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IJRAR19S1533 International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) www.ijrar.org 337

“Men want to understand for us”: The gender

Dynamics in Sports Organisations’ Leadership in

Uganda.

Baluka Agnes Masajja1*, (Corresponding Author)

School of Women and Gender Studies

Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda

Nsibirano Ruth , PhD2

School of Women and Gender Studies

Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda

Nankwanga Annet, PhD3,

Department of Sports Science

Makerere University

Kampala, Uganda

Abstract

“Men want to understand for us”: The gender Dynamics in Sports Organisations’ Leadership in Uganda.

Women in sport leadership continue to experience inequality. Yet, combating discrimination against sports women

is not yet viewed as a national priority. There is equally limited research on women in sports leadership in Uganda.

Thus, the need for this study to explore the power gender dynamics women in sports leadership face, and establish

the influence on challenges, with the aim of informing available strategies to overcome the challenges. A qualitative

case study design was utilized. Key informant interviews were held with 24 (12 Male and 12 female) executive

board members from 6 sports federations in Uganda. Through thematic analysis, three main themes emerged:

Government support; number of roles performed; and empowerment. Both male and female sports leaders

recommended that for the gender gap in sports leadership to be closed, male and female sports leaders ought to

work in harmony.

Key Words: sports leadership, gender dynamics

1.0 Introduction

Globally, men enjoy more acceptance as leaders than women. To that effect sports leadership is seen more as a

masculine space and therefore, the men tend to have more advantages compared to women in terms of entitlements

(Connell, 2014; O’Reilly, 2012). Some of the entitlements that majority of men more than women enjoy include:

social support (Higgins et al., 2010), from members of their family, clan or even communities when they hold

positions of responsibility. Men also experience limited barriers (Sartore, & Cunningham, 2010) and controls and

so are entitled to freedom of choosing what to do, where to go or not to. It is equally true that unlike the case with

women, men witness fewer exclusion or unfair treatment as sports players (Shaw & Frisby, 2006). They are also

less perceived as incompetent (Peachy & Burton, 2011). Further, men enjoy acceptance and recognition of their

potential than women do (Littleton, 2018). It is still generally correct that the gendered social –cultural structure

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informs the gender dynamics which in turn get embedded at the individual, interactional, and institutional

dimensions of our society (Risman, 2004).

Adriaanse & Schofield (2013) defines gender dynamics as the way people of different genders (men and women)

interact and work together. Adriaanse & Schofield further note that gender dynamics are informed by socio-cultural

ideas about gender and the power relationships that define them. Depending on how they manifest, gender dynamics

can reinforce or challenge existing norms (USAID, 2008). Gender dynamics are best explained in relation to how

men and women relate, work together or share power to influence decision making. All these elements of the gender

relations vary between cultures and from society to society in time. Further, it is such gendered realities in

relationships and enjoyed power that defines rights, responsibilities and the identities of men and women in relation

to one another. Gender relations therefore is a resource drawn on daily, by individuals, organizations and the

community to reinforce or redefine the rules, norms and practices, expectations and aspirations which govern social

interactions (Chalabaev et al., 2012), between and among men and women in different circles of life. Connell (2016)

explained that the key to understanding gender is to move away from a focus on sex differences to a focus on

relationships between and among men and women. Thus, differences or inequalities between men and women go

beyond representing gender as a category-based dichotomy, or a twofold, of male Vs female, to include how power

is shared and the gendered relations involved (Adriaanse & Schofield, 2013). Inherent to this approach is the

proposition that gendered structures of practice can both facilitate and frustrate gender equality, and that possibilities

for change can be identified by examining what kinds of gendered structures are operating in any specific

organisational location, from households and playgrounds to board rooms and international political congresses

(Adriaanse & Schofield, 2013). Plus deliberate strategies to correct the biased gendered structures at the identified

levels. According to Connell (2014), systematically determining where and how people ‘do gender’ in an

organisational context depends on being able to identify a pattern of practices associated with four main areas of

social life (gender dynamics).

These four dimensions of gender dynamics are: Production, power, emotions and symbolism. Production relations

or the gendered division of labour is the first dimension of the gender model which refers to the way in which

production or work is arranged along gender lines. In the context of sport organizations, this gender division relates

to the roles and tasks allocated to men and women in the organization, including at the executive level.

