Legacy of Slavery and Indentured Labour

Linking the Past with the FutureConference on Slavery, Indentured Labour, Migration, Diaspora

and Identity Formation.June 18th – 23th, 2018 , Paramaribo, Suriname

Org. IGSR& Faculty of Humanities and IMWO, in collaboration with Nat. Arch. Sur.

Legacy of Slavery and Indentured Labour, 2018I. Roemer

Ethnic relations and ethnocentrism in Suriname: The perception of Javanese on other ethnic groups

Until recently the Javanese in Suriname were the third largest ethnic group in Suriname. The Javanese came to this country as indentured laborers’ during the period 1890-1939. Previously they lived predominantly in rural districts, but during the last five decades they gradually migrated to urban areas. Because of their late arrival, and their economic status, they were one of the most disadvantaged groups in the Surinamese society. After the Second World War, they gradually underwent a process of emancipation and integration in the larger society, although they preserved their culture for a long time, firstly due to isolation, now through policy. Although Suriname is a relatively peaceful and tolerant society, prejudices of members of the ethno-cultural groups about each other do exist. My research is part of a larger project on ethnic relations and ethnocentrism in Suriname. My paper deals with the relations between Javanese and other larger ethnic groups and focuses on the perception of Javanese about other groups. I have used qualitative and quantitative methods, among which a survey among Javanese in Paramaribo and the district of Wanica during the period 2015- 2017.The quantitative research took place among 100 respondents while 16 people in different age groups (18-60 years and older) were surveyed for qualitative research.My research can be considered somewhat as an update of a similar research carried out in 1992 by M. Ligeon. Although this research was carried out amongst all ethnic groups, but was limited to urban areas near Paramaribo.

The structure of the paper is as follows:

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In this paper I have used scientific sources and newspaper articles, additional to the data that I have collected in the field research mentioned above. In the first chapter I talk about the interethnic relations in the past between Javanese on the one hand and Creoles, Hindus and Maroons on the other. The perspectives of different researchers on Javanese have been gathered on the period previous to the Second World War and after, , marriages of Javanese in the past, and prejudices generating from this ethnic group on Creoles, Hindus and Maroons.

The second chapter deals mainly with the results of quantitative and qualitative research. Attention has been paid to the inter-ethnic relations of the Javanese with the Creoles, Hindus and Maroons. Aspects that have been considered in this context are residence, invitations to each other for social gatherings outside the office, and interethnic marriages. Furthermore, we discussed the question of whether we can speak about ethnocentrism in relation to the Javanese in their relationship with the three previously mentioned ethnic groups.The image that Javanese have about Creoles, Hindus, Maroons and themselves is also described.This chapter mainly contains the results from the field research carried out in Paramaribo and the Wanica district.In the third chapter I look at the contribution of the Javanese to the process of nation formation in our country.

Chapter 1: Interethnic relations between Javanese on the one hand and Creoles, Hindus and Maroons on the other.

1.1 Impression of post-war writers about the Javanese population before 1940 Van Traa who researched the Javanese immigrants during the WO II era, compared them with the British Indians on various points, for example; their work performance was less than that of the Brittan’s and they lacked the incentives to make use of the opportunity to gather some extra income (Van Traa 1946: 41). The choice they made for domain land when their contract ended (instead of a return passage to Java) was, according to van Traa, motivated by the minimum effort with which they wanted to provide for their livelihood. The fact that they had little chance of improvement of their social position did not affect them much (Van Traa 1946: 49).Ismael concluded in his study: the immigration of Indonesians in Surinam, stated that all the standards about the Indonesian immigrant have been judged in literature (Ismael 1949, 151).The opinion generally implies, as mentioned above, that the Javanese was willing and servile, worked very accurately, but did little to promote economic progress.The Javanese did not want to work longer than necessary and they preferred to spend their free time on entertainment and festive meals.Ismael said that these statements about the Javanese corresponded with reality, but never an explanation was given for this behavior, either verbally or in writing.The mere observation of facts that were not placed against a certain background, meant that people almost always came to a negative assessment of the Javanese workers. (Ismael 1949: 153).

