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UTILITARIANISM AND MALTHUS’ VIRTUE ETHICS.
RESPECTABLE, VIRTUOUS, AND HAPPY
Sergio Cremaschi
Routledge, Abingdon, Oxford,
Aug 2014,
pages: 240
price: E. 109,79, US DOLL. 145,00
ISBN: 041573536X
ISBN-13: 9780415735360
Preface
1. Introduction: Malthus the Utilitarian vs. Malthus the Christian moral thinker
The die-hard image of Malthus the ogre has not completely disappeared yet. And yet, Malthus
showed no less concern than Adam Smith for the labouring poor’s lot. Without a reconstruction of
the intellectual framework within which Malthus’s pro-Poor evaluative judgments were
formulated however, the exercise of listing such judgments would not help too much in
understanding who Malthus really was and why could he be tragically misunderstood. We need to
know what moral philosophy, what view of natural science, and what view of the “moral and
political science” Malthus endorsed. Such a systematic reconstruction is what is offered here.
In a nutshell, Malthus’s understanding of his own population theory and political economy was
that of sub-disciplines of moral and political philosophy. Empirical enquiries required in order to
be able to pronounce justified value judgments on such matters as the Poor Laws. But Malthus’s
population theory and political economy were no value-free science and his policy advice – far
from being ‘utilitarian’ – resulted from his overall system of ideas and was explicitly based on a set
of familiar moral assumptions. It is mistaken to claim that Malthus’s explanation of disharmony by
reference to Divine Wisdom is extraneous to analysis and without influence on the theory of
policy. It is true instead that consequentialist voluntarist – or theological consequentialist –
considerations of a sort were appealed to within the context of his moral epistemology in order to
provide a justification for received moral rules, but such considerations were meant to justify a
rather traditional normative ethics, quite far from the Benthamite ‘new morality’.
2. Eighteenth-century Anglican ethics
ETHICS IN THE CONTEXT OF CAMBRIDGE EDUCATION
A NON-CALVINIST ETHICAL TRADITION
CAMBRIDGE MORAL PHILOSOPHY AT MALTHUS’S TIME
Hey
Watson
Paley
Watts
NON-OFFICIAL SOURCES
Tucker
Hume
The chapter gives an overview of eighteenth-century Anglican ethics, noticing how the Cambridge
tradition gave special weight to natural theology as opposed to positive or revealed theology – and
how two Cambridge fellows, John Gay and Thomas Brown, elaborated on Cumberland’s (and
Malebranche’s, as well as Leibniz’s) strategy for finding a third way between intellectualist view
and voluntarist view of the laws of nature. The result of their elaboration was a kind of a rational-
choice account of the origins of natural laws, where a law-giver God chooses among a number of
possible sets of laws on the basis of a maximizing criterion, and God’s maximandum is happiness
for his creatures. The chapter notices also how such a solution aimed at solving at once the
problem of evil and that of the foundation of moral obligation by proving how God’s choice was
justified as far as it was the one minimising the amount of suffering in the world.
The chapter adds some details on the teaching of moral theology to which Malthus was exposed
at Cambridge in the 1780s before ordination as a deacon of the Church of England in 1788.
3. Malthus’s metaethics
MORAL ONTOLOGY
Happiness
Laws of nature
MORAL EPISTEMOLOGY
Religion, morality, and the veil of ignorance
Conscience
The Golden Rule
The test of Utility
The function of general rules
MORAL PSYCHOLOGY
Mind, inertia, and the need for stimuli
Passions and self-love
Moral sentiments
The chapter reconstructs what is to be found in the two ethical chapters of the second Essay and
in other writings on ethical subjects and, in more detail, on the nature and status of morality. It
argues that Malthus’s ethics is not dependent on Paley’s, but is derived from Cumberland, Butler,
Gay, Brown and, more than dependent on Paley, reaches independently rather similar, albeit not
identical, conclusions.
