VanDerwarker and Kruger - Latin American Antiquity 2012 - Paleoethnobotany of Olmec communities

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REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE IMPORTANCE AND USES OF MAIZE IN THE EARLY AND MIDDLE FORMATIVE OLMEC HEARTLAND:

NEW ARCHAEOBOTANICAL DATA FROM THE SAN CARLOS HOMESTEAD, SOUTHERN VERACRUZ

Amber M . VanDerwarker and Robert P. Kruger

This article presents an archaeobotanical analysis from the site of San Carlos, a small Early/Middle Formarive period homesread situated in the Coatzacoalcos River basin in the sourhem Veracru z lowlands, approximately 9 km southeast of San Loren:o. Although arclraeobotanical data from the 0/mec heartland have become more widely reported in recelll years, we still lack sufficient data to capture regional and temporal variation in plant foodways . Thus, we report the macrobotanical data from San Carlos and provide a quantitative comparison with existing data sets from other southern Veracruz sites with Early and Middle Formative compone/lls (La Joya and Tres Zapotes). Comparative analysis reveals that these three sites vary dramatically in terms of the ubiquity and abundance of maize, in addition to the frequencies of different fru it types. We interpret these differences in terms of ( I) settlement location with respect to geographical positioning in terms of access to riverine wetlands and their resources and (2) their association with areas of developing sociopolitical power structures.

Este articulo present a los resultados de w1 ami/isis arqueobotanico de materiales obtenidos en el sitio de San Carlos, wr pequetio asentamiento del Formativo Temprano/Media, ubicado en/a cuenca del Rfo Coatzacoalcos, a aproximadamente 9 km de San Larenzo, en las tierras bajas del sur de Veracruz. Aunque en los tiltimos aiios se han publicado mas datos arqueobotanicos sabre el area nuclear olmeca, todavfa nos fa it a informaci6n para captor las variaciones regionales y temporales del comportamielllo alimenticio. Por el/o, presentamos los resultados macrobotanicos de San Carlos y proponemos una comparaci6n cuantitativa C011los datos de otros sitios del sur de Veracruz que tienen elementos del Formativo Temprano y Media (como La Joya y Tres Zapotes). El ana/isis comparativo revelo que hay mucha variaci6n, tanto en/a ubicuidad y abundancia delmafz en estos Ires sitios, como enlasfrecuencias de diferentes tipos defrutos. llllerpretamos est as diferencias con relaci6n a ( I ) Ia ubicaci6n de los asentamientos con respecto a su situaci6n geografica, particularmente asociada a su acceso a zonas ribereiias y a sus recursos y (2) su asociaci6n a areas con estructuras de poder socio-polftico en desarrollo.

0 ur understanding of ancient plant subsistence in the Olmec heartland has vastly expanded within the last decade. Both

micro- and macrobotanical analyses from multiple sites spanning the Early (1500- 1000 B .C.) and Middle (1000-400 B.C.) Formative periods have allowed us to sketch a broad outline of subsistence economy built solidly on direct botanical evidence (Lentz eta!. 2008; Peres et al. 20 J 0; PoW et al. 2007; Pow is et al. 2011; Seinfe1d 2007; Seinfeld et al. 2009; VanDerwarker2006; Zurita-Noguera 1997). We use the term sketch deliberately as we are still

a long way from understanding (I) regional variation in plant food ways, (2) how to integrate interpretations from phytolith and other residue studies with macrobotanical reconstructions , and (3) the extent of taphonomic effects on the preservation of botanical assemblages in the warm, wet tropical environment of the southern Veracruz lowlands (e.g., Pearsall1995).ln this article, we address the first concern, specifically in regard to macrobotanical data, by presenting an archaeobotanical analysis from the site of San Carlos, a small homestead situated in the Coatzacoalcos River basin in

Amber M. VanDerwarker • Department of Anthropology, Univers ity of California, Santa Barbara , CA 93 101 -32 10 ( vanderwarker@ a nth .ucsb .edu) Robert P. Kruger • Facultad de Antropologfa, Universidad Veracruzana, Jalapa, Veracruz, Mex ico ([email protected])

Latin American Antiquity 23(4), 20 12, pp. 509-532 Copyright ©20 12 by the Society for American Archaeology

509

510 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY (Vol. 23, No. 4, 2012

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Figure 1. Map of the southern Mexican Gulf Coast with relevant archaeological sites.

the southern Veracruz lowlands, approximately 9 km southeast of San Lorenzo (Figure 1). We report these data and provide a quantitative comparison with data from the Early and Middle Formative occupations of La Joy a and Tres Zapotes (Peres et al. 201 0; VanDerwarker 2006, 20 12).

We frame our analysis within the context of early research that posited a maize-based farming economy as the basis for the development of social complexity among the Early Formative Olmec (e.g. , CoeandDiehl1980;Heizer 1962,1971; Velson and Clark 1975) and more recent research that argues for a mixed subsistence economy focused around aquatic resources, with maize becoming a fundamental part of the diet only in the last stages of the Early Formative period (Arnold 2009; Borstein 2001). Ultimately, our analysis suggests that maize production and consumption during the Early and Middle Formative periods correlate more closely with proximity to centers of developing sociopolitical power than to ecological positioning or to the chronological displacement of natural resource procurement strategies by maize agriculture , as would be predicted by Arnold's and Borstein's proposals .

Given the limited data sets at our disposal , however, we cannot at this time discount the possibility of changing economic strategies playing an important role in the major population shifts from the latter prut of the Early Formative through the Middle Formative periods, as noted by these authors. Nevertheless , we provide a struting point for modeling regional plant subsistence that can be tested as new data are published.

Farming in the Early and Middle Formative Olmec Heartland

Early discussion of Olmec subsistence revolved around the importance of maize in both the development of social inequality and a burgeoning tribute-based political economy. Maize was the cornerstone ofCoe 's (1981; see also Coe and Diehl 1980) levee land hypothesis , which posits that leaders rose to power because their control over prime agricultural river-bottom lands allowed them to produce greater surpluses in a form of ecological niche dominance. These surpluses would have then been funneled up to the leadership centered at San

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGION)

Lorenzo and La Venta, who w them in the construction of tt ments (Heizer 1962, 1971; s~

Clark 1975). Implicit in this sc~ maize constituted the basis f01 if maize was only a supplemer it could hardly be a causal fact1 ity or the primary currency for projects, at least not in the wa)

Recently, Arnold (2009) aJ

have questioned the farming a levee land hypothesis , noting d populations ftrst settled the lo1

vial areas less suitable for opl culture and rose to prominencl land's potential for farming b of the prime access those loca~ continuous exploitation of ab1 sources. Arnold (2009) notes tlement patterns from aquati ments toward upland setting early maize agriculture near t Formative period in several re Coatzacoalcos River basin (B1 1996; Symonds et al. 2002). that maize did not play a pr< until at least the San Lorenz time maize passed a produc would have warranted increa also Borstein 2001; Kirkby I den 1994). Thus , much or ml mative period would have bet highly mixed subsistenceecon imal maize dependence (e.g., ture), followed by a shift tow1 dry land farming ca. l000-90 sis is correct, then competitic tive maize agricultural levee played the primary causal rol opment of social inequality aJ

ity in the region. Recent investigations in ~

of Chiapas have indicated socioeconomic development Formative to early Middle For maize was clearly being culti~ of the Early Formative, mul~ such as macrobotanical rema tope analysis of human bon data, and artifact assemblage

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE IMPORTANCE AND USES OF MAIZE 511

Lorenzo and La Venta, who would have invested them in the construction of temples and monuments (Heizer 1962, 1971; see also Vel son and Clark 1975).Implicit in this scenario is the idea that maize constituted the basis for daily foodwaysif maize was only a supplementary resource, then it could hardly be a causal factor in social inequality or the primary currency for tribute-based labor projects, at least not in the way proposed above.

Recently, Arnold (2009) and B01·stein (2001) have questioned the farming assumption of Coe's levee land hypothesis , noting that Early Formative populations ftrst settled the lowland riverine/alluvial areas less suitable for open-field maize agriculture and rose to prominence not because of the land's potential for farming but, instead, because of the prime access those locations afforded for the continuous exploitation of abundant aquatic food sources. Arnold (2009) notes a major shift in settlement patterns from aquatic riverine environments toward upland settings more suitable for early maize agriculture near the end of the Early Formative period in several regional studies in the Coatzacoalcos River basin (Borstein 2001; Kruger 1996; Symonds eta!. 2002). He therefore argues that maize did not play a prominent dietary role until at least the San Lorenzo B phase, at which time maize passed a productivity threshold that would have wananted increased production (see also Borstein 2001; Kirkby 1973; Rust and Leyden 1994). Thus, much or most of the Early Formative period would have been characterized by a highly mixed subsistence economy marked by minimal maize dependence (e.g., small-scale horticulture), followed by a shift toward a greater focus on dry land farmingca.l000-900 B.C. If Arnold's thesis is correct, then competition for highly productive maize agricultural levee lands could not have played the primary causal role in the initial development of social inequality and political complexity in the region.

