The Thorny Oyster and the Origins of Empire

Society for American Archaeology

The Thorny Oyster and the Origins of Empire: Implications of Recently Uncovered SpondylusImagery from Chan Chan, PeruAuthor(s): Joanne PillsburySource: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Dec., 1996), pp. 313-340Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/972262 .Accessed: 31/05/2011 10:16

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The acquisition and use of exotic, valuable, and ritually important elite goods is a prominent feature of many imperial political economies. After an extensive review of the archaeological and documentary sources on one specific valuable in the empire of Chimor, this paper analyzes the visual representation of such goods, an aspect seldom addressed by archaeologists. An architectural relief recently excavated at Chan Chan, the capital of Chimor, sheds new light on the use of exotic materials and long-distance trade and exchange along the Pacific coast of South America in the late Prehispanic period. This relief, named "Los Buceadores " (The Divers) for the principal imagery depicting Spondylus divers, is important for elucidating the role of this valuable in the early development of the Chimu' empire. It is argued that the Chimu' rulers sponsored a long-distance exchange network during an early stage of the expansion of the Chimu' polity and that the fruits of this network, particularly Spondylus, formed a critical element in the formation and maintenance of the ritual and economic basis of power for the expanding state.

Uno rasgo importante de muchas economfas politicas imperiales es la adquisicio'n y uso de bienes exoticos de gran valor e importancia ritual para las e'lites. Despue's de resenar los datos arqueologicos y las fuentes documentales que hay sobre uno de estos bienes en el imperio de Chimor, este trabajo analiza su representacion visual, un procedimiento poco abordado por los arqueologos. Un relieve arquitectonico en barro recientemente descubierto en Chan Chan, la capital Chimu', provee nuevas perspectivas sobre el uso de bienes exoticos y sobre el comercio e intercambio a larga distancia durante el periodo Prehispa'nico tardio en el litoral Paeffico de Sudame'rica. El relieve, llamado "Los Buceadores" por el tema principal que representa buscadores de Spondylus, es de gran relevancia para dilucidar el papel que esta concha desempeno en el desa- rrollo temprano del imperio de Chimor. Se propone aquf que los gobernantes Chimu' financiaban una red de intercambio a la rga distancia du rante un estadfo temprano de la expansion del imperio, y que los beneficios de esa red comercial, y pa r- ticularmente de la concha Spondylus, constituyeron un elemento de suma importancia en la formacion y mantenimiento de las bases economicas y rituales del poder sobre el que se sustentaba la expansion del estado.

Joanne Pillsbury * Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the Americas, Sainsbury Centre, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, United Kingdom, and the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC 20565

Latin American Antiquity, 7(4), 1996, pp. 313-340. Copyright (C) by the Society for American Archaeology

The acquisition and use of valuables, particularly exotic materials, in imperial centers is one of the most prominent features of

expanding political economies. Access to imported goods is perhaps the most recoverable aspect of prestige and leadership in ancient states. One of the best documented examples of this is the use of the marine bivalve Spondylus in the central Andean region. Under normal conditions, Spondylus is found in the warmer waters north of the Santa Elena Peninsula in Ecuador, yet it was highly valued farther south in Peru at considerable distances from its natural habitat from the Preceramic period (12,000?-1800 B.C.) onward.

Evidence for the use of this shell is abundant for Chimor, the late Prehispanic kingdom mentioned in several sixteenth-century texts and known archaeologically as the Chimu culture. The polity flourished on the north coast of Peru between the tenth and fifteenth centuries A.D., until it was conquered by the Inka around A.D. 1462-1470 (Rowe 1948:40). At its height, the Chimu empire extended approximately l,000 km along the Peruvian coast from what is now Tumbes near the Ecuadorian border south to the Chillon Valley just north of Lima (Figure l) (T. Topic, 1990:177).

Despite previous work, researchers have not clearly articulated how Spondylus was acquired

313

THE THORNY OYSTER AND THE ORIGINS OF EMPIRE: IMPLICATIONS OF RECENTLY UNCOVERED

SPONDYLUS IMAGERY FROM CHAN CHAN, PERU

Joanne Pillsbury

314 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 7, No. 4, 1996

E C U A D O R

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and used by the Chimu. Terrestrial trade and exchange with highland groups have been out- lined (J. Topic 1990), and the possibility of maritime or overland long-distance exchange with polities in the area that is now Ecuador has been mentioned by numerous scholars (Bruhns 1994; Currie 1995; Espinoza Soriano 1987:2:43-55; Hocquenghem 1993; Hocquenghem and Pena Ruiz 1994; Hornborg 1989:226; Sandweiss 1992; Schaedel 1990; Shimada 1991). However, there has been no systematic study of the role of Spondylus at Chan Chan, the Chimu capital, and, with the exception of recent work by Hocquenghem (1993), little discussion of the nature of its control and consumption by the

Chimu elite. This paper examines recently dis- covered architectural reliefs from Chan Chan in light of documentary and archaeological sources to elucidate the acquisition and use of this valuable in Chimu culture and the expansion of Chimu political economy.

The archaeological site of Chan Chan is located in the Moche Valley, near the modern city of Trujillo (Figure 2). At the core of this vast city are monumental compounds (ciudadelas) assumed to be the courts and mausolea of the Chimu kings listed in early Colonial documents (Conrad 1981; Moseley and Day 1982) (Figure 3). The recent discovery of an architectural relief at Chan Chan (Figure 4), named "Los

Pillsbury] THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 315

Figure 2. Map of the lower Moche Valley (after Moseley 1982:Figure 1.2).

Buceadores" (The Divers) for the principal imagery depicting Spondylus divers, is relevant to understanding the role of this valuable in the early development of the Chimu state. The presence of the Los Buceadores relief within one of the early ciudadelas at Chan Chan, in an area assumed to be integral to the redistribution activities of the state, suggests that the rulers of the Chimu polity were stressing their access to Spondylus and the concomitant benefits associated with the shell. The appearance of this imagery at Chan Chan coincides with a sharp increase in the use of Spondylu* on the north coast of Peru.

The exact nature of the movement of goods such as Spondylus in the Late Intermediate period (A.D. lOOO-1476) is unknown, although it seems likely that the Chimu controlled much of the distribution of the shell on the north coast, at least in

the later part of its history. It is likely that simple "down-the-line" exchange (Renfrew 1975; Zeidler 1991) continued to play some role, as it had for millennia. Another possible model is that this exchange was managed via independent, entrepreneurial traders, such as those suggested for the Chincha polity of the Late Horizon period (A.D. 147S1534) (Rostworowski 1970). In con- trast, a model of administered exchange, detailed below, would emphasize state-sponsored long- distance exchange specialists managing the importation of Spondylus. As is demonstrated below, the location of the Los Buceadores relief, along with other data, favors the latter interpretation. In either case, Chimu rulers sponsored the acquisition and distribution of Spondylus as part of their strategy to reinforce their elite status, particularly at a critical early juncture of their politi-


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P A C I F I C O C E A N

cal expansion. Spondylus, as part of a social and economic system of gift exchange considered to be fundamental to the basis of power of Andean Prehispanic polities, would have been one of a number of important generators of capital for the expanding state (D' Altroy and Earle 1985). Spondylus, among other items, would be used in the development and maintenance of status rela- tionships in the expanding polity. As discussed by

Costin and Earle (1989), the basis of power and the maintenance of social control in complex societies are achieved via three options: monopo- lization of force, control over finance and related political processes, and legitimization of rule. In the Chimu case, examination of the use of Spondylus is of direct concern to the establish- ment and maintenance of the basis of power, both in terms of its role as a key valuable in the gener-

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Pillsburyl THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 317

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Figure 4. Sections A and B of the Los Buceadores relief. Drawing by Genaro Barr.

ation of capital to finance political operations and also as a material closely linked with deities and legitimization of social hierarchies.