The chapter reconstructs firstly the new place theodicy takes in the 1803 Essays. Its claims are that
theodicy is still the main theoretical issue, that ethics, which showed up marginally in 1798,
receives pride of place in 1803. In fact, ethics in 1803 provides the means of solving the main
difficulty that had been raised by Bewick Bridge, a fellow of Petershouse at Cambridge and then
Malthus’s colleague at the East India College. The thesis that gives the 1803 Essay its unity – it is
argued – is precisely the existence of a moral order in the world, and its proof lies in alleged
possibility of avoiding, at least in principle, those evils as are carried by the principle of population
though an alliance of prudence and chastity.
The new solution to the problem of theodicy is that, once it has been proved that the passions
could be dominated and that a world where passions are under control would be a comparatively
happy place, the world we live in has been proved to be, at least in principle, not an evil place, and
its Creator has been proved (or more modestly, may be believed) to be omniscient, benevolent,
and (perhaps also) omnipotent. A society where moral restraint prevailed would reduce abject
poverty to very few cases, would make the middling ranks more numerous (a lottery with fewer
blanks), would reduce dependence, and thus preserve traditional liberties of the English
Constitution, and finally would give the working poor a chance of living “respectable, virtuous, and
happy”.
Then the chapter examines Malthus’s moral ontology, which makes room for a definition of
(moral) good in terms of happiness, and for a definition of the moral order of the universe in terms
of general rules yielding the maximum amount of net happiness, for a view of natural laws in
terms of ‘instructions’ to creatures as to the way to their own happiness confirmed by physical
sanctions. The mentioned quasi-Leibnitian general solution to the problem of evil is an implication
of the moral ontology illustrated.
The chapter reconstructs then Malthus’s moral psychology, based on a view of mind as “activity”,
as contrasted with matter that is assumed to be marked by inertia, and assuming that constant
stimuli are required in order to prompt activity and constantly raise human beings to higher
degrees of reason and virtue.
The chapter finally reconstructs, taking advantage also of materials to be found in the recently
published Sermons (Malthus 1997-2004: II), also Malthus’s moral epistemology. In this field a
number of peculiar claims, until recently ignored, may be met:
(i) the Golden Rule, an idea taken from Butler and not easily compatible with utilitarianism, as a
key-element of morality, useful as a practical criterion and related to the Whig ideal of human
beings’ equality (at least in principle);
(ii) the function of general rules; firstly, they are necessary to any kind of “moral government”
(since two actions of the same kind need be treated in the same way); secondly, they are required
in order to define virtue and vice starting with consequentialist considerations but without making
virtue and vice extensionally variable; vice is defined as that class of actions, the general tendency
of which is to produce misery, and since “the gratification of all our passions in its immediate effect
is happiness, not misery; and in individual instances even the remote consequences (at least in this
life) come under the same denomination… These individual actions therefore cannot come under
the head of misery. But they are still evidently vicious, because an action is so denominated, the
general tendency of which is to produce misery, whatever may be its individual effects” (Malthus
1803, I: 19).
(iii) the function of the test of Utility as a way of discovering the will of God, and accordingly the
laws of nature, which he has imposed on this Creation, in their positive contents; thus our
principal duties turn out to be (a) strict attention to the consequences carried by the satisfaction
of our passions, (b) regulation of our conduct conformably to such consequences.
It is worth stressing that the test of utility is a test for detecting whether a maxim is a law of
nature, not a standard for establishing what is right and wrong or, in other words, that it is a clue
for detecting the will of God (who has established in his full right – being omnipotent – but not
arbitrarily – being benevolent and omniscient – what is right and what is wrong).
An important addendum to Malthus’s moral epistemology is provided by his considerations on
religion, morality, and the “veil of ignorance”, a traditional idea that shows up also in Adam Smith,
that is the idea that man’s inability to foresee the eternal consequences of his own right or evil
behaviour was established by the Creator in so far as it is required in order to leave room enough
for human freedom and the attainment of genuine virtue.