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Ismael did give an explanation for the so-called "undesirable behavior" of the Javanese workers in Suriname, referring to the situation in Java among the farmers both before and after the arrival of the Europeans (Ismael 1949: 153).Before the arrival of the Europeans the worker produced entirely for himself and his family on his own field. The contact with Western culture created new needs and obligations, such as taxes that had to be paid in money, to the agricultural society on Java. The introduction of money in the dessa economics changed the production methods. In many cases, the farmer was hired out as a wage worker in the service of the European to make money, while growing his field for his livelihood. If the designated amount of money was earned, he would no longer work for profit, but returned to his dessa to work his ground (Ismael 1949, 153-154).

Van Lier also compares Hindustan and Javanese farmers with each other. He is of the opinion that the Javanese took a more passive position in the adaptation process (Van Lier 1949: 163).The Hindu family preferred to work independently after their contract, while the Javanese hired himself out as a wage laborer. The Hindu state previously produced for the domestic market from a profit motive while the Javanese only produced to cover his needs, which were relatively small (van Lier 1949; 174-175).Van Lier also observes the Javanese against the background of De Kom's actions in 1933, during which they were present in large numbers. The Javanese continued to believe in the activities of De Kom, including the rumors of a previewed return to Java, because according to Van Lier they were subject to collective suggestion (Van Lier 1949: 280).

With regard to the fifties in the twentieth century, some writers are highlighted who wrote on this ethnic group in the publication: “What did the planters and other population groups think about the Javanese from 1890 to 1980?" published by Derveld.The writers Van Wengen and Superlan appear to continue the positive pre-war views about Javanese. They stand behind the general judgment that Javanese were a quiet and friendly people who were very fond of cleanliness. Van Wengen and Superlan believe that the above-mentioned positive views about Javanese related to their culture in which harmony in the interpersonal relationships is a highly addressed state (Derveld 1982; 32).De Waal-Malefijt continued the view that regarding to Javanese there was no great effort to work hard and they lacked economic stimulus. The explanation she gives for this is that relative economic prosperity was of minor importance for differences in status within Javanese society. Their value system emphasized equality and harmony (Derveld 1981: 111)

In the period of contract labor, the different ethnic groups lived together peacefully, developing both positive and negative views about each other. In general, the Creoles looked down on contract workers and their descendants (L. Gobardhan and others 1993; 97). The Javanese, but also the Hindus did not become so easily integrated into society and sought security in their own group through ethnic associations and organizing their own social, cultural and religious

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activities. After the Second World War, the image formation that the different groups had on each other, became increasingly nuanced because there was more inter-cultural contact.

I.2 Weddings of Javanese in the past In research several writers have shed light on interethnic relations and marriages between Javanese men and women and partners from the three populations in question.It should be noted that the Maroon group was hardly brought into relation with the other population groups at the time. This may be due to the fact that the Maroons then lived mainly in the interior. In fact, in the past, Javanese, like the Hindus, preferred to marry people from their own group; mixed marriages took place, but sporadically (Kaulesar Sukul, 1948: 92). Already in 1899 a marriage was concluded between an Indonesian woman and a British Indian immigrant (Ismael 1949: 121). Conversely, marriages between Javanese men and women from the other population groups almost never occurred in the past and this despite the large shortage of women. Ismael compares this phenomenon with the situation in Indonesia at the time when Indonesian women married Europeans, Chinese, Arabs and other outsiders, but a marriage between an Indonesian man and a wife of another landowner hardly ever occurred.??Javanese parents would rather not partner up their children to non-Javanese, but this was especially true for Creoles. This was due to the fact that they believed that in children from ethnically mixed relationships the physical characteristics of the non-Javanese are dominant, which mainly applied to mixing with Creoles. This is not consistent with their perception of who a Javanese is, but it also breaks the line of offspring of Javanese origin (Superlan, 1976: 96).With descendants from a Javanese and a Creole parent, there appeared to be a grade of acceptance in the group as long as the Javanese culture was adhered to, meaning that they had to speak the language, have Javanese behavior towards elder Javanese, and master Javanese etiquette, which they got to know from the mother, relatives of the mother and friends, the neighborhood and the workplace. Initially, however, they were categorized asCreoles because of their external bodily characteristics (Superlan1976: 98).

Regarding the intimate relations of Javanese with other population groups, extra-marital relations and concubinage have also been taken into consideration, since this phenomenon was a reality since the emergence of Surinamese society, and manifested itself not only during the time of slavery but also later on, even though it was to a lesser extent noticeable amongst the contract laborers and their descendants.For example, Derveld points out that secret intimate relation between Hindustani men and Javanese women from Tamanredjo occurred frequently (Derveld 1981: 116), but marriages between Javanese women and Hindustani men also occurred.