The second dimension of the gender model is gender relations of power, that is, the way in which control, authority,

possibly decision making and force are exercised, individually and collectively, along gender lines, including

organizational hierarchy, legal power and violence. When applied to sport organizations, this dimension usually

refers to men’s dominance and influence in decision-making and how they advance their interests in the process.

This was the interest of this research. Many times, the decisions women wish to take are overruled as trivial by the

men. Or better still, women in sports are denied an opportunity to make or influence decisions by not being part of

the leaders who make decisions.

The third dimension is emotion and human relations, that is, the way attachment and antagonism among people and

groups are organized along gender lines, including feelings of solidarity, prejudice, sexual attraction and repulsion.

Emotional relations in sport organizations relate to the patterns of attachment and hostility that exist within and

between men and women and include, for example, the ways they support and collaborate or oppose and undermine

each other in their work. The fourth dimension is gender culture and symbolism, that is, the way in which gender

identities are defined and gender is represented and understood, including prevailing beliefs, values and attitudes

about gender. In reference to sport organizations, symbolic relations are operationalized in their understanding of

gender and gender equality, including beliefs about gender parity in leadership positions and gender equality in

governance. Although these four structures of gender relations can be distinguished, they do not operate

independently but are interwoven and constantly interact with each other.

For this study only the power dimension was considered because of the close relationship of power to leadership

(Smith et al., 2016). The gender relations of power can be seen through control (power over), authority (power with),

and force (power within) are exercised along gender lines, including organisational hierarchy, legal power and

violence, at both individual and collective levels. Power in this context relates to the concept of patriarchy, a gender

order in which men dominate and have more power to influence decisions than women. They also have more

opportunities to, so have “Power over” women who they relate to or with. The “power over” that the men enjoy

more than the women does not only occur at an individual level but is also impersonally realised through institutions

such as the state, world or the market. From this perspective, the social practices involved in producing gender in

organisations at any one time occur within already existing patterns of power on practices that have been established




over time. Such power patterns shape the parameters for action and in turn, can influence change. These power

patterns permit the possibility of identifying how organisational processes, such as sport leadership, are gendered.

Accordingly, the power dimension was chosen as the preferred approach for conducting a study of how gender

dynamics in sports leaderships between men and women in sport organisations in Uganda.

Considering sport, history confirms the different treatment of women and men on grounds of gender. For instance,

women were excluded from leisure and sport because they have to shoulder the domestic roles. It was argued that

their gender roles left them with very little time to enjoy leisure and participate in sports. Otherwise, because men

had fewer roles, a number of activities where open to them to engage as they enjoyed their leisure time. One of such

activities was sport. Further, due to gender dynamics, women’s participation in sports was generally circumscribed

by gendered values and stereotypes that influenced sports perceptions. A good example of such perceptions was that

sport was considered masculine and therefore inappropriate for women to engage in. This could have been due to

the fact that earlier societies like Britain and traditional Africa games show examples of gender exclusion where

women were excluded from participation in sports, not only from playing, but even spectating and from sports

leadership. In Britain, for example, women were hardly involved in sports before the First World War (Beashel &

Taylor, 2011). Moore & Konrad (2010) noted that much as the women population in Britain was over 50%, it was

only 10% of the women who participated in some sporting activities as compared to 33% of the men; this clearly

shows the under-representation of women in sports in Britain. Another illustration of the ratio of men to women’s

participation in sports in Great Britain is shown by the participation in the Summer Olympics over the years. African

traditional games especially wrestling in palaces show no competitions between women. Competitions were between

men and men or men and animals which defined sports as a preserve for the men to enjoy. In fact, there were no

organized sports activities for women over a long period of time (Simon, 2018). Another example is the traditional

Buganda games where women who went against the law and participated in sports were ridiculed and labelled

masculine as a way of discouraging many that would have loved to join and enjoy sports, as the men did (Anderson,

2008). In contrast men who were not involved in sports at all were pushed to join, as if to say their non-involvement

made them to be looked at as lesser men (Tiifu, 2016). This occurrence was common in many societies regardless

of level of development (Cahn, 2015).

For many years, since the revival of the modern Olympics Games in 1894, the leadership in the International

Olympic Committee (IOC) was provided by men only (Pike, White, Matthews, Southon & Piggott, 2018). Women

only started participating in Olympic Games nearly two centuries later in 1960 after many activists advocating for

gender equality in all aspects. The representation of women was 11% for the Summer Games and 22% for the Winter

Games (International Olympic Committee, 2005a). However, much as the number of females in sports had been

steadily growing, e.g. from 22% in 1976 to 39% in 1992, it was still low as compared to men. The situation was the

same for other activities related to sports such as participation as coaches. To this Njororai, Achola, & Mwisukha,

(2012) noted that women's underrepresentation in sports was not only reflected in their low participation as players,

but also in sports leadership.