This paper is divided into six sections. The first is an overview of the biological characteristics of the bivalve Spondylus and the cultural contexts of its use in the central Andean region; this section is followed by a review of documentary and archaeological data pertaining to Spondylus importation, along with a discussion of previous arguments on Chimu trade and exchange. The third, fourth, and fifth sections are analyses of morphological and archaeological data on the context of exchange at Chan Chan, including new data on the Los Buceadores relief and related images. The sixth section is a discussion of the role of Spondylus within Chan Chan and the Chimu polity and the broader concerns of the significance and use of key valuables in the development of expanding political economies.

Spondylus

Spondylus sp. is a large tropical bivalve found in warm, moderately deep waters (Abbott 1974:450-451; Keen 1971 :96-98; Lamprell 1986; Olsson 1961: 149-153, plate 86). Spondylus has been found in archaeological contexts in Peru in a variety of forms, from the inclusion of whole shells in burials to the use of cut shell for ornaments and ground shell dust in the royal court. The two species of Spondylus found archaeologically in Peru are Spondylus calcifer Carpenter, with a red-purplish band around the inner margin of the valves, and Spondylus princeps Broderip, which is a uniform coral-red color (form leuca-

cantha has some white spines). The smaller and more delicate Spondylus princeps, commonly known as the thorny oyster, was valued as a whole shell and also as raw material for ornaments. Spondylus calcifer was used principally for beads and other artifacts (Marcos 1986b: 199-200).

Under normal conditions, the bivalve is not found in the colder waters off the coast of Peru. Spondylus calcifer is found from the Gulf of California to Ecuador, and Spondylus princeps is found from Panama to northwestern Peru. Spondylus calcifer is relatively easier to harvest, appearing in greater numbers at a lesser depth, whereas Spondylus princeps, apparently of greater ritual importance, is found singly or in small groups at depths between 15 and 50 m (Keen 1971:96-98; Marcos 1977-1978:103; Marcos and Norton 1981:148; Norton 1986: 133-34). According to Sandweiss (1992:note 79; 1982:219; also Sandweiss and Rodrlguez, 1991:58-59), Spondylus may briefly colonize the Peruvian coast as far south as Callao (the port of Lima) as a result of unusually warm waters off the coast of Peru during ENSO (El Nino Southern Oscillation) or El Nino events (Arntz 1986; Moseley 1987; Moseley et al. 1983; Nials et al. 1979a, 1979b). Sandweiss notes, however, that the Spondylus populations would be both limited in size and ephemeral in time and would not have provided a significant source of shells for Peruvian rituals.

Spondylus has been found in nonutilitarian contexts in Peru since the Preceramic period (Feldman 1985:81; Paulsen 1974; Zeidler 1991). Spondylus was not the only shell that was highly


valued and widely distributed in ancient Peru (see, for example, Schaedel 1990 and Mester 1990 on other species), but it clearly was singled out in the iconographic program at Chan Chan. Paulsen (1974:604-605) argues that the bivalve is associated closely with oracular centers and may have played a part in rituals at Chavin de Huantar, Pachacamac, and other sites. Spondylus shells, or mullu (as it is known in Quechua), were important items of sacrifice and often were included as burial goods in the Andes. In addition to their use in tombs and as offerings, the shells may have been used as architectural ornamentation. De Murua (1962:81 [c. 1613]) describes a building in Tomebamba known as the Mullo Cancha, which was ornamented with Spondylus and gold. At Pachacamac, a door was adorned with the shell (Shimada 1991 :XXXIV).

Spondylus may have been a favored sacrifice because of a close association with deities; the shell is mentioned as a preferred food for the gods in the Quechua Huarochirl manuscript compiled by Francisco de Avila around 1598. In one section, Tupac Inca Yupanqui pleads for the supernatural powers to help him defeat his enemies; Maca Uisa is the only divinity that answers his call. In return, Tupac Inca Yupanqui offers him gold, silver, cloth, and food:

The Inca then said, "Father, eat!" and had some food served to him, but Maca Uisa replied with a demand:

"I am not in the habit of eating stuff like this. Bring me some thorny oyster shells!"

As soon as the Inca gave him thorny oyster shells, Maca Uisa ate them all at once, making them crunch with a "cap cap" sound. [Salomon and Urioste 1991:1 16]

Mester (1989) has argued that for the Inka the shiny pearl oysters Pteria sterna and Pinctada mazatlantica were part of a celestial symbolic complex, and the reddish Spondylus was part of a structurally opposing terrestrial complex, closely associated with agricultural fertility. The association of Spondylus with agricultural fertility is evident in both the historical texts and in contemporary Andean agricultural practices. Cobo (1990:51, 117 [1653]) mentions that seashells often were used for sacrifices, particularly to ensure the rains and abundant crops. De Acosta (1962:246, 247 [1590]) mentions the sac-

rifice of shells to springs and flowing waters, saying that the indigenous peoples called the shells "daughters of the sea, mother of all waters." Murra (1975) argues that mullu is particularly important in rituals associated with agricultural fertility in contemporary Andean practice as well. Spondylus is considered essential to bring water (via rain or river); in a greater sense, it is considered to bring fertility. Murra also notes that, in the past, great quantities of the shell or shell dust were offered to the gods to ward off droughts.

The importance of Spondylus in ritual and economic life in the Andes may be related to the formal and biological properties of the bivalve (Davidson 1980, 1981, 1982). The morphology of the shell, including its color, the long external spines, and the secondary teeth (Yonge 1973-1974), may have played a part in the attrac- tion of Spondylus as an indicator of strength and protection. Such spines are relatively rare among bivalve groups and probably served an important protective function for the byssally attached Spondylus (Logan 1974; Stanley 1970:33-34). The spines serve as direct physical defense against fish predation. Although it is difficult to determine what the indigenous perception of the mollusk was, this spiky, aggressive characteristic of the bivalve's morphology seems to have been highlighted by Chimu artists in the visual render- ing of the shell (Figure 4, Section B). Other aspects of the bivalve may have contributed to the symbolic importance of Spondylus. Davidson (1981, 1982) notes that characteristics such as its seasonal toxicity and sensory abilities are distinctive. Spondylus spends its adult life attached to the ocean floor and feeds on microor- ganisms brought by the action of marine currents. At two points in the year, between April-May and August-September, marine currents swept into the mollusk's inner tissues may contain dinofla- gellates possessing substances toxic for human consumption. The toxins induce sensory distor- tions, limb paralysis, convulsions, and even death (Davidson 1982:332; Kamiya and Hashimoto 1978; Mata et al. 1990). Davidson also notes that during these months Spondylus shells were offered to weather deities to guarantee the fertility of crops and livestock. Presumably, at these

pillsburyl THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 319

times only deities were powerful enough to con-

sume the mollusk. Another distinguishing feature of Spondylus is

the presence of sensory organs. Numerous light- sensitive eyes are located on the middle fold of

the mantle margin of the bivalve (Dakin 1928a:340, 1928b; Watson 1930; Yonge 1973-1974: 177). As Davidson (1981, 1982) has suggested, such extraordinary characteristics of power (to induce death) and vision were undoubtedly critical to its role in influencing weather and fertility deities. Luis Lumbreras, Jorge Marcos, and Presley Norton (in Lumbreras 1987:335) suggest that the bivalve was considered important for its possible predictive characteristics, stemming from its thermic sensitivity to water temperature changes during ENSO events. Similarly, Sandweiss (1985) points out that the shell may have been seen as omnipotent or a harbinger of

doom, because during prolonged El Nino conditions Spondylus will migrate south to Peru along with the warm current. Thus, it is likely that the shell was seen as an indicator of the disasters often associated with these events.