Weddings between Hindustani women and Javanese men, however, were unthinkable at the time. Concubinage was mainly happening in Paramaribo and between different ethnic groups.This phenomenon developed through processes of adaptation in which Creole behavioral practices were adopted and expressed in social relations among parts of Hindustani’s and

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Javanese (Superlan, 1976: 93). In Paramaribo, norms and values of the Creole population group appeared to be dominant in certain respects.The Creoles formed the largest population group until 1972. For example in 1950, 69.8% of the population in Paramaribo consisted of Creoles, 18% of Hindus, 5.1% of Javanese and 0% of Maroons (see Appendix no. 3).

1.3 Prejudices in Javanese, Creole, Hindustani and Maroon Generally, we can state that prejudices in Surinamese society are related to the pluriform nature of society. Some prejudices seem to have an extremely long life, such as: the negro is lazy, the coolie lies and the Javanese steals (Pos, 1996: 1). From the start of the arrival of the first indentured servants until after the Second World War, the Javanese migrants generally had a rather negative image of both the Creoles and the Hindus. As mentioned earlier this course of events developed when they were working together on the plantations with Creoles, Hindus and Javanese, albeit in part.The stereotypes were transferred to the younger generation in the Javanese at certain cultural gatherings such as the lek, lek an. From interviews conducted by Derveld in June and July 1978 in Tamanredjo about the views of Javanese towards Creoles and Hindus, the following appears:- Creoles were generally rough and speaking too loudly; they often seek out fights and as already cited they treat the Javanese with contempt while the Javanese treated them and the East Indians nice and friendly.- Creoles have an unpleasant body odor. They, like Hindustanis, would not pay sufficient attention to the hygiene of their body.- Creoles are intellectually less fortunate in contrast to their physical strength.- Lazy creoles are adverse to farming. Thanks to the Javanese and the Hindustani, the Creoles did not have to go hungry.-Creoles do not behave very responsibly when it comes to money, which was also mentioned by Javanese. Creoles spend all their money on women and celebrations.-Creoles do not display a loving upbringing of their children; the children get a beating often and they are shouted at, which turns out to be a normal upbringing pattern. -And finally, the Javanese do not like the appearance of Creoles, specifically their skin color and the frizzy hair.

The following prejudices have been put forward about the Hindu population group including the immigrants in Alkmaar:- Hindustanis are stingy and capable of doing everything, even to their own family, to get money.- East Indians are very economical and, unlike Creoles and Javanese, spend very little.-They are cunning, and, like the Creoles, beat their children.- According to tradition, the labor power of the Javanese was abused when they offered their labor to them (WHO); this often in situations where they left the plantation without permission.

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However, the prejudices, as mentioned in paragraph 1, have not prevented inter-ethnic marriages and relations between Hindustanis and Javanese. In the past, Maroon groups have hardly come into contact to form relationships with the three major populations in studies on relations between ethnic groups. In Derveld's research, it turned out that Javanese, when questioned about which ethnic group in Suriname they considered the most beautiful, the Maroons came in last place (Derveld 1981; 115).

Chapter 2. Inter-ethnic relations of Javanese with other ethnic groups in Suriname, namely the creoles, Hindustani and Maroons.

2.1 The residence Ethnicity is a reality in the Suriname context in both the public and the private sphere.It influences for instance our partner choice, our language, our religion, mostly the choice of our politic party and de preference of the venue of our residence.

Paramaribo, the capital, has more different ethnic groups than any other city in the Caribbean. At the beginning of the twentieth century more Hindustanis and Javanese settled in Paramaribo in search for a better life and better education for their children. Paramaribo became even more ethnically diverse when groups from the interior, the Amerindians and the Maroons, settled there. Even today it receives new immigrants , from Guyana since the seventies, Haiti, Brasilia and China (New Chinese who are different from the ones that came here in the 19e century). For a long time Creoles, Hindustanis and Javanese were the three main ethnic groups in Paramaribo and in Suriname. According to the census of 2012 the Maroons are nowadays the third largest group in Paramaribo instead of the Javanese. The district of Wanica has a larger Javanese population than Paramaribo. The largest ethnic group in Wanica is the Hindustani.Like Paramaribo, Wanica has a diversity of ethnic and cultural groups.In all the districts of Suriname ethnic groups live concentrated in different parts of an area as well as mixed in one place. The Survey of Ligeon has shown us that Creoles, Hindustanis and Javanese do not like living with many Maroons in their neighborhood (BRON).