It was not until 1981 that a woman was brought on the scene of the Olympic Games leadership Committee as a co-

opted member (Gauthier, 2017). Between 1985 and 2005, the IOC tried to ensure that women’s programs at the

Olympic Games are increased. The first woman was elected onto the Executive Board of the International Olympic

Committee in 1990. The 1997 Women and Sports policy of empowering women in National Olympic Committees

(NOC) and governing bodies, had not achieved the target for increasing the number of women on the NOC bodies,

which was to be 10 percent in 2001 and 20 percent in 2005. Only a 12.6 % increase in NOC’s general assembly,

and 15.4 % increase in the Executive boards of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) positions had been

realized. Noting that the intended targets were yet to be realized, the IOC recommended that recruitment of women

into national federations be intensified. With only 12.6 percent representation, women could never amass enough

voting power or effectively influence the decision-making process. Vodden-McKay & Schell (2010) perceive the

domination of power structures as enabling imposition of dominant values in sport and society ensuring a continued

marginalization of women.

Due to the IOC recommendations of 1997, another woman became a Vice President of the International Olympic

Committee and it was in 2004 that a second woman became the Committee’s Vice President. In spite of these steps

towards allowing women leadership positions in IOC, out of 116 active members of the International Olympic

Committee, only 12 (10.34%) were women in 2005. However, by the year 2005, the International Olympic

Committee Commissions and Working Groups began to include more women than ever before (International

Olympic Committee, 2005a).




In addition, the IOC also put a condition that all sports seeking inclusion in the program had to include women’s

events. That notwithstanding, International Olympic Committee (2005) noted that while the participation of women

in physical activities and the Olympic Games had steadily increased, the percentage of women in governing bodies

and administrative bodies of the Olympic Movement was still low. The Feminist Majority Foundation (1995)

reported that there were still significantly fewer women coaches and administrators than men (Rothenberg, 2013).

However, by the year 2016, the International Olympic Committee Commissions and Working Groups began to

include more women than ever before (International Olympic Committee, 2016).

Currently, with the exception of some Scandinavian countries, women remain underrepresented on boards of

national sport organisations (International Working Group on Women and Sport website, 2012). A growing number

of studies have emerged to examine and understand women’s under-representation. Researchers have examined this

issue in a range of countries, for example, in Australia (Vodden-McKay & “Beez” Lea Ann Schell, 2010; Sibson,

2010), in Canada (Hall, Cullen, & Slack, 1989; Schull, Shaw, & Kihl, 2013), in Germany (Pfister & Radtke, 2009),

in the Netherlands (Claringbould & Knoppers, 2008), in New Zealand (Shaw, 2006), in Norway (Fasting & Pfister,

2010; Hovden, 2006) and in the UK (Shaw & Hoeber, 2012; Pike et al., 2018). In the case of Africa, Njogu &

Orchardson-mazrui, (2013) lamented the imbalance between male and female participation in sports leadership. He

noted that sports had been male dominated for years.

Mwisukha and colleagues farther noted that many Ugandans seemed to harbour the prejudice that men were better

performers than women and therefore gave women less chances and fewer opportunities to participate in sports as

well as its leadership (Mwisukha, Gitonga, & Wanderi, 2017). Kateshumbwa (2011) observed that much as Ugandan

female footballers had to overcome cultural bias in order to continually participate in sports, their engagement in

sports leadership was still a challenge. For example, in 2007, the UOC Board had 91% male against 9% female

members; Executive Committee of the National Council of Sports (NCS) had 82% male and only 18% female

members. In addition, the national federations comprised about 76% male membership on their executive

committees (National Council of Sports, 2016). How can this persistent challenge of gender imbalance in sport

leadership be explained? Possibly answers could be found from interrogating the influence of gender dynamics on

women’s participation in sports leadership. Apparently, there is no adequate information on the interplay of gender

dynamics and involvement of women in sports as a whole and specifically in sports leadership. Nor is there adequate

explanation for the current representation of both genders in sports leadership in Uganda. Thus, a study was called

for to document the influence of gender dynamics on women’s participation in sports leadership in Uganda, and also

interrogate how the position of women in sports leadership, visa vie that of men could be explained from a gender

perspective.

