‘To drink’ in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European

‘To drink’ in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-EuropeanAuthor(s): Ronald KimReviewed work(s):Source: Historische Sprachforschung / Historical Linguistics, 113. Bd., 1./2. H. (2000), pp. 151-170Published by: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41289026 .Accessed: 27/03/2012 16:16

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'To drink' in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European51*)

The etymology and prehistory of the Hittite verb /egw-/ - / agw-/ 'drink', pres. 3sg. e-ku-zi , e-uk-zi , 3 pl. a-ku-wa-an-zi , have long been topics of disagreement1). Of the extra-Anatolian cognates proposed for this root (listed in Puhvel 1984: 267-8), only three have gained any widespread acceptance: Lat. aqua 'water' and PGmc. *a%wo 'water, river' (Goth, aha , ON a , OE ea' cf. Ger. Salz-ach ), which dates all the way back to Hrozny (1915: 28); Lat. (in)ebrius 'drunk', due to Juret (1934, 1937: 79); and Tocharian A, B yok- 'drink' , first proposed by Pedersen (1925: 40)2).

The first etymology has been cited and endorsed by numerous scholars, including Sturtevant (1930: 219-20; 1933: 80, 119), Sturtevant and Hahn (1951: 33, 54, 56, 120), Kronasser (1966: 77-8), Eichner (1973: 82), and van Windekens (1976:601); for a fuller list seeTischler (1977: 103-4). Within our current understanding of PIE phonology, however, the Latin and Germanic vocalism is difficult to reconcile with Hitt. e . The a of aqua cannot reflect an o -grade, which one would expect to find in a PIE deverbal noun in *-eh2 (cf. Gr. cpegco : cpoga, TQ8cpco : tQocprj). If an e -grade, Lat. a must continue PIE *h2e- (cf. ON zegir 'sea, Sea-god' < *h2ekw-yo- with non-coloring of *e by "Eich-

*) I would like to thank Masato Kobayashi, Brent Vine, and especially H. Craig Melchert and my advisor Don Ringe for their many helpful comments on earlier drafts and valuable discussion of important details. All views and errors contained herein remain entirely my responsibility. H. V. S. Abbreviations: OH, MH, NH = Old, Middle, Neo-Hittite; NS = Neo-Hittite script. Thus OH/NS indicates a NH-era copy of an OH text.

*) Lindeman (1965) presents three pieces of evidence for a root- final labiovelar: 1) spelling alternations such as pres. 3sg. e-ku-zi vs. e-uk-zi ; 2) pret. 3sg. e-ku-ta /egw-ta/, patterning with other consonant- final roots such as esta /es-ta/ to es- ebe' vs. e.g. arnut /arnu-d/ to arnu- 'move' (cf. Melchert 1994: 175-6 with refs.); 3) pres. 1 pl. a-ku-we-ni /agweni/ < *agw-weni: *agu-weni would have given "agu- meni " by dissimilation of *w > m next to *u. As already noted by Juret 1934 (citing Sturtevant 1933: 80), the absence of geminate spellings indicates a voiced or lenis /gw/.

2) On Gr. viiqxo see below.

Hist. Sprachforsch. 113, 151-170, ISSN 0935-3518 © Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2000

152 Ronald Kim

ner's Law"; Eichner 1973: 72, Mayrhofer 1986: 132-3), which should have given initial h- in Hitt.3). Unless we wish to posit an otherwise unsupported *e ~ *a ablaut alternation for PIE, this old equation, already semantically questionable, must be abandoned.

Juret's alternative connection with Lat. ebrius (and its antonym sd- brius 'sober' and derivatives ebriacus , ebriosus , and ebria 'drunkard'4)) encounters no such phonological obstacles, and has gained increasing acceptance: cf. Friedrich (1936: 321), Otten (1951: 81), Winter (1955: 173-4), Puhvel (1974: 294, 1984: 267-8), Melchert (1984: 87, 106, 1994: 96), Lindeman (1991), and Pinault (1994: 181) vs. Kammenhu- ber (1976, Nr. 5: 8), Friedrich and Kammenhuber (1988: 33). Hittite root-final /gw/ < Proto-Anatolian (PA) *gw can continue PIE *gw or *gwh, while ebrius is usually taken from *egwh-ri-o-5). We thus arrive at a PIE root *(h!)egwh-, with long-grade ̂(hêg^- underlying the Latin deverbal adjective (see below).

Pedersen's identification of the Hitt. verb with TA, TB yok-6) (see

3) Kurylowicz's ^-coloring *h4 > Hitt. 0 (1935: 75, 254-5), proposed by Stur- tevant and Hahn (1951: 52-5, as Proto-Indo-Hittite *h) in this verbal root, has now been almost universally rejected.

4) For the meaning of ebria see W. H. Friedrich 1934: 443. 5) Post-PIE *-gwhr- > PItal. *-%wr- > Lat -br- in febris 'fever' < *dhegwh-ri- to

the root *dhegwh- 'burn', nebrundines (Lanuvian, cited in Paul. Fest. along with Praenestine nefrones , dial, nefrundines) 'kidneys' < *negwhro- (Gr. vccpQot) vs. *(-)gwr- > Lat. (-)gr- in gravis 'heavy' *gwrHu- (Skt. guru-, Gr. pctQ'j<;), migrare 'depart, migrate', denom. to *migro- < *h2migw-ro- to *h2meygw- (Gr. d|iei(ko '(ex)change' ); cf. Leumann 1977: 150-1, 166.

) TA yok- occurs in the pres. only (inf. yoktsi ), the other tenses and moods being furnished by the suppletive nonpres. stem, tsuka- (subj. 1 sg. tsokam , iptv. 2sg. ptsok , pret. 3sg. suk , pret. ptc. tsuko). In TB, tsuk- furnishes the suppletive causative of yok- : pres. 1 sg. yoku , 3 sg. yokam , pres. ptc. mp. yokamane , inf. yoktsi vs. caus. CI. VIII pres. 3 pl. tsuksem , CI. II subj. ger. II tsukale , CI. Ill pret. 1 sg. tsaukwa , 3sg. tsoksa-n (but tsauka-c in B250a 1 MQR is non-caus. 'he sucked out', patterning with unpublished inf. tsaukatsi; Schmidt 1997: 258-9).