Table 1 Choice of residence by Javanese inhabitants

7% do not choose a neighborhood with many creoles (Afro-Surinamese)3% do not choose a neighborhood with many Hindustanis23% do not choose a neighborhood with many Javanese26% do not choose a neighborhood with many Maroons2% do not choose a neighborhood with many Indigenous people1% do not choose a neighborhood with mixed races.for 38% it does not matter.

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Source: Ethnicity survey 2015 - 2017 IGSR/FdHUM

The table above shows that the majority of the Javanese respondents still do not like living in a neighborhood with many Maroons.

2.2. Contacts out of school and the work atmosphere In this research, ethnic preference is tested in the private sphere on 2 topics, namely; accepting and sending invitations to the own and other ethnic groups. The following gradations were used: sometimes, often and always.The tables below show the percentages:

Table nummer??? Responding to invitations from the other and your own ethnic group (based on age) Gradation (Always)

Ethnicity 16-25jr 26-35jr 36-50jr 51-60jr 61+Creole 26.3% 23.4% 20.3% 17.9% 22.7%

Hindustani 36.8% 22.4% 28.3% 50.0% 45.5%

Javanese 26.3% 22.1% 22.1% 33.8% 26.9%Marroons

30.4% 27.3% 21.3% 17.6% 10.6%

The Javanese surveyed would in the first place respond to an invitation from the Hindustani. Javanese come to second place with them ???. There are no noteworthy differences between the age categories.

Responding to invitations from the other and your own ethnic group(what is your highest school education). Gradation (Always)

Ethnicitynone Primary

educationVOJ VOS HBO Bachelor Doctoral

Creole20.0% 13.3% 23.7% 21.4% 38.5% 33.3%

Hindustani

22.2% 43.9% 36.6% 28.2% 29.6% 27.8%

Javanese 36.4% 22.4% 25.0% 24.5% 29.6% 27.8% 50%Marroon

40.0% 10.2% 21.4% 24.5% 29.6% 33.3%

Source: Ethnicity survey 2015 - 2017 IGSR / FdHUM

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As in the above, there is no major influence of the school education. An exception is that the highest score at the highest degree is doctoral. ???The dates of reciprocal invitations to private parties must also be placed against the background of inviting other ethnic groups and certainly of the neighbors is a custom in Suriname.

Invitations to someone from the other and your own ethnic group(what is your age). Gradation (Always)

Ethnicity 16-25jr 26-35jr 36-50jr 51-60jr 61+Creole 28.1% 32.9% 27.0% 24.2% 30.3%Hindustani 44.6% 40.3% 34.1% 58.8% 47.8%

Javanese 26.8% 30.7% 23.0% 32.8% 32.8%Marroons 30.4% 30.3% 25.4% 22.7% 19.7%

Source: Etniciteitsonderzoek 2015 – 2017 IGSR/FdHUM

The figures above show that Hindus are the first ethnic group to always be invited. People in the 51-60 year age group score highest when it comes to partying with other ethnic groups.

Invitations to someone from the other and your own ethnic group (what is your highest school education). ( Gradation (Always)

EthnicityEducation Primary

educationVOJ VOS HBO Bachelor Doctoral

Creole 20.0% 16.5% 31.3% 34.3% 38.5% 29.4% 50.0%Hindustani

18.2% 53.1% 44.3% 37.9% 29.6% 38.9% 50.0%

Javanese 36.4% 24.2% 28.8% 29.7% 30.8% 27.8%Maroons 30.0% 12.2% 28.8% 32.7% 29.6% 29.4%

Source: Etniciteitsonderzoek 2015 – 2017 IGSR/FdHUM

If we look at the table above, school education is generally not of much influence on this subject. However, a score of 50% has been achieved regarding the invitation from Creoles and East Indians.