Another element of the gender construction is the sharing of power which is constructed to favour men, and, helping

the development of subordinate roles for women. The major purpose of this study was to investigate whether society

favours men and not women with power that this social construction gets reproduced in sports leadership as well?

Or, could there be some women that had ignored the gendering of sports to engage in its leadership? And, those

women that were in sports leadership, do they reinforce, change or leave intact the gender order? The constitution

of Uganda also affirms equality of all persons, and accords full and equal dignity to women, promises to ensure

balance and fair representation. The supreme law unfortunately, despite evidence of supportive regulations for

gender equality even in sports leadership plus increasing participation of women in sports, not many sports women

had made it to become leaders on Boards of the different sports federations. It was plausible that there could be

hidden or obvious gender related dynamics that hinder women from taking up sports leadership positions. If such

gendered dynamics are not interrogated and addressed, women in general and sports women in particular would

continue to be marginalized and excluded from leadership positions. It would also mean that decisions that affect

women in sports were made by men with no input from women themselves. Sports would remain a masculine space.

Yet, women who were in sports ought to take on leadership positions so as to make a contribution on matters that

concern them, and equally benefit from sports just as the men do. Further, women’s participation in sports leadership

would contribute to a positive transformation of the otherwise male space into one that accommodates both. Other

than women lamenting that the men always wanted to understand for them. Thus, this study proposed to interrogate

the challenges women in sports leadership face and the existing strategies to ensure effective participation of both

gender: a case of sports organisations in Uganda.




2.0 METHODS

2.1 Study Design, Location and Participants

We conducted a qualitative study using case study design with key informant interview method, with both male and

female federation executive members who gave consent and responded to the questions. The study targeted male

and female executive members of 6 different sports federations in Uganda. These were purposively selected because

they deemed to have the information that would help the researcher to establish existing strategies in promoting

women’s effective participation in sports leadership. These included a total of 24 people of which 12 were male and

12 females.

The study was conducted in six sports federations that were purposively selected to represent the 35 registered

national sports federations of Uganda under the strata of hand ball games were the Uganda Netball Federation (UNF)

was selected, leg ball games where the Federation of Uganda Football Association (FUFA) was selected, games that

use bats where the Uganda Woodball Federation (UWF) was selected, board games where the Uganda Chess

Federation (UCF) was selected, institutional sports associations where the Association of Uganda University Sports

(AUUS) was selected, and track and field events were the Uganda Athletics Federation (UAF) was selected. In total

24 executive members were selected who consisted of 2 men and 2 women from each of the 6 federations. These

were purposively selected for the study from the sampled sports federations. We interviewed the 24 respondents in

the study until no new data was attained and saturation point was reached. These respondents were accessed by first

identifying them from federation websites and then writing the letters seeking their permission to conduct interviews

with them. The inclusion criteria involved being an executive member of the federation preferably one who holds

the highest post and must have served for more than 3 years in that particular federation. The study was conducted

in Kampala District because all the sports federations offices were located there (Rintaugu, Mwisukha, & Onywera,

2012).

2.2 Data Collection

A key informant interview guide was used to gather information from participants. We outlined the broad areas that

were relevant to answering our broad questions and then developed questions under these areas. Note that probes

were used as much as possible based on the responses the participants gave. Key areas investigated included the

leadership experiences, problems and challenges women leaders faced, available strategies for increased

participation of women in sports leadership, and recommendations for effective participation of both genders. The

key informant interviews were conducted in English since the executive members were a learned group. The tool

was pretested on 4 participants, these were two men and two women from the Uganda Rugby Union (URU) and

thereafter it was modified based on the feedback from the research field team. Interviews were conducted by

investigators and trained research assistants. The interviews took about one hour and were audio recorded with

permission from the participants who all accepted to be recorded using our tape recorders.

Qualitatively generated data was analyzed with the help of a computer package, ATLAS.ti. where the data was

prepared as follows: Transcribed data was typed out, using a word processor to make transcripts, each interview was

managed as an individual document. The transcripts were saved as rich text files which were then uploaded in the

hermeneutic file for coding. With open coding, the researcher looked at the main themes as spelt out in the question

guides and used them to do code-concurrence tables and the codes primary documents tables to show area the

number of qualitative responses for codes or themes.