The etymology of PT ts3wk-(a-) remains contested, some scholars opting for PIE *dhewgh - 'produce' (Skt. 3 sg. act. dogdhi 's/he milks' , mp. duhe 'gives milk' ) or 'be useful, good for' (Goth, daug, OHG toug ; Gr. xsuxeiv 'make, fashion', tuxti 'luck'), e.g. Duchesne-Guillemin (1940: 176), others for *dewk- 'pull, draw' (Goth, tiuhan , Lat. ducere 'lead'), including Lane (1938: 27), Pedersen (1941: 190, 1944: 22), Krause (1952: 18), Krause and Thomas (1960: 67), Winter (1962: 18). Under the former hypothesis, TB has preserved the more archaic meaning 'tranken, give to drink' (Winter 1962: 19), while the latter requires a secondary restriction to causative function in TB. The clearly related TB suke , TA suk 'liquid, taste' < PT sawke (< *dewKos?) could be from either PIE root (Krause and Thomas 1960: 64, Ringe 1996: 47, 148). For extensive discussion see Hackstein 1995: 143-6.

fTo drink' in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European 1 53

also Pedersen 1941: 190, 222) has been followed by Sturtevant (1930: 219-20; together with aqua' Sturtevant and Hahn (1951: 54, 56; sim. with aqua' Benveniste (1932: 142, fn. 1, 1962: 96; firmly rejecting aqua ), Puhvel (1974: 294, 1984: 267), Eichner (1975: 95), Kammenhu- ber (1976, Nr.5: 6-11), van Windekens (1976: 601), Oettinger (1979: 87), Lindeman (1991), and Melchert (1994: 138) and is now the com- munis opinio.

Virtually all of these studies, as well as more recent discussions, have taken it for granted that a PIE long-grade *(h!)egwh- can explain the Tocharian forms, in particular the unusual root vowel o. Jasanoff (1978: 31-2), citing Schindler for the long *e, compares the "primary rounding" of yok- < *eg%- to the u -umlaut of TB okt , TA okat 'eight' and TA, TB or 'wood' (see below). Similarly, Puhvel takes yok- back to an initial *e- with "labiovelar umlaut" (1984: 267). Winter (1980: 470) proposes that an original root *h!egw- > *egw- by lengthening before an unaspirated voiced stop (cf. Winter 1978), whence likewise rounding to yok- in both languages, but Hilmarsson (1985: 85, 1986: 52) cautions that no incontrovertible evidence for "Winter's Law" has yet come to light in Tocharian. Most recently, Pinault (1994: 181) states that the root *h!egwh- >

" *yak - ou *yakw- avec labialisa-

tion en yok- devant occlusive velaire (et eventuellement delabialisation de *yokw- en yok -)", and Schmidt (1997: 261) concurs: yok- "lafit sich zwanglos iiber *ekw- . . . zuriickfiihren."

A closer examination of the phonological developments involved, however, encounters serious difficulties. The expected Proto-Tochar- ian (PT) outcome of PIE *(h!)egwh- should be *yekw-, with *e > *e and probably a prothetic glide *y-7). Subsequent changes in pre-TA would produce *yakw- (PT *e > pre-TA *a) and then *yok- by rounding of *a > *o next to a labiovelar (see below), giving the correct TA form yok- (so also Hilmarsson 1985: 85, 1986: 52, 1989: 102).

Since PT *e gives TB e, the o of TB yok- requires the same rounding by adjacent *kw to have occurred in the prehistory of TB. To my

7) To my knowledge, there are no parallels for word-initial PIE *e- > PT *ye-, but given the well-supported development of PIE *e-, *i- > PT *ys-, e.g. in TB yakwe /y3kwe/, TA yuk 'horse' < PT *y5kwe <PIE *ekwos, TA iptv. 2sg. pis cgo!' < PT *p3-y9S3 < *y3S3 < *isi < *ithi < *h!idhi (Jasanoff 1987: 108-9; TB pas remains unexplained), the assumption of a prothetic glide seems reasonable. The claim that initial *e- can give *ya- > yo- (Penney 1976-7: 71, Puhvel 1984: 267; cf. Pedersen 1941: 222) is entirely without support, as noted by Penney himself (1976- 7: 87 fn. 26) and Hilmarsson (1986: 52).

154 Ronald Kim

knowledge, however, there are no good examples of rounding of PT *e by a preceding or following *kw in TB: cf. kwem edog (obi. sg.)' , nekcTye cin the evening', and enkwe 'man' below and see R. Kim 1999: §§ 4.3, 5.2, 5.3.2. Though this certainly does not prove that PT *e < *e was not rounded next to *kw in TB, it does present a serious obsta- cle to the near-universal assumption of *(h1)egw(h)- > TB yok-' since PT *e and *e appear to merge everywhere in TB, a divergent treatment in this one environment would be most unexpected. As far as I am aware, the only scholars to have observed this difficulty are van Wind- ekens (1976: 601) and Hilmarsson (1985: 84-5, 1986: 62). The former takes TB yokas a loan from TA, for which there is neither evidence nor motivation (cf. Winter 1980: 470). Hilmarsson hesitatingly suggests that o could have been generalized from 1 sg. yoku < w-umlauted PT *yok9w (= *[yoku]), but acknowledges the existence of clear counterexamples such as TB subj. 1 sg. teku CI will touch' (to / tek-/ ~

/tek-/), preku CI will ask' (to /prek-/ ~ /park-/). Recently Ringe (1997, class notes) has denied altogether a connec-

tion between the Tocharian and Hittite verbs, stating that TB, TA yok- imply a PT *yok(w)-, which "cannot reflect *egw- because the initial *y- and the vowel are not lautgesetzlich" . In the case of the vocalism this is undoubtedly true: PT *o, which gives o in both languages, can result only from umlaut of PIE *o by a following *u, e. g. in TB okt , TA okat 'eight' < PT *okt9 < *oktu < *okto(w) or TB, TA or 'wood' < PT *or9 *doru8).