Chimu Trade and Exchange

Spondylus, as a valuable, was one of a number of key elements in the development of the political economy of the Chimu state. The mechanisms for importation of the shell are still unclear, but the

role of Chimor as a critical nexus in the distribution of the valuable is suggested by the documentary sources and the archaeological record. The quantity of Spondylus present in the archaeological record and the details of coastal exchange in

the early Colonial documents suggest a system of administered trade. As defined by Polanyi (1957:262), administered trade is a more or less

formal relationship of trade organized through government-controlled channels. The elaboration of such a system serves as a means of generating capital for the political economy of the state and its subsequent imperial expansion (D'Altroy and Earle 1985).

The Documentary Sources

As there are no textual sources dating from the Prehispanic period, much of what we know of the Spondylus trade on the north coast is indirect and

comes from documentary sources of the early Colonial period. These records are very general, vague, and rather limited, but they provide some essential data on long-distance north-south trade networks. The lack of specificity regarding the

Chimu in the documents is not surprising, as by

this time the north coast had been conquered twice, first by the Inka and then by the Spaniards.

The archaeological and textual records are in

agreement that significant quantities of Spondylus were present in the Chimu area. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1942:92-93 [1572]) notes that treasure coming from the Chimu area included "innumer- able riches of gold, silver and other precious things, such as precious stones and red shells, which these people valued more than silver or

gold" [translation by the author]. Although the Chimu are not mentioned specifically in the textual sources referring to the movement of the shell, it is clear that in both the early Colonial period and undoubtedly the late Prehispanic period Spondylus was actively exchanged. De Arriaga (1968:45 [1621]) reports that the trade in mullu was lucrative: "Indians on the coast, and

even the Spaniards, make a profit out of selling these shells to the Indians of the sierra."

One of the most detailed accounts of what presumably conceins Spondylus trade comes from a

report originally written by Francisco de Xerez (de Samano 1968: 10- 11 [1527] ), who accompanied Pizarro on his second voyage to Peru. The Xerez report details the sighting in 1526 of a native craft near Punto Galera, off the Ecuadorian coast, by Bartolome Ruiz de Estrada, Francisco Pizarro's chief pilot. The raft, whose home port

may have been on the central coast of Ecuador, was complete with masts, sails, and rudders. The vessel was quite large, with a capacity of up to 30

toneles (25 modern tons). The passage describes the vessel in great detail, calling it a navfo de tractantes or merchant ship. The raft's cargo included fine textiles with decorations of birds, fish, and

other motifs; gold and silver objects; emeralds; and other items that were to be traded for shells, presumably Spondylus:

. . . they bring many pieces of silver and gold for per-

sonal adornment to exchange with those with whom

they would trade, among which were crowns and


diadems and belts and gauntlets and greaves and breastplates and tweezers and bells and strings and bunches of beads and rosecleres [type of bead] and mirrors adorned with this wrought silver and cups and other drinking vessels, and they brought many wool and cotton mantles and shirts and tunics and many other garments all elaborately decorated and richly worked in scarlet and crimson and blue and yellow and other colors worked in many different ways with figures of birds and animals and fish and trees, and they brought some small scales for weigh- ing gold like Roman balances and many other things; in some strings of beads there were some small pieces of emerald and pieces of chalcedony and other stones and bits of crystal and amber, and all this they bring to exchange for some seashells from which they make beads that were red like coral or white; the vessel was almost laden with them. [de Samano 1968:11 (1527)] [translation by the author]

This emphasis on shells also is seen in a report of the "nav fo de tractantes " recorded by de Oviedo y Valdes (1855:4:121-122 [1535-1548][translation by the author]):

They carried red shells . . . that they had in the form of strings of beads . . . and for these the Indians give all the gold and silver and clothing that they brought to exchange. They brought many black pitchers and much clothing of various colors, of wool and shirts and blankets of colors with much work, fringed white cloths, all new, for trade, and colored wool, dyes in wool and many other fine quality things, in which they appeared to be very knowledgeable people.

Although the documents of the north coast provide important details on the use of the shell (see also below), they are silent on the manner in which the shells were actually imported into Peru. One potential parallel is the group of merchants from Chincha discussed by Rostworowski (1970). Although this model of Prehispanic maritime trade has been highly influential, it is not universally accepted. According to a document known as the "Aviso" (probably written between 1570 and 1575), there were 6,000 Chincha merchants involved in a trade network that extended as far north as Puerto Viejo as well as inland links to Quito and Cuzco. Although the Aviso does not explicitly state that Spondylus was part of the cargo, Rostworowski (1970:152) argues that the shell was most likely an important part of the trade network. Moreover, she suggests that this trade network was pre-Inka and that the system was left intact after Chincha surrendered to the Inka without a fight.

Netherly (1977:253-271) argues that, although the evidence is clear for coast-highland trade administered by the Chimu, there are insufficient data to reach any firm conclusions regarding north-south movement of goods. She suggests that the north-south movement of goods was probably via sponsored exchange, with full-time exchange specialists subject to individual lords. Ramirez (1982, 1990) also argues that the long- distance movement of goods was under the juris- diction of the lords of the north coast and argues that references to "merchants" in the early documents may have been a linguistic misunderstand- ing. In the Inka period on the north coast, Ramirez (1982, 1990:530) postulates that the merchants were retainers of the lords, engaged in administered trade, rather than independent, profit-oriented traders. In a detailed review of Rostworowski's model, Hocquenghem (1993) argues that the watercraft mentioned were more likely used by fishermen than long-distance traders.

The absence of specific evidence for Chimu elite-sponsored long-distance exchange in the documents should not be surprising, however, and may not necessarily reflect conditions at the height of the empire of Chimor. As Sandweiss (1992:13) points out, if long-distance specialists were retained by the highest lords, their absence in the historical documentation is understandable, as, unlike Chincha, the Chimu state apparatus was dismantled thoroughly by the Inka. Chimor was the single largest threat to the Inka empire, and after the conquest of Chimor, the Inka were care- ful not only to remove the top layer of rulership but also to dismember much of the Chimu imperial structure. Chimu craftspeople were drafted to Cuzco, effectively changing the manufacturing base, and much of the original population of Chimor was relocated via the mitmaq (state- directed population transplantation) system, with many sent to the south and central coasts. Clearly, no complex exchange system controlled by Chimu elites was left intact after the Inka conquest.

The Archaeological Record

Data from archaeological sources attest to the end result of the acquisition system. As Cordy-Collins

Piilsbury] THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 321

(1990:395-396, 408) demonstrates, Spondylus is found in archaeological contexts as early as the Preceramic period, yet it is relatively rare in Peru until the Middle Horizon 2 period. Spondylus appears in greater numbers by Moche V in the Lambayeque Valley (Shimada 1994:213-216, 238-239), but it is in the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 1000-1476) that the shells appear in unprecedented quantities (Cordy-Collins 1990; Richardson et al. 1990:438). Cordy-Collins suggests that the Middle Sican polity (A.D. 900-1100) developed an organization to facilitate the importation of Spondylus and that such an institution continued to flourish in the Chimu period. ' More recently, Shimada (1994:213-216, 238-239) argues that such an intensification of trade with Ecuador occurred as early as Moche V. Certainly by the Early Chimu period Spondylus was used in abundance in the Moche Valley. Steve Bourget (personal communication 1995) notes the great quantities of both whole and cut shell at sites such as Calvario de los Incas, Huaca Tacaynamo, and others.