Results were analyzed using the thematic analytic process, which is commonly used to analyze interview data

(Roulston, 2010), and it involved developing and putting data into categories (Roulston & Shelton, 2015), which

was accomplished through determining the links and meanings and seeing how they fitted into themes (Attride-

Stirling, 2001). Thematic analysis was used to generate categories and identify common thematic elements across

the research participants, the events they reported and the actions they took (Bazeley, 2016). Strauss and Corbin’s

initial coding was used to break data into discrete parts and compare them for similarities and differences from

repeated words. These codes were put in categories to help create some order and then developed into themes and

sub themes (Palinkas et al., 2015). Representing and reporting the findings, interpreting the findings, and validating

the accuracy and credibility of the findings were done.




Trustworthiness of the qualitative data collected was addressed through member checking where debrief meetings

with participants after the interviews were done to ascertain whether it was reflective of what was discussed.

Accuracy was further enhanced through triangulation during analysis where the researcher did code and analysis

independently and comparing findings.

2.3 Ethical considerations The study was reviewed and ethical approval provided by Uganda National Council for Science and Technology.

All data collection was conducted respecting confidentiality. A number of procedures were used to protect the

confidentiality of the informants and the information collected: a) Interviews were conducted only in a private

setting; b) the information collected was kept strictly confidential and names did not appear on any of the data

collection instruments. When the recorder was used, permission of the respondents was sought before tape recording.

Respondents were told that confidentiality procedures were taken into consideration. Consent forms for each type

of instrument were administered before the commencement of the interviews.

3.0 Results

3.1 Participants Socio-Demographic Characteristics

A total of 24 executive members were interviewed of whom 12 were female and 12 males. Most of them were

voluntary workers. They had other permanent jobs and were heading sports federations on part time basis. Some

were civil servants and others had their own businesses. Two broader themes emerged inductively from the analysis

that include: a) Challenges faced by women in sports leadership; b) Strategies for effective participation. These

themes had several subthemes that were explored further and verbatim quotes were provided.

3.2 Theme 1: Challenges faced by women in sports leadership

Sports leadership being a masculine space leaves women faced by a number of challenges. In this study we identified

three sub themes that categorize the type of challenges available to women in sports leadership in Uganda. These

were a) Personal challenges, b) community-based challenges, and c) organizational challenges.

3.2.1 Personal challenges: The study found that most of the challenges were personal because individuals are

unique. Such challenges included lack of leadership skills, having too many roles to perform, little knowledge of

sports leadership, having no interest and not being assertive. Most of the federations’ leadership is run on voluntary

basis. This affected the organizations’ leadership because there was little motivation. And those who would take up

these leadership positions did it out of passion.

I took on sports leadership because netball is a female dominated sport in Uganda. I was a very good player

all the way from primary school. Sports paid my school fees as I studied on sports scholarships for my primary

and secondary school. I therefore decided to get into sports leadership so that I give back to the sport. But

my major challenge is that I have a number of other commitments. I am not sure of my leadership skills so

sometimes I look at myself as a gambler. (Female, executive member, Netball federation)

Most of the federation leaders we interviewed can be regarded as unqualified as they depended on the little

knowledge they had as former players. Thus they depend on the little knowledge they have about the sport since

they were just voted into power. Majority think they do not even require to study sports leadership skills since they

manage sports federations the way they were managed while they were still athletes.

The leadership skills of both male and female federation leaders were found wanting as majority did not have

qualifications in sports leadership being a voluntary job. The leaders were found to be ignorant about the leadership

styles they were using to lead their organizations when they were asked the types of leaders they were.

I always ask myself the type of leader I am. I was just elected into this position because I was a very good active

player. I represented my team at national and international levels. I have friends who studied sports management

who I consult at times on technical issues. (Male leader, Federation of Uganda Football Association)

Some female sports leaders were found to have stayed in a particular leadership position for a very long time. As

long as four terms and more. Some of these positions were not decision-making positions. When asked why they

had served in those particular positions for such a long time without growing or getting out of those positions since

they were elective positions, many reported that there were no other interested people to take up those particular

positions.

In addition, others reported having affirmative actions in the federation constitutions where the required person in

the particular position was a female and they were requested to take up the positions. Hence the reason for the long

service. Most male further reported that most women easily give up on challenging tasks. Hence the reason for men

to serve in particular positions. This caused the unequal representation of both gender in most of these federations.