An alternative PIE reconstruction, however, can account for the forms of both languages quite elegantly. Taken by itself, TB /yok-/ can also continue PT *yokw-, with regular and phonetically prosaic unrounding of *kw next to (pre-TB) *o9). As for TA, I have shown elsewhere that *kw is delabialized when adjacent to pre-TA *a (< PT *e, *e, *o), causing rounding of the vowel to *o (R. Kim 1999: §§ 4.3, 5.2, 5.3.2, 5.4). That this phenomenon, familiar from the obi. sg. of

8) With initial *d lost by analogy to oblique case forms, e.g. gen. *dr-ew-s (Skt. dros), in which *d was lost before a following resonant (Schindler, cited in Ringe 1996:98).

) Cf. the parallel loss of initial *w before *o, e.g. in ost 'house' (TA wast) < PT *wosto < *wastu (Skt. vastu , cf. Gr. (f)daxu) and pret. 3sg. [o]tkasa-me fs/he divided them' (366b 5) < *wotk3sa to /watka-/ 'divide' (Ringe 1991: 140, fn. 7), or the change of PT *3 > TB o between two rounded segments (*w or *kw), with consequent delabialization of *kw, e.g. kokale 'chariot' (TA kukal) < PT *kw5kwle < PIE *kwekwlos (ibid., 140). For both o-conditioned losses cf. TB okso 'ox' < PT *w3kwso < *ukso(n) < PIE *ukse(n) 'bull' (Normier 1980: 263).

'To drink' in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European 155

edog', TA kom [TB kwem /kwen9/] < PT *kwena < PIE acc. sg. *kwonm (Skt. svanam' applies equally to sequences of pre-TA *a(n)kw is apparent from the following examples:

TA n'o~'ktim 'in the evening' [TB nekcTye ], nokte 'last night'10) < PT *nekwt-, *nekwc- < PIE *nokwt- 'evening' (Gr. vdxt-, Lat. noct- ; Skt. naktam 'by night' ; Hitt. nekuz /negwts/ in nekuz mehur 'evening time' < PIE acrostatic gen. sg. *nekwt-s);

TA onk 'man' [TB enkwe /enkwe/] < PT *enkwe < PIE *nk-wo- 'perish- able, mortal', verbal adj. to *nek- 'perish' (Campanile 1969: 203-4);

TA onkrac (indecl.) 'immortal, eternal' [TB masc. obi. sg. onkrocce ], onkra- ci 'immortality' (YQ 1.30 b2, 1.14 b 6; Ji et al. 1998: 22-3, 92-3) < PT *onkwro-tse, *-ce < *enkwro- < *n-ghurV-n), to the verbal root *ghwer- of TB /kwara-/ (CI. Ill pres. 3 pl. kwremntar , pretptc. kuro ), TA kw(a)ra- (pret.ptc. kuro ) 'grow old, weak'.

Given that yok- exhibits athematic (Class I) inflection in both languages, we can assume that this root was also athematic in PT and so would have been followed by a consonant in all person-number forms except the 3 pl. TA yok- can therefore reflect pre-TA *yakw- < PT *yokw-C-, with the stem-final labiovelar preserved in preconsonantal position, e.g. in 3sg. yokas* cs/he drinks' < *yakw-sa < PT *yokw-s9 (R. Kim 1999: §5.2). Reconstructing backwards from TA and TB, then, we arrive at PT *yokw-.

What could the *o of *yokw- reflect? The only serious possibility is *a < *eh2, as it is by now almost universally agreed that (post-)PIE *a was raised and rounded to pre-PT *o12), whence PT *o (Peters 1990, Ringe 1996: 97-8; *a in Hilmarsson 1986). A preform *yeh2gw- with initial *y-, however, is ruled out if this verb is cognate with the Lat. and Hitt. forms, and moreover *a cannot give Hitt. e. Since PT *o must continue *a < *eh2, whereas prothetic *y- presupposes pre-PT *e, the only remaining possibility is that edrink' formed a Narten present in PIE, with long-grade in sg. *(h!)eh2gwh- vs. full-grade in pl. *(h!)eh2gwh-. Since *h2 does not color an adjacent *e (by Eichner's Law), the sg. would have developed to *egwh- alongside pl. *(hi)eh2gwh- > *agwh-, whence pre-PT sg. *yekw-C- - pl. *okw-C-.

10) Discovered in the newly published Yanqi fragments of the TA Maitreyasami- ti-Nataka (YO 1.2 b 1; Ti et al. 1998: 68-91

n) This would regularly develop to PT *enkw3ro- > TB " enkwarocce" . The syl- labification required for PT *onkwro- < (virtual) *n-ghwrV- is analogical to full- grade PT *kw3r-(a-) < PIE *ghwer- (R. Kim 1999: fn. 70).

12) Except probably in final position: Marggraf 1975: 199, Normier 1980: 254, Ringe 1996: 94. But cf. the cautious comments of Ringe (ibid., 96-7 n. 1).

156 Ronald Kim

As I have proposed elsewhere (R. Kim 1999: §5.2), "crossing" then took place: the initial *y- of the sg. and the root vocalism of the pl. were generalized throughout the paradigm, resulting in the PT verb stem *yokw-. This then evolved in TA and TB as outlined above, arriv- ing by separate paths at a deceptively identical outcome in both lan- guages13).

