected deification andthe visual aspect portrayed a sense ofpower and strength. The ãivåcåryaimage on the right side of the main en-trance of the Jagannåth temple at Bari-pada, district Mayurbhanj, is one suchfree-standing image with a truncatedstela that reaches up to the height ofthe mid-thigh part of the ãivåcåryafigure (Fig. 4). This temple is locatedon the right side of the BadabazarRoad, about 500 meters south-east ofMPC college, Baripada. The abbrevi-ated stela depicts two attendant figuresin flexed postures. The layered ja¶å-bhåra almost like a heavy turban, themoustached and bearded countenancewith an expression of penance, thekaupïna, the proverbial loin-cloth, andthe yajñopavïta have all been clearlydepicted. The ja¶å-bhåra extends be-yond the shoulders to nearly the mid-dle part of the upper right arm. Thislife-size image of black basalt has anamulet on its right upper arm near the elbow. The Jagannåth temple was builtduring the rule of the Bhañja rulers of Khijji¼gako¶a, and according to thetemple inscription it may be assigned to 1575 AD. What is significant is thatit is not possible to relate this image with the temple or its enshrined deitiesand the image was certainly installed in this temple complex at a much later


Fig. 5 ãivåcårya image, Akhanda-le¸vara Temple complex, Prataprudra-pur, Khurda district, Orissa. Photo-graph: authors

period. Therefore, its actual provenanceremains unknown. A stylistic compari-son with several such large-sized threedimensional ãivåcårya images fromWest Bengal clearly shows that thisimage lacks refinement in form, dispo-sition and expression. Like most relieffigures of ̃ aiva ascetics depicted on thewalls of Orissan temples, the Baripadaspecimen is also well proportioned andnot heavily built or pot-bellied. What issignificant is that it shares common ico-nographic features with other ãivå-cårya images found from West Bengal.

Another ãivåcårya image is pre-sently in the Akhandale¸vara templecomplex at Prataprudrapur, nearKenduli, district Khurda (Fig. 5). Thetemple is situated on the northern out-skirts of the village, on the right side ofthe Hanspal-Kantapada Road, about 16kms from Hanspal. According to an inscription engraved on the architraveover the main entrance, this ãiva temple was built during the Somavaº¸ïperiod and is assignable to the 10th century AD. According to this inscriptionthe main sanctum was built during the Somavaº¸ï period. The jagamohanawas built subsequently under the patronage of the S÷ryavaº¸ï dynasty. Thisimage known as Jayadeva ¡¹i (of the Gïtågovinda fame) has been reportedearlier by DONALDSON (1999: 140). The ãivåcårya is carved on a rectangu-lar stela, typically Orissan in character. Here the deification is clearly appa-rent as the parikara depicts on its upper corners flying vidyådharas and thearchitectural motif (or the throne motif) is visible on both sides of the mainimage. These motifs may be equally applicable to other deities associatedwith Jaina, Buddhist or Bråhma½ical ideologies. The semicircular extensionof the architectural motif behind the huge inflated ja¶å-bhåra is quite obscureand eroded. The main figure is flanked on either side by an attendant bearingsimilar ja¶å-bhåras and kaupïnas; the bearded countenance of the attendant


ascetic to the right of the main figure is very conspicuous. Except for theposition of the hands (broken at the elbows), the standing pose of the ãivå-cårya is reminiscent of the kåyotsarga posture of the Tïrtha¼karas. The spe-cimen is of grey stone and is presently quite corroded.

Before concluding this section, it must be mentioned that the ̃ aivite con-nection of Orissa during the medieval and late medieval times is apparentfrom several epigraphic sources, late medieval texts, besides architectural andsculptural remains. The texts include the Ekåmra Purå½a, Svar½ådrï Maho-daya, Ekåmra Candrika, and Kapila Saºhitå, among others. Tåntric workslike the Kålikåpurå½a, Rudrayåmala, Brahmåyåmala, Kubjikå Tantra andBrahmanïla Tantra refer to Viraja and Puru¹ottama k¹etra as Tåntric centreswhere ãivism and ˜åktism flourished simultaneously (PANDA 1985: 7).

JHARKHAND

A major part of the region comprising the present state of Jharkhand alongwith the adjoining parts of West Bengal certainly interacted/reciprocated withthe development of the ̃ aiva faith in the Chhattisgarh region. The unexploredareas between Chhattisgarh and the fringes of the Chhotanagpur plateau, i.e.the Chandil region (sites like Itkhori, Tanginath) in eastern and northernSinghbhum along with parts of Purulia, Bankura, Midnapur, yield enoughevidence of a ãiva resurgence on the ruins of the Jaina factor. The abovesites have yielded abundant Jaina sculptural and architectural remains assign-able to a period ranging from the 8th to the 12th centuries AD. The politicalaffiliation (basically in form of patronage) related to this widespread dif-fusion is not always clear.

In this connection one may mention the Chandil inscription assignable tothe 8th-9th centuries AD (SIRCAR 1963b) referring to a ̃ aiva establishment inthe remote plateau region and definitely after the ãivite preoccupations ofã¸å¼ka (as reflected from his inscriptions of the 7th century AD found fromdifferent parts of south and south-west Bengal and Orissa). We should searchfor further evidence related to ãiva establishments in form of temple com-plexes and sculptural representations of ̃ aivåcåryas. Significantly, the authorof the late medieval text Ekåmra Purå½a records that ã¸å¼ka ruled as far asKali¼ga and extended patronage for the construction of a massive temple of˜iva at Bhubaneswar. This is well corroborated by the Ganjam copper plategrant (HULTZSCH 1900-01) which refers to Mådhavavarman, the ̃ aivite king


of Ko¼goda as a feudatory of ã¸å¼ka. Incidentally, the Bhårate¸vara groupof temples and the Svar½ajåle¸vara temple (7th cent. AD) can be assigned tothe times of ̃ a¸å¼ka and Mådhavavarman. The Panchrol (Egra) copper plateinscription of the time of ã¸å¼ka (600-625 AD) refers to land grants infavour of “bha¶¶a Dåmasvåmin, a bråhma½a of Kau¸ika gotra and threepravara of Kau¸ika, Åghamar¹a½a, and Vai¸våmitra, learning three Vedas”(FURUI 2011: 121).

Another inscription recently discovered from the Chandil region atteststo the crystallization of the ̃ aiva-˜åkta tradition in this remote forested area.The inscription was issued by a king of the Kara dynasty, most probably theBhauma-Kara dynasty who made significant inroads in this rich mineralyielding zone. Here, we may recall that the findings from the recent excava-tion at Benisagar, West Singhbhum, Jharkhand, along with numerous sculp-tural specimens reported from the site provide a representative data relatedto a remarkable ̃ aiva centre (BAIDYA et al. 2009). Benisagar is not far awayfrom Khiching, another prominent ãiva centre located in the Mayurbhanjregion which adjoins the South Singhbhum district of Jharkhand. Regardingeastern India, a pertinent question may be raised, i.e., at which point theãivåcårya path encountered the ̃ åkta way as evident from the temple com-plexes of Bhadrakålï at Bhadrak, Khiching and Benisagar which were impor-tant centres associated with the ̃ aivåcåryas and signified the finest assimila-tion of the ãiva and ˜åkta ideologies or forms.

Unfortunately, we could not record sculptural representations of ãivå-cåryas from Jharkhand.

BIHAR

The development of ãivism and ãiva centres including temples, ma¶hasand the presence of åcåryas could be visualized with the findings fromMandar Hill, Bateshwar-Champa (Deori), Kheripahar (Shahkund), Pathar-ghata, Ajgubinath (Jahangira), Jalpa, Chandisthan (Uren), Giridheshwar(Jamui), and Vaidyanath, all situated in the south Bihar plain and its adjoin-ing plateau. There are other ãiva-affiliated settlements in the Monghyr-Bhagalpur region which deserve special mention. The Griddhakuta region ofMonghyr district has an enshrined li¼ga known as Kåke¸vara and possibly itwas set up by a ãivåcårya of the same name (RAMRAGHUVIR 1997: 117-118). Two major inscriptions found from Bihar refer to the presence of ̃ aiva


ma¶has and ̃ aivåcåryas. A close look at the findings from some of the abovesites shows that Mandar Hill, Champa, etc. were settlements which nurturedboth Jaina and ̃ aiva traditions. BEGLAR (1878: 145) noticed some fragmentsof sculptures, and, as he says, “two have inscribed on them a jogi’s name”,at the village Harlajhuri situated a few miles northeast of Deoghar (PATIL

1963: 161).An insription palaeographically assignable to the 12th-13th century and

engraved on a black stone slab fixed into the eastern wall of the shrine of˜iva in front of the Vi¹½upada temple at Gaya, mentions a king Pratåparudraand his ãiva preceptor Mallikårjuna (SIRCAR 1963a). This king was mostprobably Pratåparudra I (1163-95 AD) of the Kåkatïya dynasty. This inscrip-tion was probably transported to this pilgrimage centre and affixed later tothe temple wall than its time of issue. Incidentally, two inscriptions foundfrom the Kurnool district and one from Mahbubnagar district of AndhraPradesh mention two disciples of this Mallikårjuna and the sage himself re-spectively. However, this inscription cannot be cited in favour of the ãivå-cårya paradigm in the Bihar region as the Gaya region of south Bihar was nota part of the dominions of Pratåparudra I.

The Mirjapur copper plate inscription issued by ˜÷rapåla, son of Deva-påla, from his camp near Monghyr records the grant of some villages in˜rïnagarabhukti to some ãivåcåryas of Banaras or Varanasi at the order ofhis beloved mother. This inscription is assignable to the second half of the 9th

century AD. This inscription records the grant of two villages for the honourof Mahåte¸vara ˜iva and two villages for the honour of the ãivåcårya com-munity residing there. Such was the status of the ãivåcåryas that they wereallotted a similar number of villages as the presiding deity. The inscription,however, does not refer to the exact identity of the concerned ãivåcåryacommunity (SIRCAR 1973a; 1975b; 1982: 89-92; SRIVASTAVA 1970). It isevident from this inscription that the ̃ aiva factor in the Monghyr region wasa direct repercussion of the central Indian development in the Varanasi re-gion. In this context it is worthwhile to relate the fact that the Bangarh in-scription found from the South Dinajpur district, West Bengal, issued duringthe time of Nayapåla, refers to a ãivåcårya Vidyå¸iva who was attached tothe Golakï-ma¶ha near Jabalpur in Madhya Pradesh and his disciple Dharma-¸iva has been credited with the construction of a temple or pråsåda ofTrilocana-guru (˜iva) at Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh.