3.2.2 Community-based sports leadership challenges: The community included a definition of a geographical areas

such immediate family, villages, parishes and sub-counties but also community-based organizations working in the

community. The community-based leadership challenges included leaders having other commitments, family

demands, having no free time for self, sports leadership being expensive for female leaders, sports leadership is very

competitive, men dominating over women, and finally men thinking women are a weaker gender.

I don’t want to become the president or even the general secretary of the federation because I feel I will not be

committed. Being a general secretary of the federation means being the heart of the organization. Everything rotates

around you. You do all the planning and coordinate all federation activities. One needs to be fully committed to

serve well. I do not want to add on more commitments because I already have enough on me. But being a member

of the general assembly, I decided to become just a board member so that I am aware of the decisions made in the

federation. I also want to take on some benefits that executive members have. I don’t want to be accountable to the

general assembly now because I will not give the federation my whole. I am a wife, a mother of 5 children, a student

at the university, a civil servant with another organization. There is really even no me time. Besides, it is expensive

for me since it is voluntary. (Female leader, Association of Uganda University Sports)

The male sports leaders were seen to dominate over their female counter parts. The male don’t value the female

decisions even when the females are in higher positions of authority than men. Men tend to have power over women

and want to control women. Men also think women are a weaker gender.

My male boss thinks I am not good enough for my position as district sports officer. One day the Ministry of

Education and sports gave the district money to help inspect sports activities in secondary schools. My boss told me

I was not part of the delegation going to inspect schools because I am a woman and that I did not know how to ride

a motorcycle. Yet this was my responsibility. I told him I was supposed to be part of the team because it was my

responsibility and besides, I was the only qualified person for the job. This annoyed me so much. I don’t like the

way these men want to think for us. (Female, executive member, Netball federation)

3.2.3 Organizational leadership challenges: Organizational leadership challenges may involve difficulty to access

finances as there is little government support, lack of office space in some federations which makes operation hard,

being a voluntary service, there is no monthly payment expected, dirty politics and unfair electoral processes

discourage women from getting involved in sports leadership and lastly the gender roles of women are the biggest

challenges. Additionally, women programs receive little funding compared to the male programs.

3.3 Theme 2: Strategies for effective participation.

Female sports leaders are faced by a number of challenges but there are also existing strategies to ensure that women

are encouraged to take on leadership positions. Under this theme two subthemes emerged namely: Personal

improvement strategies, and organizational strategies.

Personal improvement strategies: Personal improvement strategies like taking on sports leadership education to

acquire new sports leadership skills, and taking on roles that would impact women’s programs ensured that they

remained competitive as leaders. In this study, suggestions like changes in the recruitment practices and creating

safe work places environment for women as a way of ensuring fair competition, and developing programs that target

both individuals and institutions in helping women have long-term impact on leadership of sports organizations

could help encourage these women to take on leadership positions as illustrated in the quote below.

I always make sure that I look out for opportunities involving only women. Being that I do not have sports leadership

skills, I always request the board to allocate funds towards refresher leadership courses and women programs.

Organizational strategies: Most of the participants indicated that lobbying for government support or the private

sector to fund federation activities would encourage women to take on leadership positions.

4.0 Discussion

This study explored the challenges women in sports leadership face and the possible strategies for effective

participation of both gender in Uganda’s sports leadership.

Sport leadership in Uganda is mainly voluntary and one becomes a leader through elections, appointments, as well

as through interviews, nominations and selections (Henry & Robinson, 2010; Henry et al., 2004). Most of the female

respondents said they were either appointed or designated into the positions that they held. This finding is in

confirmation of many studies by (Chabaya et al., 2009; Sperandio & Kagoda, 2010). Only three women out of twelve

said that they obtained their leadership positions through very competitive elections. Many studies confirm that there

are few women in sports leadership because most women do not avail themselves to show interest in theses

leadership positions which forces organisations to nominate and designate whoever was available into positions of

leadership (Henry & Robinson, 2010; Henry et al., 2004). This may suggest lack of interest in leadership (Sperandio

& Kagoda, 2010), which adversely affects decisions made for women in sports.