2.3 Interethnic marriages

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All ethnic groups would prefer to choose partner from their own ethnic group. In the study of Ligeon Creole, Hindustan and Javanese are most opposed to a marriage of their child with a maroon or indigenous (Bron). Parents had the slightest objection to a marriage with a Hindustani.Creoles and East Indians have little objection to a Javanese partner for their child.The data of the research (De Bruyne & Schalkwijk) below that was held in the 90’s of the last century shows us that people from the 4 largest ethnic groups usually marry within their own ethnic group:Creole 82%Hindustani 92%Javanese 92% Maroon 95%Table Ethnicity of the partner in married couples or those with a lasting relationship

Ethnicity Creole Hindustani Javanese Maroon Other

Creole 48.9% 1% 4 % 5% 13%Hindustani 1 % 93.3% 1 % 0 % 2%Javanese 4 % 1% 82,5% 1 % 4%Maroon 5% 0 % 0% 86% 0%t

Source: Etniciteitsonderzoek 2015 – 2017 IGSR/FdHUM

The data above is collected by myself. Compared to the data in the Schalkwijk study, there is a slight decrease amongst the Javanese in terms of partner choice within their own group.Based on the census of 2012 the Javanese mixing in Paramaribo takes place most with Chinese, (17.8%) followed by Creoles (10.6%).It can be noticed further that the majority of the mixed persons are offspring of a mixed father and a mixed mother (68.1%). In the past relationships between Javanese men and women of other races were unthinkable. The census of 2012 shows us that we now encounter frequent interethnic relations with the Javanese man.Just like in Paramaribo, the Javanese in Wanica mix the most with Chinese (35%) and further with the Hindustani (23.5%). Also in Wanica the majority of mixed people are the offspring of a mixed father and a mixed mother (57.5%).We can conclude that in regards to the ethnic groups that are the object of this study the Javanese are the most mixed with the Hindustanis, followed by the Creoles and to a lesser extent with the Maroons.

2.4 E thnocentrism in the Javanese community The contacts between de different ethnic groups is effected by the phenomenon of ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism can be explained as the fact that an ethnic group assigns itself with the best qualities opposite/contrary to other ethnic groups. The culture of other groups is judged from their own perspectives, standards and values. In my survey I have used the Likert-scale method;

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this method gives us the opportunity to measure very sensitive topics. In table 1 and table 2 you find the results of the survey respectively regarding the negative and positive human qualities.Overall the respondents were confronted with 24 negative and 12 positive human qualities.

Table 1 : Negative qualities mentioned by all Javanese respondents towards people from another ethnicity. ( N=100) in percentages.

about Creoles about Hindustani about Javanese about Maroons

Alcoholism 3% 95% 1% 0%

Eagerness 26% 53% 1% 14%

Laziness 66% 4% 4% 19%

Greed 24% 54% 5% 7%

Nepotism 16% 67% 6% 1%

Discrimination 14% 68% 3% 4%

Violence 29% 31% 1% 42%

Politically unreliable

17% 19% 37% 6%

Rich because of drug trafficing

30,7% 50.2% 1.1% 8.8%

Gambling/game 13,5% 20,2% 65.2% 1.1%

Non-nationalistic

33.7% 47% 2.4% 16,9%

Source: ethnicity survey 2015-2017 IGSR/FdHUM The data above shows us that most of the respondents think that laziness is the worst quality of Creoles (66%); more than 50% of all the age groups and education categories carry this opinion. In the in-depth interviews less than half of the respondents agreed to this. They argued with examples like: - The jobless youth and drifters of this ethnic group in the streets as a result of laziness.- They want to earn easy money. One respondent thinks it is a way of protest after the period of slavery experienced by their ancestors.62,5% of the respondents does not agree with the prejudice expressed in this case. They propose that the negative prejudice among the various ethnic groups is a consequence of colonial thought.

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Some mention that all groups contain lazy people. In the table, we see that some respondents also mentioned other negative qualities of such a group, as more than 50% thinks they were always late for a date (67%), they do not comply with their appointment. They spend more than what they earn (55%).Concerning the Hindustani, alcoholism was the worst quality (95 %). This was the opinion of more than 90% of all age and education categories. In the in-depth interviews 37,5% agreed with this statement with arguments that they have experienced such behavior in their neighborhood and the escalation of alcoholism under the men as how we perceive it through the media. Other negative qualities of Hindustanis that were mentioned are: handing over bribes to gain a successful outcome, discrimination, greediness, miserliness and nepotism.