Shimada (l991:LIV) suggests that the Chimu became the principal north-coast sponsor of maritime trade after the demise of the Sican polity but that the exchange would have been managed by specialized traders from Chincha. Sandweiss (1992:10), although agreeing the Chimu were probably the principal sponsors of this trade in the Late Intermediate period, sees no reason to ascribe overarching management to Chincha, as iconographic depictions of oceangoing rafts and other evidence are present on the north coast from Moche V times.

Rather, Sandweiss (1992:10) proposes that the Chimu trading network actually was offered to the Chincha polity by the Inka to ensure their peaceful capitulation. Such an explanation accounts for the prominent references to the Chincha traders in the texts, despite the relative dearth of evidence for such a network in the Chincha archaeological record. Sandweiss suggests that the Chimu kingdom maintained control of the Spondylus trade until the Inka conquest, at which point the Inka may have offered nominal control to Chincha elites as a bribe or reward. As Sandweiss points out, in Chincha, Spondylus is present only in Inka contexts. Given the violence

of the Inka conquest of Chimor, the transfer of what was, perhaps, one of the Chimu kingdom's more profitable and politically important exchange networks to compliant Chincha is logical. As Menzel and Rowe (1966:67) noted some time ago, it would be in accord with Inka diplo- matic policy if submission were rewarded by the concession of privileges. Furthermore, as Sandweiss (1992: 10) and others have shown, Chincha increased in power and status during the Inka period. Although long-distance north-south exchange sponsored by the Chimu is clearly a logical supposition, what is the physical evidence for such a network? The direct evidence of the instruments of importation is admittedly slim, although the end result of the importation, the shell itself, is substantial. It is argued here that following the earlier polities, Chimu elites developed and expanded the apparatus to import and distribute Spondylus.

Most of the bivalve harvesting was conducted in the northern waters off the Santa Elena Peninsula and farther north (Marcos 1977-1978, 1986a, 1986b; Marcos and Norton 1981, Norton 1986). Although the process is not entirely understood, it appears from the available evidence that the shells were exported to Peru both as cleaned but intact valves and as partially worked shells. Shell workshops with valves in various stages of alteration have been found on the Ecuadonan coast (Currie 1995; Marcos and Norton 1981: 149; Norton 1986: 140-141). Norton (1986: 140) and Norton et al. (1983:65) suggest that the brightly colored rims of the bivalve were cut for exportation. Recent and ongoing work at Lopez Viejo has uncovered evidence for shell workshops, including finished Spondylus beads (Currie 1995).

Shells also were worked in Peru. Shimada (1982:164-165, photos 4, 5; 1987:137-139; 1994:213-216) reports a Moche V period Spondylus workshop in an area contiguous to Huaca 11 at Pampa Grande, and Schaedel (1990:338) mentions one at a site known as Corrales or Tumbez Viejo.2 Hocquenghem (1993) and Hocquenghem and Pena (1994) recently have published data from this site, also known as Cabeza de Vaca, and another, Rica Playa. Evidence for workshops includes whole and partially worked shells, including Spondylus, fin-


ished shell ornaments, and various tools. Although the dating of the site is insecure, Hocquenghem and Pena report that surface finds from Cabeza de Vaca include local Late Intermediate period and Late Horizon pottery along with Chimu and Inka sherds.

It is unclear what sort of system existed for exportation of shells from Ecuador to the north coast of Peru. There may have been some sort of alliance with the Ecuadorian polities, although to date little supporting evidence has been found. At Isla de la Plata, off the coast of Ecuador, large numbers of cleaned Spondylus were found, and Marcos and Norton (1981: 146) mention that Chimu mold-made blackware sherds were associated with these shells. The utility of this evidence, as with that from Cabeza de Vaca and Rica Playa mentioned above, is limited, as the sherds are not illustrated in these works. Furthermore, it is unclear when or under what circumstances these pots were brought to Ecuador (although it may have been during the Inka period). In any event, the initial procurement of the bivalve, including harvesting and other preparations of export, was most likely controlled by Ecuadorians; at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, much of the coast of Ecuador was controlled by the senorio of Salangone (Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). As several historical documents suggest, this polity may have held a pivotal role in the movement of goods north and south. In addition, if the movement of goods was at least in part via maritime routes, balsa wood (Ochroma sp.) for the rafts, which is found only in humid tropical forests, would have to be obtained from the coast of Ecuador (Norton 1986: 136).

It is not known whether the shells were exported into Peru via sea or overland transport or some combination of the two. Overland links along the coast or through the sierra are one possibility. Collier (1948:81) and Collier and Murra (1943:6967, plate 46) report the presence of Peruvian north-coast pottery in the southern Andes of Ecuador, although there is currently no evidence to suggest that Spondylus was part of the exchange. Depictions of what Shimada (1994: 189 and Figure 8.7) has identified as llama caravans, with shells clearly indicated, are known from Moche pottery, although most of the shells identified are Strombus

and Conus. However, Warwick Bray (personal communication 1994) has identified an ear spool showing what is possibly a Chimu llama caravan with Spondylus clearly depicted. J. Topic (1990: 161, 164) has excavated two caravansaries in central Chan Chan. Although most of the evidence points to coast-highland interaction, he notes that some of the caravansaries may have served as termini for coastal exchange as well.

Hocquenghem (1993) has argued that trans- portation from Tumbes south was overland, as maritime travel south, against the Humboldt current, would have been difficult. The possibility of maritime transport for at least portions of the journey cannot be entirely dismissed, however. As has been pointed out (Fonseca and Richardson 1978:311, 313; Richardson et al. 1990:438), data for maritime trade often are difficult to find. Indeed, it would be somewhat surprising if a portion of the transport were not maritime, as water transport is generally a cheaper method of mov- ing goods. Shorter sections of the journey may have been made with tule boats; whether balsa rafts were used for longer journeys is uncertain. The process may not have been direct; landfall may have occurred at several spots along the Peruvian coast, with the possibility that some informal "down-the-line" exchange to inland or other coastal sites took place (Renfrew 1975; Zeidler 1991). Balsa rafts were known and used by the Chimu, although to date they have been found in contexts suggesting relatively localized fishing activities rather than long-distance exchange. Archaeologists from the Instituto Regional de Cultura, La Libertad, and the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo uncovered a small (approximately 2 m) balsa raft 500 m west of Ciudadela Chaihuac, toward the beach in an area known as Pampa de Alejandro or Loma Roja (Uceda Castillo, Cornejo Garcia, and Hoyle Montalva 1980).-3 Also present in this area were kilns to burn shells for the production of lime for coca mastication and a "U-shaped structure" (a structure associated with redistribution at Chan Chan; see below). Although no Spondylus was identified, researchers have suggested that the finds indicate the area was the site of administrative control and exchange of goods, including marine resources.

THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE Pillsbury] 323

Whether the shells were imported via overland or maritime routes, or some combination of the two, evidence for the products of the exchange system is abundant at Chan Chan and other Chimu sites. The majority, if not all, of the contexts suggest that the shells were used by the elite. Spondylus has been found whole in elite burials and in offerings and cut to form ornaments and inlays of elite goods (Martinez Companon 1936:Tomo IX, lam. LXXXIX [1779-1790]; Schaedel 1966:434, 436). Carved and whole examples, as well as shell dust and fragments, have been found at burial platforms at Chan Chan (Conrad 1982:99; Davidson 1980: 10, 15-16, 5>55, table 3; Keatinge and Day 1973:28>285; Pozorski 1979:134), perhaps echoing the practice mentioned in an account of the Lambayeque dynasty recorded by Cabello Valboa (1951:327 [1586]). According to this account, a courtier was to scatter seashell dust where the king was to walk. The close link between Spondylus and beliefs of water and agricultural fertility noted elsewhere in the Andes also is clearly evident for the Chimu period, as demonstrated by recent excavations at Chan Chan and its environs. In Ciudadela Tschudi, archaeologists from the Instituto Regional de Cultura, La Libertad, found quantities of Spondylus in an offering at the large walk-in well (Arturo Paredes, personal communication 1991). In the La Poza area of Huanchaco, Genaro Barr uncovered an offering of Spondylus associated with a cultivated field of the Chimu period (Genaro Barr, personal communication 1991).