Recent investigations in the Soconusco region of Chiapas have indicated a similar pattern of socioeconomic development there during the Early Fmmative to early Middle Formative periods. While maize was clearly being cultivated by the beginning of the Early Formative, multiple lines of evidence such as macrobotanical remains, stable carbon isotope analysis of human bone, settlement pattern data, and artifact assemblages strongly point to an

economy based primarily on the exploitation of local natural resources with only secondary use of domesticated crops through most of the Early Formative period (Blake eta!. 1992; Clark and Blake 1994; Clark eta!. 2007; Rosenswig 2006). Not until the early Middle Formative Conchas phase did maize agriculture become a fundamental part in some (but apparently not all) geographical regions of the Soconusco. Thus, subsistence strategy patterns now being described for the Gulf Coast Olmec region during the Early to Middle Formative periods seem to be part of a much larger trend throughout the early Mesoamerican coastal tropics.

Ultimately, understanding the role that maize played in the development of regional political complexity along the Gulf Coast requires that we have sufficient botanical and other supporting archaeological data from occupations dating to consecutive phases during the Early Formative period (Ojochi, Bajfo, San Lorenzo A, and San Lorenzo B), in addition to subsequent Middle Formative sites. Until recently, it has not been possible to adequately test these hypotheses with direct botanical data. Indeed, such botanical data are still limited, but the state of archaeobotanical research in the region has nevertheless advanced to the point where we can make preliminary quantitative comparisons between sites and temporal periods. That being said, we still lack published macrobotanical data from lowland sites that can be attributed to specific chronological phases within the Early Formative period (but see our discussion of Tres Zapotes below). This is absolutely crucial as the debate regarding the timing of maize reliance hinges on whether farming became a significant subsistence activity during the first or second half of the Early Formative period. Nevertheless, we can come closer to addressing this issue by beginning to document broader regional and temporal variability in plant subsistence during the Early and Middle Formative periods. To this end, we begin by reviewing the scant data that have been published in the broader Gulf Coast Olmec heartland.

Rust and Leyden (1994) offered the very first analysis of botanical data in the region, focusing on maize pollen and maize macrobotanical fragments. Their findings show an increasing density of maize fragments (kernels and cupules) from the Early to Middle Formative periods at La Venta. A more recent discussion of maize in the La Venta

512 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 23, No. 4, 2012

settlement system by Rust (2008) reports kernel and cupule measurements, observing an increase in kernel size from the Early to Middle Formative periods (see also Rust and Leyden 1994). Although the published plant data from La Venta and its surrounding region are minimal (but see Pohl et al. 2007), the pattems of increasing maize density and kernel size suggest a change in maize during the Early/Middle Formative transition that made it more productive. This pattern may suggest that maize did not become a significant or primary resource until the Middle Formative period . Another possibility , however, is that increased maize production occurred in a stepwise fashion, with several sequential production increases throughout the Early and Middle Formative periods .

Unfortunately, the only published botanical data from San Lorenzo are from Zurita-Noguera's (1997) phytolith study, which simply confirms the presence of maize at the site. Thus , we know that Early Formative residents of San Lorenzo were growing and eating maize, but we do not know the importance of maize relative to other foods. More recently, Wendt (2005) documents the presence of maize phytoliths from the site El Remolino, an Early Formative (San Lorenzo phase) village situated about 5 km north of San Lorenzo . He reports fairly low ubiquity values for maize , as it was only positively identified in two of 13 samples.

Published analyses of macrobotanical remains from Early and Middle Fmmative contexts include data from La Joya and Tres Zapotes (Peres et al. 20 I 0; VanDerwarker 2006,20 12). Located approximately 60 km northwest of San Lorenzo in the neighboring Sierra de los Tuxtlas, La Joya represents a multicomponent village with a maximum extension of around 20 ha, located in the Upper Catemaco River valley at an altitude of approximately 200m asl (Arnold 1999, 2000, 2003). The Early Formative period spans several phases (Tulipan [1300-1150 B.C.] ,CoyameA [1150- 1000 B.C.], and CoyameB [1000-850 B.C.]), which correspond to theOjochi-Bajfo and San Lorenzo A and B phases at San Lorenzo. Arnold argues that occupation at La Joya was probably seasonal during the Early Formative period but became increasingly sedentary by the Middle Formative. The closest Olmec center to La Joya during the Early Formative would have been Laguna de los Cerros, some

33 km to the south, though it probably had little influence on this smal l and mobile community.

Tres Zapotes is situated approximately 30 km from La Joy a in the lowlands just beyond the western foothills of the Tuxtlas and is well known as a Late/Terminal Formative political center- but this site was also inhabited during the Early and Middle Formative periods, with the latter occupation fairly substantial in size (Poo12000, 2007; Pool and Ortiz Ceballos 2008; Pool et al. 2010). The Early Formative occupation atTres Zapotes corresponds with the San Lorenzo B phase and represents the period during which Arnold (2009) argues that maize production would have increased. Unfmtunately, evidence of this early occupation at Tres Zapotes is deeply buried below later occupations and volcanic ash deposits, making the extent and scale of this settlement difficult to determine. Pool reports evidence for Early Formative Arroyo phase settlement distributed across several sections of the site, with an estimated size of between 7.5 and 17 ha- though we cannot currently rule out a larger population there, now hidden under meters of alluvium and later occupational deposition. Some researchers have suggested that the two colossal heads found at the site (monuments A and Q) belong to the Early Formative occupation (Clewlow 1974:26, 28; Drucker 1981:39-40; Lowe 1989:43, 51) , though Pool (2007:249-251, 2010; Pool and Ortiz Ceballos 2008; Pool et al. 2010) believes that they more likely date to the beginning of the Middle Formative period. Several settlement pattern surveys in nearby areas of the eastern lowland Papaloapan River basin paint a general picture of scattered villages and hamlets , most of them no larger than a couple of hectares in size across the landscape during the Early and Middle Formative periods (Kruszczynski 2001; Le6n Perez 2003; Loughlin 2004; summarized in Pool et al. 2010; see also Loughlin 2012). Therefore, while Tres Zapotes was most certainly not a major Olmec center on the scale of San Lorenzo during the Early Formative period , it probably did dominate a substantial portion of the sociopolitical landscape within the eastern lowland Papaloapan River basin at the time.

The most abundant macrobotanical species identified at both La Joya and Tres Zapotes include maize , bean , coyol, avocado, and sapote, with maize being the most abundant and ubiquitous

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGI

taxon during all periods. l1 maize was a significant cro1 of the Early Formative pe upland and lowland setting contrast to interpretations 1 studies in the wide alluvial f Lorenzo (Wendt 2005; Zurit being said, it is difficult to as1 tance of maize among thest quantitative comparison. analysis of the La Joya pia samples from Middle Form there were very few featur ponent. Fortunately, recent a ples from nonfeature cant( increase the Middle Forma by a factor of six; these re1 sen ted as part of our comp1

Various studies from SaJ in the La Venta settlement Tabasco, have recently ex] of regional plant foodwayl Middle Formative periods . ical analyses are still forti Andres project (but see Le microbotanical studies ha results (Pohl et al. 2007; S et al. 2009). Pohl et al.'s toliths and Pope et al.'s (2 from sediment samples allowed for the documen region by 7,000 years ago Maize has also been ide extracted from pottery ve! mativeritual contexts atS Seinfeld et al. 2009). Intel wares have elevated evide comparison with utility w Seinfeld (2007:81; Seinfe Smalley and Blake 2003) vessels were used to serve recent evidence from San ence of cacao (theobromi1 of vessel types from an (Pow is et al. 20 11). Thus events in the Olmec wo sumption of both maize Indeed , the cacao study il as cacao has yet to be doc ical form in the region.

4, 2012 VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE IMPORTANCE AND USES OF MAIZE 513

taxon during all periods. Indeed, it appears that maize was a significant crop during the latter part of the Early Formative period in both of these upland and lowland settings, a fact that stands in contrast to interpretations drawn from phytolith studies in the wide alluvial floodplains around San Lorenzo (Wendt 2005; Zurita-Noguera 1997). That being said, it is difficult to assess the relative importance of maize among these sites without a direct quantitative comparison . Moreover, the original analysis of the La Joya plants included very few samples from Middle Formative features because there were very few features dating to that component. Fortunately, recent analysis of column samples from nonfeature contexts has allowed us to increase the Middle Fmmative sample at La Joya by a factor of six; these revised data will be presented as part of our comparative analysis.

Various studies from San Andres, a site located in the La Venta settlement system in neighboring Tabasco, have recently expanded our knowledge of regional plant foodways during the Early and Middle Formative periods. Although macrobotanical analyses are still fmthcoming from the San Andres project (but see Lentz et al. 2008), recent microbotanical studies have yielded interesting results (Pohl et al. 2007; Seinfeld 2007; Seinfeld et al. 2009). Pohl et al.'s (2007) analysis of phytoliths and Pope et al.'s (2001) analysis of pollen from sediment samples near San Andres have allowed for the documentation of maize in the region by 7,000 years ago, in domesticated form. Maize has also been identified from residues extracted from pottery vessels from Middle Formative ritual contexts at San Andres (Seinfeld 2007; Seinfeld et al. 2009). Interestingly, fancy serving wares have elevated evidence of maize residue in comparison with utility wares; this finding leads Seinfeld (2007:81; Seinfeld et al. 2009; see also Smalley and Blake 2003) to conclude that serving vessels were used to serve maize beverages. More recent evidence from San Lorenzo reveals the presence of cacao (theobromine) residues in a variety of vessel types from an elite mortuary context (Powis et al. 2011). Thus it appears that special events in the Olmec world called for the consumption of both maize and cacao beverages. Indeed, the cacao study is particularly significant as cacao has yet to be documented in macrobotanical form in the region.