A PIE Narten present for 'drink' is not a new suggestion (see e.g. Weiss 1994 b: 92 fn. 5), but the deduction of a root-internal *h2 on the basis of Tocharian must be checked against the evidence of Anatolian, and specifically Hittite. Those who accept the etymological connection of eku - aku- with Lat. aqua must account for the consistently single spelling of the stem-final consonant (Sturtevant 1933: 80), which re- presents a voiced or lenis /gw/ ("Sturtevant's Law"; ibid., p.74)14). To this end, Eichner (1973: 82, 1975: 95) posits an original reduplicated present with 3 sg. ̂ hje-htek^ti, 3 pl. *h1e-h1kw-nti: after loss of *h1? both sg. *ekw-ti and pl. *ekw-nti would contain an accented long vowel, which by Eichner's first lenition rule (1973: 79 ff.) lenites the following *kw to *gw. After considering a Narten present with long-grade

13) Schmidt (1997: 258-9) has identified two occurrences of the TB pret. of 'drink', the previously misread yds /yas5/ (250 a 1 +, 3sg.) and, with 2sg. enclitic pronoun, yasac /yass-ca/ (H 149 add. 8 8 a 3 ; 2 or 3sg.). These forms comprise a third example of a CI. VI pret., along with 'go out' (3sg. TB lac /hc6/, TA lac < *h1ludh-ed, cf. Horn. Gr. Olr. luid) and come' (2, 3 sg. TB sem /sem 6/). The latter, like lac/lac , also reflects an original aorist, in this case a thematized root aorist *gwem-es, *-ed < *gwen < *gwem-s, *-d (R. Kim, forthcoming). I assume a similar origin for yds, as opposed to Schmidt's tentative derivation of PT *a < pre- PT *6 from an o -grade pf. of the reduplicated preform hypothesized by Eichner and Oettinger for Hitt. eku - aku- (Schmidt 1997: 261); note that no Toch. finite pret. form has been shown to descend from a (post-)PIE perfect. As Don Ringe suggests to me, TB yds < PT *yas5 can simply reflect an analogical zero-grade to full-grade *o in *yokw-.

14) The voiceless or fortis /-kw-/ indicated by geminate spellings in e.g. pres. 3 pl. ak-ku-us-kan-zi , pret. 3 pl. ak-ku-us-kir fbe/keep on drinking' results from a morphophonological rule devoicing root-final stops before the iterative suffix /-ske/a-/ (Puhvel 1974: 294, 1984: 267; Melchert 1994: 17, 57). That regressive devoicing was no longer a productive rule (or surface constraint) even by PA is shown by the consistent single spelling in ne-ku-uz /negwts/ cnight (gen.sg.)' < PA *negwt-s < PIE *nekwt-s, where the change of word-internal PIE *kw > PA *gw would have been undone (or blocked) by devoicing (Melchert 1994: 17-8, 57). The same holds if one starts from PIE *negwt- (Schindler 1967: 290-1, Oettinger 1979: 209-10). Hence pres. 3sg. e-ku-zi , e-uk-zi stands for phonetic [egw-tsi], contra Puhvel, op.cit. On 2sg. e-ku-us-si [egws.si] with [gw] and amphisyllabic [s], see Melchert 1994: 17, 151.


in the sg., Oettinger (1979: 86-8) instead adopts Eichner's reconstruction, and adds that analogy to the ablauting present type of es- ~ as- cbe', epp - app- 'seize', ses ~ sas 'sleep' can account for the vocalism of the attested forms (90)15).

This reconstruction, however, cannot be correct. In addition to the arguments adduced above against deriving Lat. aqua and Hitt. / egw-/ ~ /agw-/ from a common origin, note also that word-internal PIE *-kw- appears to have been unconditionally lenited to *-gw- in PA, e. g. in Hitt. tarku- , CLuv. taru- Cdance' < PA *tergw- < PIE *terkw- c twist' or Hitt. gen. sg. nekuz /negwts/ < PA *negwt-s < PIE *nekwt-s to acrostatic *nokwt- ~ *nekwt- (Schindler 1967)16). Thus, even if the PIE preform of Hitt. 'drink' did contain *-kw-, this would have become lenited / -gw-/ regularly, thus removing the main motivation for Eichner and Oettingers otherwise unmotivated reduplicated pre- form17).

Although the Hitt. verb is phonologically irreconcilable with aqua and PGmc. *axwo, there are no such obstacles to a connection with sy- nonymous TA, TB yok- . But the vast majority of recorded pres. forms of / egw-/ ~ / agw-/ belong to the same kind of ordinary amphikinetic paradigm as, say, es- ~ as- 'be' , with the familiar alternation between sg. e and pl. a found in several other mi -conjugation verbs; as Mel- chert (1984: 106) has noted, "evidence for lengthened-grade in this verb is weak." On the basis of yok-, Friedrich and Kammenhuber (1988: 33) take the e ~ a ablaut of 'drink', along with 'eat' and 'seize', back to a supposed PIE sg. *e ~ pl. *a(!). Similarly, Pinault (1994: 181) recognizes that yok- < *(h!)egwh- presupposes an acrostatic paradigm, which he reconstructs as plur. *h1egwh-nti" , but concedes that eku- "ne refecte pas necessairement un degre long, mais peut continuer un theme avec generalisation du degre plein simple a partir du plurieP'. Is there any evidence for the Narten inflection required by Tochanian?

15) So most recently Zinko 1998: 185-6. Kiimmel (LIV, p. 206 s.v. *h!egwh-, n. 2) follows (Eichner and) Oettinger despite reconstructing root-final *-gwh-, but also admits the possibility of a root present underlying the Anatolian forms.

) On this form see fn. 14 above. Other examples are Hitt. sakuwa- , CLuv. ta- wa/i-, HLuv. ta-wa/i Lyc. tewe-* 'eye' < PA *sogwo- 'seeing' < PIE *sokwo- (to the root *sekw-, cf. Goth, saih/an; Cop 1955: 68-9) and Luv. walwa/i-, Lyd. *walwe- (adj. walwel(i)-) 'lion', perhaps OH walkua- 'danger (or sim.)' < PA *wlgwo- < PIE *wlkwo- (Lehrman 1978: 228-30, 1987: 15-6; Melchert 1994: 127, 360). For discussion and further references see Melchert 1994: 61.

17) See also Lindeman 1991.