At Chan Chan itself, it is clear that the shell was used extensively, but until recently there have been few data that explicitly suggest whether the lords of Chimor maintained a role in the acquisition and distribution of Spondylus or other products from the north. The lack of specific evidence on the mechanisms of trade or exchange of northern materials within Chan Chan is not entirely surprising, as much remains to be explored and tested at the enormous site. The abundance of evidence for the use of the shell at Chan Chan and elsewhere in the empire indicates that Spondylus was imported into the site in some fashion and perhaps at least partially worked there. It is argued here that, on the basis of the iconographic evidence in the newly uncovered Los Buceadores

relief as well as additional supporting archaeological and textual evidence, Spondylus was indeed part of an exchange network sponsored by the Chimu state and that this valuable played a major role in the development of what D'Altroy and Earle (1985) have called the "wealth financing" of Chimor at a critical early stage in its history.

Wealth, Power, and Exchange at Chan Chan

The city of Chan Chan extends north-northeast from the ocean, with the closest structures of the ancient center less than 1 km from the beach (Figure 2). The urban core of the city, including the monumental architecture, is 6 km2, with associated buildings extending another 14 km2 (Moseley and Mackey 1974:introduction). Topic and Moseley (1983:157) have estimated the population to be 20,000 to 40,000 inhabitants. The earliest visible Chimu structures at the site date to as early as A.D. 850-900 (Kolata 1990; Moseley 1990: 12; Topic and Moseley 1983), although there is possible evidence for earlier Moche occupation beneath parts of the city (Narvaez Vargas 1989). The core of the site consists of nine monumental enclosures, commonly called ciudadelas (Figure 3),4 platform structures known as huacas, "elite compounds," and small, irregularly aggluti- nated rooms (SIAR) and courts (Moseley 1990; Moseley and Day 1982; J. Topic, 1990).

Social stratification in the empire of Chimor is apparent in both the documentary sources and archaeological evidence. According to historical documents, commoners and the elite were considered to have descended from different sets of stars or from different eggs (de la Calancha 1977: 1244 [1638]; Netherly 1977:101-124). Such sharp stratification is evident in the archaeological record as well. Members of the Chan Chan Moche Valley Project, the most extensive investi- gation of the site to date, propose a three-tiered hierarchy for Chimor, with the different strata associated with distinct architectural forms. The upper nobility or royalty were associated with the ciudadelas, lesser nobility with the intermediate architecture or "elite compounds," and commoners with the SIAR (Moseley and Day 1982). Craft production, one of the principal economic activities at the site (J. Topic 1990), was located pri- marily in this last area.

324 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 7, No. 4,1996

Figure 5. View of U-shaped structure in cilldadela Tschudi (reconstructed).

The ciudadelas are distinguished from the other architecture at Chan Chan by their monumental scale, extreme control of access, and formal complexity and elaboration. The compounds range from 87,900 to 221,000 m2 of internal space (Day 1982a:55). The perimeter adobe (sun-dried brick) walls are estimated to have been originally 8 to 10 m high (Day 1973:89; Gorin 1989: 13); the battered walls are 1.5 to 2 m wide at the base Access to the interior of the ciudadelas is through a single entry in the north perimeter wall, and progress through the compound is impeded by baffled entries into the distinct sectors of the compound. Although the layouts vary, internal features of the ciudadelas include large entry courts or plazas, storage areas, wells, retainer areas, funerary platforms, and less well-understood architectural forms such as the U-shaped structures (Figure 5).5

Members of the Chan Chan Moche Valley Project have argued that the ciudadelas were occupied by the kings of Chimor and that these enclosures combined the functions of elite resi- dence, centralized storage, administered redistribution, and ultimately royal entombment (Andrews 1974; Conrad 1981; Keatinge and Day 1973;

Moseley and Day 1982). Conrad (1974, 1981, 1982) has proposed that the ciudadelas were built sequentially and that the compounds were the palaces of kings during their lifetime, becoming their mausolea at death Although aspects of this model have been criticized (Conklin 1990; Isbell 1981; Paulsen 1981; Zuidema 1990), the functional identifications appear well supported.

Small, regularly organized structures (averag- ing 2 m2) with gabled roofs have been interpreted as storerooms (Day 1973, 1982a, 1982b). This function is inferred from their uniformity, single entries, high thresholds, and lack of association with domestic or elite debris. All of the storerooms investigated were empty, suggesting that they were systematically cleared of their contents. The fact that these structures were cleared so carefully suggests that the contents were highly valued. Andrews (1972, 1974) and Day (1982a, 1982b) have noted a spatial association of the storage areas and the U-shaped structures, three- sided architectural forms of various sizes, often with niches, found on low platforms. Andrews and Day suggest that the U-shaped structures served a bureaucratic function in the control of storage areas. Moore (1992), however, has ques-

THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 325 Pillsburyl

O lm

Figure 6. Reconstruction drawing of corridor reliefs, Hall of the Arabesques, Ciudadela Gran Chimu. Drawing by

tioned this association. In his analysis of access patterns at Chan Chan ciudadelas, the U-shaped structures are not significantly associated with storerooms, nor do they appear to be in positions that actually would control access to the storerooms. An exception to this is Ciudadela Uhle, where the Los Buceadores relief is found; Moore (1992:108) points out that here some storerooms are "very much associated" with U-shaped structures. There are distinctly unpragmatic aspects of these U-shaped structures, such as dedicatory burials with Spondylus under the floors and in front of the structures (Cornejo Garcia 1980:41; Keatinge 1977:232), and the extensive use of sculpted relief ornamentation (Pillsbury 1993:50-53). Although it is unlikely that these U- shaped structures were actual control points for the movement of large quantities of goods, they still may have played a part in ritual activities associated with exchange.

The economic and political organization of Chimor is believed to have been based on a system of reciprocal or redistributive relations that

characterize late Prehispanic societies in general (Keatinge and Day 1973; Moseley 1975; Netherly 1977). The state would have been at the core of a patterned exchange system instead of a market system. The total extent of state control of redistribution is unknown, however, as lineage groups also may have had a significant role under the Chimu, particularly at provincial sites (Moore 1985). At Chan Chan, it is unclear whether bulk staple materials were redistributed in the ciudadelas themselves, as the storage areas are small and not easily accessible. However, evidence for the exchange of elite items is more persuasive. Particularly in comparison with Inka storage facilities, storage areas at Chan Chan seem to have been designed for small quantities of highly valued goods.

The morphology of the architecture of the ciudadelas served to reinforce the restrictive and elite aspects of such an exchange. The visual experience of the visitor in the ciudadelas must have been overwhelming, given the enormous perimeter walls, highly restrictive entryways, and


"Plataforma de las Virgenes"

Area of the Los Buceadores Relief

Burial Platform

F S 0 100 m

Figure 7. Simplified plan of Ciudadela Uhle. Drawing by Jorge Sachun (after Moseley and Mackey 1974).

baffled entries to the magnificent courtyards in the interior of the structures. The aesthetic experience influenced the character of the exchange and perhaps the vaTue of the objects that were the subject of that exchange. As Morris (1986:64) has noted for the Inka period, the value of gifts in the Inka empire was greatly increased by their association with the Inka himself and with the imperial city (see also Appadurai 1986). The interior courts, U-shaped structures, and even passageways to the storage areas were elaborately ornamented with adobe relief. An overarching theme in the program of architectural sculpture at Chan Chan is the depiction of maritime bounty, often rendered in skeuomorphic compositions; that is, the sculpted adobe reliefs imitate elite woven textiles (Pillsbury 1993:85-89). The viewer entering a ciudadela at Chan Chan proceeds through a succession of monumental spaces, many of which are entirely ornamented in imagery recalling the rich textiles

of the Andes (Figure 6), a medium imbued with very clear associations of luxury and sanctity (Murra 1989).