23 The suffix rå¸i is also found in the names of ̃ aivåcåryas mentioned in the Tandikondagrant of Åmmåråja II, engraved on a set of four copper plates. This inscription con-sisting of two parts belongs to the Eastern Cålukya king Åmmåråja II, who reigned from945 to 970 AD. It opens with an invocation to god ˜iva and the second part of theinscription (lines 51 to 65) refers to the Kålåmukha lineage (of the På¸upata ãivasfounded by Lakuli) who inhabited the ancient ˜iva temple known as Amaravate¸varaat Amaråvatï (KRISHNARAO 1940). It mentions one Laka¸ipu-På¸upati, his disciplePrabh÷tarå¸i-pa½ ita whose disciples were Vidye¸vara and Våme¸vara. Prabhutarå¸i-pa½ ita had a brother named Bhuvanarå¸i-muni who had two pupils, På¸upati (II) andPrabh÷tarå¸i (II). På¸upati (II) was also known as Kålåmukhendra, “the lord of theKålåmukhas”, and his pupil was Vidye¸vara II, an ocean of learning. Prabh÷tarå¸i (III)was the disciple of Vidye¸vara II. These åcåryas belonged to the Siºha-Pari¹ad whichwas a division of the Kålåmukha sect. The earliest reference to the Kålåmukha ãivasin the Tamil country seems to be contained in the Kodumbalur inscription of princeVikramake¸arin which refers to Mallikårjuna as the disciple of two teachers namedVidyårå¸i and Taporå¸i. These two teachers may be identified with Vidye¸vara and hisdisciple Prabh÷tarå¸i. From epigraphic sources it is evident that the Kålåmukhas spread

Incidentally, we find the name of a 12th-century south Indian Saiddhånti-ka Trilocana¸iva who in his text Soma¸ambhupaddhativyåkhyå refers to hispreceptorial line descending from a Dharma¸ambhu (Dharma¸iva) who hadheld office as the royal preceptor of ‘the king of Gau a’. He further refers tothe fact that in the land of the king of Cedi lived Dharma¸ambhu, a spiritualdescendant in the lineage of the famous Bhåva¸iva (=Sadbhåva¸iva/Prabhå-va¸iva, founder) of the venerable monastery at Golakï. This Dharma¸ambhumastered one hundred thousand verses of the ̃ aiva scripture and became theLord of the king of Gau a. Dharma¸iva, according to this text, was suc-ceeded by Anala¸iva, an ocean of the celestial scriptures, followed by Soma-¸ambhu (who filled the sky of the venerable lineage of Golakï), Jñåna¸ambhuand Sadå¸iva. The concerned passage mentions Trilocana¸iva as the discipleof Jñåna¸ambhu (SANDERSON 2009: 109-110).

The Bhagalpur copper plate grant of Nåråya½apåla records the royal do-nation of a village called Mukutikagråma for the worship of an image of ̃ ivafor whom Nåråya½apåla himself had built a sahasråyatana (perhaps a templewith thousand pillars) (HULTZSCH 1886). This particular temple was underthe supervision of På¸upata åcåryas.

In connection with the Bhagalpur grant we may refer to the Sarnath pe-destal inscription (HULTZSCH 1885). The first two stanzas of this inscriptionof Mahïpåla I (dated VS 1083 = 1026 AD) refer to the king donating an Ï¸ånam÷rti and other religious ornaments for the ‘Gurbe’ known as Båmarå¸i.23 The


to the Cðåa and Påndya countries and earlier into the Karnataka region. — RegardingVidye¸vara, it may be noted that a later orthodox text, the ˜iva-Purå½a, has a sectionknown as Vidye¸vara-saºhitå where it is stated that the son shall adore his preceptoras father (Vidye¸vara-saºhitå, 18.84-96) (DONALDSON 1999: 138).

term ‘Gurbe’ implies a ãivåcårya (SIRCAR 1982: 138) associated with thePå¸upata sect.

It is therefore apparent that the eastern parts of modern Uttar Pradesh andthe adjoining parts of Bihar were under the Kålåmukhas of the Lakulï¸a-På¸upata school. The cave sites of Barabar and Nagarjuni are scattered withinnumerable remains, both structural and sculptural, beside epigraphic evi-dence that can be associated with the Kåpålika or the Kålåmukha traditionand ãivåcåryas. These extensive remains demand a separate regional studywhich will highlight a strong ̃ aiva tradition that had developed and diffusedin a different context.

The presence of a large number of sculptures of Mahåkåla Bhairava (anugra form of ˜iva) from different sites in the south Bihar plain and the ad-joining plateau region (such as Monghyr, Bhagalpur and Jamui regions andthe Mandar Hill) suggests the strong Tåntric connection of ãiva belief andpractices as prescribed by texts. The same situation with Bhairava images isapplicable with reference to several sites in Orissa and West Bengal.

Where are the images of ãivåcåryas of south Bihar? They are yet to belocated or perhaps they have been transported elsewhere to different ma¶hacomplexes.

WEST BENGAL

Along with the region presently connoted by the states of Jharkhand andBihar, a major part of West Bengal was also within the ̃ aivåcårya trajectory.Here the diffusion is quite widespread as besides the evidence from the re-gions along the borders of Bihar, Jharkhand and Orissa, there are differentsites spread along a number of river valleys starting from the deltaic regionsof the Ganga to north Bengal. If we consider the developments witnessed inJharkhand and northern Orissa, bordering parts of Purulia, Bankura and Mid-napur, then we have to take into consideration the fact that a number of sitespresently within the territorial confines of Jharkhand, parts of Purulia (Tel-kupi, Budhe¸vara temple complex of Budhpur, Boram and other sites), partsof Bankura (especially the ãiva sites of Ekteswar, Bahulara, Dharapat, and


24 As already mentioned above, the sage Durvåsas has also been referred to in associationwith ãivåcåryas in the Rewah plates of Trailokyamalladeva of the Kalacuri year 963and the Jabalpur Kotwali plates of Jayasiºhadeva of the Kalacuri year 918.

Dihar, with the twin ̃ aiva temples of Sande¸vara and Saile¸vara), Sarengarh(Ambikanagar, Paresnath, Rudra), etc., yield enough evidence of a ãiva re-surgence on the ruins of the Jaina factor (abundant Jaina sculptural and archi-tectural remains assignable to a period ranging from the 8th to the 12th cen-turies AD). The history of the political affiliation related to this widespreaddiffusion is difficult to trace; however, the story might have started from thepost-Gupta period onwards and definitely during the reign of ̃ a¸å¼ka. It maybe mentioned here that one of the major inscriptions assignable to the laterGupta period, the Mallasarul copper plate of Vijayasena (palaeographicallyassignable to the 6th century AD) opens with an eulogy of the god Lokanåthaof Dharma (MAJUMDAR 1940b). The inscription records a grant of land dur-ing the reign of mahåråjådhiråja Gopacandra by mahåråja Vijayasena. ThisLokanåtha may be identified as a Bråhma½ical deity. The find-spot of thisinscription is the village Mallasarul in Burdwan which also yielded severalsculptural specimens associated with the ãiva ideology. Mention may bemade of a Sadå¸iva image, stylistically belonging to the pre-Påla period. Al-though the inscription refers to saints, the ãivåcårya connection is still illu-sory. Incidentally, the word dharma has been used in the context of the ̃ aivadoctrine in a significant number of inscriptions (KRISHNARAO 1940: 163).

As far as the sculptural specimens of ãivåcåryas from West Bengal areconcerned, some of them including those supposedly associated with the re-nowned early medieval ãiva centre of Bangarh (Shibbari village near theBangarh mound and Keshavpur village, both on the Punarbhava river) havealready been published.

The Bangarh stone inscription issued during the reign of Nayapåla (c.1042-58 AD) is an important document regarding the history and spread ofãivism in Bengal (SIRCAR 1975a; 1983; BHATTACHARYYA 1990). This in-scription is known as M÷rti¸iva’s Bangarh pra¸asti. It was a chance disco-very from the Shibbari village near the Bangarh mound. This inscription re-fers to the presence of ãiva teachers (åcåryas) belonging to the Durvåsassect associated with the Siddhånta school of the Golakï-ma¶ha tradition.Durvåsas24 has been introduced here as the progenitor of the spiritual lineageto which the ãivåcåryas of the Golakï-ma¶ha belonged.


The same Durvåsas has also been referred to in the Malkapuram inscrip-tion with reference to Sadbhåva¸ambhu who belonged to the spiritual lineageof the Durvåsas sect. It may be recalled here that this inscription refers toSadbhåva¸ambhu who obtained 3 lakhs of villages from the Kalacuri kingYuvaråja and founded the monastery called Golakï-ma¶ha in —åhala-ma½ a-la (modern Jabalpur region), lying between the Bhagirathi and the Narmada.This inscription also mentions one Vi¸ve¸vara¸iva or Vi¸ve¸vara¸ambhu whohailed from P÷rvagråma within Dak¹i½a Rå ha in the Gau a country and adisciple of Dharma¸iva or Dharma¸ambhu, an ascetic of the spiritual lineageof Sadbhåva¸ambhu. According to D.C. SIRCAR, the spread of the influenceof the Bangarh ascetics to Rå ha in south-west Bengal is apparent from thecareer of Vi¸ve¸vara¸ambhu or Vi¸ve¸vara¸iva who actually hailed fromsouth-west Bengal and was later associated with the Golakï-ma¶ha ofJabalpur. This shifting was due to the effect of Islamization and most prob-ably Bangarh was deserted by the 13th century (SIRCAR 1983c: 41).

The archaeoogical significance of Bangarh deserves special mentionsince different phases of excavations at its structural mounds confirm a longcultural sequence. Apart from early historic remains and antiquities, K.G.GOSWAMI, the earlier excavator, assigns the structural remains to the laterGupta/Påla-Sena periods. Temple complexes and other associated structuralremains (ku½ as or ritual tanks), besides ãiva sculptural remains includingstone and terracotta bulls, were found (GOSWAMI 1948: 1-33). He alsoreported the discovery of a stone image of Sadå¸iva with an inscription ofGopåla IV (mid-12th century AD), now in the Indian Museum, Kolkata(ibid.: 3). Significantly, a later excavation at Bangarh yielded a few objectshaving bearing with Tåntric esoteric rituals (BAIDYA/MAITY 2010).

The Bangarh inscription refers to six ãivåcåryas (in succession) knownas Vidyå¸iva, Dharma¸iva, Indra¸iva, Sarva¸iva, M÷rti¸iva and R÷pa¸iva.Vidyå¸iva, the first ascetic mentioned in the inscription, is associated with aGolakï or Golagï mahåma¶ha. This inscription further mentions that Vidyå-¸iva’s disciple Dharma¸iva constructed a temple (pråsåda) of Trilocana-guru(˜iva) at Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh. The second half of verse 6 refers to Ru-dra-like ̃ aiva ascetics (i.e., all the above ascetics) who were associated withthe Golagï or Golakï-ma¶ha and were very much in demand as kings ofdifferent dynasties wanted to get initiated by them. The identification of Go-lakï mahåma¶ha of this inscription is not clear; it was most probably not the


Jabalpur ma¶ha established by Sadbhåva¸ambhu since the latter does notseem to have preceded Vidyå¸iva, the first ascetic mentioned in the Bangarhinscription as being associated with the Golakï monastery or ma¶ha (SIRCAR