The addition of the San Carlos macrobotanical analysis to this growing body of ancient plant data in the Olmec heattland fills a significant gap in our knowledge of everyday, nonelite plant food ways in a lowland, riverine setting. The plant data from sites in the vicinity of the Tuxtlas suggest that the importance of maize varied widely between differentecozones and site types during both the Early and the Middle Formative periods, though it is unclear if maize reliance was stable or increased during this time. A comparison of the San Carlos macrobotanical data with those from Early/Middle Formative La Joya and Tres Zapotes will allow us to document plant subsistence in these different environments, which will bring us closer to understanding broader variation in subsistence strategies . Indeed, it is impmtant to keep in mind that southern coastal Veracruz is not a homogeneous environment (Arnold 2009; Grove 1994; Pool 2007). Below we provide relevant background information on the site of San Carlos, field methods for the collection of flotation samples , and laboratory methods for the sorting/ identification of carbonized macrobotanical fragments. We then report the San Carlos plant data, followed by a comparative quantitative analysis that includes data from La Joya and Tres Zapotes.

Materials and Methods

The site of San Carlos is located midway between the sites of San Lorenzo and El Manatf, approximately 9 km from each. The site sits atop a wide gravel elevation at the southern edge of the Coatzacoalcos River floodplain; at present, the river channel is about a kilometer west of the site , but a large paleochannel of the river dating to before the end of the Early Formative period skirts the northern edge of the gravel elevation (Kruger 1997). The site was originally identified during Kruger 's ( 1996) archaeological survey of the region ; a modern gravel pit was in the process of being mined for gravel when Kruger discovered evidence of archaeological features and attifacts in the exposed profile. In order to mitigate damage to the site and assess the extent of the occupation , Kruger (2000a, 2000b) conducted fieldwork in three stages. First, the profile wall of the gravel pit was cleaned, examined, and mapped, producing a 53-m-long profile drawing (Figure 2). Second, the site was auger-


Center Section of Gravel Pit Profile

3.0

2.0

1.0

Sterile Gravel Substratum

22.0 24.0 26.0 28.0

Figure 2. Center section of San Carlos 53-m profile, highlighting a collapsed house wall and two trash pits.

tested by placing 167 auger probes (JO em in diameter) at 5-m intervals across a 30-x-60-m grid; in areas of high artifact concentration, probes were placed at 2.5-m intervals (Figure 3). Finally, nine excavation units of varying sizes were opened up across the site (see Figure 3), and all features that were encountered were excavated, with flotation samples taken for botanical recovery. Flotation samples were also periodically taken from general (nonfeature) excavation levels. Analysis of the ceramic assemblage from excavation contexts reveals that the timing of the main occupation at San Carlos straddles the end of the Early Formative and beginning of the Middle Formative periods. A single radiocarbon date from these contexts yielded an uncalibrated date of 2920 ± 40 B .P. (GX#25529-AMS), giving a calibrated singlesigma range of 1128 ± 70 B.C. A light Early Postclassic occupation detected on the western side of the study area slightly impacted some areas of the Formative remains.

Investigations at San Carlos documented a relatively simple stratigraphic profile with a single Formative period horizon (see Figure 2). The occupation of the site appears to consist of a single household unit of relatively shortduration,oriented with the main structure or structures in the western section of the site (Kruger2000a, 2000b, 2006). While no structure floors were identified, a section of a burned and collapsed wattle-and-daub wall was excavated (see Figure 2). Directly east of this spot was an open area approximately I 0 m across.

While auger testing showed this area to be generally clear of debris (probably from sweeping or other cleaning activities), several features, including trash pits, stone pavements, and earth ovens or fire pits, were located within this vicinity, suggesting that this was an area of high activity. Farther to the east and north, auger testing revealed a zone of discard and specialized activities, where concentrations of both ceramics and burnt clay were found. Excavations within this zone uncovered a series of shallow elongated fire pits containing high levels of carbonized wood and small pieces of burnt clay. While the function of these fire pits is not clear, they do represent a repeated activity at the site and were probably placed well away from the structure(s) to avoid accidental fires, and perhaps smoke, within the main living areas. These features may have contributed a larger amount of carbonized wood to the collected flotation samples than might have been present in samples taken from other contexts or from the other sites considered in this study.

The ceramics from this short occupation have traits associated with both the Early Formative San Lorenzo B phase (e.g., Tatagapa Red, Yagua Orange) and the Middle Formative Nacaste phase (e.g., everted rims with double-line break patterns) as described by Coe and Diehl (1980: 159-200) for San Lorenzo, indicating that this occupation occurred during a gradual transition between these two ceramic phases. The ceramic assemblage was dominated by tecomates , almost exclusively of

VanDerwarker and Kruger) REGI

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coarser wares, and open pi a fine to medium sand tern ied greatly in diameter, fro vessels with diameters ass ing or communal vessels than 40 em. While heavy the preservation of ceramic straight-walled serving bo tions were recovered , in1 household did have access of more elaborate ceramics ciated iconography (Figur

A total of 95 flotation s ing excavations, from bo general (nonfeature) exca samples,42 derivefrom IS and fire pits, stone paveme a collapsed wattle-and-d. from nonfeature context excavation layers . We res pies that fall clearly withi1 tion of the site (n = 79).

2012 VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE IMPORTANCE AND USES OF MAIZE 515

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Figure 3. Excavation map of the San Carlos site.

coarser wares, and open plates and bowls made of a fine to medium sand temper. Bowls and plates varied greatly in diameter, from small individual-sized vessels with diameters as small as 8 em to large serving or communal vessels with diameters greater than 40 em. While heavy erosion often precluded the preservation of ceramic surfaces, several small, straight-walled serving bowls with fancy decorations were recovered , indicating that this rural household did have access to, and rights to, the use of more elaborate ceramics and, perhaps, their associated iconography (Figure 4) (Kruger 2006).

A total of 95 flotation samples were taken during excavations, from both feature contexts and general (nonfeature) excavation levels. Of these samples,42 derive from 15 features including trash and fire pits, stone pavements, material dumps, and a collapsed wattle-and-daub wall, and 53 come from nonfeature contexts consisting of general excavation layers. We restrict our analysis to samples that fall clearly within the Formative occupation of the site (n = 79). Flotation samples were

collected as 4-liter soil samples and floated at the University of Veracruz campus by emptying the soi I samples into a fine-meshed plastic window screen suspended within a large barrel of water. The water was carefully agitated by hand until the soil passed through the lower screen; all floating organic material was captured by a fine-meshed strainer. All material too large to pass through the window screen was saved as a heavy fraction and sorted for organic material and artifacts.

Laboratory Procedures

All materials from both light and heavy fractions were smted, identified, and combined for reporting and analysis. All samples were weighed and then sifted through 2.0-mrn, 1.4-mm, and .7-mm geological sieves. Carbonized plant remains were sorted in entirety down to the .7-mrn sieve size with the help of a stereoscopic microscope (10-40x). Residue less than .7 mm in size was scanned only for seeds, which were removed and counted. While most archaeobotanical analyses do not usually iden-


Figure 4. Decorated small flat-bottom bowls from San Carlos: (a) rope design on a Yagua Orange bowl with red paint; (b) circle and bracket design on grayware with white-slipped surfaces.

tify plant taxa beyond the 1.4-mm or 2.0-mm sieve sizes, many of the maize kernel and cupule fragments identified in the samples were smaller than these sieve sizes. Data from La Joya and Tres Zapotes were collected using the same methods , which makes quantitative comparisons possible.

Modern botanical guides were used to determine the natural ranges for plants identified in the assemblages (Ibarra Mamfquez and Sinaga Colin 1987; Soriano et al. 1997); the serial journal Flora de Veracruz was extremely helpful in this pursuit. Identifications were made with reference to modern comparative specimens housed in the paleoeth-

nobotanicallaboratory at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill . Together, we collected most of the relevant comparative specimens during a plant collection trip to southern Veracruz in May 2000. Several specimens were also sent to Dr. Lee Newsom at the Pennsylvania State University for identification. All plant specimens common in the assemblages were identified to the lowest possible taxonomic level. Once they were sorted and identified, analysis of plant specimens included the recording of counts, weights (in grams), portion of plant (e.g., maize kernels vs. cupules), whether or not the specimen was carbonized, provenience, and

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGION!

volume of soil floated. Wood w counted, and no wood analys Generally, seeds were counte< Larger palm seeds and avocad fied only as fragments and we1 weighed. Other than counts an measurements were taken o Nearly all maize kernels we1 either to obtain length or widt to determine variety.Although I were identified, they came f1 period context and were too fn mine number of rows , thus pq observations regarding variety

Quantitative methods in a developed significantly ovt decades and, as a result , hav1 much critical discussion (Hast~ VanDerwarker and Peres 2010 measures for recording and remains are counts and weigh~ basic measurements , it is impo most appropriate to the taxa \1

rize. For example, we use cow sure because many of the SJ

Carlos are too small to yield l

In terms of the data conside weights would not be as useft sure as specimen counts.

Methods of Quantification

Beyond the recording of cou quantify our data using seven ing ubiquity, density, and s Ubiquity analysis is essential analysis that measures the fre (Godwin 1956; Hubbard 191 per 1988; Willcox 1974). U calculated as a percentage of pies in which a taxon was i to the total number of sample example, if avocado is present pies, then its ubiquity value i ~

different types of plants are di absolute comparisons of ub1 taxa are problematic (Hubbar ple, a 70 percent ubiquity v; would not be equivalent to l

value for beans, as these cate comparable-avocado pits r


rolume of soil floated. Wood was weighed but not counted, and no wood analysis was conducted. Generally, seeds were counted but not weighed. Larger palm seeds and avocado pits were identified only as fragments and were thus counted and weighed. Other than counts and weights, no other measurements were taken on any specimens. Nearly all maize kernels were too fragmentary either to obtain length or width measurements or to determine variety. Although a few cob fragments were identified, they came from a Post-Classic period context and were too fragmentary to determine number of rows, thus prohibiting additional observations regarding variety.