4.1 Leadership practices This indicates women’s commitment to work and proof of their ability to lead, revealing their interest in developing

sports and engaging in the decision-making processes. While decision-making is one of the expected leadership

responsibilities, very few women in this study participated in decision-making processes. Similar to previous studies

(Sperandio & Kagoda, 2010), the women’s involvement in the decision-making process was determined by a

person’s position in the organization, years of experience, and organizational contexts. Also, women can only be

included in decision making processes and their decisions valued only when they are in agreement with the rest of

the board member. Professionalism is very crucial in recruiting workers in organisations. Therefore, educational

qualifications enable women to take up sports leadership positions. Similar to previous studies (Branson, 2007;

Henry et al., 2004; Coleman, 2015; Inglis, 2000), participants in this study were highly educated individuals.

Because of the dynamic nature of organizations, and the need to keep up with the changes in organizations, effective

leadership requires one to constantly upgrade their knowledge and potential such that they meet the organisation

work demands. Therefore, for one to become an effective leader, he or she needs to attend refresher sports leadership

trainings (Kouzes & Posner, 2018). In line with this perspective, several participants stated that they were pursuing

further education and that they also attended numerous training courses.

However, in this study women seemed determined to stay competitive in sport leadership positions through personal

and professional development, which involved attending various training courses and going for further education.

These findings echo previous studies showing leadership training as a way of advancing women in leadership Henry

et al's, 2004; Maürtin-cairncross, 2014). Furthermore, as shown in Henry et al's, (2004) study, women leaders in

National Olympic Committee organizations’ desired to have more training opportunities as a way of enhancing their

leadership practice. As shown earlier, most of the women who have taken up leadership positions are educated

individuals, most of the uneducated sports women fear to take on sports leadership positions. However, lack of

education is an impediment to women’s access to leadership positions (Northouse, 2016; Sperandio et al., 2010).

For example, Agnes attributed gender imbalances in sports federation leadership to lack of qualified women to take

up positions of leadership. This was a very interesting observation given that most of the women leaders in Uganda’s

sport federations were either handpicked or volunteered for leadership positions, and it also called for interrogation

about the nomination criteria and process used to fill leadership positions – was it a lack of education or the issue of

women not presenting themselves for elective positions?

4.2 Challenges and strategies for overcoming them

Since sports organizations are viewed to have patriarchal structures, where gender differences are maintained

(Brown & Evans, 2004), women face various personal and organizational challenges. The greatest hindrance to

women accessing leadership is the lack of confidence (Maürtin-cairncross, 2014; Sperandio et al., 2010). The

feminine modesty theory best explains that most women are reluctant to take up leadership positions which limits

their power and makes them less visible. For example, one of the respondents created a sports program called

growing the game for girls. Her major emphasis is using football to build confidence and sports leadership skills in

young girls. But she hired a male project manager who runs all her programs while she remains in the back ground.

Being married, being a mother were also challenges to the advancement of women into leadership or career

development (O’brien & Robertson, 2010). Findings of this study support studies that show women as being

overburdened with multiple roles (Branson, 2007; Pamela, Eddy & Cox, 2008), which results in family - work

conflicts. Branson (2007) added that very few women held many roles and responsibilities within the different sports

federations and these were often exploited and so ineffective. For a number of women leaders in this study, multiple

responsibilities threatened their marriages and family lives (Martel, 2007). For example, one of the female leaders

told us that she had to decide between her job and her marriage. But because the husband was not providing well for

the family yet he wanted her in the kitchen, she decided to let him go with another woman and retain her leadership

position so that she would give her children an education. (Female sports leader, AUUS). However, the numbers of

women that have successfully combined marriage, motherhood and career have tremendously increased (Bruening

& Dixon, 2008; O’brien & Robertson, 2010). Equally, the respondents were able to balance their sports careers and

work.

Power, gender and masculinity issues emerged throughout the study, and they manifested in the gender allocation

of positions and domination of power positions. Generally, men have been found to possess a sense of entitlement

in matters of leadership, to the extent that highly qualified women have been left without jobs because men dominate

all of the highest leadership positions (Norman, 2010; Pfister & Radtke, 2009). In this study, participants indicated

that men not only dictated positions to allocate to women, but constantly questioned women’s leadership,




participation in sports, attendance at meetings and decision-making processes. Exclusion power techniques (Webb