1983c: 40). The inscription also refers to the great ãiva ma¶ha built in theBangarh region along with other ̃ aiva temples. Dharma¸iva’s disciple Indra-¸iva has been referred to as an ornament of the Durvåsas lineage and it wasin his honour that a ma¶ha was constructed by Mahïpåla at Bangarh. There-fore, Indra¸iva was apparently the first ascetic of the Durvåsas sect to havesettled in the Bangarh region. The second half of verse 9 states that Mahïpåladedicated a ma¶ha and then refers to a temple (pråsåda-meru which resem-bled Mt. Kailåsa) in favour of Indra¸iva. Verse 10 elaborates this pråsåda-meru as a complex comprising several temples and tanks adorning the ma¶ha.Verse 11 refers to Indra¸iva performing all the sixteen mahådånas or great-gift ceremonies which are described in works like the Matsya Purå½a. Indra-¸iva’s disciple Sarva¸iva is described in verse 12 as the spiritual guide of kingNayapåla; however, verse 14 states that Sarva¸iva conferred the status ofNayapåla’s preceptor to his younger brother and disciple M÷rti¸iva and re-paired to the forest. It was during the reign of Nayapåla that the Bangarhpra¸asti of M÷rti¸iva was issued. Verse 4 refers to the inscription as M÷rti-¸iva-pra¸asti. Verses 16 to 25 record the accomplishments of this great ̃ aivaascetic which perhaps surpassed the virtues of a great king. M÷rti¸iva is cre-dited with the construction of several temples and tanks and verse 27 refersto the Bhavånï temple which most probably enshrined ˜iva and Pårvatï. Thevivid descriptions of the structures reflect the power and authority demandedby these exclusive structures. It may be noted here that Bhavånï as the be-loved of ˜iva is referred to in the Bilhari inscription (verse 74) mentionedabove. Among all the virtues of M÷rti¸iva, what is noteworthy is that he wascapable of refuting the Digambara philosophy, the views of K¡¹½a regardingthe Advaita philosophy and the philosophical tenets of Bh¡gu and Prabhåkara.Verse 28 introduces a new ãiva ascetic named R÷pa¸iva who was anotherdisciple of Sarva¸iva and is called the second life of M÷rti¸iva. R÷pa¸iva isdescribed as having restored the lost philosophy of Ca½ ïguru. Verse 29,while referring to R÷pa¸iva’s victory in philosophical disputes over a numberof vådins or antagonists, mentions the presence of king Bhojadeva. Accord-ing to SIRCAR, this Bhojadeva was apparently the renowned Paramåra kingwho ruled from 1000 to 1055 AD. Thus, R÷pa¸iva seems to have enjoyed the


25 It may be recalled here that one R÷pa¸ivåcårya, disciple of ˜rïka½¶håcårya of theÅmardaka school is mentioned in the Rajor inscription of Måthanadeva dated VS 1016= 960 AD (KIELHORN 1895b). It may be mentioned here that the extant part of the al-most eroded Kaman stone inscription (MIRASHI 1942), Bharatpur, Rajasthan, probablyassignable to the 8th century AD, refers to a ãiva ma¶ha and a few successions ofãiva ascetics (some of the names are lost), besides one Bhojadeva, probably Bhoja Iof the Pratihåra dynasty. That the På¸upata sect of ãivism was patronized by Bhoja isalso apparent from the Sirsa inscription issued during his reign (SAHNI 1933).

26 The Batesvar Candella inscription of Paramardideva found from an ancient mound atBatesvar, a town in the Agra district, Uttar Pradesh, was composed by Devadhara, andthe inscription refers to him as the son of Gadådhara, minister of peace and war ofParamardideva and a son of Lak¹mïdhara, of the Gau a lineage (KIELHORN 1892a).This inscription, assignable to c. 1194/95 AD, refers to Lak¹mïdhara as the uniqueornament of the Gau a family. It is probable that this Lak¹mïdhara was the engraver(of the same name) of the Bangarh pra¸asti.

27 BHATTACHARYA 1994: passim, figs. 7.1-5; 2000: 309-313, pls. 30.1-5; 2002: 6, fig. 3;2010: 211, pl. 3; also published in GHOSH 2014: pl. 5B.

patronage of Bhoja25 before he came to Bengal (SIRCAR 1975a: 145). Any-way, verse 31 of the Bangarh pra¸asti credits R÷pa¸iva for making an imageof the illustrious M÷rti¸iva and causing the composition of his eulogy. Whatis also important for the present reconstruction is that verse 32 refers to thecelebrated Sålå-˜rïdhara (son of Ga½apati) as the maker (of the image) at theorder of M÷rti¸iva. Verse 33 refers to the eulogy being composed by theBråhma½a poet ˜rïka½¶ha, son of ˜rïnåtha and the younger brother of thegreat scholar ˜rïvallabha. The last verse 35 refers to Lak¹mïdhara,26 whohailed from the Magadha country, as the engraver of this eulogy.

As far as the ãivåcåryas mentioned in the Bangarh inscription are con-cerned, we have a few inscribed sculptures whose legends refer to the same.The well-known inscribed stone sculpture (its pedestal bearing the legendpa½ itåcårya-¸rï-vidyå¸ivaμ) of the ̃ aivåcårya Vidyå¸iva (Fig. 6), presentlyin the Pritzker collection, Chicago, has been assigned by G. BHATTACHARYA

to c. 12th century AD.27 The provenance of this image is not known; however,the detailed portrayal of the sculpture is an instance to prove the transforma-tion of an historical entity to a deity. It is a unique image of a ãivåcårya indhyåna-mudrå. No other ãivåcårya images have been depicted with such amudrå. The formula used for deification (i.e., the iconographic traits) cannotbe presently cross-checked with any other sculpted image of a ãivåcårya.What is clearly apparent from this image is the adoption of the yogic posture


Fig. 6 ãivåcårya Vidyå¸iva, Pritzkercollection, Chicago. After BHATTACHARYA1994: fig. 7.2

of ̃ aivite deities, the prominent ja¶å-bhåra, the upavïta and the parikaraelements commonly depicted in thestele of the so-called eastern Indianschool of medieval sculpture. As faras the common iconographic traits ofãivåcårya images from eastern Indiais concerned, this image wears kau-pïna and uttarïya and has the typicalãiva sectarian mark on its forehead.Last of all, he is bearded and mous-tached. The seated main figure ofVidyå¸iva is accompanied by twostanding disciples on either side aswell as by two kneeling ãivåcåryasin the pedestal, both bearded, all fourshowing añjali-mudrå and wearingkaupïnas, uttarïyas and ja¶å-bhåras.Two other figures at the extreme endsof the pedestal, the left one also beard-ed, have a normal hair-style. Fourmore attendant figures, two standingand two seated, flank the head ofVidyå¸iva. Thus, besides Vidyå¸iva,the sculpture represents altogether tenãiva ascetics as attendant figures.

A comparative study with a ̃ iva icon identified as M¡tyuñjaya or ̃ iva asthe Conqueror of Death from Bengal (assignable to c. 12th century AD) pre-sently in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (KOSSAK 1994: 40-41,fig. 33), can establish a generic relationship between the two. The sculpturalexpression, i.e. the combined effect of the iconic form and the decorativeaspects, and the depiction of the mudrå suggest enough resemblance withBuddhist images (of the so-called Påla-Sena/medieval idiom) assignable toa period ranging from the 10th to the 13th centuries AD. In this context, it isto be noted that the Buddhist images from the South Bihar plains, particularlythe Jamui Museum specimens, and several specimens from north Bengal


28 GOSWAMI 1996: passim, pls. 29.1-5. Also published in BHATTACHARYA 2002: 6, figs.1-2; 2010: 210, pl. 2; GHOSH 2010: 137-138, fig. 5; 2014: pl. 5A.

Fig. 7 ãivåcårya M÷rti¸iva, AsutoshMuseum of Indian Art, University ofCalcutta, acc.nos. T.3919/3919A. AfterBHATTACHARYA 2010: pl. 2

display a similar organization of spacewithin the stela, besides other pari-kara components.

It may not be unwise to mentionthat the time period when all theseimages were fabricated has a bearingon the general development of reli-gious sentiments and the closenessbetween the Tåntric Buddhist philoso-phy, the formulation of the Bodhi-sattva images and the rise of ãivadoctrines, in which the åcårya systemwas consolidated. This inference isapplicable with reference to the con-cerned sculptural findings from Chhat-tisgarh, Orissa and the adjoining re-gions of West Bengal. With referenceto the specimen in the Pritzker Col-lection, it may be recalled that ãivå-cårya Vidyå¸iva of the Durvåsas sectis mentioned in the Bangarh stoneinscription.

ãivåcårya M÷rti¸iva, also men-tioned in the Bangarh pra¸asti, hasmost probably his sculpted stone por-trait as apparent from yet another in-scribed stone image assignable to the11th century AD. This image (Fig. 7)

was found from Dogachia village of Nadia district and is presently in theAsutosh Museum of Indian Art, University of Calcutta. N. GOSWAMI hasdiscussed this image in a note published in 1996.28 The portrayal of thisparticular ãivåcårya is entirely different. Apart from being a sthånakaimage, the entire composition and shape of the stela necessarily projected the


29 BHATTACHARYA 2002: 6-7, figs. 4-5; 2010: 211, pl. 4.

m÷lanåyaka in a different way. This mode of carving the ãivåcårya imagewas quite widespread as apparent from several specimens recorded fromWest Bengal and Orissa. This style with an abrupt termination of the stelanear the mid-thigh of the main figure was quite prevalent, as we will see later,in a number of ãivåcårya images found from Orissa and West Bengal.GOSWAMI has observed that the central figure stands in samapåda posture;however, we would like to suggest that like in other instances (of ãivåcåryaimages) this image displays the feet at a wider distance between the toes andat a lesser distance between the heels. M÷rti¸iva was the spiritual guide ofking Nayapåla. The sculpture is unfortunately broken into two pieces: themain image and the inscribed pedestal part including his two disciples. Thisportrayal is a realistic one and the accessories of deification, i.e., the throneor the tre-foil arch (evident from the previous sculpture) or the vidyådharasand the kïrtimukha are beyond the scope of the carving technique utilizedhere. The kaupïna (depicted here with a conspicuous knot) and both thedepiction of the cumbersome ja¶å-bhåra (turban-like with three protuber-ances) and the mode of depiction of the attendant ãivåcåryas (smaller indimension than the main figure) have been encountered in other ãivåcåryaimages found from West Bengal. The attendant ãivåcåryas wear the usualupavïta, an almost transparent uttarïya and of course the kaupïna. Like theirsenior counterpart they are moustached and bearded (almost conical beard)along with large ja¶å-bhåras on their heads. Both stand in åbha¼ga postureon a lotus pedestal. The left hands of both the accompanying ãiva monksrest on their waist while the right hands hold an indistinct object. These twoascetics are flanked by two smaller attendant figures. It is to be mentionedthat this type of composition, where the main ãivåcårya figure (except itslower portion from the mid-thigh downwards) is sculpted in the round andflanked by two accompanying ãivåcåryas having lesser dimensions, hasbeen encountered during our recent field survey at West Midnapur. Theinscribed pedestal has the depictions of seated male and female figures,probably devotees.

Another inscribed stone sculpture of a ãivåcårya was first reported byG. BHATTACHARYA in 2002, when it was in the private collection of an art-dealer in America.29 It is of cream-coloured stone and is a beautiful depiction


30 We would like to recall that the Ranod inscription refers to one Kavaca¸iva as thespiritual successor of Purandara.

31 GHOSH 2010: passim, figs. 1-2; 2014: pl. 2A. Also published in BHATTACHARYA 2010:212, pl. 7.

Fig. 8 ̃ aivåcårya image, Private collec-tion, USA. After BHATTACHARYA 2010: pl. 4

of a ãivåcårya (Fig. 8). According toBHATTACHARYA, it might have origi-nated from eastern India. The entirecomposition of the main image andtwo attendant ones has been executedin a tapering rectangular stela with anarch above. All the figures stand onlotus flowers placed on an inscribedpedestal. As evident from the inscrip-tion, the central figure is that of thelearned ̃ aiva teacher Anantadeva andthe attendant ãiva monks are namedRudradeva and Kavacadeva.30 Thesectarian mark on the forehead ofAnantadeva has a horizontal disposi-tion. Anantadeva stands in samapådaposition and holds flowers within hisfolded hands. Both the main figureand his attendants are depicted with adiaphanous uttarïya and kaupïna. Thesurprisingly large ja¶å-bhåra of Anan-tadeva is markedly contrasted by theround halo with a beaded border.