4. Malthus’s early normative ethics: a morality of freedom
MALTHUS’S 1798 POLITICS
MALTHUS’S FIRST THEODICY
THE PLACE FOR MORALITY IN A DISMAL WORLD
MALTHUS’S FIRST THEODICY UNDER FIRE
The chapter examines a few scattered comments in the first Essay out which reconstructs young
Malthus’s views on the foundations of ethics from, proving his adhesion to a current version of
voluntarist-consequentialist ethics. Then it reconstructs more copious treatment of political issues,
whence a clear stance emerges in favour of traditional Whig concerns, such as political freedom,
personal independence and dignity. Finally it gives a fresh look at the theological argument in the
two well-known final chapters, locating the rather unorthodox theodicy developed there in the
context of a tradition where consequentialism, voluntarism, and quasi-Leibnitian theodicy used to
go hand-in-hand.
5. Malthus’s intermediate normative ethics: a morality of prudence
PALEYITE THEODICY AND THE PLACE OF MORALITY
Paley’s Theodicy
Malthus’s second theodicy
NATURAL VIRTUES
Benevolence
Chastity
ARTIFICIAL VIRTUES
Respect for rights
Love of equality
Love of liberty
PRUDENCE
Malthus’s normative ethics focuses on two main ‘natural’ (that is, such as would arise previous to
any human institution) virtues, that is, benevolence and chastity. In a social, but pre-political, state
such as that of men living without government and law, there would be at least a few, albeit
rather loosely defined duties, those of helping one’s neighbour and of forming a stable attachment
to a person of the other sex. To men living in such a state, these would be taught to be laws of
nature by experience, since they might easily notice the nefarious consequences of acting
according to opposite lines. There is a second group of virtues: artificial virtues, which begin to
exist as soon as the transition to the political state is accomplished; to such kind of virtues love for
equality and love for liberty belong. Also rights appear in the political state, and thus are not
innate, at least in a sense, that is, they have no existence before institutions such as marriage and
property have been established, but they come to existence as soon as a proper political state has
come into being. Yet, Malthus declares that no society can exist without acknowledgment of
inalienable rights, and this is a Whig feature in his system of ideas that is incompatible with
Bentham’s philosophy. A special place is granted to a fifth virtue, Prudence, which emerges in both
the pre-political and the political state and governs both individual quest for happiness and
collective quest for the public good. This special virtue also provides an invisible link between the
private and the public domains, in that it contributes in combining self-love with general happiness
through the unintended results mechanism, or – in Malthus’s words – “the happiness of the whole
is to be the result of the happiness of individuals, and to begin first with them. No cooperation is
required” (Malthus 1803, II: 115)
6. Malthus’s mature normative ethics: a morality of humanity
HUMANITY
THE MALTHUSIAN CONTROVERSY QUA APPLIED THEOLOGY
Critics from the right and critics from the left
Evangelicals: Gisborne
Evangelicals: Sumner
Evangelicals: Chalmers
MALTHUS’S THIRD THEODICY AND HIS RESTYLED ETHICS
Malthus’s1806 ethics
Malthus’s 1817 ethics
The chapter describes one aspect of the Malthusian controversy that developed between 1804
and 1830, namely reactions by Evangelical authors such as Gisborne, Sumner, and Chalmers. The
controversy, never analysed in depth, and until now never analysed from the point of view of the
history of moral doctrines, has a number of interesting aspects. One is a subdivision of conflicting
parties into a multiform spectrum; another is a holistic, and sometimes opportunistic, use of
arguments and reasons in order to favour one overall view, such as the Tory-humanitarian, the
populist-evangelical, the middle-class Whig and, later on, the middle-class Reformer and Radical
view; the third is that the ‘closure’ of the controversy is marked by three facts: (a) a step-by-step
revision of Malthus’s theory in following editions of the Essay, undertaken as a means of
incorporating his opponents’ reasons into his own argument carrying the following aware or
unaware implications: firstly, a shift towards a more explicitly theological view marked by
adoption of a more markedly voluntarist view of natural laws, which contradicts Hollander’s claims
of Malthus’s evolution towards a more secular kind of utilitarianism, (b) design of more detailed
‘Institutional’ approach to a reform of Poor Laws that would have possibly provided an alternative
to the disastrous experiment in social engineering that was in fact carried out after Malthus’s
death; (c) elaboration by Sumner and Chalmers of a theological system incorporating the principle
of population and making it compatible with both Anglican or Presbyterian orthodoxy and pro-
Poor policies and adoption by Malthus himself of such developments.