The worst quality Javanese mention that they apply to themselves, is gambling. That is particularly the opinion of the older Javanese in the group of 26- 60 year, because the youngest group thinks that especially the Hindustanis like to gamble. In the in-depth interviews 43% of the respondents affirm the gambling habits of the Javanese.Another negative quality the Javanese mention they have is unreliability in national politics (37%). It is remarkable that although this is an issue in the community after the last elections in 2015, less than 50 % agreed with this opinion about Javanese politicians.In the in-depth interviews 37,5% don’t have any opinion about this issue while on the other hand 37,5% agreed with the result of the survey. 25% of the respondents are against the statement of political unreliability; an important argument for them is that this is a prejudice towards the group of Javanese because all the others will do the same thing as can be seen in Suriname’s political history. In the case of the Maroons the Javanese think that their violent behavior is their worst quality. It is remarkable that only 20% of the youngest group of Javanese agree with this opinion. Especially the respondents who have had secondary education have this view about Maroons. 50% of the questioned people in the in-depth interviews have several reasons for understanding the statement about violence on the Maroons. Some of the reasons are: they can’t find jobs, lack of counseling after the Interior War by the Jungle Commando against the government.

Table 2 : Positive qualities mention by all respondents. (N=100) in percentagesabout

Creolesabout

Hindustaniabout

Javaneseabout

Maroons

Hard working labourers 11% 51% 28% 4%

Honest/reliable 4% 10% 70% 3%

Tolerant 2% 3% 84% 1%

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Polite/good manners

1% 8% 79% -

Non discrimination 9% 4% 70% 1%

Thrifty 1% 87% 9% -

Progress through study 2% 85% 7% 3%

Support each other 2% 40% 51% -

Pleasant in contacts 19% 6% 59% 1%

Source: ethnicity survey 2015 – 2017 IGSR/FdHUM

Table 2 shows us that Creoles and Maroons booked low percentages in general on the positive qualities. Only Hindustanis reach high scores in 3 qualities as being diligent laborers, progress by study (85%) and thrift (87%). Javanese notice for themselves only 3 positive qualities, namely progress by study (7%), thrift (9%), and working hard.The most positive qualities of Javanese scored, is their tolerance to other ethnic groups. The conclusion is correct that Javanese look at themselves as the group with the best qualities and at the same time the group with the smallest amount of negative qualities. The question is how far we can speak about ethnocentrism under the Javanese in Suriname if we think about the definition of ethnocentrism such as described above. Does the positive self-image of the Javanese go hand in hand with a negative attitude towards Creoles, Hindustanis and Maroons? These might be socially required answers to support the imagery of their own group.

Towards the Creoles The interviewed people have scored for only 4 of the 24 negative qualities -as earlier discussed- more than 50%. On the other hand we have seen that there are very low scores for the positive qualities toward this group. So we can conclude that there is some attitude of ethnocentricity.

Towards the HindustanisThe interviewed people have mentioned 11 negative qualities with high scores. Except for earlier discussed qualities, we can still observe the following results.Negative qualities are: takes bribes (73%), gives job preference to people of Hindustani back ground (69%), sweet talks for advantage (68%), egoism (56%) and rich because of drugs (53%). Positive qualities with high score we have discussed before. The Javanese has the most negative view of the Hindustanis. On the other hand they attribute the most positive qualities to the Hindustani. We can state that there is also some ethnocentrism attitude towards the Hindustani community.

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Towards the Maroons : 2 negative qualities, around 50%, are that they carry a bad body odor (57%) and that they are criminals (42%). The issue of a bad body odor is stuck despite education. Especially the older and higher educated Javanese labeled the maroons as criminals. The results of measuring positive qualities are early discussed above. Just like the Creoles and Hindustanis we have seen some ethnocentrism attitude against the Maroons.

So we can state that according to ethnocentrism the Javanese consider themselves in generallyas the group with the best qualities and on the other hand the group with a minimum of negative qualities. In general both older and younger Javanese show a negative attitude against Hindustanis and Creoles. Regarding Maroons we saw that the negative attitudes were strongest with the older and highly educated Javanese. In line with the theory of Tajfel and Turner a positive attitude to the own group goes together with the negative qualities attributed to another group. In this case we talk about ethnocentrism. The point is that they do not have a predominantly negative image of the other groups.There is a negative connection between a positive attitude to the own group and a negative attitude regarding other groups. Earlier the survey of Verberk, Scheepers & Hassankhan stated that a positive attitude to the own group was very high in the case of the Javanese.However Ligeon concluded in her survey that the positive attitude to the own group and the negative attitude to other groups must be rejected also for the Javanese (Ligeon, 92; 79).