Another image of a ãivåcårya,presently in the collection of the Balur-

ghat College Museum, Balurghat, Dakshin Dinajpur (Fig. 9), was foundfrom Shibbari village near the Bangarh mound. The famous Bangarh inscrip-tion was also found from the same village. The image has been reported byR. GHOSH.31 The image is broken at the pedestal and the extant piece of blackbasalt shows the ãivåcårya (except the feet portion) and one of the ac-companying figures (whose feet portion is also broken). The extant piecemeasures 84.5 cm in height. The main image wears the usual kaupïna and a


Fig. 9 ãivåcårya image, Balurghat College Museum, Dakshin Dinajpur district, West Bengal. After BHATTACHARYA 2010: pl. 7. Photographs: Gudrun Melzer & Gerd Mevissen

turban-like ja¶å-bhåra while some strands of the ja¶å extend to the shoulders.The upavïta and the sectarian mark are also present. His hands are in vyå-khyåna-mudrå. The attendant ãivåcårya image is also depicted with a kau-pïna, bearded and moustached. The heads are slightly bend towards the front.The missing pedestal (along with the feet of the main ãivåcårya) has beentraced by GHOSH. She identified an inscribed broken pedestal of the sameblack basalt stone with the depiction of a foot (of a ãivåcårya as indicatedby the inscription on the pedestal) as belonging to the ̃ aivåcårya image in thecollection of the Balurghat College Museum. This inscribed pedestal wasfound in the complex of the Mission Girls School, Rajivpur, close to the Ban-garh mound. According to GHOSH, this ãivåcårya image was the portrayalof an åcårya attached to the Durvåsas sect of Bangarh. The inscription refersto a ãivåcårya paying homage to the goddess Rudrå½ï, who is worshipped


32 The fragment has briefly been listed in BHATTACHARYYA 1981: 16, no. 59.

Fig. 10 Fragment of an attendantãivåcåya figure, Akshaya KumarMaitreya Museum, University ofNorth Bengal, Darjeeling (acc.no.59). Photograph: authors

Fig. 11 Fragment of an attendant ̃ aivåcåryafigure, Ashok Nandi Collection, Shibbari,Bangarh, Dakshin Dinajpur district, WestBengal. Photograph: Bijan Mondal

by all, the gods (suras) and demons (asu-ras). Unfortunately, the name of the ãi-våcårya is not mentioned in this pedestalinscription. It must be mentioned that thefoot does not rest on a lotus but is carved

directly on the inscribed pedestal.A broken image of an attendant ãivåcårya figure (Fig. 10) is presently

in the collection of the Akshaya Kumar Maitreya Museum, University ofNorth Bengal, Darjeeling.32 It is made of black basalt and unlike the atten-dant figures we have discussed so far, this figure portrays a fine sense ofmodelling. It depicts a sophisticated carving of the åbha¼ga posture. The


33 The sculpture was first presented by Ranjusri GHOSH at the 10th International Congresson Bengal Art at Patna in February 2013 (see GHOSH 2014: pl. 1).

34 Also published in GHOSH 2014: pl. 3A.

35 Also published in BHATTACHARYA/CHATTERJEE 2009: 22, fig. 3; GHOSH 2014: pl. 3BC.

moustached and bearded figure wears the usual kaupïna, uttarïya and upa-vïta. The elaborate well-carved knot of the kaupïna falls over the right thighof the figure. There is the prominent ̃ aiva sectarian mark on his forehead. Hehas a large ja¶å-bhåra and holds flower buds in both hands. The extant partmeasures 43 x 17 cm. The find-spot is the village of Nayanpur under theGangarampur Police Station, South Dinajpur district, close to the Bangarhmound. Stylistically, it is assignable to the 11th century AD.

A similar figure of an attendant is in the collection of Ashok Nandi ofShibbari, Bangarh. The provenance of this sculptural specimen is from Shib-bari itself and was obviously a part of a large ãivåcårya image (Fig. 11).33

During the course of our explorations in the district of West Midnapur wecame across a unique ãivåcårya image (Fig. 12) presently worshipped asBhairava Båbå.34 The find-spot, basically a habitational mound in the Uttar-raybar village, is not far from Moghalmari under the Dantan Police Station.This image is actually broken into two parts; the lower part of the main imageof the ãivåcårya (from the belly downwards), being embedded in theground, is not visible. Just beside this image is the pedestal part depicting thefeet of the ̃ aivåcårya along with an attendant ascetic (Fig. 13).35 Moghalmarihas recently come to the limelight by virtue of the extensive structural re-mains and associated findings unearthed during the course of several fieldseasons by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta (DATTA

2008). The present image has been overlooked by the concerned archaeo-logists, and the context of this sculpture with reference to this particular siteremains to be investigated.

It is definitely a unique portrait image confined within the hitherto en-countered iconographic form of ãivåcåryas and an unparalleled one in thesculptural tradition of eastern India. The visual vocabulary of its corpulentframe is quite unstable in the longitudinal axis. In absence of inscriptions itis not possible to establish the identity of this åcårya. Made of black basalt,this massive three-dimensional image is an expression of power and innerstrength. The corpulent physique of the image not only suggests the spiritualstrength attained by the åcårya but also his sole command over the monastery,


Fig. 12 ãivåcårya image, Uttarraybar, Moghalmari region, Dantan, West Midnapur district, West Bengal. Photograph: Shubha Majumder

Fig. 13 Pañcaratha pedestal of ãivåcårya image in Fig. 12.Photograph: Shubha Majumder


the one and only master of the concerned institution. Again, we never willknow whether he was a preceptor or a råjaguru and whether his carved formwas a repercussion of royal patronage. Epigraphic sources have time andagain referred to the fact that well-known ma¶has were erected by theseãivåcåryas, for instance at Bangarh, where the inscription refers to their con-nection with royalty. Here, we would like to recall the fact that Vi¸ve¸vara-¸ambhu, founder of the Vi¸ve¸vara-Golakï-ma¶ha, has been referred to in theMalkapuram inscription as hailing from Dak¹i½a Rå ha. The Moghalmariregion was a part of ancient Dak¹i½a Rå ha.

The Uttarraybar specimen (Fig. 12) measures 115 x 68 x 30 cm. The posi-tion of the feet on the pedestal part suggests that the image was sculpted insamapåda posture. The figure wears the usual kaupïna and the upper portionof the body is covered with a diaphanous uttarïya through which the sacredthread is visible. He has a beard, a moustache and a ãiva sectarian mark onthe forehead. The meditative expression is quite conspicuous. What is moststriking is the visual burden of a large awkward bundle of tangled hair or theja¶å-bhåra. It seems to be a unit of its own, quite detached from the rest ofthe body. This coiffure somehow enhances the vertical alignment of the com-position that has already a marked horizontal disposition resulting from thestocky physique of the main image. The ja¶ås, like in other ̃ aivåcårya images,extend over the shoulders of the åcårya. This extension is not a common fea-ture as far as the iconography of ãivåcårya images is concerned. A ãivå-cårya image from Orissa has similar extensions like the Uttarraybar specimen.

The pañcaratha pedestal (Fig. 13) measures 68 x 86 x 45 cm and onlyone attendant ascetic (on the left side of the åcårya) in åbha¼ga posture sur-vives. This accompanying ascetic (bearded, moustached and with mattedhair) wears the typical uttarïya, kaupïna and upavïta. While attending to hissuperior, he holds an indistinct object in his hands.

Stylistically, the above image is of a different genre than what has beenvisualized in the case of the Pritzker specimen (Fig. 6) or, for that matter, theimage representing Anantadeva, which cannot be traced now (Fig. 8). Thelatter two images had expressed the divine sentiments with reference to awell-modelled sophisticated imagery that is primarily apparent from innu-merable instances of divinity (attributable to different religious ideologies)pertaining to the eastern Indian school of medieval sculpture. The sculptorsof the Moghalmari specimen seem to have catered to the sentiments of the


36 R. GHOSH has published the image (2014: pl. 3D) and suggests that this is the missingattendant ascetic from the previous group. We cannot accept GHOSH’s suggestion sincethe concerned images are stylistically different.

37 A better photograph of this fragmentary figure is published in GHOSH 2014: pl. 4C.

Fig. 14 Attendant figure of ãivåcårya image, Dantan Public Library, West Midnapur district, West Bengal. Photograph: Shubha Majumder

Fig. 15 Attendant figure of ãivåcårya image, Dantan Public Library, West Midnapur district, West Bengal. Photograph: Shubha Majumder

devotees who preferred a realistic form of their åcårya. His physical pre-sence definitely moulded the minds of the devotees and hence the sculptor.

Two other similar attendant figures of black basalt have also been re-corded from the Dantan region and are presently in the collection of the Dan-tan Public Library. Both the figures are broken. One of them (Fig. 14) is inåbha¼ga posture and holds an indistinct object with both his hands.36 Thoughthe figure is quite eroded, both the kaupïna and the upavïta below the almosttransparent uttarïya are still visible. He has a medium-sized ja¶å-bhåraarranged in an elaborate transverse manner. The other attendant figure(Fig. 15) is too damaged to identify its posture or the position of its arms.37

This moustached attendant has a conspicuous pot-belly, a large conical beardand the ̃ aiva sectarian mark on its forehead. Significantly, he does not sporta ja¶å-bhåra, but the kaupïna, diaphanous uttarïya and upavïta are present.

Incidentally, we encountered a head of a Bhairava image at the courtyardof a village hut in the Dantan region. As far as the depiction of ornaments,coiffure and facial expression of the image are concerned, the specimen has


Fig. 16 ̃ aivåcårya (?) image from Bahiri, WestMidnapur district, West Bengal. StateArchaeological Museum of West Bengal,Kolkata. After RAY 1986: fig. 6

enough merit to be identified asan installed deity of a ãivashrine. The size of the head maybe considered in favour of a life-size image of Bhairava. It ismade of grey stone. The beauti-fully sculpted three-dimensionalform of the Bhairava head isstrikingly similar to the innumer-able post-Gupta types.

The above sculptural speci-mens along with the templecomplexes of ˜yåmale¸var inDantan itself, Ca½ ane¸var inMoghalmari, besides the largetank known as Sarasa¼kha atDantan, one behind the ˜yå-male¸var temple complex, andothers, certainly conformed theinvolvement of the ruling autho-rity in consolidating the ãivaideology. The extant structuralremains found from placeswhich can be identified withinthe distribution zone of villages/temple complexes referred to in the copper plates (both Egra and Midnapur)of ̃ a¸å¼ka, besides the remnants of ma¶ha complexes at Bahiri, Kakrajit andeven in the ˜yåmale¸var temple complex, all this evidence suggests a dualrelationship between the tremendous growth of ãiva doctrines and theirpatronage by the local ruling lineages.