The Los Buceadores Relief A number of the reliefs at Chan Chan include depictions of exotic and highly valued materials, underscoring the elite aspects of the activities in the ciudadelas. An examination of the subject mat- ter of several of the reliefs helps shed light on the use of these materials at Chan Chan and the development of the long-distance exchange networks of the Chimu elites. In particular, a recently excavated relief showing Spondylus divers in Ciudadela Uhle provides a clearer understanding of the early history of the Chimu empire (Figure 4). The new relief was excavated as part of a survey of architectural sculpture at the site directed by the author (Pillsbury 1991, 1993). Although the majority of the reliefs included in the survey had been exposed previously, new excavations

pillsburYl

T_ _ _

_ _

_ _ _ _

_ _ _

H X i Y XYST i A J J , a S XF M J

327

/ Area of the Los Buceadores Relief

-.,... ,,X, --; 0 20 m Figure 8. Simplified hypothetical isometric projection of the area of the Los Buceadores relief, northeast sector of

Ciudadela Uhle. Drawing by Alberto Barba. were conducted in the northeast sector of the courtyard is from the north, and access to the Ciudadela Uhle (Figure 7), revealing a previously unrecorded relief. In 1989, looters exposed a portion of a relief with bird imagery on a U-shaped structure in this sector; by 1990, unfortunately, this portion had been completely destroyed. With the Instituto Regional de Cultura, three 1-x-2-m test trenches were excavated to determine whether any portion of the relief remained. Excavations revealed several meters of a complex relief, composed of geometric and zoomorphic forms arranged in diagonal bands and terminating in a pilaster with pairs of anthropomorphic figures (Figure 4, section A and section B). The relief was named Los Buceadores after the pilaster imagery (Figure 4, section B). The Los Buceadores relief was found in a courtyard with niches and a raised platform with three U-shaped structures (Figure 8). The excavated reliefs are located at the southwestern corner of the courtyard and the face of the platform. Although the excavations were limited to this corner, the entire courtyard probably was covered with repetitions and variations of the imagery contained in the excavated reliefs, based on the pattern of architectural ornament at Chan Chan. As in many buildings at Chan Chan, entrance to

platform is via a baffled entry. It is difficult to determine with any precision how many people may have seen the reliefs or what sectors of the population were allowed into this restricted area of the ciudadeZa. Although absolute numbers may not have been particularly high, the reliefs may have been part of a carefully controlled experience intended for certain important sectors of local and more distant populations. lNhe north face of the southern wall of the raised platform consists of a composition of diagonal bands of geometric and zoomorphic forms and composites of these two categories (Figure 4, section A). At the western extreme, this wall termi- nates in a baffled entry to the platform, with a 50-cm section projecting slightly from the wall to form the pilaster-like form (Figure 4, section B). Section B consists of a core cluster of elements, which are repeated twice in the part that survives. lNhe central image is of two figures with crescent headdresses inscribed in a five-sided enclosure, with other pairs of figures above or below the enclosure. The paired figures outside the five- sided structure have a curving extension emanat- ing from the waist, with semicircular pronged forms on either side of the curving extension. This


I

0 5 0 15 20 cm Figure 9. Detail of section C of the Los Buceadores relief. Drawing by Genaro Barr.

imagery most likely represents Spondylus divers, following Cordy-Collins' (1990) discussion of similar imagery on a number of portable objects, such as ear spools and textiles (see also Bird 1962:192, Figure 42A; Carrion Cachot 1953:194; Marcos and Norton 1981: 148). The curving extension from the body is the diver's cord, with associated depictions of the shell showing its most salient feature, the "thorns." Cordy-Collins suggests that the five-sided structure may refer to a cabin on a balsa raft (1990:411). The end of the dividing wall between the court and the platform is poorly preserved but contains a related image (Figure 9, section C). Here the composition is of a tule boat, with a figure holding a paddle at the stern and traces of a second figure at the bow.6 Between the two figures is a cross- hatched, semicircular form, perhaps representing a net bundle. A similar form is seen on a gold crown published by Antze (1930a:Abbildung 1, Tafel 1;

1930b:Abbildung l, Tafel 91) and on a silver disk reportedly from the vicinity of Chan Chan now in the Lowe Art Museum (Lowe Art Museum l990:cover). The bundle may represent cargo on board or in the "cockpit" of the tule boat. Divers, with the cords around their waists clearly indicated, are shown in the water fore and aft the vessel in the relief. The right figure is shown inverted, with an eroded depiction of a Spondylus shell shown between the figure and the bow. Tule boats were important fishing vessels in Prehispanic times, as they allowed access to fishing in deeper water (Edwards 1965). Depictions in art of the north coast demonstrate the considerable antiquity of this vessel form; in Huanchaco, a coastal village not far from Chan Chan, and at other sites on the north coast, fishermen continue to use this indigenous craft for fishing. Totora reeds (Scirpus californicus) are bound together to form the float, with the prow tapered and raised to

THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 329 Pillsbury]

0 10 cm

Figure 10. Inlaid wooden plate from the Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Antropologia e Historia, Lima. Drawing by Deborah Lindblom.

facilitate crossing the incoming waves. Fishermen kneel or sit on the float and paddle with a split cane, dipping alternate ends. In contemporary tule boats, it is possible to paddle several miles off- shore to exploit the rich Humboldt current. In the seventeenth century, Cobo ( 1990:236 [ 1653]) identified two sizes: one, the size of contemporary floats (approximately 2 m long), carried one or two people; the other, 5-6 m long, carried a dozen.

Several lines of evidence suggest that the relief dates to the twelfth century. A relative sequence of the architectural reliefs at Chan Chan, based on an analysis of construction techniques, has been presented elsewhere (Pillsbury 1992); according to this sequence, the Los Buceadores relief falls in

the early to middle part of the history of the city. Moseley (1975:224) published a radiocarbon date of A.D. 1220 + 150 for Ciudadela Uhle but does not specify from which part of this multicompo- nent compound. On the basis of Kolata's (1990: 110-111) brick sequence, this sector of Uhle dates to Early Chimu 1 B Phase (A.D. 900-1100). According to Topic and Moseley's (1983) sequence, which incorporates several lines of evidence including pottery, this area dates to Phase Three (A.D. 1100-1200).

Comparative Imagery

The Los Buceadores relief is similar to imagery found on a shallow wooden bowl inlaid with

[Vol. 7, No. 4, 1996 330 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

Figure 11. Detail of the Plataforma de las Virgenes relief, Ciudadela Uhle. Photograph by Abraham Guillen (1950s). Used with permission from the Archivo Guillen, Fototeca del Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima.

Spondylus and other materials from the Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Antropologia e Historia [MNAAH] in Lima (Figure 10; MNAAH 12/8505; currently on display at the Museo de la Nacion).7 The pilaster scene from Uhle is echoed in the interior and exterior roundel of the MNAA bowl. The two seated figures are repeated, back to back, in a structure with a pitched roof and a distinctive peak. Two divers with attached cables flank the structure, but on the MNAAH bowl the

divers are inverted. The roundel of the MNAAH bowl differs from the Uhle frieze in the inclusion of a square receptacle below the structure, with additional Spondylus. Whereas the Uhle frieze has only traces of additional figures over the structure, in the bowl these figures are more complete. Two bands of imagery not present on the Los Buceadores frieze extend outward from the roundel. The exterior of the bowl, although poorly preserved, repeats much of the same imagery.