2.5 The view of Javanese about Creoles, Hindustanis and Maroons.

2.5.1 CreolesIn the past the Javanese did not have a positive opinion of Creoles as well as Hindustanis.This fact was rooted in the period of plantation labor, where according to them their ancestorswere injured and humiliated by the other predominant ethnic groups. They assume that they themselves are the most polite people measured against the two other ethnic group on the plantation. However compared with Indonesia there was less politeness in Suriname. In Suriname they were Wong Kasar (rude people) (Superlan, 1976: 95). Research of the sixties shows us that Javanese were attractive for creoles above other ethnic group because of their physical beauty and their kindness.

Table Creole attitude towards Javanese and HindustanisPositive Negative Neutral No opinion

Javanese 76,3% 3,5% 18,8% 11,4%

Hindustanis 2,8% 83,3% 13,9% -%

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Source: (Renselaar 1963;103)

Table Hindustani attitude towards Javanese and Creoles.Positive Negative Neutral No opinion

Javanese 76,0% 3,0% 1,0% 18,0%

Creoles 9,5% 63% 9,5% 16,0%

Source: (Renselaar 1963;103)

It can be remarked that since the survey of Speckman and Renselaar took place twenty years earlier, maybe the Javanese would not get such an affectionate judgment from the Creoles and the Hindustanis. In those days the prisons in Suriname were filled with Javanese criminals, they were known as kapoe’sma (hacking people) (Pos, 1996: 6).Ligeon’s survey noticed the following images of Javanese about Creoles: they use drugs, waste their money, and want power with little effort. The only positive thing in their opinions of the Creoles is that socializing with them is a pleasant activity (Ligeon, 1992: 65).

The response in the present survey means that the Javanese are the most pleasant group to be in touch with. Still Creoles compared to other ethnic groups are more favorable for the Javanese.On our question to which population group the Javanese give the most appreciation, the score for the own group was highest, while for the Maroons they had the least appreciation.

In the paragraph about ethnocentrism the take of Javanese on the other different groups is already largely discussed in this text. Additionally, it can be stated that Creoles are perceived as more reliable from a political point of view.Our quantitative research has shown that the most negative image Javanese have about Creoles is that they are lazy, while the most positive image has to do with the fact that Creoles are pleasant to deal with.

2.5.2 HindustanisThe survey of Ligeon gives us the following view of Javanese about Hindustanis:Hindustanis: drink a lot of alcohol in general and are not to be trusted. Furthermore they are affectedly. What they find positive in Hindustanis is that they work hard and they are economical in saving their money (Ligeon 1992: 65). If we look at the table in section 5.4.4 there are hardly any changes in this aspect with regard to the Hindustani population group. Finally, Javanese show (themselves excluded) the most appreciation for the Hindus as an ethnic group.

2.5.3 MarroonsThe 1992 Ligeaon study shows that according to Javanese Maroons smell badly and are uncivilized. Furthermore, they might harm other people through magic and they are lazy by

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narture. As a positive characteristic it has been cited that they are good healers (Ligeon 1992; 65). In my research, the most notorious negative characteristic of the Maroons is that they are called being violent and have an unsavory body odor. It should be noted that the differences in percentages that Javanese mention the aspect of violence in Hindustanis and Creoles is not very large, namely 31% and 29% respectively, while for the Javanese themselves, as mentioned earlier in this study, only 1% is noted. The respondents seem to have the least appreciation for the Maroons.

The self-image of the JavaneseLigeon’s research notes, as ethnic image of Javanese, about themselves: Javanese are a submissive people, they are cunning and adapt easily; they are neat, but ignorant. In the section on ethnocentrism the positive self-image of Javanese has already been put forward on the basis of the present research. In conclusion, it can be said that they find the most positive characteristics in themselves, and say they are pleasant to deal with (46%). The least positive treat they mention is their tendency to gossip (12%). In the in-depth interviews, ‘strei libi’ (37.5%) and being satisfied easily (31.3%) are often mentioned.As far as the positive qualities are concerned, we can conclude that Javanese generally regard themselves as the population group with the best characteristics and also the group with the least bad qualities. The positive self-image of Javanese that emerged from this study can be further supplemented with characteristics such as their appearance as a unit in society (49%), their patriotism by which they achieve the highest percentage (36%), and most likable as a population group in our country (49%) is also attributed to them.