Quantitative methods in archaeobotany have developed significantly over the past several decades and, as a result , have been a subject of much critical discussion (Hastorf and Popper 1988; VanDerwarker and Peres 201 0). The most.common measures for recording and quantifying plant remains are counts and weights. When deciding on basic measurements , it is important to choose those most appropriate to the taxa we intend to summarize. For example, we use counts as our basic measure because many of the specimens from San Carlos are too small to yield appreciable weights. ln terms of the data considered here, specimen weights would not be as useful an analytical measure as specimen counts.

Methods of Quantification

Beyond the recording of counts and weights, we quantify our data using several measures, including ubiquity, density, and standardized counts. Ubiquity analysis is essentially a presence/absence analysis that measures the frequency of occurrence (Godwin 1956; Hubbard 1975, 1976, 1980; Popper 1988; Willcox 1974). Ubiquity measures are calculated as a percentage of the number of samples in which a taxon was identified in reference to the total number of samples (Popper 1988). For example, if avocado is present in four out of 10 samples, then its ubiquity value is 40 percent. Because different types of plants are disposed of differently, absolute comparisons of ubiquity values between taxa are problematic (Hubbard 1 980:53). For example, a 70 percent ubiquity value for avocado pits would not be equivalent to a 70 percent ubiquity value for beans, as these categories are not directly comparable-avocado pits represent a processing

by-product often used as fuel, while beans represent edible portions.

As with any quantitative measure, ubiquity analysis has its disadvantages. A sufficient number of samples is necessary to provide meaningful results, as using too few samples creates a high likelihood of sampling error. Hubbard (1976:260) suggests a minimum of lO samples. Moreover, although ubiquity analysis may mitigate for preservation biases , it is not immune to them (Hubbard 1980:53; Scarry 1986: 193). Most importantly, because ubiquity deals with occurrence frequency and not abundance, it can potentially obscure patterns where occurrence frequency does not change but abundance does (Scarry 1986). As Scarry (1986:193) notes, "The frequency with which a resource is used may remain constant, while the quantity used varies." For example, a family may consistently eat maize on a daily basis , but the quantity they consume may vary from day to day. Despite these weaknesses, ubiquity analysis is a good starting point and can provide meaningful results when used alongside other measures.

In order to assess relative abundance of plants, we use density measures, standardized counts,and mean counts. Density measures standardize data in terms of soil volume-the absolute count or weight of carbonized plant material (for individual taxa or for larger collapsed categories, e.g., maize kernels or maize) is divided by total soil volume for each sample or summed and reported for the site as a whole. Density measures calculate the abundance of plants per liter of soil, and it is generally assumed that larger volumes of soil will yield more plant remains. However, differences in the context and manner of deposition between soil samples structure the relationship between soil volume and the size of the plant assemblage. For example, a 10-liter soil sample from an intact house floor would probably yield a smaller sample of carbonized plant remains than a I 0-liter soil sample from a refuse midden, because people tend to keep their houses cleaner than their trash dumps. Thus, density measures tend to reflect spatial patterns regarding the organization and layout of activities, differential occupation intensity, and the intensity of fire-related activities (Miller 1988; Scarry 1986).

While standardizing plant data by soil volume provides valuable information regarding relative


Table I. Counts of Plant Taxa by Excavation Area for Early/Middle Formative Contexts from San Carlos.

Yariableffaxon 3 4

Number of samples 31 Soil volume (liters) 4 122 Plant weight (g) .48 15 .26 Wood weight (g) .45 10.39 Plants Identified (Counts) Field Crops Maize cupule, Zea mays 14 Maize kernel, Zea rnays J 152 Bean, Phaseolus sp. 2 2 Bean cf., Phaseolus sp. cf. Tree Crops Avocado, Persea americana Coyol, Acrocomia mexicana 12 Sapote, Poureria sapote 184 Orher Fruirs Coco plum cf., Chrysobalanus icaco cf. Coyol real, Schee/ea liebmannii Miscellaneous Achiote cf., Bixa ore Ilana cf. 2 Annonaceae cf. I

Arecaceae cf. 2 Evening primrose cf., Oenothera sp. cf. Forresria sp. cf. Trianthema, Trianthema sp. UnidenTified 6 170 Unidenri!Jed seed

abundance as it relates to contextual and depositional differences between samples, it can obfuscate overall relative abundance (Scarry 1986: I 95). In other words, if the analyst is interested in determining the importance of maize relative to the other plants in a specific sample or context, then density measures may be inadequate. Rather, standardizing by plant weight might be more appropriatewe refer to this measure as a standardized count (Scarry 1986). As a quantitative category, plant weight is a sum of weights recorded for all carbonized plant specimens per sample or context. Thus, for each sample, there is a total weight of plant material- this figure is the denominator used to standardize the variable of interest. So, if we are interested in questions regarding the relative dietary contributions of different plants as opposed to the intensity of use , then plant weight may be a more suitable standardizer.

Finally, we also calculate a measure we refer to as mean counts; this index is calculated as the total maize per site/period divided by the total number

Excavation Unit

5 6 7 8 9 Total

8 15 14 4 6 79 32 60 56 16 24 315

2.46 3.57 2.97 .35 4.02 29.1 1.55 2.47 2.25 .27 3.22 20.6

5 2 10 3 34 6 42 25 3 9 238

5 9 2 2

3 8 23 13 14 7 2 27 247

I 3 2 5

2 I

2

I

116 114 76 8 46 536 2 6 II

of samples in which plants were identified in that site/period. With respect to the regional maize comparison, we use these multiple independent measures as a means to more confidently assess patterning in the data.

Results

We begin by presenting the San Carlos data and discussing the relevant uses of the plants identified in the assemblage (Table 1). The most abundant plant foods identified in the San Carlos assemblage are maize and sapote, although coyol fragments are also fairly abundant. We group maize and beans together as field crops, though whether the beans were intercropped with maize in the fields is uncertain . While intercropping beans with maize would have provided benefits to both plants through nitrogen fixation (Giller 2001), beans may also have been grown in smaller garden plots near the habitation. Moreover, while maize fragments were numerous in the samples, few bean specimens were

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGI'

identified- those beans that not be identified beyond the olus sp.).

Tree resources also appe significantly to the Forrnati Seed fragments from sapote ( cado (Persea americana), c1 icana), and coyol real (Sche were all identified at the si~ which sapote fragments \1

assemblage speaks to its i resource at the site. In addit fruit (which is generally ea from the sapote fruit has a v ern times , the seed is some and mixed with cacao for mixed with cornmeal, suga namon to make a drink calli 1996:8; Morton 1987:401). white oily substance that soaps, and cosmetics and t< gourds (Morton 1987:401) a variety of medicinal uses , ointment, a hair dressing eye/ear ointment, and a rem lems (Morton 1987:401).

Coyol palm fruits also tributed to the diet-these an important source of oil tasks. Use of this palm hm groups throughout Mexic~ (Lentz 1990). Coyol fruits and caloric value (Lentz 1 ~

used for a variety of puq medicine, and wine proo Greller 2000; Henderson e Quero 1992) .Thefruitits€ to prepare sweet dishes (Q also be extracted from the cooking and hair tonic 1995: 166). Ethnographic<! inal uses include cooking for colic and diabetes (Que coyol tree trunks can be m palm fronds may be used 1 ing (Greller 2000:74). W~ coyol that is an ingredient wine can be produced frm (Balick 1990:86; Quero I gathered and returned to c


identified - those beans that were identified could not be identified beyond the level of genus (Phaseolus sp.).

Tree resources also appear to have contributed significantly to the Formative diet at San Carlos. Seed fragments from sapote (Pouteria sapote), avocado (Persea americana), coyol (Acrocomia mexicana), and coyol real (Scheelea liebmannii) fruits were all identified at the site. The frequency with which sapote fragments were identified in the assemblage speaks to its importance as a food resource at the site. In addition to the edible fresh fruit (which is generally eaten by hand) , the seed from the sapote fruit has a variety of uses. In modern times , the seed is sometimes boiled, roasted, and mixed with cacao for making chocolate or mixed with cornmeal, sugar (or honey), and cinnamon to make a drink called pozol (Balerdi eta!. 1996:8; Morton I 987:401 ). The seeds also yield a white oily substance that has been used in foods, soaps, and cosmetics and to fix colors on painted gourds (Morton 1987:401). This seed oil also has a variety of medicinal uses, including use as a skin ointment, a hair dressing (for hair growth), an eye/ear ointment, and a remedy for coronary problems (Morton 1987:40 1) .