The friendly controversy with his Evangelical fellow-travellers yields several important changes in
the 1806, 1817, and 1826 editions of the second Essay in the formulation of Malthusian ethics, in
the adoption of moral improvement not happiness as the variable to be maximised in theodicy, in
the adoption of generalized education as the main weapon in the war on poverty.
7. Malthus’s applied ethics
WAR ON POVERTY AS MORAL REFORM
Inequality as evil
More swings than ratios
Policies of self-reliance
FROM SEXUAL MORALITY TO PROCREATION ETHICS
INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS
REFORM
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION AND THE IRISH ISSUE
WAR AS EVIL
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE
The chapter reconstructs Malthus’s treatment of a few issues in ‘applied ethics’. The most
renowned one is sexual morality, where he points at chastity as an overarching virtue, describes
the joys of “virtuous love” as the prize for such virtue, defines marital fidelity as a specification of
chastity in the given social conditions, and the duty of marrying only at a time when one is ready
to carry the burden of six children as a moral duty imposed by prudence and enjoined by a “law of
nature” which we can detect through observation of the order of creation. Besides he points at
disadvantages of early marriage mainly for women, and finally rejects birth control within
marriage with such reasons as its supposed effect of encouraging ‘indolence’.
Another set of issues discussed in this chapter are those of political theory, or better public
morality. Malthus’s peculiar kind of Whiggism is reconstructed as a kind of moral discourse, or of
anti-Machiavellian politics, centred on rights, equality on principle, and individual self-reliance.
The third issue reconstructed is that of poverty. The reconstruction shows how, through
subsequent approximations and under pressure of critics, Malthus yields finally a kind of
Institutional approach to policies concerning poverty, making room for generalized basic
education, free markets for labour and (from a certain date on) for corn, colonies, and allowing for
a subsidiary role for private beneficence. The goal to be aimed at by such a mix of policies is
bringing about “circumstances which tend to elevate the character of the lower classes of society,
which make them approach the nearest to beings who ‘look before and after’, and who
consequently cannot acquiesce patiently in the thought of depriving themselves and their children
of the means of being respectable, virtuous and happy” (Malthus 1820, I: 251).
8. General conclusions: strengthening the theological foundations
Malthus’s criteria for policy appraisal were not (in any meaningful sense of the word) Utilitarian
ones. His normative ethics and his politics were sharply different from Bentham’s. Yet, this is
consistent with the central role played by the “test of utility” in Malthus’s system of ideas. This
test is for Bentham the key to normative ethics (give me an action or policy and I will measure how
far is it right) while it is for Malthus the key to moral epistemology (give me a maxim and I will tell
you whether it is a law of nature) and this different role accounts for their quite different
normative ethics. To sum up, Utility is just one element in Malthus’s ethics, going with laws of
nature and rights, and ironically, far from being a Benthamite insertion, is the most markedly
theological element in Malthus’s system of ideas.
Hollander’s reading is one more example of confusion between an alleged pattern of historical
development and the course of one individual existence. That is, even if Weltgeschichte were
actually moving from dogma to utility (which I do not believe to be the case) this does not imply
that Th. Robert Malthus followed its course obediently. The novelty in Malthus’s final view was
instead the possibility of a harmonious design of human society even in a ‘worldly’ perspective.