158 Ronald Kim

Let us consider how the PIE paradigm reconstructed above, oppos- ing sg. *(h!)eh2gwh- to pl. *(h1)eh2gwh-, would have developed in the prehistory of Hittite. Following the already PIE coloring of *e > *a before *h2, merger of voiced aspirates with plain voiced stops, loss of *h2 before consonants18) with compensatory lengthening, and disap- pearance of word-initial *hi in PA result in sg. *egw- - pl. *agw-. Such an alternation must have been highly unusual already in PA, and certainly by pre-Hittite. Of the few Hittite verbs showing traces of original acrostatic inflection, only one features a comparable alternation, weh- ~ wahh- 'turn' (pres. 3 sg. wehzi , 1 pl. wahhweni < PA *weh- ~ *waH- < PIE *weh2- ~ weh2-); the others contain e-vocalism in both sg. and pl.: ed- feat', wek- ~ wekk- 'demand, ask for' (pret. 1 sg. we- kun , pres. 3 pl. wekkanzi < PA *weg- ~ *wek- < PIE *wek- ~

*wek-)19). On the other hand, the common e ~ a ablauting type of cbe', 'seize', 'sleep', etc. (see above) is characterized by the well-known accent shift between the root in the sg. and the ending in the pl., as shown by plene spelling in e.g. 3sg. (e-)es-zi [estsi] vs. absence of plene in 3 pl. a-sa-an-zi [asantsi]20).

Within the pre-Hittite verbal system, a paradigm with accented sg. *e and pl. *a, continuing *eh2 and *eh2, respectively, would have seemed out of place. Taking into account the change of *e > a in post- tonic syllables21), the pres. paradigms of acrostatic /ed-/ feat', amphi-

18) Contra Eichner (1973: 71, 97 n.69) and Oettinger (1979: 412-3), who argue for a development *h2D > T (i.e. fortis or geminate stop) analogous to that of *Dh2 > T in deriving sakk- ~ sekk- 'know' from PIE *s°/eh2g-. This root actually underlies sakiya- 'give a sign, disclose' < *seh2g(i)ye/0- (formally equivalent to Lat. sagire 'sense/ smell acutely, hunt/ track down' , Goth, sokjan 'seek' ) and sagai- omen' < *sh2g-; see Pedersen 1938: 39, 183 (identification), Melchert 1994: 69 (preform). Further evidence for loss of preconsonantal *h2 comes from pres. 3 sg. waki 'bites' < PIE *woh2g- (3 pl. wakkanzi with analogical gemination; Melchert 1994: 80-1), reconstructed by Kimball (1988: 245) on the basis of the ablaut in Horn. Gr. aor. c(f)aâ 'I broke' < *weh2g-, xujiaT-coyrj 'beach (where waves break)' < *woh2g-, pres. (f)ayvi)|xi 'I break', pass. (i.e. stative) aor. 8(f)dyr] fis bro- ken' < *wag-, secondary zero-grade for *ug- < *uh2g-.

19) See Oettinger (1979: 99-101, 1992: 215-7) and Eichner (1973: 81 on wek-). The acrostatic inflection of PIE *wek- is supported by the fossilized Gr. pres. ptc. excov 'willing', fem. Kyrenaian exaoaa < *wekatya < *wek-nt-ih2; contrast Arca- dian saooa, Cretan laxxa, taOda < PGr. *ehatya, Skt. satT < *hts-nt-ih2 to amphikinetic ^ês-.

20) Lack of plene spelling in 3 pl. -anzi < *-enti, virtually consistent except for a very few post-OH cases, is regular, since stressed a is not lengthened in closed syllables (Melchert 1994: 135, 147). 21 ) Proposed by Cowgill on the basis of the alternation of 1 pl. -weni wani

To drink' in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European 1 59

kinetic /es-/ - / as-/ fbe' , and /egw-/ - /agw-/, prior to any analogical remodeling, would have been

1 sg. *ed-mi *es-mi *egw-mi 2 *ed-si *es-si *egw-si 3 *ets-tsi *es-tsi *egw-tsi

1 pl. *ed-wani *as-weni22) *agw-wani > *ag-wani 2 *ets-tani *as-teni *agw-tani 3 *ed-antsi *as-antsi *agw-antsi.

Since the ablauting type was clearly productive within the prehistory as well as the recorded history of Hittite, the anomalous paradigm of 'drink' could naturally have been remade on the basis of ebe', especially since their root-vocalisms concide in both sg. and pl. As a result, the accent shifted in the pl. from root to ending, with consequent adoption of the stressed 1, 2 pl. ending variants /-weni/ and /-teni/. The same analogical process likewise affected originally acrostatic stems such as ceat' and 'wish', leaving only isolated relic forms to attest to their earlier inflectional pattern.

Less obvious is that 'drink' can also have been assimilated to the smaller, recessive acrostatic type. Two factors would have encouraged this direction of analogy. Whereas 'drink' patterns with 'be', etc. in its root vowel alternation, it shares fixed root accent with other acrostatic verbs. More importantly, 'drink' would have been subject to analogical

and 2 pl. -tteni ttani, the alternants with e occurring in ablauting stems, those with a in stem-stressed forms. For examples see Melchert (1994: 137-8), who em- phasizes that -wani, -ttani never occur with an indisputably weak ablaut grade of the stem (but see below on Bo 57 09 aduwani). This distribution has been disturbed already in OH by analogical spread of unstressed [-weni, -teni], e.g. in 2 pl. ezzat(- t)eni [ets. steni], a trend which continues throughout the history of the language. Nominal w-stem endings in -aw- < *-ew-, e.g. gen. sg. -awas < *-ewos, nom.pl. -awes < *-ewes, may provide another instance of this change (ibid., 138).

22) PIE *hj- > PA *0- before consonant (Melchert 1994: 66-7 with refs., contra Kimball 1987, who distinguishes *his- > Hitt. s- from *hj- > Hitt. a- before stop). The pl. of roots in *h!~ have already acquired a in PA by analogy to roots of the shape TeR(T), which must originally have contrasted athematic act. sg. *TeR(T)-C- with 1, 2 pl. *TaR(T)-C- < *TR(T)-C- (and 3 pl. *TaRT-anzi to TeRT roots) prior to the lowering of many *eRC > aRC (Melchert 1994: 134-7) and/or analogical generalization of the zero-grade in *a (Kimball 1992). For another mi- nor source of pl. a, cf. ses- ~ sas- 'sleep' < sg. *ses - pl. *ses- (Melchert 1994: 66).