Coyol palm fruits also appear to have contributed to the diet-these fruits likely provided an important source of oil for cooking and other tasks. Use of this palm has been documented for groups throughout Mexico and Central America (Lentz 1990). Coyol fruits are high in fat , protein, and caloric value (Lentz I 990: 189). Coyol can be used for a variety of purposes, including food, medicine, and wine production (Balick 1990; Greller 2000; Henderson eta!. 1995 ; Lentz 1990; Quero 1992). The fruit itself is edible and is used to prepare sweet dishes (Quero 1992:32) . Oil can also be extracted from the endosperm for use in cooking and hair tonics (Henderson et al. 1995: 166). Ethnographically documented medicinal uses include cooking the fruits for remedies for colic and diabetes (Quero 1992:32). Moreover, coyol tree trunks can be used in construction, and palm fronds may be used for thatching and weaving (Greller 2000:74). While it is the fruit of the coyol that is an ingredient in foods and medicines, wine can be produced from the sap of felled trees (Balick 1990:86; Quero 1992:32). Fruits can be gathered and returned to camp for processing, but

sap is gathered at the tree stands. The process of "cracking" coyol fruits results in broken fragments of the hard outer pericarp , which, if carbonized, may preserve archaeologically. Coyol tree sap, however, will not be preserved archaeologically, and thus, coyol wine production is less likely to yield an archaeological signature.

Avocado is represented in the samples by a single specimen, suggesting its relative unimportance. Nevertheless , avocado fruits are high in nutritional value, boasting the highest fiber content of any fruit. They are a source of antioxidants, and the oil is rich in vitamins A, B, C , and E and essential amino acids (Morton 1987: 100; Nakasone and Paull 1998:99). Roots and seeds from the plant contain an antibiotic that prevents the spoilage of food by bacteria (Morton 1987: 101). For this reason, avocado plants have also been used for a wide variety of medicinal purposes. Because of the antibiotic quality of the fruit skin, leaves , and seeds, these portions of the plant have been used to prepare treatments for dysentery, diarrhea, sore throats , hemorrhages , menstrual cramps, dandruff, toothaches , and other wounds (California Rare Fruit Growers, Inc. 1996:4; Morton 1987: I 02) .

Other fruits identified include a possible coco plum specimen (Chrysobalanus icaco) and coyol real (Scheelea liebmannii) . The coco plum was likely important for its edible fruit (Heywood 1993: 148; Newsom and Pearsall2003). Coyol real is a large palm tree that produces hard and fibrous fruits , yielding one to three oily seeds (Mason and Mason 1987:268). Like the co yo! (Acrocomiamexicana), the coyol real is a valuable source of vegetable oil (Mason and Mason 1987:268). Moreover, the palm leaves can be used for thatching.

Other taxa identified at San Carlos include achiote (Bixa orellana), a possible evening primrose specimen (Oenothera sp. cf.), a possible specimen from the spiderwort family (Forrestia sp. cf.), and a trianthema seed (Trianthema sp.).Achiote is a shrub or tree that grows well in secondary vegetation and is sometimes grown in gardens (Coe and Diehl 1980; Newsom 1993). Achiote seeds can be used as both a food coloring/dye and a seasoning (Coe and Diehl 1980:159; Heywood 1993: 105-106; Newsom 1993). Evening primrose and Forrestia may have been cultivated as ornamental and/or edible garden plants (Heywood 1993: 162,279; Newsom 1993). The en tire evening


Table 2. Ubiquity Values for San Carlos Formative Samples.

Samples with Total Number Ubiqu ity

Taxon Taxon Present of Samples Score(%)

Wood 79 79 100 Maize 51 79 64.6 Sapote 37 79 46.8 Co yo! 9 79 11.4

Bean 4 79 5.1 Avocado 79 1.3

primrose plant is edible, including the seeds, which have a high oil content (Newsom 1993:140). In addition, Oenothera seeds are a source of tryptophan, an amino acid that acts as a mild sedative (Newsom I 993: 140). Trianthema is an herb that grows well along the borders of secondary growth-it can either grow wild or be cultivated in gardens (Newsom 1993; Rico-Gray 1979). In modem times, trianthema is sometimes used as fodder for pigs (Rico-Gray 1979: 13), but it probably served as a seasoning in prehistoric times.

Quantitative Analysis

The counts of plant remains identified in the San Carlos samples indicate that maize and sapote were the primary plant foods consumed,at least in terms of raw abundance (see Table 1). This pattern is also demonstrated through ubiquity values, which reveal that maize and sapote also occur in the highest number of samples (with the exception of wood, which is present in 100 percent of samples); after wood, maize is the most ubiquitous (65 percent), followed closely by sapote (47 percent; Table 2). The next most ubiquitous plant is coyol, but with a value of J J percent, it has a significantly lower frequency of occurrence.

A consideration of the density measures of wood and nonwood plant materials from both feature and nonfeature contexts reveals differences in the disposal of plant food refuse at the site (Figure 5; see also Table 3). We display these density measures as box plots, which summarize distributions of data using several key features. The median or center value of the distribution is marked by the area of maxi mum constriction at the center of the box. The edges of the box, or hinges, represent the twentyfifth and seventy-fifth percentiles of the distribution - the approximate middle 50 percent of the data fall between the hinges (Cleveland

1994: 139). VeJticallines , or whiskers , extend outward from the box and represent the tails of the distribution. Box plots also designate outliers-these are unusually large or small data values that "portray behavior in the extreme tails of the distribution" (Cleveland 1994: J 40). Outliers are depicted as asterisks, and far outliers are shown as open circles. When comparing batches of data, and thus generating more than one box plot, it is possible to test for statistical differences between distributions through a comparison of the notched areas that characterize the 95 percent confidence interval around the median. The notches are recognizable in that they give the box plot a characteristic hourglass shape. If the notches of any two box plots do not overlap, then the medians of the two distributions are significantly different at about the .05 level (McGi ll et al. 1978: 14; Scarry and Steponaitis 1997:113; Wilkinson et al. 1992:198).

Our box plots reveal different patterns for wood and nonwood plant remains (see Figure 5). While there is no difference in the abundance of wood in features vs . nonfeature contexts, the difference for nonwood plants is statistically significant, with features yielding more non wood p1antrefuse than general nonfeature contexts. The lack of difference in wood deposition is not surprising, as it is ubiquitous across the site during this period. Moreover, wood is used for a variety of purposes, and hearth fu·es would have been used for more than simple food preparation. The majority of non wood plants are food resources, primarily maize and sapote. Maize was like ly carbonized as a result of cooking accidents , and sapote seeds were likely thrown into hearth fires deliberately as an added fuel source after the outer fruit was consumed. The higher density of these food remains in features indicates that an effort was made to dispose of organic food trash in discrete contexts-an effort that was not made for carbonized wood.

In order to understand the relative importance of maize in the San Carlos diet, we make comparisons with published data from Early and Middle Formative plant assemblages from La Joya and Tres Zapotes (see Peres et al. 201 0; VanDerwarker 2006,20 12). The macrobotan ical data sets from La Joya and Tres Zapotes are comparable in the sense that the data were collected in the same manner and analyzed by VanDerwarker (2006 , 20 12) using the same methods. In addition to the pub! ished La J oya

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGI(

,..--...

·a >-(/) ~ '+en o c:: en Q) ..... 0 Q) -"O:.:::i o-o en s~ ..... ~

~,-. en= c:: 0 Q)Cf) o.._ - 0 c:: en ctl .....

- Q) a...-o:.:::i oUi o E s ctl

I '-

C::0 0 ........ z

Figure 5. Box plot showing the texts from San Carlos.

plant data, analysis of an : was recently completed, br of analyzed flotation sam pi Of these samples, 74 samp Early Formative contexts . and 12 samples (32.4 perc mative contexts yielded rna tion samples were analyze these, 18 samples (94.7 p( mative contexts yielded (80.3 percent) from Midc


·a >,C/) 0.10 ...... ....... ·u; 0 c en (1.) .....

0 (1.) ...... -o:..:::i 0-o en s ~ 0.01 .....

S?-

* * >. ...... ·u; ·a c (1.) Cl) 0.10 0 ....... ...... 0 c en ro ..... a.. (1.) ...... -o :..:::i oU; o E S ro

I '-0.01 C(9

0 .__. z

Samples from Samples from Features Non-Features (n = 42) (n =53)

Figure 5. Box plot showing the distribution of wood density and non wood plant density for feature and nonfeature contexts from San Carlos.

plant data, analysis of an additional 263 samples was recently completed, bringing the total number of analyzed flotation samples from La Joy a to 581. Of these samples, 74 samples (22.8 percent) from Early Formative contexts yielded maize remains , and 12 samples (32.4 percent) from Middle Formative contexts yielded maize. A total of243 flotation samples were analyzed from Tres Zapotes; of these , 18 samples (94.7 percent) from Early Formative contexts yielded maize, and 58 samples (80.3 percent) from Middle Formative contexts

yielded maize . Thus , sample sizes are sufficient to warrant a comparative analysis.

We use four measures to compare maize use across these three sites: ubiquity, density, mean maize counts per sample, and standardized counts. Of these four measures, the first three produced virtually identical patterning. The fourth measure, using standardized counts, reversed the relative positions of La Joya and San Carlos with respect to maize abundance. Given the concordance of the results of the ubiquity, density, and mean count

522 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 23, No.4, 2012

Table 3. Counts of Plant Taxa by Context Type for Early/Middle Formative Contexts from San Carlos.

Variablerraxon

Number of samples Total volume (liters) Plant weight (g) Wood weight (g) Plants Identified (Counts) Field Crops

Maize cupule, Zea mays Maize kernel, Zea mays Bean, Phaseo/us sp. Bean cf., Phaseolus sp. cf.

Tree Crops Avocado, Persea americana Coyol, Acrocomia mexicana Sapote, Pouteria sp.