A life-size stone image, quite reminiscent of the ãivåcårya icon now inthe State Archaeological Museum, Behala, Kolkata, has been reported fromBahiri (Fig. 16). It is stylistically different from the ̃ aivåcårya images foundfrom North Bengal and Midnapur. Bearing the characteristic features of deifi-cation, this image is adorned with ornaments and is attended by two male fig-ures to his right and two female figures to his left. It has a multi-arched and


38 A quite similar image, though unbearded and with single attendant figures (a male tohis right and a female to his left), has been reported from the Jahiri-Talma area south-west of Jalpaiguri, north Bengal (BANERJI 1977: 42, fig. 7; G. BHATTACHARYA 1989:169, fig. 10; 2000: 229, pl. 20.10; M. BHATTACHARYA 1990: 240, ph. 17). It is now inthe AKM Museum, Darjeeling (acc. no. 90; 67 x 33 cm), labelled “Danapati”. [Editor]

Fig. 17 ãivåcårya image, StateArchaeological Museum of WestBengal, Kolkata. After BHATTA-CHARYA 1989: fig. 9

truncated stela extending up to the upperthigh of the main image.38 The provenanceof this image is significant as it is near theMoghalmari region.

An image presently in the collection ofthe State Archaeological Museum, Behala,Kolkata, has been generally identified as adånapati (Fig. 17). G. BHATTACHARYA

(1989: 169, fig. 9; 2000: 228, pl. 20.9) ob-served that this image is a representation ofa religious teacher. The bearded image hasa corpulent form. The kaupïna is not visi-ble, perhaps hidden behind the enormousbelly. He wears a dhotï-like garment, thelower part of which falls over his knees,and holds a full-blown lotus in his foldedhands. There are two male attendant figureseach holding a garland. This sculpture wasfirst published by S.C. MUKHERJI (1979:58, fig. 6) and he observed that this imagewas stylistically similar to the Vai¹½ava andãiva saints of south India and could pos-sibly be a På¸upata åcårya. The provenance

of this image remains unknown; however, according to the Museum officialsit was found from Midnapur district (old).

Therefore, this ancient Suhma territory along the river Suvarnarekha aswell as the coastal region (ancient Tamralipta), which later on formed a partof Dak¹i½a Rå ha and still later, Da½ abhukti, conceived the ̃ aiva Siddhåntaåcårya tradition and even Tåntricism from the Baitarani-Mahanadi valley ofOrissa. It may not be unwise to record that the enormous excavated structuralremains and decorative architectural components found at the excavated


Fig. 18 ãivåcårya image on the ratha portion of the ¸ikhara, Saile¸vara Temple,Dihar, Bankura district, West Bengal. Photograph: Shubha Majumder

mound of Sakhisena at Moghalmari, identified as a Buddhist monastic com-plex, besides a lone sculptural specimen which has been generally identifiedas that of Buddha, demand a fresh scrutiny in the direction of ̃ aiva establish-ments of the ãiva-˜åkta-Tantra traditions. The structural components withthe associated findings from the earlier levels could have been associatedwith the Buddhist ideology; however, the structural remains and other find-ings of the later period suggest an inclination towards the ̃ aiva-˜åkta-Tantratraditions. The sculptures excavated from the site, though associated withTåntric Buddhism, may be placed for further investigation in favour of estab-lishing a ̃ aiva-Tantra tradition. Particularly, the image identified as Buddha(DUTTA 2008: 13-14, pl. 9-9a; 2010: 281-282, pl. 17.11) with a turbanedhead-dress and unidentified attributes needs fresh investigation. The mode ofdepiction suggests that it is probably the image of an åcårya who may beidentified as either a ãivåcårya, Tantråcårya or Madhvåcårya. Future ex-cavations at this site will definitely throw light on its association with theBuddhist or ˜åkta-ãiva ideologies.

The present field survey also recorded a ̃ aivåcårya image (Fig. 18) on theratha portion of the ¸ikhara of the Saile¸vara temple at Dihar, district Ban-kura. This famous temple enshrines a li¼ga. The concerned stucco figure ispot-bellied and wears kaupïna and uttarïya, through which the sacred threadis visible. The image has a long conical beard and a moustache. He has aja¶å-bhåra with locks falling over his shoulders. The presence of a ãivaascetic depicted like a sage on the temple wall is not a mere one. What is


Fig. 19 Seated image of ãivåcårya,Museum of the Department of Archae-ology, University of Calcutta. Photo-graph: Shubha Majumder

significant is that the Vishnupur sub-di-vision, district of Bankura, wherein Di-har is situated, could be mapped with se-veral ̃ aiva establishments at the villagesNanagar of Salda, Kotulpur, Rautkhanda,Dharapat, Bahulara, Sonamukhi, Na-richa, Kantore, Bamira-Balshi, Achra/Atra, Hadal-Narayanpur, Swarupnara-yantala (Sannyasidanga), etc. The magni-ficent life-size basalt image of Pårvatï(BANERJI 1929: 642; CHATTOPADHYAY

2010: 189) from Hadal-Narayanpur, theextensive structural remains of Sannyasi-danga, Ma Bhavanitala (Dihar) and Kal-bhairavtala (also at Dihar), and the vil-lage of Gomuth (probably a derivation ofGoma¶ha or Goma¶hikå; see CHATTO-PADHYAYA 1998: 65) with its extensivepasture land or gorurbåthån, are sug-gestive of the ãiva context. Even theremains of cattle pens found from exca-vation at Dihar may be related to the go-

¸ålås or cow shelters attached to the temple complexes of Sande¸vara andSaile¸vara at Dihar.

A seated image of a ãivåcårya is in the collection of the Museum of theDepartment of Archaeology, University of Calcutta (Fig. 19). This specimenhas not been published earlier. It is made of grey basalt and the find-spot isin the Jadupur region of the Murshidabad district. This seated ãivåcårya inyogåsana posture on a double-petalled lotus pedestal measures 60 cm inheight and 33 cm in width (at the pedestal part). The pedestal is oval in shape.Since the figure is seated, only the upper part of the kaupïna (in form of aband) is visible. A prominent moustache adorns a puffy and bloated face. Itseyes are closed and the figure sports a short cropped beard. The ears are un-usually large and touch the shoulder. The carver has totally negected theneck. The sacred thread is also well depicted. He has a large and compositeja¶å-bhåra, but the strands of the ja¶å are not depicted. Instead, we find three


Fig. 20 Vaivåhikam÷rti image with ̃ aivåcårya figures from Sankarbandha, Munshi-ganj district. Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka (acc.no. 35). Photographs: GerdMevissen

composite smooth buns aligned in a tre-foil pattern. This particular coiffureis unique as far as ãivåcårya images of eastern India are concerned.

We will now turn our attention to a Vaivåhikam÷rti image of black basalt(72 x 35 x 11cm) found from Sankarbandha, Munshiganj district, and pre-sently in the collection of the Bangladesh National Museum (Fig. 20). Apartfrom N.K. BHATTASALI, eminent art historians have studied this image in


39 BHATTASALI 1929: 122-123, pl. XLVII.b; HAQUE 1963: 41-44, fig. (a) on p. 40; 1992:161-162, pl. 129; 2007: 101, 122, pl. 106; 2008: passim, col.pl. 25; RAHMAN 1975: 65-66, pl. XXVI.1; SHAMSUL ALAM 1985: 212-214, fig.100; BISWAS 1995: 39-40, 79, pl.37; MEVISSEN 2002: 103-104, pl. 8.3a-b; DONALDSON 2007: 146, fig. 67; FATICONI

2008: passim, col.pl. 96.

great detail.39 The stela of this marvellous specimen depicts ãivåcåryasengaged in diverse activities in different rows on either side of the divinecouple. The carvers meticulously rendered the iconic parameters of theãivåcåryas. The entire composition has a conspicuous vertical dimensionand the standing ãivåcåryas are also a part of it. It seems that the ãivå-cåryas were indispensable not only for being royal preceptors or råjagurusbut also for their presence during divine marriages.

Before concluding this section on West Bengal we will mention anotherinscription found from the district of Birbhum. The 24th stanza of the Siyanstone slab inscription of the time of Nayapåla mentions a two-storied ma¶hafor the ̃ aiva ascetics. Incidentally the same inscription in a passage refers tothe killing of soldiers of the Cedi king Kar½a. Both Nayapåla and his sonVigrahapåla III were involved in a struggle with the Cedi king Kar½a of Tri-puri, near Jabalpur. Kar½a ruled from 1041-71 AD and his daughter Yauva-na¸rï was married to Vigrahapåla III. A pillar inscription of Kar½a has beenfound from Paikore, Birbhum. The Siyan stone inscription (whatever is ex-tant) was definitely a pra¸asti reporting certain achievements of a Påla king,most probably Nayapåla. According to D.C. SIRCAR (1973c), this inscriptionwritten in Gau ïya script can be palaeographically assigned to the 11th cen-tury. Incidentally, this inscription was issued by a king subordinate to, andprobably in alliance with, the Pålas and involved in repulsing the Cediarmies. This inscription also mentions an image of the god ãmbhu (ibid.).Significantly, no sculptural specimens of ̃ aivåcåryas have yet been reportedfrom the Birbhum region of West Bengal.

SUMMARY

We started with the findings of a few sculptures of ãivåcåryas from thesouth-western flanks of West Bengal and tried to trace the eastern Indian tra-jectory associated with the spread of the ̃ aiva ideology and the participationof the ãivåcåryas in the same. Here, we would like to place before ourreaders a few observations that could be relevant in the understanding of the


concerned issue. We hope that sincere researchers should consider our as-sumptions regarding the ‘kingdom’ of the ̃ aivåcåryas that parallely survivedwith the royal kingdoms.

1. The formation of the ãiva ideology (for general reading: JASH 1974)which includes the tradition of the formulation and standardization of ãivaphilosophy, beliefs and practices, along with the genesis of the ãivåcåryaallied institutional form (ma¶ha) in eastern India may be initially traced fromthe Gupta/Later Gupta period. The Basarh seal (CHOUDHARY 1958: 6; seealso SINHA/ROY 1969: 123-124) is a direct proof of the legitimization of suchinitial developments. The Nandapur copper plate of the Gupta year 169 = 489AD (MAJUMDAR 1940a; CHOUDHARY 1958: 13-14) records the purchase offallow land within the village of Jangoyika and the transfer of the same to aBråhma½a for the performance of the five great sacrifices. The donee was aninhabitant of Nanda-vithi. This copper plate was found from a village calledNandapur which lies on the southern bank of the Ganges, a few miles north-east of Surajgarha in Monghyr district. This plate was fixed to the wall of aniche in a dilapidated ̃ aiva temple enshrining a ̃ iva li¼ga, locally known asBurhanåtha Mahådeva. The extensive spread of structural and sculpturalremains found from Nandapur and its adjoining sites of Surajgarha, Jalpa,Uren and Shringirishi substantiate a ãiva stronghold in this south Biharregion. However, most of the sites have been washed away by the changingcourse of the Ganga. The site Shringirishi is located on a hillock locallyknown as Shringirishi Pahar in the Kharagpur hill range. According to thelocal tradition, this place is associated with the sage ¹ya¸¡¼ga of Epico-Purå½ic fame and his place of penance, i.e., å¸rama (DEY 1971: 169; PATIL

1963: 552-553; BANDYOPADHYAY 2011).The Nandapur copper plate was issued during the reign of Budhagupta.