160 Ronald Kim

influence from its semantic pair ed- feat', which originally followed acrostatic inflection in PIE23).

With this in mind, let us consider the attested pres. pl. forms of both eku- and ed- which do not conform to the normal amphikinetic inflection (i.e., forms other than [agwe:ni, agwte:ni, agwanzi], [adweini, atste:ni, adanzi]). The following list is taken from Kammenhuber (1976, Nr. 5: 81, 83), Puhvel (1984: 262-3, 316 with refs.), and Frie- drich and Kammenhuber (1988: 31, 128-30):

'drink': 1 pl. 1 x ekuwani : KBo XV 26,7 (MH/NS)

1 x (2x?) ekueni : KBo XXXVII 1 II 36 ehu nu ekue[ 'come and let us drink'24), 37 NINDA -an ekueni Ve drink bread' (!) 1 x akuwani : Bo 57 09 Vs. 10

2 OH 1 x ekuteni: KBo XIV 41 IV 17 (OH/NS) 4x ekutteni : KUB I 16 III 34, 48 (OH/NS) NINDA-^n azzasteni watarr-a e. fyou will eat bread and you will drink water' ; KUB XIII 4 II 70 (OH/NS) nu NINDA- an ezzatteni watar- ma e. now you will eat bread, you will drink water' ; ibid. IV 52-3 n-asta BIBRU DINGIR-L/M 71-asarha e. 'then you will drink up the rhyton of the soul of the gods'25)

3 NH 2x ekuwanzi : KUB XX 1 II 20 (text/ms. date uncertain); Kikkuli text III, III 49 ( KUB 111 + KUB XXIX 57 with dupl. KUB XXIX 47; MH/ms. date indeterminate) mahha[nm]a luk- katta nu watar e[ fAs soon as it dawns, they drink water' (Kam- menhuber 1961: 118-9) 1 x ekuanzi : KBo XV 34 II 3 (OH/NS)

feat': 1 pl. lx eduwani : KUB XXIX 1 I 15 (OH/NS) nu-za-kan zapzikit

eduwani cand from the glass vessel we shall eat' (Carini 1982: 486-7) 1 x aduwani : Bo 5709 Vs. 10

23) Traces of PIE pres. 3sg. *h j ed-ti (= * [h ! etsti] ), 3pl. *hied-nti survive in Ved. 3 pl. ad-anti (with analogical accent on the ending; cf. 3 sg. ds-ti , 3 pl. s-dnti ) and in the long vowels of Lat. 3 sg. est , OCS jasti < *jesti < *etsti, OLith. 1 sg. emi < *ed-mi, 3sg. est(i) (Mod.Lith. edu, eda). Cf. Narten 1968: 15 fn.44, Klingen- schmitt 1978: 9, Oettinger 1979: 89, fn. 14.

) Probably 1 pl. lptv. ekue[ni , formally identical to ind. ekueni in the following line.

) Kammenhuber (1976, Nr. 5:83) also cites KUB XXXI 118,9 (+ XXXVI 37 II 14), but only the signs e-ku-ut[ actually appear.


1 x Jduwani : KBo XV 26,4 (MH/NS) 1 x edue[ni : Bo 5621 I 6

2 NH 4x ezzatteni ( e-ez-za-at-te-ni): KUB XIII 4 II 9 (OH/NS) arha e., 70 nw NINDA-dn e. now you eat bread'; ibid. IV 27, 30"^ KUB XXXIII 121 II 20 ]-war-an e. HUR.SAGME§- as "(why?) do you devour him in the mountains . . .?" (from the story of Kessi the hunter; Friedrich 1950: 236-7) 1 x ezzatteni : KUB XIII 4 IV 44 (OH/NS) n-at . . . ezzatteni 1 x ezzateni (e-ez-za-te-ni): KUB XXXI 114 III 7 -a]t ezzateni

Among the above forms of 'drink', one particularly likely example of influence from eeat' is 1 pl. ekuwani , i.e. /egwani/ (for *ag-wani), found in the fragmentary KBo XV 26, line 726). Although this text is MH (and is preserved only in a NH manuscript), Melchert (p.c.) em- phasizes that pl. forms containing analogical zero-grade a and accented endings {-weni, -teni, -dnzi) could have arisen at any point in the history of Hittite27), whereas there would have been no such motivation for creation of an e -grade root-accented 1 pl.

Similarly, the 3 pl. variants eku(w)anzi appearing in KBo XV 34 II 3 and KUB XX 1 II 20 could stand for [egwantsi] < *agw-antsi, but they might also represent [egw-antsi], with accent on the ending after the amphikinetic root present type but retention of the root vowel. Equally unprobative are 1 pl. ekueni and 2 pl. ekuteni , ekutteni : these could either contain ending-accent and preserved strong-grade of the root, or (more likely) root-accent and generalized - weni , -(t)teni for pre- Hitt. *-wani, *-tani28).

Finally, one unpublished form may have preserved both the root

26) So Melchert 1994: 138, where for tt*(hi)ekwweni" read tt*(hi)egwhwenis' Cf. the parallel 1 pl. of ceat' on 1.4: Jduwani nu akuwann[a] Ve eat, and to drink . Melchert (ibid.) supplies eduwani , also attested with incorrect plene as e-du-wa-a- ni in KUB XXIX 1115 (but aduwani with weak grade is also possible; cf. Puhvel 1984: 262, 316 and see below on Bo 5709). This would then preserve the expected reflex of root- accented êdweni > pre-Hitt. *edwani. Already in OH one nor- mally finds atueni/adueni , often in asyndeton with a following akueni (cf. Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1988: 128-9). 27 ) I.e. to ablauting roots such as es ~ as- cbe' , epp - app- 'seize', ses- ~ sas- 'sleep', themselves analogical to TeR and TeRT/TReT roots, e.g. kuer- ~ kur- fcut', kuen - kun- eslay' (cf. fn. 22). 28 ) Cf. 2 pl. ezzat(t)eni with plene writing of the root vowel, implying [ets. steni], underlyingly /ed-teni/ (Melchert 1994: 109). By contrast, azzasteni (e.g. in KUB I 16 III 34, 48, cited above) shows complete assimilation to the alternating root- ab- laut pattern, with weak grade of the root and stressed ending in the pl.