& Macdonald, 2007) such as withholding information, lack of transparent elections and holding meetings in bars

and at unconventional hours were common. While the women desired organizations that prioritized accountability

and efficient management, men seemed to be more interested in acquiring power. According to Therberge (2000),

men and women perceive power differently. While men view leadership as position for acquiring power, women

consider leadership as an avenue for mentoring and empowering others. Thus, the conflict of interests often led men

to use their muscle power to dislodge women from positions of power. Resistance to change and determination to

maintain status quo impeded the advancement of women into leadership positions. One of the most significant

finding in this study was the lack of a system that could enable women to advance into sports federations’ leadership,

resulting from older members being reluctant to relinquish power. Surprisingly, it wasn’t just the men holding onto

power, but those women that had achieved high status seemed determined to keep other women out. (Martel, 2007)

study revealed that women leaders that had attained the top positions were reluctant to let go because they wanted

to protect their positions. In this study, all participants viewed women as their own enemies and that instead of

supporting each other; the women side line themselves. It has been observed that if the infighting among women

persists, then the chances of women attaining equal representation in leadership would diminish. Kaman, (2009)

advised that women should develop their social network and use it to support each other and acquire power.

Subordination of women was considered a normal practice, which defined gender positions of women as

subordinates (M’mbaha, 2012). Clearly, findings show that the empowerment of women contradicts their

subordination roles.

Other concerns like lack of finances to develop female sports programs, which often made it difficult for women

and girls to participate in sport leadership. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) as well as some national

sports federations have implemented policies to address these problems, so as to motivate women and girls to

participate in sports leadership (International Olympic Committee, 2007).

Findings showed women leaders to stagnate in positions with limited opportunities for growth thus discouraging

those aspiring for leadership positions. For example, instead of retiring from competitive sports to become coaches

or team officials, female athletes chose to continue playing for their teams, citing stagnation and lack of opportunities

in those roles as a hindrance. Lack of career progress for women in coaching and officiating had a negative spillover

effect on athlete development as well leadership development (Porter & McLaughlin, 2006). This calls for further

interrogation on the training and professional development of leaders within the Uganda’s sports federations.

Previous research shows that limited career opportunities and stagnation are due to the structural factors within sport

organizations (Janet & Chepyator-thomson, 2018). Women in sports leadership devised various coping strategies to

overcome challenges that they encountered in the workplaces and sports arenas. In this study, resistance, advocacy,

balancing family and work, empowering, role modeling and mentoring, networking and social support, and creating

visibility were the strategies that women leaders used to overcome such challenges.

It was also clear that resistance, defiance of cultural practices that undermine women and assertiveness helped the

women to stay in sport. Furthermore, women in Africa used activism and they also actively fought for independence,

and resisted colonialism and its values (Freedman, 2006). A number of researchers have suggested education and

socialization as ways of eliminating cultural stereotypes so as to advance women into leadership positions

(Mwisukha & Rintaugu, 2013).

The advancement of women into leadership positions is attributed to the implementation of laws and policies such

as the Affirmative Action policies (Katashumbwa et al., 2005). Although a lot of organizations are yet to adopt or

fully implement these laws and policies, participants observed that knowing and applying the laws accordingly

would help women in advancing into leadership positions. Despite the fact the majority of participants in this study

stated that they were not aware of the Brighton statutes, most were conscious of the affirmative action policy.

The following statement by one of the participants’ underscores women’s objectives on leadership: We want to stand

for competitive elective posts, I hate being given quota system (token status) women should be seen as equal partners

that rightfully deserve the leadership positions - not a favour, freeing self from dependence on men to determine

career path… taking advantage of the gender allocation rule of 30% first and then we… and going in for more

competitive election to make 50%. In summary, developing women leaders is a broad based, long-term and effective

approach to empowerment of women.




5.0 Conclusion

In conclusion, this study explains why women are still underrepresented in sports leadership by giving an

understanding of the gender dynamics women who are in sports leadership positions face at the work place

(Coleman, 2015). Our findings show that poor implementation of policies is the major impediment to women to take

on leadership positions in sports organizations in Uganda, thus it is imperative that the government of Uganda and

other agencies implement women empowerment policies and ensure that all stakeholders adopt them. Sports

organisations should consider encouraging women to take up leadership positions to help improve their sports

programs and activities. Researchers also propose that the implementation of gender equality policies can only be

achieved if both men and women are involved (Agbalajobi, 2010).

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© 2020 IJRAR August 2020, Volume 7, Issue 3 “Men want to ...ijrar.org/papers/IJRAR19S1533.pdf · (Connell, 2014; O’Reilly, 2012). Some of the entitlements that majority of men