Other Fruits Coco plum cf., Chrysobalanus icaco cf. Coyol real, Schee/ea liebmannii

Miscellaneous Achiote cf., Bixa ore/lana cf. Annonaceae cf. Arecaceae cf. Evening primrose cf. , Oenothera sp. cf. Forrestia sp. cf. Trianthema, Trianthema sp. Unidentified Unidentified seed

Features

49 196

21.31 14.41

32 184 9 2

21 221

1 5

2 I

2

1

377 10

measures, we feel strongly that the patterning displayed in these measures best reflects comparative maize abundance at these sites and periods. Nevertheless, we present all four measures.

Maize ubiquity was calculated as the percent of samples in which maize was present out of the total number of samples at the site during each relevant

EF MF I EF/MF I EF MF

La Joya I c!~l~s I Tres Zapotes

Non features

30 118

7.79 6.19

2 54

2 37

149

Total

79 314 29.1 20.6

34 238

9 2

I

23 258

5

2 I 2

526 II

period. These values are displayed in a bar chart (Figure 6; see also Table 4). Maize densities were also calculated by site and period and displayed in bar chart form (Figure 7). Unfortunately, soil volume was recorded for most but not all of the samples from LaJoya. We calculated the mean,median, and standard deviation for soil volume on all La

>-Q) .~ E 2 (/) ::J co a>> O'Q Q)Ul -~ :g ro => 1 ~§_

EF MF I EF/MF 1 EF MF

La Joy a I c!:l:s I Tres Zapotes

Figure 6. Comparative bar chart of maize ubiquity values. Figure 7. Comparative bar chart of maize density values.

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGI!

Q) N

(/) "iii ....-:2 15 c~ :::l;: 0 ~ U"' Q)~ No. 10 ·- E ro ro ~U)

c2 ro o a> I; 5 ~c

::J 0

~

Figure 8. Comparative bar char!

Joya samples for which it wa value for the sample was 5 5.1 and a standard deviatior atively uniform volume of pies of known volume, we of samples with unknown/ 5 liters. We also calculated site/period; as discussed ab culated as the total maize I by the total number of sa were identified in that site/] lectively, these three measu teming, in which La Joya Tres Zapotes yields the mo

EF MF I E laJoya

I ~

Figure 9. Comparative bar ch counts.

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGIONAL VARIATION IN THE IMPORTANCE AND USES OF MAIZE

2J

Q) N

(/) ·c;; ~:::;: 15 C.r: ::J;: 0 ;: 0Vl Q)~ Na. 10 ·- E ro "' ~U)

c2 ro o Q)t;; 5 ~c:

:J 0

S:!..

0

La Joya Tres Zapotes

Figure 8. Comparative bar chart of mean maize counts.

Joya samples for which it was recorded; the median value for the sample was 5 liters, with a mean of 5.1 and a standard deviation of 1.8. Given the relatively uniform volume of soil collected for samples of known volume, we estimated the volume of samples with unknown/unrecorded volumes as 5 liters. We also calculated mean counts for each site/period; as discussed above, this measure is calculated as the total maize per site/period divided by the total number of samples in which plants were identified in that site/period (Figure 8) . Collectively, these three measures reveal similar patterning , in which La Joya yields the least maize, Tres Zapotes yields the most maize, and San Car-

EF MF I EF/MF I EF MF La Joya San Tres Zapotes

I Carlos I

Figure 9. Comparative bar chart of standardized maize counts.

"' 0

li u " "' en

OO":::t\Or-('f") NN-.:t.q:Q ('.l('f")\00\00

523

524 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 23, No.4, 2012

1.0 0.00

0.9 0.00

0.8 0.07 >-w 0.7 o=E C/) :::J

a5o 0.6 0~

0.5 a.> 0

0~ 0.4 a.5 Cll 0 (j)~ 0.3

>-..., 0.00 -E ·u; .2

c 0 0.00 a.>>

0'6 -(f) 001 0:;:, >-c 0 :::J 0.03 O§_

0.2 0.02

0.1 0.01

0.0 0.00 EF MF I EF/ MF I EF MF EF MF I EF/ MF 1 EF MF

La Joya I c!~l:s I Tres Zapotes La Joya I c!~l:s I Tres Zapotes

Figure 10. Comparative bar chart of sapote density values. Figure 11. Comparative bar chart of coyol density values.

los falls between these two extremes. In terms of ubiquity, the presence of maize appears to increase at La Joya from the Early to Middle Formative periods; the overall abundance of maize, however, does not appear to change significantly, as seen in the densities and mean counts. At Tres Zapotes, maize ubiquity is quite high for both the Early and the Middle Formative periods, although Middle Formative ubiquity values are somewhat lower. In contrast, maize appears to increase in abundance (if not presence) at Middle Formative Tres Zapotes. Maize ubiquity and abundance at San Carlos are moderate in comparison.

The final measure we consider is standardized counts, also calculated by site/period and displayed in a bar chart form (Figure 9). The primary difference in the results from this measure is the abundance of maize from San Carlos. While the relative abundances from La Joya and Tres Zapotes appear similar to the other graphs, the standardized counts of maize from San Carlos yield a significantly lower abundance. We suggest that standardized counts may not be the best choice for measuring plant abundance from this region. The poor preservation of plant materials and high rates of mechanical damage lead to highly fragmented specimens that often do not register on a scale (even one that weighs in centigrams). Given the commonly negligible plant weights from individual flotation samples from this region, using plant weights as a means to standardize data may not be the most prudent choice. For this reason, we base our ultimate interpretations on ubiquity, density, and mean counts.

In addition to the results for maize , there are also clear differences among the sites in terms of the abundance of different types of tree fruits. Relative densities of sapote and coyol were calculated in the same manner as the maize data and are also displayed as bar charts. A comparison of sapote densities reveals a much higher abundance at San Carlos than seen for La Joya or Tres Zapotes (Figure I 0). Indeed, sapote was not even identified in samples from Middle Formative La Joya or Early Formative Tres Zapotes. Coyol densities are also highest at San Carlos, although the abundance of coyol at Early Formative Tres Zapotes is a close second (Figure 11 ). Coyol is less abundant at La Joya but increases in density from the Early to the Middle Formative period. In contrast, coyol densities decrease from Early to Middle Formative in Tres Zapotes; interestingly, the Middle Formative density values are identical at La Joy a and Tres Zapotes.

Thus, it appears that the plant assemblages differ significantly among these three sites. The residents of San Carlos produced and consumed moderate levels of maize compared with their neighbors to the northwest in Tres Zapotes, and they exploited more sapote and coyol fruits. The low abundance of maize, coyol, and sapote at La Joya deserves comment, as these three resources represent the most abundant plant resources documented at that site. It appears that the most impo1tant plants eaten by LaJoya'sEarly andMiddleFormativeresidents contributed less to their overall diet than they did to the diets reconstructed for San Carlos and Tres Zapotes. This may suggest that plant foods com-

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGI(

posed a smaller p01tion of the from local fauna; indeed, the i and Middle Formative La J site's residents consumed a mals (VanDerwarker 2006) . dents ofTres Zapotes appear consumed more maize than other sites in the region for vJ rable data; moreover, as mail tance during the Middle Fo1 exploitation decreased, sugg tionship between these two pi there is significant regional consumption, as seen at thel ther explore the reasons for

Discussi

The quantitative patterns ob ative plant analysis reveal s in plant diet between the al San Carlos and its Early m neighbors to the no1thwest dietary variations and especi presence/abundance of m, important characteristics of ment location with respect tioning in terms of access to their resources and (2) their of developing sociopolitical

We must first consider d relatively low presence of the result of poor preservati relative to San Carlos and 1 is difficult to assess the re botanical remains, VanDer all three assemblages, can a carbonized specimens fro appear to differ significant! identifiability. Moreover, believe that there would be maize samples than ofthe otl material recovered from the

Second, we note that th< utilization seem much more haps geopolitical) than temJ sites. Tres Zapotes had a rela ence of maize from the Earl (perhaps an even slightly gre ing the Middle Formative),


posed a smaller pmtion of the La Joy a diet than meat from local fauna; indeed, the faunal data from Early and Middle Formative La Joya indicate that the site's residents consumed a diverse arTay of animals (VanDerwarker 2006). In contrast, the residents ofTres Zapotes appear to have produced and consumed more maize than the inhabitants of the other sites in the region for which we have comparable data; moreover, as maize increased in importance during the Middle Formative period , coyol exploitation decreased, suggesting an inverse relationship between these two plant resources. Clearly, there is significant regional variation in plant food consumption, as seen at these three sites. We further explore the reasons for this variation below.

Discussion

The quantitative patterns observed in the comparative plant analysis reveal significant differences in plant diet between the alluvial lowland site of San Carlos and its Early and Middle Formative neighbors to the nmthwest. We ar·gue that these dietar·y variations and especially differences in the presence/abundance of maize may reflect two important characteristics of these sites: (I) settlement location with respect to geographical positioning in terms of access to riverine wetlands and their resources and (2) their association with areas of developing sociopolitical power structures.

We must first consider the possibility that the relatively low presence of maize at La Joya was the result of poor preservation of organic material relative to San Carlos and Tres Zapotes. While it is difficult to assess the relative preservation of botanical remains, VanDerwarker, having analyzed all three assemblages, can attest to the fact that the carbonized specimens from these sites do not appear to differ significantly in their form, size, or identifiability. Moreover, there is no reason to believe that there would be poorer preservation of maize samples than of the other car·bonized organic material recovered from the site.