Pillsbury] THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE 331

° lOcm

Figure 12. Fragment of relief from the area of access to storage facilities, Ciudadela Squier. Drawing by Genaro Barr.

Spondylus Imagery in Other Reliefs at Chan Chan

In addition to the Los Buceadores relief, there are several other depictions of Spondylus at Chan Chan. The shell appears in several later compositions but as a smaller component of larger images. It is perhaps not surprising that the Los Buceadores frieze, the earliest appearance of Spondylus at Chan Chan, is the most explicit, with the procurement depicted in a relatively straight- forward manner. Spondylus is shown in a small section of the Plataforma de las Virgenes (E1 Muestrario) relief also in Ciudadela Uhle (Figure 11). This depiction, probably slightly later than the

The MNAAH bowl is particularly important, however, in the juxtaposition of the diving scene with agricultural imagery. The middle band on the interior, encircling the central diving scene, includes repetitions of what McClelland (1990) has called the "anthropomorphized wave," inter- spersed with plant forms. The plants may represent maize and aji or peppers (Capsicum baccatum).8 The outer band repeats the anthropomorphized wave motif with fish. The association of the Spondylus scene and agricultural imagery formally underlines the ethnographic, historical, and archaeological data discussed above linking Spondylus to concepts of agricultural fertility.

332 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY lVol. 71 No. 4, 1996

iS #:J s%s ::i}

Figure 13. Detail of relief from Huaca Esmeralda. Depictions of Spondylus are seen in the lower bands between the diamond-shaped forms with birds. Photograph by Otto Holstein (1920s). IJsed with permission from the Peabody Museum, Harvard IJniversity.

small section of the Plataforma de las Virgenes (El Muestrario) relief also in Ciudadela Uhle (Figure 11). This depiction, probably slightly later than the Los Buceadores relief, shows a repeated image of a figure with a burden, accompanied by a bird and a representation of Spondylus.

Spondylus also appears in the later structures at Chan Chan, including a possible representation at an entrance to storage facilities at Ciudadela Squier and at Huaca Esmeralda, a late structure on the outskirts of central Chan Chan. Although the dating of these two structures is problematic, the construction techniques of the reliefs (Pillsbury 1992, 1993:chapter 4) places them relatively late in the history of Chan Chan, probably late fourteenth or fifteenth century. At Ciudadela Squier, an anthropomorphized wave appears to be shown grasping for the shell, feet upward, as if diving in water (Figure 12). This interpretation is not definitive, however, as what appears to be a

shell at the left of the figure may be a stylized hand. The image was found on several fragments out of context, but it probably formed part of a border above a geometric composition (Pillsbury 1993:Figure 158). Finally, at Huaca Esmeralda, the shell is a small motif in the geometric relief of the north facade of the platform (Figure 13). Although less illuminating iconographically, the later friezes reiterate the centricity of the Spondylus theme in elite architecture.

Chan Chan and the Spondylus Trade

The presence of the Los Buceadores relief at Chan Chan, along with the above stylistic questions, signals the need to look critically at the data from Chan Chan and elsewhere and to develop models on the north-south aspects of Chimor's long-distance trade and exchange networks. As a caveat, however, it should be pointed out that this is not an argument for a strictly materialist expla-

THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE Pillsburyl 333

probably saw the actual process of diving for Spondylus; it is illogical to assume that the Los Buceadores relief represents a tradition of veristic depiction of daily life. It is quite likely that references to creation myths, the afterlife, and ideas about the sea, water, and fertility are present, if not currently verifiable by scholars. But an economic and a mythologic interpretation are not necessarily at cross-purposes; rather, they often can under- score each other. Such mythologies about the divine associations of the shell serve to reinforce the value of the material within the society.

Spondylus is rarely depicted in Prehispanic Ecuadorian art, and to date no known depictions of Spondylus diving are known from secure Ecuadorian proveniences. This is not surprising, however, as a commonplace activity in Ecuador might take on enhanced ritual significance far from the source. As Bayly (1986:291-293; 298-302), Helms (1993), Schortman and Urban (1992:part III), and others have pointed out, the exotic plays a key role in maintenance of kingship. Exotic materials often are used as status markers associated with ideas of fertility and abundance. The clear links between Spondylus, agricultural fertility, and the divine undoubtedly were manipulated by Chimu elites to enhance their position.

The difficulty of procurement and distribution of this shell undoubtedly contributed to its value. With the Los Buceadores relief in particular, the complexity of acquisition may have been a key attribute of an associated myth or legendary history. A distant parallel may be seen in the depictions of the Crocus Gatherers of Akrotiri, where elegantly attired women are shown picking the stigmas of crocuses to produce the highly valued saffron dye (Morgan 1988:Figure 40, 29-32). The appearance of a procurement scene far from the source also is not unique; at Teotihuacan, a central Mexican site located 250 km from the nearest coast, depictions of shell divers, as well as images of shells and footprints (thought to indicate movement in Mesoamerica), are found in the interiors of residential units at the site (Kolb 1987:123-124; Miller 1973:52, 136, Figures 32-33, 27>277). However, it is not the intention of this article to argue that the Spondylus divers are simple repre- sentations of procurement and trade; rather, these

images have deeper significance, revealing a central symbolic concern of the Chimu.

Iconographic associations aside, there is archaeological evidence of a sharp increase in use of the shells in the Chimu period, as indicated above. Following the earlier north coast polities, the Chimu elites developed and expanded the apparatus to import and distribute Spondylus. The appearance of the Chan Chan relief in Ciudadela Uhle at the beginning of the first major expansion of the empire (Klymyshyn 1987:101) may suggest a link with the development of what D'Altroy and Earle (1985) have called "wealth finance." In a heuristic division of two types of finance, D' Altroy and Earle describe staple finance as based principally on subsistence goods, whereas wealth finance involves the manufacture and procurement of special products, such as valuables used as a means of payment. Items of wealth finance are generally easier to store and transport; goods move directly to the state and are used by central authorities as payment for political services. At Chan Chan, Spondylus would have been used as part of the social and economic process of gift exchange crucial to the reciprocal relations of the Prehispanic Andean polities. Resource concentration in the Spondylus example was one of a number of important generators of capital used to propel the rapidly expanding Chimu state. The production and exchange of such items commonly intensifies during periods of political development, as these items are used in the definition and maintenance of status rela- tionships (see also Brumfiel and Earle 1987). Most likely, the system expanded through a process of feedback, with the incipient Chimu polity building on a recognized valuable and then, in turn, expanding the demand and use of the material. Klymyshyn (1987:105) has argued that a separate compound, Tello, was built specifically to accommodate goods accumulated during the first stage of imperial expansion (associated with Ciudadela Uhle) and afterward through tribute.

Specialization and State Control

It is unclear to what degree the Chimu administered the Spondylus trade. At this point, one cannot rule out the possibility of independent merchants satisfying the demand for Spondylus at

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY 334 [Vol. 7, No. 4, 1996

Chan Chan. Yet, given the nature and location of the Los Buceadores relief, the sharp increase in the use of the shell at Chimu administrative sites, and the possible presence of Chimu pottery in the Tumbes area shell workshops, it seems more likely that state-sponsored long-distance exchange specialists managed the importation. The scale of consumption of the bivalve, the complexity of acquisition, and the importance and restriction of the shell seem to require occupa- tional specialization. The exchange of valuables at Chan Chan appears to have been carefully controlled by Chimu rulers and administrators, judg- ing from the architectural and other evidence discussed above. As J. Topic (1990:164) pointed out in his analysis of craft production at Chan Chan, long-distance exchange specialists probably were supervised closely by the lords and the state; the presence of caravansaries so close to elite monumental architecture supports a close association with the elite lords. The presence of the Los Buceadores frieze in the ciudadela itself, at the entrance of a U-shaped structure and adja- cent to storage areas, suggests that, regardless of the extent of their control beyond the confines of their own territory, within Chan Chan itself elites presented themselves as the critical nexus in acquisition and distribution of this highly valued material.