This is not an isolated development as inscriptions referring to ̃ aiva establish-ments from parts of Bihar, viz. Rajgir (ancient Råjag¡ha), Nalanda, Aphsad,Deo Markandeya and Deo-Barunak, and from several sites of ancient Bengal(assignable to the Gupta/post-Gupta period) attest to the ãivite spread.Interestingly, Råjag¡ha itself was a ãiva tïrtha as referred to in the VåmanaPurå½a. Other findings reported from Rajgir include ancient ˜iva templecomplexes, several specimens of ˜iva li¼gas, Hara-Pårvatï, besides stuccowork, Någa sculptures, etc. (JHA 2011: 12, 46, 48-49, 79, 89-90, 101, 103).Will it be far-fetched if we associate Nandapura mentioned in the copper


40 One should not confuse the coexistence of ma¶ha complexes and allied temple com-plexes since most of the epigraphic evidence associates ãiva temples within the pre-mises of ãiva ma¶has. These ma¶ha complexes also ensured water resources both forcultivation and day-to-day use, besides pasture lands, båthåns (temporary stations forthe cattle) and expanses of cultivated lands. Ethnoarchaeological data confirm the same.

plate records of the 37th and 38th regnal years of ˜ivagupta Bålårjuna (men-tioned above) with the Nandapura of the Monghyr region? Bålårjuna’s re-cords refer to several ãivåcåryas like Dïrghåcårya and Aghora¸iva whooriginated from Nandapura. One Aghora¸iva is also referred to in the genea-logy of ãivåcåryas mentioned in the Ranod inscription.

2. Another major ãiva network could be firmly established if we tie upthe develoments of the present Bihar region (both north and south) in themiddle Ganga valley with the plateau-plain regions of Chhotanagpur (presentJharkhand), besides the lower Ganga valley (present West Bengal). The evi-dence from both the Basarh seal and the Nandapur copper plate distinctlyhighlights the dominance of ãiva traditions during the Gupta/post-Guptaperiod in Bihar including the Monghyr-Bhagalpur region (with referenc to theMahåkåla/Bhairava image of Mahasay-Deurhi and other sculptural and archi-tectural remains from Nathnagar). The rock-cut temple complexes of Ajgubi-nath (Sultanganj-Jahangira), Patharghata (Ba¶e¸vara temple complex), Shah-kunj (Kheri hill), Mandar hill (with reference to the famous image of Mahå-kåla/Andhakåsuravadha which still survives on top of this hill and the inscrip-tion of Ådityasena in the lower half of this hill), and Deogarh or Citåbh÷mi(DEY 1971: 16) (the famous Vaidyanåth dhåm), besides the sub-centres alongthe Kiul river (ãiva sites like Chauki, Lakhisarai, Rajaona, Valgudar), unfoldanother network of ãiva pilgrimages that developed during the Gupta/post-Gupta periods. This route is equally relevant to trace the movement of ̃ aivå-cåryas and devotees. Ethnological data reveal the popular tradition of ãivafollowers of carrying sacred water from the Ganges at Jahangira-Sultanganjas offering to lord Vaidyanåtha at Deogarh (CHAKRABARTI 2001: 161-175).

3. The magnificence and grandeur of the ãiva ma¶has and temple com-plexes apparent not only from the extant structural remains found from differ-ent parts of the subcontinent, but also mentioned in innumerable epigraphicrecords, cannot be equated with the austere practices propounded in the ̃ aivadoctrines and supposedly practised by the ̃ aivåcåryas.40 The display of gran-deur with reference to the structural and sculptural remains was definitely


associated with the expression of power of the concerned dynasties. The thenexisting infrastructure, i.e., the technical acumen (evolving through genera-tions) of the craftsmen, both temple builders and sculptors, the fundamentalnecessities of the acquisition and continuity of state power, the socio-reli-gious demands of different social groups, the increasing importance of thema¶has as authorized regulators of ritual activities within the temples and theparticipation of the followers, the officiating powers of the holy practitionersor gurus and other vital factors actually mattered in the eventual visual ex-pression of the ̃ aiva ideology. In their ultimate forms, these cultural expres-sions did not oblige the inner philosophy as explained in the texts. The por-trayal of ãivåcåryas (irrespective of the sects) as known from the inscrip-tions, i.e., their inner disposition, their activities, etc., somehow convey theirstatus between the power network and the interpretation of a rigorous faith.The inadequately clad voluminous figures are a dichotomy that is beyond theextravagance of royalty and the austere simplicity of an ascetic.

The Lalitå måhåtmya section of the Brahmå½ a Purå½a (43.59-70) glori-fies the ̃ rïguru as ̃ iva, Vi¹½u and Brahmå. This section elaborates a precep-tor as Supreme ˜iva or Para¸iva encased in human skin who roams the earthincognito in order to bless a worthy disciple. Whatever emanates from themouth of the guru is called ¸åstra, i.e. scripture. The text further states thateven if it is forbidden (in the ¸åstra) one should not disrespect the instruc-tions of the preceptor (TAGARE 1984: 1346-1348).

4. As far as the corporeal depictions of the ̃ aivåcåryas are concerned, theeastern Indian paradigm somehow stressed upon the aspect of physicality.Regarding the conception of the ascetic body in medieval religious traditions,literary sources have alluded both to the eradication of the physical forachieving a liberated state of being and secondly, the body being the vehiclefor spiritual attainment. This dual vision certainly influenced the making ofthe ascetic body and the tangible forms had definite repercussions in the realworld, especially when Tåntric and other esoteric ritual practices became away of life in the structure of the ‘kingdoms’ and their common subjects, i.e.,in the institutionalized acts of devotion centering around numerous monaste-ries. Therefore, the images found from the Bangarh region, from other placesmost probably in north Bengal, from the Moghalmari region and adjoiningOrissa are iconographically significant as they deviate from the standard prac-tices depicted on temple walls of Orissa and central India. These cases of the


41 The sage Agastya has been mentioned among others in the Cintra pra¸asti of the reignof Sara¼gadeva (BÜHLER 1892). This inscription contains a pra¸asti composed in honourof the consecration of five li¼gas which a ãiva ascetic Tripuråntaka erected atSomanåthapattana or Devapattana or Prabhåsa, the famous ãiva tïrtha in Gujarat.Verse 28 of this inscription refers to Tripuråntaka bathing in the waters of the Reva“which are tossing among the rocks of the Vindhya mountains that are hallowed by thetraces of Agastya’s foot-steps.” (BÜHLER 1892: 275). — On the ascetic Tripuråntaka seeNEUSS 2013: 149-155. On the Agastya image in Los Angeles, see MARKEL 2009 [Ed.].

42 The Devyåmata, one of the early ̃ aiva prati¹¶håtantras of the ̃ aiva Siddhånta branch,highlights the iconic forms of ãiva deities including the image of Nartte¸vara identi-fiable in the context of ancient Bengal (˜LACZKA 2011).

embodiment of divinity in gross three-dimensional forms were basically be-yond a specific architectural and programmatic context and expressed thecorporeal presence of the senior ascetics residing at the sites. The Los Ange-les County Museum specimen of the ascetic Agastya41 found from Lakhisarai,Bihar, apparently following the major norms of the three-dimensional por-trayal of the Bengal ãivåcåryas, displays some deviations, probably neces-sitated for the depiction of a mythical figure. It is an ornamented figure withattributes of ak¹amålå and kama½ alu. Sculptures of Agastya have also beenrecorded from several south Indian and south-east Asian sites.

5. Another point which may be highlighted here is that like Orissa, Jhar-khand and Bihar, West Bengal had also yielded Lakulï¸a images from differ-ent ãiva temple complexes and other sites.

6. During the course of the present work, we have referred to a link bet-ween the Mattamay÷ra clan and Na¶aråja or Na¶e¸a being represented in theiconic programme of the Mattamay÷ra temple-ma¶ha complexes.42 The Rå-dhe¸vara temple complex at Bamunara has yielded a beautiful rendering ofa Na¶aråja icon assignable on stylistic grounds to the pre-Påla period, aboutthe 6th-7th centuries AD. There is a posssibility to think in terms of a ãivacentre that developed in the lateritic uplands between the Damodar and theAjay rivers. This possibility is with reference to ãiva-˜åkta remains foundfrom Ichhaighosher-deul, Gaurangapur, Shyamarupar-garh (apparently a ̃ iva-˜åkta ma¶ha), Sivpur and the Rådhe¸vara temple complex near Durgapur.

7. The scope of the present survey did not permit a detailed investigationof the ̃ aivåcårya paradigm. This paradigm, obviously linked with the easternIndian developments, therefore lies neglected. For instance, the act or practiceof immolation to propitiate a deity was a popular one and an inscription


43 According to the Malkapuram stone inscription (mentioned above), Kåkatïya Ga½apati-deva granted the village of Mandaram, and his daughter, queen Rudråmbå, donatedanother village called Vela¼gap÷½ i to Vi¸ve¸vara ˜iva, the spiritual preceptor ofGa½apatideva. Vi¸ve¸vara ˜iva, on the basis of this grant, constituted an agraharacalled Vi¸ve¸vara Golakï, in which he founded a temple for lord Vi¸ve¸vara and aãiva ma¶ha. The inscription further states that the granted villages were inhabited bysixty Bråhmin families who were specially brought from the Tamil country. Thesefamilies followed the Kålånana or Kålåmukha form of ãivism which was representedby Vi¸ve¸vara ˜iva. Ten persons bearing the appellation Vïrabhadra, appointed asguardians of the village, were to perform certain duties such as cutting off various partsof the human body. According to the Malkapuram inscription, these Vïrabhadras wereborn in the Cðåa country (PANTULU 1930: 147-162).

44 For details see note 23 above.

engraved on a vïrakallu or stone tablet with sculptural representations ofheroic acts, found from Kurnool district, Andhra Pradesh, refers to a ãivå-cårya Somaivagurudevaru offering his head to the goddess Tripurådevï. Thisparticular vïrakallu is one of several such stone tablets arranged in a line infront of the central shrine of the Tripura-Sundarï temple at Tripurantakam,Kurnool district. The head of the ãivåcårya was offered so that good maybefall a hero called Allå( a) Vïramallu (MURTHY 1982: 216). Other instancesof immolation are evident from inscriptions found from ãiva temple com-plexes of Andhra Pradesh and built during the Kåkatïya and Reddi hegemo-nies. Before spreading to the Telugu country, it was practiced in the Cðåakingdom.43

The propitiation of a ˜åkta deity by a ãivåcårya is significant and as faras our study area is concerned this interdependence between the ãiva and˜åkta forms is evident from different temple complexes turned into tïrthas.Some of these complexes are associated with the esoteric practices of theKåpålika sect (LORENZEN 1972).

With reference to the Kålåmukha diffusion another inscription may becited. The Tandikonda grant of Åmmåråja II, engraved on a set of four copperplates and consisting of two parts, belongs to the Eastern Cålukya king Åm-måråja II, who reigned from 945 to 970 AD.44

8. The present explorations also recorded a hero-stone site at an ancientburning ghå¶ (cremation ground), presently abandoned, on the banks of theKansavati. The site is known as Tuisama in Purulia district of West Bengal.Archaeologically, the scattered well-dressed stone pillars, about 200 in


number, an abandoned temple complex assignable to the 12th-13th centuriesAD, besides the depiction of li¼gas on the pillars and the depiction of a figureseated in yogåsana on one pillar as well as the representation of rudra aspectsof deities carved on the pillars, all confirm the association of this site with theãiva ideology. Incidentally, a few pillars bear sculptural representations ofTïrtha¼karas. It may not be ruled out that this site apparently received popu-larity as the cremation ground of ãiva ascetics or sages. Significantly, thissite is not far away from the established ̃ aiva centres of Kroshjuri, Budhpur,Boram, Ralibera-Mahadevbera, Sarengarh/Paresnath, Rudra, etc., along theKumari-Kansavati interfluve. Assimilation between the ̃ aiva and Jaina ideo-logies, particularly in the Purulia-Bankura region, may not be ruled out. Thelarge numbers of Jaina tutelary deities reminiscent of the Umå-Mahe¸vara/Umåli¼gana/Hara-Pårvatï forms found among the Jaina sculptural remainsfrom Pakbira and even the worship of a large icon of Mahåvïra as Bhairavaat the same site, definitely suggest an assimilative process. Remarkable find-ings from Kroshjuri also attest to the same.