162 Ronald Kim

vocalism and unaccented ending of the original acrostatic paradigm. Friedrich and Kammenhuber (1988: 130 s.v. ed-) cite Bo 5709, Vs. 10 aduwani akuwani 'we eat (and) drink'. Now aduwani can hardly be archaic: one would expect rather acrostatic eduwani /ed-wani/ (cf. OH/NS eduwani , fn.26) or regularlized amphikinetic aduweni /ad- weni/. If the ending -wani implies accent on the root (cf. fn. 21), we must assume that the root vocalism has been influenced by akuwani , i. e. that the analogy here has proceeded in the opposite direction from KBo XV 26,7 ekuwani after edwani*.

Obviously, such extensive fluctuation between a- and e -vocalism in both root and ending greatly reduces, if not nullifies, the evidential va- lue of any one form. Nevertheless, if the initial a of 1 pl. akuwani in Bo 57 09 preserves an archaic, synchronically irregular strong ablaut grade, then akuwani , to be read [ag-wani], provides weak support for root-internal *h2 in an original Narten paradigm with pl. *(h1)eh2gwh-. The remaining forms can all be explained by assimilation either to the productive regular ablauting e ~ a type of 'be', 'seize', 'sleep', etc. or to the recessive (but less marked!) e ~ e pattern of 'eat' and similar acrostatic verbs.

As far as the rest of Anatolian is concerned, a root-internal *h2 causes no difficulties. Palaic ahu- in pres. 3 pl. ahuwanti is to all ap- pearances the equivalent of Hitt. akuwanzi (Bossert 1944: 88), so that ahu- , like the Hitt. weak stem alternant / agw-/, may continue originally pl. PA *agw- < PIE full-grade *(h!)eh2gwh-29). Cuneiform Luvian u- and Hieroglyphic Luvian u- (presumably [u-]), identified by Mor- purgo Davies (Hawkins 1980: 221), may reflect a secondary pre-Luv. diphthong *ew- < *egw- and/or *aw- < *agw- via the regular sound change of PA *gw > Luv. w (Melchert 1994: 239, 242, 254, 265) - hence either the PA strong or weak stem, or the phonetic merger pro- duct of both. Given the mutual influence between 'drink' and 'eat' de- monstrable for Hittite, however, it is at least as probable that both Pa- laic and Luvian simply continue an analogical weak stem *agw- after *ad- 'eat', *as- 'be', *ap- 'seize'.

Some remarks on the reflexes of this root in other IE branches are in order. First, the PIE preform *(h1)eh2gwh- posited here requires that the e of Lat. (in)ebrius be from a lengthened-grade, i.e. *(h])eh2gwh- > Lat. eb- with non-coloring of *e per Eichner's Law. The motivation

29) For the root etymology see Otten 1951. On -hu- ([-yw-]?) from medial *_gw(h)_ cf# Melchert 1994: 196, 210-1.


for such an ablaut grade (vrddhi-formation?) is unclear, but as the same is true under the earlier assumption of a root *(h!)egwh-, this deverbal adjective neither supports nor contradicts *h2 in f drink'30).

A connection between Greek vrjcpco fam sober' and Hitt. eku- was first proposed by Juret (1937: 79) and pursued in more detail by Win- ter (1955: 174-5). In his recent treatment, Weiss (1994b: 91-3) argues that Winter's derivation of vrjcpst from thematized *ne hiegêti es/he does not drink' is unlikely, primarily because of the lack of any other traces of *ne in Greek and the pattern of attestation: the vast majority of occurrences are forms of the present participle vrjcpcov. Weiss (93 ff.) convincingly demonstrates the latter to be an original possessive compound *n-h!egwh-dn, gen. *n-higwh-nes to the unattested r/n- stem *h!egwh-r, gen. *hiegwh-n-s 'drinking'31); this survives as an n-stem in Hesiod, Theognis 481, 62 732) but was otherwise remade into a present participle through frequent formulaic pairing with its antonym jisducov '(being) drunk'.

Greek vfjcpcov and its backformed verb vrjcpco provide definite proof of an aspirated root-final consonant *-gwh-. But although a leveled pre-Greek *n-h!gwh-on, *-on-os leads directly to vrjcpcov, -ovog, there remains the problem of Doric impf. 3 sg. vacpe in Pseudo-Epicharmos

30) Vine (1999) points out that full-grade formations in *-ro- appear to have been largely collective in origin, as opposed to the normal zero-grade adjectival type, but it is difficult to reconcile *(hi)eh2gwh-ro- (or rather *(h1)eh2gwh-reh2) with a collective meaning "drink (n.)". Weiss interprets sobrius < *se-oh2gwhr-iyo- ' without drink' (or sim.; o-vocalism as in extorris 'exiled' to terra 'land') as a pre- positional compound in *-iyo- to the otherwise unattested r/n- stem *(h!)eh2gwh- (w)r, *(hi)eh2gwh-(w)n-s (see below under vrjcpco), though this involves some ling- ering difficulties (Weiss 1994b: 94 fn. 9). To the noun one would expect a derived o-stem. adj. *(hi)eh2gwhr-o- 'having drink' > 'drunk' > Lat. eber , which probably existed in spoken Latin: it is attested (and censured) by Probus and may be the an- cestor of Ital. ebbro 'drunk' (ibid., 95-6, fn. 12), though cf. Meyer-Liibke 1992: 253.