Future research may support the idea of a specialized office similar to the mollo chasqui camayoc (persons in charge of the distribution of Spondylus to the sanctuaries in the Inka period) (Rostworowski 1975) or to the mindalaes (politically sponsored long-distance traders) discussed by Salomon (1987). In the northernmost periph- eries of the Inka empire, Salomon argues that mindalaes were allowed by the Inka to assure access to resources beyond the reach of imperial organization. Salomon notes that in the case of Chincha (see above), the status of merchants was stabilized institutionally to guarantee import sup- plies of certain goods whose expenditure in sacrifice and redistribution was at the core of political relations. Salomon argues that such a liaison might further external political relations, "a cat's paw" to impress upon remote partners the advan- tage of dealing with imperially connected lords. Such a system would be particularly efficient in

the more intractable, "treasure-producing" regions.

Conclusions

The activities conducted within the walls of Chan Chan are not entirely understood; however, the city was certainly the focus of an interaction sphere that secured the supply of valuable materials for the redistributive activities so crucial to the maintenance of power in the Prehispanic Andes. Spondylus was a key element, one of a number, that supported the increasing political complexity of Chimor. The archaeological data mentioned above, particularly the intensification of the use of Spondylus at early Late Intermediate period archaeological sites, and the increased capacity and complexity of storage and administrative structures at Chan Chan indicate that the rulers of Chan Chan intensified and elaborated the Spondylus acquisition and distribution network, which in turn enhanced and consolidated their elite position. Although it is perhaps premature to rule out the participation of independent, profit- oriented traders in the acquisition network, such as those presented in Rostworowski's ( 1970) model for Chincha, it seems more likely that by the end of the Late Intermediate period much of the network along the north coast was sponsored by the Chimu state.

The end product of this exchange, Spondylus, was critical in the development and maintenance of ritual, economic, and political power in the Chimu state. Spondylus undoubtedly was per- ceived of as a crucial element of agricultural fertility and general prosperity of the population; the Los Buceadores imagery on the walls of Ciudadela Uhle at Chan Chan reiterates the Chimu lords' connections with divine powers and their central role in the supply of this highly valued material. The setting of this exchange within the ciudadelas at Chan Chan infused the exchange of objects with a heightened sense of value. The experience of the monumental architecture at Chan Chan overwhelmed through care- ful manipulation of the enormous scale of the ciudadelas, the exclusivity of the spaces, and the elaborate ornamentation of the interiors. The iconography of the reliefs, which stress maritime bounty, and the formal compositions of the

335

reliefs, which suggest close links to elite woven textiles, infuse the context of exchange with references to abundance, luxury, and sanctity. The objects exchanged were imbued with additional value through the association with the ruler and the court of Chimor.

The Los Buceadores relief, as well as other imagery at the court of Chimor, stresses connections with distant lands and the divine. The imagery proclaims a vast and powerful realm, which at this point in the history of Chan Chan may have existed more in propaganda than in fact. The ruler of Chimor, particularly in the context of the ciudadelas at Chan Chan, was seen as the source of abundance, the nexus of worldly and probably supernatural control. The imagery sur- rounding the ruler stressed his ability to marshal forces of the natural world and secure divine blessings. The physical mechanisms of trade and links with those distant lands remain as yet imper- fectly understood, but the use of the end result of this exchange at Chimor is perhaps becoming clearer.

Acknowledgment*. I am indebted to numerous individuals and institutions for assistance during various phases of this project. The initial fieldwork was conducted in 199W199 1 with a per- mit from the Comision Nacional de Arqueologia, Lima, under Acuerdo 065-90-CNA and authorized by Resolucion Suprema 1441-90-ED. The project was funded by the American Association of University Women, the Fulbright Commission, and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. I would like to thank everyone who assisted with the field project, particularly Alberto Barba, Genaro Barr, Juan Castaneda, Emma Maritza Castillo Cotrina, Fernando Castro, Anne Hodgson, Peter Kvietok, Ricardo Morales, Victor Hugo Rios Cisneros, Jorge Sachun Ruiz, and Galo Sisniegas. I am very grateful to Ana Maria Hoyle, Director of the Instituto Regional de Cultura, La Libertad, and others at the IRC/LL, particularly Cesar Galvez, Victor Pimentel, Alfredo Narvaez, Arturo Paredes, Jose Cordova, and Carlos del Mar, for their support during the fieldwork. Several of the maps are based on earlier maps of the Chan Chan Moche Valley Project directed by Michael Moseley and Carol Mackey, and I would like to thank them and the other members of this project for generously allowing me to use portions of their published and unpublished data.

Much of the comparative and theoretical research was made possible by a Junior Fellowship at Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections and by an Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship from the Metropolitan Museum of Art; I remain indebted to Elizabeth Boone, Julie Jones, Heidi King, and the other members of these institutions for their help. Special thanks is due to Bridget Toledo of the Pre-Columbian library at Dumbarton Oaks, to Ross Day and Barbara Mathe of

the Goldwater Library at the Metropolitan, and to Virginia Webb of the Photograph Study Collection at the Metropolitan.

Much of the writing was completed at the Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the Americas of the University of East Anglia; I am grateful to Steven Hooper, Pat Hewitt, and the other members of the Research Unit for their support and insight. I also would like to thank Susan Bergh, Kathleen Bickford, Steve Bourget, Warwick Bray, Karen Bruhns, Elizabeth Currie, Terence D'Altroy, William Emerson, Gary Feinman, Paul Goldstein, Donna McClelland, Colin McEwan, David Pendergast, Margaret Pillsbury, Mary Pye, William Rea, James B. Richardson III, Daniel Sandweiss, Patricia Sarro, John Topic, Javier Urcid, and three anonymous reviewers for their assistance, comments, and suggestions. Finally, I particularly would like to thank Jesus Briceno Rosario, Alana Cordy- Collins, Carol Mackey, and Santiago Uceda for their excep- tionally generous help.

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THORNY OYSTER AND ORIGINS OF EMPIRE

Notes 1. There is no agreement on the use of the name Sican or Lambayeque to designate the culture that flourished in the area of the Lambayeque Valley from the Middle Horizon Epoch 2 period until the rise of the Chimu state (see Paredes 1987). 2. Tumbez is a variant spelling of Tumbes. 3. See Edwards (1965) and Heyerdahl (1952) for a more complete discussion of balsa rafts and other aboriginal watercraft. 4. A tenth monumental structure, Tello (Figure 3), is classified as a compound rather than a formal ciudadela, as it lacks a burial platform and other features common to the other nine (Day 1982a:55). 5. The term audiencia is also commonly seen in the literature and refers to one of several different variants of U-shaped structures (Andrews 1974). 6. Alternatively, this image may represent a balsa raft (see Cordy-Collins 1990:398, figure 2; 1972). 7. This bowl and several other objects with similar imagery have been identified as Sican in style (Cordy-Collins l990). The discovery of the Los Buceadores relief (after the publication of Cordy-Collins' study) has implications for distribution and use of this imagery (Pillsbury 1995). 8. This identification is far from definitive. Donna McClelland (personal communication 1995) has suggested that they may represent the coastal algarroba pods.

Received April 5, 1995; accepted January 26, 1996.


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Documents

The Thorny Oyster and the Origins of Empire