9. The earliest epigraphic evidence related to the Åmardaka line or schoolis found from the 8th century AD records issued by Mahå¸ivagupta Bålårjunawhose sponsorship of the ãiva faith and political power was based in thesouth Kosala region along the upper course of the Mahanadi. Even the ear-liest Amare¸vara shrine is with reference to the south Kosala region. Laterinscriptions of the Kalacuris (assignable to the 9th-11th centuries AD) refer toÅmardaka as well as Åmardakatïrthanåtha. This Åmardakatïrthanåtha wasthe spiritual successor of Purandara, the legendary Mattamay÷ranåtha.

10. The great ãivåcårya Vi¸ve¸vara mentioned in the Malkapuram in-scription hailed from P÷rvagråma within Dak¹i½a Rå ha in the Gau a coun-try. We have also reported a few sculptural specimens of ãivåcåryas fromthe West Midnapur region which was a part of ancient Dak¹i½a Rå ha. Thisregion has again come to the forefront with reference to a great scholar andan ardent devotee of ˜iva, Halåyudha. An inscription known as the Halåyu-dha-stotra is carved on the inner side of the southern wall in the ma½ apa ofthe renowned Amare¸vara temple at Måndhåtå (SASTRI 1948; NEUSS 2013:127-130). This inscription is dated Samvat 1120 = 1063 AD. Verse 64 refersto Halåyudha as hailing from the village Navagråma situated in Dak¹i½aRå ha. This is an instance hinting to the interactions between two distantãiva strongholds. Incidentally, the Telugu poet Pålkuriki Somanåtha who


lived about 1190 AD, refers in his Dvipada Basavapurå½a to a Halåyudha,a follower of the ãiva cult, who was a native of Navagråma (SASTRI 1948:174).

It may be mentioned here that an inscription in the Thiruvålï¸vara templeat Arpakkam issued during the reign of Råjådhiråja Cðåa II (1172 AD) refersto a Svåmi-dëvar named Umåpati-dëvar or Jñåna¸iva-dëvar who hailed fromRå ha (NAGASWAMY 2010: 256). In fact, Aghora ãivåcårya’s manual forthe priests and commentary on ãiva Siddhånta entitled Aghora¸ivåcårya-paddhati, written in 1158 AD during the reign of Råjaråja Cðåa II, refers toa lineage of ̃ aivåcåryas belonging to the Åmardaka ma¶ha, besides mention-ing other ma¶has like Golakï and Ra½abhadra. It also refers to the fact thatmost of these åcåryas originated from Gau ade¸a, Lå¶ade¸a, Åryade¸a andfrom Cðåade¸a (ibid.: 248-255). One of the gurus, ̃ rïka½¶ha ̃ iva, came fromGau ade¸a to worship Na¶aråja at Chidambaram and was appointed byVikrama Cðåa as råjaguru.

11. Incidentally, the Chandrehe inscription was written by Dåmodara, sonof Lak¹mïdhara. Whether this Lak¹mïdhara was the same as Lak¹mïdhara,the engraver of the Bangarh pra¸asti of ãivåcårya M÷rti¸iva, is difficult toascertain. Another Devadhara, grand-son of Lak¹mïdhara, composed theBatesvar Candella inscription of Paramardideva, assignable to c. 1194/95AD. The Bangarh pra¸asti was issued during the reign of Nayapåla.

12. Several inscriptions cited here with reference to land grants in favourof ãiva establishments including temples and the maintenance of theåcåryas mention the fact that they were issued by the concerned royal spon-sors on the occasion of a solar eclipse.

13. An inscription issued during the reign of Some¸vara I and dated in theãka year 988 refers to the nun Ga¼gikabbe, holding a representative posi-tion in a community of ̃ aiva ascetics. This inscription from Hottur, Dharwardistrict, is inscribed on a stone slab (with a rounded top) divided verticallyinto three parts bearing sculptural representations (BARNETT 1921-22).Panels depicting ãivåcåryas on different temple walls also portray the pre-sence of female attendants or devotees.

14. A definite revival of the study of the Vedas can be associated with theãivåcåryas. Whether this involvement with the Vedas was in the nature ofa revival or continuity from earlier times has perhaps been duly investigatedby the concerned scholars.


15. The ˜ivadharmottara, a ˜åkta Upapurå½a cited by HAZRA (1963:180), specifies the freedom of speech of the ãiva teachers in the context ofreligious instructions.

16. We would like to point out another aspect regarding the ãiva ma¶haand temple complexes. The Asanapat inscription refers to a ã¼khakåra-ma¶ha or the ma¶ha of the conch-shell workers hailing from Ahicchatra. Wedo not know the ideology with which this ma¶ha was associated. The Ranodinscription also mentions one ̃ a¼khama¶hådipati. Again, a majority of the in-scriptions referred to in the present work and innumerable others mention thesparkling grandeur of ãiva temples and ma¶has and how they are like themajestic snow-capped mountains, like the Himalayas, etc. The allusion to thedazzling whiteness may be connected with the stucco carvings affixed to tem-ples and monasteries. Shell is a major component of stucco which has beenused extensively for the embellishment of temples, monasteries and otherstructural remains from the initial centuries of the Christian Era onwards. Inthe eastern Indian context, the stucco carvings of Maniyar ma¶ha, Nalandamahåvihåra, Vikramasila mahåvihåra (all in Bihar), Raktam¡ttikå mahå-vihåra (Karnasuvarna/Murshidabad), Moghalmari and even from the structu-ral complex unearthed at Vallaladhibi (all from West Bengal), attest to thelarge-scale use of conch-shell for the ornamentation of the exterior facadesof religious complexes. The Benares inscription of Pantha (SAHNI 1908),palaeographically assignable to the 8th century AD, records the erection of ashrine of Bhavånï at Varanasi which is described as a resort of the moonengaged in study, interpretation of the Vedas, truth, vows, muttering of pray-ers and austerities. It refers to the fierce-looking image of Bhavånï installedby the devout ãiva Pantha. The description of Bhavånï corressponds toCåmu½ å and we are reminded of Carcikå of the Bangarh inscription andBhavånï of the Bilhari inscription. What is more interesting is the mention ofthe magnificence of the shrine “which was joined with a very adhesive andbright cement, resplendent with the sound of bells ...” (verse 5). This adhe-sive and bright cement most probably indicated the use of stucco.

The evidence from Moghalmari is significant. We have already docu-mented several ãivåcårya icons besides other sculptural specimens associ-ated with ãiva establishments in and around Dantan-Moghalmari. Exca-vations at the Sakhisena mound of Moghalmari unearthed remarkable spe-cimens of stucco work and the concerned images adorning the unearthed


structural complex may be explained in favour of a Tåntric ma¶ha that wasbuilt upon an earlier Buddhist establishment. The scope of the present paperis too limited to explain the above view with due elaborations; however,thorough investigation in this direction is a desideratum.

17. There is a conceptual link between ãivism, ˜åktism and Tåntricism.The Ågamånta ãiva sects mostly patronized by the Cðåa kings introducedseveral ˜åkta-Tåntric ideas into ãiva Siddhånta. As far as our study area isconcerned the findings from the sites along the Mahanadi-Baitarani-Suvarna-rekha-Damodar-Ajay-Bhagirathi consolidate the ˜åkta-Tåntric assimilationin ̃ aivism. This assimilation is generally believed to have taken place in twomajor stages. The first stage may be visualized with the findings assignableto the 6th century onwards and the second stage is apparent from the findingsassignable to the 10th-12th centuries AD. The first authoritative work of theÅgamånta ãiva was the Kriyåkarmadyotanï composed by Aghora ãivå-cårya in the 12th century AD (BHATTACHARYYA 2008). This work refers tothe grace of ̧ akti or the female aspect in the initiation of monks into this sect.

Archaeologically, the present study area also conceived or experiencedanother development, viz. the Atimårgikas (Kåpålikas and Kålåmukhas) whoincorporated obscure elements of primitive mother goddess cults. The in-volvement of the female principle can be initially visualized during the Guptaperiod and the continuity is traceable both in literary and archaeologicalsources, assignable especially to the 12th century AD. The incorporation ofprimitive mother goddess cults has already been traced in our study area andwe would like to recall the village deities or gråm devatås known as Sinïs andCa½ ïs. It may not be unwise to record the fact that the Vïra¸aiva doctrinepropounded in the Karnataka region was also a 12th century AD phenomenon.They also referred to the ãiva-˜åkta assimilation. Re½ukåcårya’s workSiddhånta¸ikhåma½i elaborates the Vïra¸aiva concept of ãkti (BHATTA-CHARYYA 1983: 49-53; 2008: 154, fn. 8).

Ethnological parameters in our study area with reference to the rem-nants of the Tåntric traditions from the post-Gupta period onwards may guideus to give a coherent picture about the antecedence and continuation of socio-religious perspectives associated with the ̃ aivåcårya-ãiva-˜åkta relationshipand its diffusion over a wider area. The mobility of the ãivåcåryas or thefollowers of ãivism may be traced particularly along the river courses fromthe interior plateau region of Chandil, Boram, Kotshila, Telkupi, Deulbhira,


Biharinath, Budhpur, Tuisama, Jorda, Ekteswar and Atbaichandi towards theplain, i.e. to Bahulara, Dharapat, Dihar, Salda, Garh Mandaran and finally thefamous tïrthas of Tarakeswar and Mahanad. This tract of mobility was notthe only one.

The other route subsequently progressed through the Ajay-Damodarinterfluve, traversed the Bhagirathi and finally reached the coastal region ofWest Bengal. This route ran from the Girdhe¸var temple complex near Jamuiin Jharkhand to the Vaidyanåtha temple complex (Deogarh), and furtherto the Begunia temple complex (Barakar), Kalyå½e¸varï temple complex(Pandaveshwar-Bhimgarh on the banks of the Ajay), Sainthia (present Bir-bhum), Bakre¸vara temple complex, Rådhe¸vara (Bamunara in the Durgapurregion), Ichhai Ghosher Deul (Shyamarupar Garh), Mankar (ancient Dhek-kari known from the Ramganj copper plate of Ï¸varagho¹a), Baneshwarda¼ga (one of the well-known historical settlements at Barabelun), Mangal-kot (excavated site in Burdwan district, part of Vardhamåna bhukti), Khira-gram (Jogadhya temple complex), Manteshwar-Patun-Mandalgram, Sat-deulia, Bainchigram, Vallaladhibi (excavated site), Tribeni, Saptagram, Ma-hanad (another early historic settlement), Bhursut-Betor, Kalighat, Boral,Barashi, Kasinagar-Chhatrabhog, Jatar Deul (Kankandighi), Mathbari, Deul-pota, Mandirtala, and finally the Kapile¸var temple complex of Gangasagar.