Second, we note that the differences in maize utilization seem much more geographical (and perhaps geopolitical) than temporal in this sample of sites. Tres Zapotes had a relatively ubiquitous presence of maize from the Early Formative period on (perhaps an even slightly greater presence than during the Middle Formative), while the occupants of

La Joya , only 30 km to the east, apparently had little use for the plant during the Early Formative and did not greatly increase their maize consumption even in the Middle Formative period, when other areas were adopting it as a fundamental staple (though indirect evidence from La Joya, such as a marked increase in double-handed manos and single-use metates during the Middle Formative, may suggest otherwise [Arnold 2009:405]). Since San Carlos is a single-component site, data collected from the site do not infmm us regarding diachronic variation there.

Arnold (2009) and Borstein (2001) have argued that the importance of maize in low-lying wetland settings within the Olmec heartland was overshadowed by the importance of estuarine and riparian food resources that would have been abundantly available on a year-round basis, at least until the final stages of the Early Formative period. In contrast, residents of La Joy a would have had to travel farther to exploit aquatic resources, evidenced by the low abundance of aquatic fauna in the zooarchaeological assemblage (Peres et al. 20 12; YanDerwarker 2006). Indeed, only 20 percent of the La Joya minimum number of individuals is represented by fauna from aquatic habitats during the Early and Middle Formative periods (see Peres et al. 2012; VanDerwarker 2006). Tres Zapotes, although situated just west of the foothills of the Sierra de los Tuxtlas, boasts a location along the edge of the broad deltaic plain of the Papaloapan River. Thus, 62 percent of the Middle Formative Tres Zapotes faunal assemblage is composed of aquatic fauna, which is more comparable to that from San Lorenzo (60 percent aquatic fauna [Peres et al. 2012; see also Wing 1981]). Unfortunately, we cannot be certain how impmtant aquatic fauna were to the residents of San Carlos, as no bone is preserved at the site. While we can compare the importance of aquatic fauna and maize separately among these sites (with the exception of aquatic fauna at San Carlos), it is difficult to know the importance of each resource relative to the other (but see VanDerwarker and Peres 20 I 0). However, using measurements of maize ubiquity, density, and mean counts, it becomes evident that the lowland sites of Tres Zapotes and San Carlos have a significantly higher frequency and presence of maize than La Joya, situated in the highlands of the Tuxtla Mountains , during both the Early and the

526 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY (Vol. 23, No.4, 2012

Middle Formative periods. This pattern suggests a correlation between lowland alluvial locations and increased reliance on maize during the latter phases of the Early Formative period,as well as during the Middle Formative period.

With respect to maize production and settlement location, it is possible that the early strains of maize introduced to the region may have been better adapted to wetter lowland conditions than to the better-drained upland soils around La Joya. Early evidence for maize in the wet alluvial settings around San Andres, Tabasco (Pohl et al. 2007; Pope at a!. 200 I ; Rust 2008; Rust and Leyden 1994), certainly suggest that these early strains were suitable for wet lowland conditions, and the relatively higher presence of maize at Tres Zapotes and San Carlos may support this assertion. However, it may be problematic to conclude that early maize strains would have been so highly sensitive to localized conditions,given that (I) LaJoya lies at an approximate elevation of only 200m asl (compared with Tres Zapotes and San Carlos, at 28 and 21 mas! , respectively) and (2) the southern side of the Tuxtla Mountains, including the Catemaco River watershed, shares a similar rainfall pattern with the lowlands to the east and west.

Alternatively, Early and Middle Formative inhabitants ofLaJoya may simply have relied more on readily available meat-based resources relative to plant foods. Relatively low population density in the upland valleys of the Tuxtla Mountains during the Early and Middle Formative periods (Santley and Arnold 1996) may have meant that people had their pick of abundant natural resources, with little need to supplement their diets with cultivated crops. The denser populations in the areas around San Lorenzo (and perhaps Tres Zapotes), on the other hand , may have resulted in the depletion of various wild resources , inducing the inhabitants of these zones to adopt maize as an alternative food source. Certainly Symonds et al. (2002) document large populations in the areas on and around the San Lorenzo Plateau during the Early Formative period, a size that may have strained the local environment. Despite this relatively heavy population density, however, the hinterland site of San Carlos shows only a moderate presence of maize. If maize were an important staple crop for the populations dependant on San Lorenzo, one would expect a much more intense presence of maize there . In the

case ofTres Zapotes, conclusive data are still lacking for Early Formative population densities in the vicinity, though initial studies do not suggest a dense population there (Loughlin 2012; Poo12003; Pool and Ortiz Ceballos 2008; Pool et al. 2010). Given these patterns it is difficult to defend the idea that maize was adopted around these political centers as an adaptation to local wild food scarcity during the Early Formative.

A further interesting and possibly illuminating trend among these three sites is that there seems to be a positive relationship between the presence and intensity of maize use and proximity to centers of developing sociopolitical power during the Early and Middle Formative periods. Inhabitants of La Joya , nestled in the Tuxtla highlands far from centers of Olmec ritual and power, apparently found little use for the grain during the Early and Middle Formative periods. Occupants of the San Carlos homestead , on the other hand , lived in the San Lorenzo hinterland (only 9 km away) and were very likely part of the resource base for that important political center (although given San Carlos's temporal placement at the bridge between the Early and Middle Formative, these inhabitants may have witnessed the decline or perhaps even disintegration of power at San Lorenzo). At San Carlos, maize production and use were considerably higher than at La Joya, although with a moderate ubiquity value of 64.6 percent, maize probably did not represent a resource of crucial importance for this family. Finally, at Tres Zapotes , which developed from a locally dominant village in the Early Formative to a regional political center in the Middle Formative, maize seems to have been a far more important product of consumption. In every measure, from ubiquity (where the presence of maize is almost universal during the Early Formative period and still very strong during the Middle Formative) to densities and mean counts per flotation sample, the presence of maize at Tres Zapotes far outstrips its footprint at the other sites considered in this study.

We therefore propose that maize production and consumption along the southern Gulf Coast during the Early Formative and into the Middle Formative periods were at least partially linked to activities occurring around centers of sociopolitical power. Maize production may have been important around these central zones of power as a supplementary food source, perhaps necessary in order

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REGIC

to attract political followefl and/orto sustain laborers dedi However, it has been pointe< relatively small size of cobs Formative Zea mays strains a relatively low caloric yield crossed its "productivity thn not have been attractive as as time (Borstein 2001; Kirkb, Blake 2003).

Alternatively, we propose was a prestige or luxury c period , used in rituals and sociopolitical system mainta challenging?) the social ord( posal follows along the ideas Blake ( 1994:28) in explainir and the introduction of fore as maize among the BaH Mokaya occupations (1550-southern Chiapas. Accord maize , either as a comestibl corn gruel, sometimes flav such as cacao) or perhaps mented, mind-altering beve maize beer, was proffered a and rituals as part of a sysn tion and aggrandizement ~ Blake 2003 for a discussion tance of maize stalks in t~ plant's domestication and u

It has already been noted and cacao were apparently c in various Gulf Coast Olme Andres, San Lorenzo, and I 2007; Powis et al. 2011; S feld et al. 2009) . It is the ref\ propose that food and drin gens may have held special erties and may even have actions related to structur giosity among Early and people. Rosenswig (2007), 200 I) , discusses the phenol Middle Formative site o Pacific coast of Chiapas, d feasting strategies within a entrepreneurial, whereby Sl the competition for individ role , which "legitimize[


to attract political followers to the social order and/orto sustain laborers dedicated to public works. However, it has been pointed out that because the relatively small size of cobs and cupules of Early Formative Zea mays strains would have provided a relatively low caloric yield, this crop had not yet crossed its "productivity threshold" and so would not have been attractive as a staple food crop at this time (Borstein 2001; Kirkby 1973; Smalley and Blake 2003).

Alternatively, we propose that maize, like cacao, was a prestige or luxury commodity during this period , used in rituals and feasting as part of a sociopolitical system maintaining (or perhaps even challenging?) the social order of the day. This proposal follows along the ideas put forth by Clark and Blake (1994:28) in explaining early ceramic types and the introduction of foreign domesticates such as maize among the Barra and Locona phase Mokaya occupations (1550-1300 B.C.) of coastal southern Chiapas . According to these authors , maize, either as a comestible atole (a type of light com gruel, sometimes flavored with ingredients such as cacao) or perhaps in the form of a fermented, mind-altering beverage such as chicha or maize beer, was proffered and consumed in feasts and rituals as part of a system of social competition and aggrandizement (see also Smalley and Blake 2003 for a discussion of the possible importance of maize stalks in the early stages of this plant's domestication and use).

It has already been noted above that both maize and cacao were apparently consumed in liquid form in various Gulf Coast Olmec contexts such as San Andres, San Lorenzo, and El Manatf (Powis et al. 2007; Powis et al. 2011; Seinfeld 2007:81; Seinfeld et al. 2009). It is therefore not unreasonable to propose that food and drink made from these cultigens may have held special and even sacred properties and may even have been used in sanctifying actions related to structures of power and/or religiosity among Early and Middle Formative Olmec people. Rosenswig (2007), following Dietler (1996, 200 1) , discusses the phenomenon of feasting at the Middle Formative site of Cuahutemoc on the Pacific coast of Chiapas, delimiting three types of feasting strategies within a political economy: (1) entrepreneurial, whereby social capital is sought in the competition for individual prestige; (2) patron role, which "legitimize[s] established unequal

social relations and result[s] in the redistribution of resources" (Rosenswig 2007:5); and (3) diacritical , which also emphasizes patron-client relationships but which focuses on elite goods and behaviors. Given our current data sets it would be difficult to determine which, if any, of these strategies were employed among the Gulf Coast Olmec at any given time or place, and it is beyond the scope of this article to attempt to do so. Nevertheless we can begin to assemble some of the pieces of the puzzle, at least as they relate to the consumption of the imported, exotic cultigen Zea mays.