31 ) Or perhaps *(h!)eh2g(w)h-wr, *(h!)eh2g(w)h-wn-s (with unrounding of the labiovelar next to *w, or at least loss of phonemic distinction between velar and labiovelar already in PIE; Weiss 1994 a: 137 ff.), if *ghw merged with *gwh to give Gr. (p: the only possible counterexample is the notorious ititxoi; 'horse' (<- umog, cf. "AXx-ititioi; without aspiration), whose -nn- may continue *-kw- in PIE *ekwos. Cf. Horn. Gr. ei8aQ, gen. stSatog 'food, fodder' (prob. also Hesych. bSocq • (3Qc5â) < *edwar PIE ̂ ed-wr, *h!ed-wn-s 'eating' vs. Hitt. edri- 'food, meal', possibly derived from "êd-r, *h!ed-n-s. 32 ) And probably in a corrupted entry in Hesychius: vfj(povT£<; • vfj(povT8^, apparently for vrjcpovei; • vrjcpovte^ (M.Schmidt 1861: 157; on the difficulty of the reading see Latte 1966: 713).

164 Ronald Kim

(Kaibel frag. 250). The extremely poor textual evidence for the authen- ticity of a leads Weiss to the following judgment: "it seems entirely possible that the spelling vacpe is a simple hyperdoricism of medieval or even [RJenaissance date. If vacpe is not a hyperdoricism of the tradi- tion, it is still equally possible that it is a hyperdoricism dating back to the composer of the text whether that was Epicharmus or not" (97). Nevertheless, a late, possibly hyper-Doric a does not automatically imply that Proto-Greek did not have *a in the absence of good examples of non-Attic-Ionic rj, and it is at least suggestive that the possessive adj. to *(h!)eh2gwh- would have been *n-(h1)h2gwh-on, *-on-os > vacpcov*, -ovog*, whence vacpco*33). In conjunction with the Tocharian (and possibly Hittite) evidence for *-h2-, I therefore consider it at least possible that the variant reading vacpe contains a genuine Doric long a continuing PGr. *a.

Thus Tocharian, and specifically TB, requires a root-internal *h2 and original Narten inflection for 'drink', both of which are compati- ble with the Anatolian data and Latin and Greek cognates; the root-final aspirate *-gwh- is consistent with Lat. -b- in ebrius and assured by Greek vfjcpcov. Additional support for the *h2 may be found in the Hitt. hapax akuwani (if for [agwani]) and in the dubious Doric vacpe. An original acrostatic paradigm in PIE and PA also accounts for a small set of Hittite forms whose vocalism has been adjusted to the e ~ e ablaut of "normal" acrostatic verbs, in particular feat'; these include 1 pl. ekuwani and perhaps 2 pl. ekutteni (for ekuttani *), 3 pl. ekuwanzi.

In closing, I wish to point out that the complete loss of the original verbal inflection of this root elsewhere in IE (as opposed to backformed Gr. vfjcpco <r- vrjcpcov) adds one more to the small but growing number of isoglosses shared by Anatolian and Tocharian as opposed to the classical or "Brugmannian" IE branches. Many scholars today believe that Anatolian was the first branch to separate from the original PIE-speaking community, followed next by Tocharian34). This

33) It is not completely clear how a sequence *nh1h2- would have been treated, but reduction to *nh2- already in PIE seems likely: cf. Jasanoff (1988: 73-4 n. 10) on the likely reduction of PIE perf. 1 sg. *dhe-dhoh1-h2e, *ste-stoh2-h2e, *ge- gnoh3-h2e > *dhedhoh2e, *stestoh2e, *gegnoh2e. If so, PGr. *na- provides no evidence for or against initial *hj- in the root for 'drink'.

34) E.g. Schmidt (1992: 114 et passim), citing numerous probable archaisms of Toch. not preserved in the "core" IE languages, and Ringe et al. (1998), on the basis of computational results for the IE evolutionary tree with optimal subgrouping. This was also the view of the late Jochem Schindler as of 1991 (J. Jasanoff, p.c., 10 Apr 1999).

35 ) Contra Benveniste (1962: 96-7), who has apparently overlooked Hitt. pas(s)-. Though the exact relationship of these two roots is not completely certain, it is generally held that *egwh- and *peh3-(i~) made up the present (imperfective) and aorist (perfective) stems of a suppletive paradigm in PIE (Pokorny 1959: 839- 40; Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1988: 33). This state of affairs would then be con- tinued in Tocharian, with renewal of the perfective stem by PT *tsawk- (whatever its etymology; see fn. 6). In that case, TB pret. 2, 3sg. yds cannot continue a PIE aor., though its archaic thematic inflection argues against a recent innovation. It is perhaps not impossible that Anatolian preserves a more original situation in which the two roots have not yet become associated in suppletion, but a paradigmatic split and subsequent semantic differentiation in Hittite between 'drink' and 'swallow' seem much more likely (H. C. Melchert, p. c.).


therefore suggests that *(h1)lh2gwh- 'drink' is an example, not of a shared innovation, but rather of an archaism preserved - in its original verbal function - only in these two branches. The remaining IE languages, by contrast, exhibit reflexes of the root *peh3-(i-), cf. Skt. aor. 3 sg. apat , Lat. past ptc. potus < *peh3-, Gr. mvco, aor. iptv. 2 sg. mOt < *ph3-i-(n-), with its reduplicated pres. *pi-ph3- > *pib- (3sg. Skt. pibati , Lat. bibit, Olr. ibid 's/he drinks'; iptv. 2sg. Sicel nifis 'drink!' in Lejeune 1999: 28-9). Since Anatolian preserves this root in Hitt. pas(s )-, CLuv. pass- 'swallow' < *peh3-s- (Winter 1965:197; Bernabe 1973: 428; Melchert 1987: 26), both *peh3-(i-) and *(h!)lh2gwh- must be reconstructed for PIE35); the latter, however, has been lost in the classical branches, surviving only in isolated derivatives such as Lat. ebrius and Gr. vrjcpcov. 'To drink' hence provides an interesting example of the pivotal role of Anatolian and Tocharian evidence for the proper reconstruction of the protolanguage within an improved understanding of IE dialectology.

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170 Ronald Kim

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Department of Linguistics University of Pennsylvania 619 Williams Hall Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 rkim2@ babel, ling, upenn. edu

Ronald Kim

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‘To drink’ in Anatolian, Tocharian, and Proto-Indo-European