This route was well-connected with the ̃ aiva circuit of south Bihar (centreslike Bateshwar, Champa, Mandar hill, Shahkund, Ajgubinath or Jahangira)and north Bengal (centres like Bangarh, Jalpeshwar in the Jalpaiguri district)that extended up to Assam (Kåmåkhyå temple complex). The legendary Vara-nasi region certainly influenced the developments of south Bihar. The settle-ments associated with the ãiva-˜åkta tradition in the districts of Birbhum(Maluti, Tarapith in Rampurhat, Siyan, the provenance of an inscription men-tioned above, Lalå¶e¸varï in Nalhati, Kotasur in ancient Uttara Rå ha, ancientSiddhala in Uttara Rå ha, A¶¶ahåsa, etc.) and Murshidabad (Åm¡tkundu/Åmarkundu and Sagardighi region) served as the transit settlements betweenthe middle Ganga valley, north Bengal and the lower Ganga valley.

The circuit of tïrthas mentioned in the 6th century Asanapat inscription(mentioned above) corroborates the above interregional ̃ aiva-˜åkta trajecto-ry while referring to holy places like På¶alïputra, Gayå, Krimilå, Lalåvardha-na, Pu½ ravardhana, Vardhamåna, Gokkha¶ï, Khadra¼ga and Tåmaliptï. It issignificant to record that the said network has a noted antecedence. Initially


visualized with the emergence of black-and-red ware associated farming andnon-farming village settlements which enhanced the procurement network,besides the traffic of different commodities, the above circuit subsequentlydeveloped as common routes used by trading communities and followers ofdifferent religious ideologies, though with different missions (trade or pil-grimage). Interestingly, Dhoyï’s Pavanad÷tam also refers to ̃ iva temples anda route operative as above. Dhoyï also refers to ̃ iva Vi¸ve¸vara of Varanasi.

18. It may not be unwise to place an argument regarding the popularity andthe process of deitification of the goddess Manaså with reference to ̃ aivism.Apart from the Ma¼gal kåvyas which glorify Manaså and refer to her ãivalineage, there are other texts which prescribe rituals for the worship of Manasåand her association with ãiva sages. She is also known as Jagatgaurï. TheMondolgram Manaså image inscription of the time of Nayapåladeva (SANYAL

2006) along with Manaså images reported from the Patharghata temple com-plex, besides other specimens, corroborate the ãiva-˜åkta tradition.

19. With the passage of time, the remnant of the ãiva trajectory is appa-rent from temple complexes of the late medieval period. In eastern India,several such temple complexes are still associated with living practices likethe worship of li¼gas and performance of ̃ aiva rituals. Significantly, the an-nual practice of gåjan, i.e., the singing of folk songs allied with rituals inpraise of ˜iva, is still prevalent in different ãiva temple complexes of WestBengal. Several late medieval land transaction deeds record land grants forthe sake of conducting gåjans. Instances of such deeds have been reportedfrom several sites in the district of Bankura, like the Ga¼gådhara temple ofNanagar in Kotulpur, the famous Siddhe¸vara temple at Bahulara and theCakre¸varï complex at Kantore.

20. If we believe that the story started with the central Indian Mattama-y÷ra sect or clan (as per the earliest epigraphic reference so far), then two dif-ferent routes that were traversed by the ãivåcårya trajectory may be traced.One is through the trans-Vindhyan, Kaimur south Bihar plateau, eastern UP(i.e. Middle Ganga valley), south Bihar plains to North Bengal (Bangarh/Ko¶ivar¹a vi¹aya/Devikot) and Murshidabad (Karnasuvarna). The other routeis from central India to the Mahanadi, Baitarani, Suvarnarekha, Damodar andAjoy to the lower Ganga plains.

21. In reality, the fate of the two strongholds of ãivåcåryas in ancientBengal, one at Bangarh and the other apparently in the Dantan-Moghalmari


45 It is necessary to note that an excavation at Semathan yielded a valuable terracotta fig-urine apparently depicting a sage. Interestingly, the specimen was unearthed fromPeriod IV which has been assigned by the excavator to the Kushan Period. Is it theearliest icon of a ãivåcårya? The excavator suggests it to be probably a figure of adevotee (GAUR 1987: pl. 75).

46 For the south Indian context of ãivism including ãivåcåryas and ma¶has, see CHAM-PAKALAKSHMI 2011.

region, was sealed by the arrival of Islamic power and the subsequent pro-cess of Islamization. We cannot ignore the consequences of Islamization asapparent from the enormous database available from the Purå½as and Upapu-rå½as (Brahmavaivarta and Brahmå½ a Purå½as) and the Ma¼gal kåvyas.The disintegration of the ̃ aiva-˜åkta tradition of the Bangarh segment couldbe viewed in the context of medieval/late medieval developments in Nepal(Pa¸upatinåtha) and the Assam region (Kåmåkhyå). On the other hand, theDantan-Moghalmari monastic order ceased to survive possibly due to themilitary ambitions of the Mughals (VASU 1911: 111-121).

22. Though the present study concentrates on the epigraphic and sculptu-ral findings from eastern India for emphasizing the developments of theãivåcårya tradition, we must remind our readers that the Indian subcontinenthad also succumbed to and still has a tradition towards the development ofãiva-˜åkta and Sahajïyå concepts of religious beliefs and practices. On theone hand, more conservative ̃ aivåcåryas of the Kashmir region45 pleaded fora rigourous mode of attaining spiritual objectives. This form gradually spreadto the Himachal/upper Ganga valley. The developments in peninsular Indiawere comparatively democratic at least for the sake of the survival of the ma-¶has as centres of power.46 A conscious realization of the success of the con-temporary Vai¹½va ma¶has surely influenced the trajectory of the ãiva ma-¶has. This trend was equally applicable in the context of ancient Bengal fromthe post-Caitanya period onwards. Anyway, the journey of Agastya in Dak¹i-½åpatha expressed a different connotation. The intermediary zone, viz. centralIndia, will be known for its affiliation to the Mattamay÷ra concept besidesothers. In most of these cases the passage from an ideology to an institution(ma¶ha) and then again to a newer form of the religion or religious ideologywas secured by royal patronage. Similarly, one may not rule out the parti-cipation of the littoral communities (both of western and eastern India) in thepropagation of the ̃ aiva ideology and tradition. Mercantile communities, the


47 For details about the ãivite affiliation of Somnath, like the deeds related to religiousestablishments including ma¶has/ma¶hikås, and the involvement of the sponsors, bothof royal and mercantile groups, see CHATTOPADHYAYA 1998, ch. 3: 61-78.

ruling authority and the participation of the devotees, all nucleated in theSomnath complex47 of the western littoral, played an important role to con-solidate such a tradition. It is obvious that the relationship between the ̃ aivama¶has particulary of eastern India is still crystallized in the presence of thesage Kapile¸var, by the remnant of the annual rituals at Gangasagar duringmakara sankranti. D.C. SIRCAR (1971: 222-224, fns. 1-2), while describingthe antiquity of Gangasagar with reference to the historical geography of theeastern littoral (ancient Bengal) and its association with the annual celebra-tion, refers to a 5th-century inscription and two stone sculptures (one depictingthe ãivåcårya Kapilamuni and the other being an image of Mahådeva), be-sides a huge monastic and temple complex. Moreover, he has highlightedGangasagar in the context of a tïrtha as referred to in the Mahåbhårata,Vi¹½usaºhitå and the accounts of Al-Bïr÷ni (ibid.: 220-221).

The above reconstruction, prompted by the findings of a few sculpturalremains recorded during our recent field survey, is quite vulnerable as we didnot incorporate the data available from a vast corpus of epigraphs found fromsouth India, western India and Kashmir, besides structural and sculptural re-mains pertaining to the same. A comprehensive survey of the literary sourceshas also not been made. The limited scope of searching for the ãivåcåryaparadigm in the present study area has somehow distorted the status of thesame in the outlining of the larger ̃ aiva trajectory in our subcontinent. There-fore, the portrayal of the ‘kingdom’ essentially remains a curtailed compila-tion of data. Altogether, these valuable sources of history related to the riseand growth of the ̃ aivåcårya tradition allow us to comment on the impact ofreligious beliefs and practices along with the fundamentals of strong religiousdoctrines on the modern/post-modern trajectory of historical discourse. Wecan justify the present status of these ãiva-˜åkta institutions/traditions, forinstance, by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s interpretation of Neo-Hinduism(KING 1977). Devotion has metamorphosized into an industry and therein liesthe legacy of a kingdom turned mighty empire. As custodians of historical re-cords and sincere interpreters of the same, we are deeply concerned about thefuture of these records. The genesis of the said ̃ aiva kingdom could archaeo-logically be viewed in an alternative way. The black-and-red ware associated


early villages (from the protohistoric period onwards) of the present studyarea certainly merged into a strong economically viable zone of the historicalperiod. The productive forces, viz. the communities like pastoralists/peasants/agriculturalists, the social groups involved in the procurement/trading net-work, besides others played a crucial role to strengthen the ma¶ha system bytheir innocent and spontaneous beliefs and moral support. Their realizationof the suppression of the evil deeds of the society and their limitations to pro-tect every member of the family or society and to ensure the process of pro-creation, all these factors led to their endorsement of a strong religioussystem. The ãivåcåryas were one of their protectors. Large-scale encroach-ment on the religious heritage by the manipulation of the trustees, the apathyprojected by the concerned heritage maintenance authorities, along with thegross negligence on the part of the historians in investigating the enormousdatabase available from the later Purå½as and the Upapurå½as, will surelydestroy the signifiers of this kingdom. The above outline may inspire a futurerevisit in any form.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We are grateful to Gerd J.R. Mevissen for his keen interest in the subjectconcerned and for agreeing to publish this lengthy discourse. We are alsograteful to the persons who supplied photographs and to the researchscholars of the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta.

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Inhalt / Contents

MICHAEL KNÜPPEL

Zur Herkunft eines Syngraphems in der Handschrift Ch/U 7570 (Maitreya-Lobpreis und Insadi-S÷tra) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

ALOÏS VAN TONGERLOO & MICHAEL KNÜPPEL

Einige Briefe Robert Edmond Gauthiots (1876-1916) an Willy Bang Kaup und Friedrich Carl Andreas aus den Jahren 1909-11 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

PRATAPADITYA PAL

An Early Image of ˜iva as Mahe¸a/Mahe¸vara from Mathura: An Iconological Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

VINAY KUMAR GUPTA

˜rï/Lak¹mï and Her Association with Other Deities in Early Indian Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

IBRAHIM SHAH

Kashmiri-Type Vi¹½u Images in Pakistani Collections: An Iconographic Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

JÜRGEN NEUSS

Oºkåre¸var-Måndhåtå. Tracing the Forgotten History of a Popular Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

RUPENDRA KUMAR CHATTOPADHYAY, SWATI RAY & SHUBHA MAJUMDER

The Kingdom of the ãivåcåryas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

SWATI RAY & BIJAN MONDAL

The Reappearance of the Lord: Dhoyï’s Ardhanårï¸vara Resurrected? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257

GERD J.R. MEVISSEN

Corpus of Ardhanårï¸vara Images from Nepal, Eastern Indiaand Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

BIRENDRA NATH PRASAD

A Folk Tradition Integrated into Mahåyåna Buddhism: Some Observations on the Votive Inscriptions on Sculptures of Pu½ e¸varï/P÷r½e¸varï/Pu½ye¸varï Discovered in the Kiul-Lakhisarai Area, Bihar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299

GUDRUN BÜHNEMANN

Bhairava and the Eight Charnel Grounds: On the History of a Monumental Painting at the Jayavågï¸varï Temple, Kathmandu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307

Mitarbeiter / Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327

¼

Documents

The Kingdom of the Saivacaryas