If the production and consumption of maize were linked to specialized sociopolitical activities (and perhaps religious ritual) within the Olmec realm , one would expect to find the greatest evidence for maize precisely at the sites of important political maneuvering, such as Tres Zapotes. Support areas for political centers, such as the rural homestead of San Carlos, may have produced at least a portion of their maize to be consumed at these centers and may even have participated in rituals associated with sociopolitical and/or religious activities, though perhaps not to the degree of the inhabitants residing at the political centers themselves. Finally, populations from sites such as La Joya, situated far from political centers, may have had little incentive to participate in such activities and therefore would have produced and consumed much less maize than at other sites. This interpretation reflects well the variation in the relative abundance of maize evidenced at the sites of Tres Zapotes, San Carlos, and La Joya.

If these patterns hold true , then we can envision maize consumption as an important component within a set of specialized activities and rituals associated with the centers of Olmec cultural expression and power. These may include activities of feasting associated with aggrandizement and/or political patronage as proposed by Clark and Blake (1994) and Rosenswig (2007) for the Soconusco region during the Early and Middle Formative periods, respectively, though currently this cannot be confirmed for the Olmec Gulf Coast area. Unfortunately, our information on human occupation during the beginning phases of the Early Formative (ca. 1500 B .C.) along the Gulf Coast is still extremely sparse, and we cannot currently discuss details of sociopolitical maneuvering there, but suggested models for the Soconusco


region have given us ideas to pursue. Moreover, we should not assume that all activities, ceremonies, and feasting in which maize consumption was practiced were primarily political in nature. Rituals, celebrations, and religious events associated with the Olmec religious and cultural ethos may have called for the consumption of maize beer or maize/cacao atole, for example, and such events may have occurred at many levels ofOlmec society. At San Carlos the presence of large serving vessels as well as small , elaborately decorated bowls hints at specialized and symbolic group activities at the household level , where maize beverages in some form may well have been served. It is hard to believe that the humble rural homestead of San Carlos would have been the locus of important aggrandizement or patronage feasts , but these hinterland households , proximal to the major ceremonial centers, may well have witnessed elements of elite Olmec ceremonial and religious behavior and adopted them into their own local ceremonies and celebrations.

What is emerging from these accumulated data is a general pattern across early coastal southern Mesoamerica of a relatively low-yield primitive maize variety being adopted by Early Formative communities (or perhaps even earlier by Late Archaic populations) , not as a subsistence crop but, rather, as an exotic commodity for use in specialized activities such as competitive feasts and ceremonies. While the use of maize in the Early Formative period along the Olmec Gulf Coast and the Soconusco region of Chiapas may have begun with this principal function, the development, evolution, or introduction of more productive forms of maize eventually changed the fundamental relationship between humans and Zea mays in these regions . However, the passage of maize through the proposed " productivity threshold" sometime around the end of the Early Formative, permitting it to become an increasingly important staple food crop, does not preclude its continued use as an important ingredient in those specialized rituals among both the Gulf Coast Olmec and the inhabitants of the Soconusco region in subsequent periods (sensu Rosenswig 2007; Seinfeld et al. 2009).

Far more work needs to be done in order to understand the nature and importance of maize among the Early Formative Olmec. More residue

studies such as those of Seinfeld (2007; Seinfeld et al. 2009) and Powis et al. (2007; Powis et al. 20 ll) and paleoethnobotanical comparisons such as this study need to be performed at different sites and in different cultural contexts. We need more comparative studies of maize usage both between regions and between sites, but we also need to examine possible variations within sites (sensu Vanderwarker 2012). Was maize consumption more common in the main ceremonial and political centers than in nearby hinterland sites? Do elite areas and residences show a greater degree of consumption than the commoner areas of major political centers? Would stable carbon isotope studies suggest differences in C4levels between elites and commoners in the Olmec heartland? What is the evidence for aggrandizement or patronage feasting at these Early Formative centers or even at secondary centers? Was maize consumed in liquid form and in fancy serving vessels at hinterland households like San Carlos? If so, how does that usage compare with what was happening in the main ceremonial centers? Was maize used in a comparable way (albeit at a smaller scale) in the outlying or more isolated areas like La Joya in the Tuxtla Mountains?

Overall, the data from this study reveal a significant amount of variation in plant production, collection, and consumption throughout the western region of the Olmec heartland during the Early and Middle Formative periods. Achieving a more comprehensive understanding of this variation requires the analysis and publication of much more and many kinds of data from more sites and more types of sites. Given the patterns we have presented in this article , it is difficult to either support or refute Arnold's (2009) and Borstein 's (200 1) hypotheses that maize only became an important food source during the last stages ofthe Early Formative period, as we still need botanical data from Early Formative lowland sites that predate the San Lorenzo B phase. Nevertheless , it is becoming increasingly clear that the processes of the adoption of maize as an "important" crop took very different trajectories in different areas of the southern Gulf Coast during the Early and Middle Formative periods. We also argue that discussions of"importance" may be relative to the social contexts of maize consumption at these sites. In other words, by analyzing maize only as a staple foodstuff (as

VanDerwarker and Kruger] REG!

opposed to a commodity o· ritual significance) we may nificant patterns that can g adoption and consumption

Acknowledgments. Foremost we Philip Arnold, Ill, and Dr. Christo

commented on several drafts. a~

unpublished data from the T1 Newsom graciously consu lted o

era I plant specimens. Thanks alsc

offered editorial comments on a edge the Foundation for the Ad Studies, Inc., wh ich funded the (

the research at San Carlos , l

American Studies at the Univers

its support to these excavations the town of San Carlos, Mt

Veracruz, who provided access o ti c ipated in the excavations. Stu

Veracruzana assisted in the flota

y ie lded the botanical data rep

ciously acknowledge the Cons lnstituto Nacional de Antropolog

permission for these investigati thank the anonymous reviewers

ful comments and insights fori~

Reference

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Occupation in Coastal Lowl and People: A Dynamic In! Skibo and Gary M. Feinmm Utah Press, Salt Lake City.

2000 Sociopolitical Compte View from the Tuxtla Mo 0/mec Art and Archaeolog John. E. Clark and Mary B Gallery of Art , Washington

2003 Early Formative Potte1 and Implications forGulfO Antiquity 14(1 ):29-46.

2009 Settlement and Subsi< mative Gulf Olmec. Jouml ology 28(4):397-4 11 .

Balerdi, C. F. , J. H. Crane, and ( 1996 The Marney Sapote.

Institute of Food and Agri Florida. Electronic docu~ BODY _MG33 1. accessed

Balick, Michael J. 1990 Production of Coyol W

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200 I Tripping Over Colos and Population Developm(


opposed to a commodity of sociopolitical and/or ritual significance) we may be missing other significant patterns that can give us clues as to its adoption and consumption in the Olmec world.

Acknowledgmellls. Foremost we thank our colleagues , Dr. Philip Arnold , lll , and Dr. Christopher Pool; Arnold read and commented on several drafts, and Pool provided access to unpublished data from the Tres Zapotes project. Lee Newsom graciously consulted on the identification of several plant specimens. Thanks also go to Dana Bardolph , who offered editorial comments on an early draft. We acknowledge the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies , Inc., which funded the excavations and analyses of the research at San Carlos, and the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Pittsburgh for lending its support to these excavations. We thank the residents of the town of San Car los , Municipio de Hidalgotitlan, Veracruz, who provided access to the site and who also participated in the excavations. Students from the Universidad Veracruzana assisted in the flotation of the soil samples that yielded the botanical data reported herein. We also graciously acknowledge the Consejo de Arqueologfa of the lnstituto Nacional de Antropologfa e Historia , which granted permission for these investigations. We would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers who provided us with helpful comments and insights for improving this article .

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Submilled: December 8, 2011; Revised: September 26, 2012; Accepted: October 14, 2012.

I

LAGOA SANTA RE SUBSISTENCE, Al'

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Lagoa Santa, a karstic area in e1 ogy for 175 years. Almost 300 I neering II'Ork. Even so, some critic implications of the peopling of t/ tions at fo ur rockshelters and t~> cu ltural pal/ems observed so fm oth er locations in South Americ .

La goa Santa, w1 area karstica e durante 170 wlos. Casi 300 esqu Lund empe~6 su trabajo pionero los patrones de asenwmiento )' II mejor estudiados. Nosotros prese1 tos a cielo abierto, llllel'asfeches vados. Tambilfn propane mas q1 Sudamerica , bastante generali~a

The Lagoa Santa re encompassing sever of Belo Horizonte,

(Figure I) . The geologi mainly Upper Pre-Camb rocks of the Bambuf Oro do Meio Ambiente and Recursos Minerais [IBA Bambuf Group is compos careous body-Sete Lago upper metapelitic formati Helena Formation. Hydrc ting the Pre-Cambrian r siliceous veins and geod( hyaline quartz that were he rials by the local Paleoindi,

Astolfo G. M. Araujo • Muset Cidade Universit<lria, Sao Paule Walter A. Neves • Laboratory Universitaria, Sao Paulo, 0550 Rena to Kipnis • Scientia Con

Documents

VanDerwarker and Kruger - Latin American Antiquity 2012 - Paleoethnobotany of Olmec communities