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Chapter 3. The contribution of the Javanese to nation building in our country

In a large proportion of Javanese, homesickness always prevailed and they felt a continues urge to go back to Indonesia, where they came from.1 This phenomenon is known as the return thought. According to Van Lier, the Javanese suffered most from this emotion, compared to the other ex-immigrants (Lier van, 1984: 302). Homesickness was mainly the motive for the older migrants, but with regard to the younger migrants the urge for new opportunities in the newly founded society and their new environment prevailed. The urge to return was strongly influenced by the independence struggle of Indonesia. This had a politicizing influence on the Javanese in Suriname and as soon as Indonesia became independent many Javanese wanted to go back to Java. Against this background, Iding Soemita (1908-2001) founded the Kaum Tani Persatuan Indonesia (KTPI) in 1948 with the slogan Mulih n Djawa (back home, Java).

Already in the founding year, a group led by Salikin Hardjo (1910-1993) separated from the party and founded the Pergerakan Bangsa Indonesia Surinam (Bond of Indonesians in Suriname)The newspaper ‘De Surinamer’ for example reports in the article "What 1954 will bring to Nickerie" that the withdrawal of Indonesians from Suriname also had a negative impact on Nickerie.With the first trip, 52 families - a total of 200 people - were among the best farmers in the district. There was no lack of land because they were given the opportunity to qualify for land in the Clarapolder Section D, possibly also in the Nannipolder. According to the newspaper, the government thought seriously about taking measures to keep the Indonesians in the country (De Surinamer, January 13, 1954, 4).Some families underwent separations, because for financial reasons for example, a part of the family or certian family members would join the first trip while the rest of the family would follow later. The second trip, however, never came. The daily newspaper “De Surinamer” learned from private correspondence that the situation of the Javanese who left with the first (and as already known the last) trip was not rosy.They complained that life was very expensive, and that people could only afford to eat rice with vegetables. There was a lot of hard work to be done and most people only earned 8 to 10 Rupiah (f 2.50 to f4, - Surinamese Cour.). The news about the failure of Tongar reached the potential returning emigrants in Suriname and this was an important reason why no second shipment with returning people left Suriname.2 On the contrary, a few returned from Tongar to Suriname.According to Hardjo, the desire to return to the homeland was an explanatory factor for the fact that the Javanese were less eager to fight for progress.Leaders with a broader vision who sincerely wanted to lead them to progress were never very successful. People preferred to massively join movements that used the slogan "back to Java" (Hardjo in Breunissen 2001: 170).

1 Previously named Dutch East-India (Nederlands Oost-Indie). 2 Tongar =

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Incidentally, the Indonesian representation in Suriname since the recognition of the Republic of Indonesia in 1949 encouraged the Netherlands??, Surinamese Javanese to stay in Suriname and integrate as citizens. The return concept seemed to play a role in the history of our country shortly before the independence of Suriname, when a large number of Javanese migrated to the Netherlands.The political leader Salam Somohardjo who opposed the proclamation of the independence of Suriname, called on his supporters to leave en masse to the Netherlands to preserve their Dutch nationality, in order to continue to be entitled to Dutch social security benefits. Hundreds of Javanese responded to his call. He himself mobilized a large group mainly from the district of Commewijne to leave for the Netherlands.

3.1 The national feeling among the Javanese populationOn the basis of a number of questions we posed to the survey with regard to the nationalistic feelings in our country, we can outline the following picture;

Question score1. Does Suriname represents itelf as a proud country to you: (yes) 95%2. I am willing to make sacrifices for my country (yes). 89%3. If I get the chance, am I prepared to leave Suriname (no). 89%

Earlier in Chapter 2 it was cited that the Javanese consider themselves the most patriotic of the ethnic groups. In contrast, the question is: ‘which ethnic group has the most negative characteristic of non-national behavior’ the most applicable is for the Javanese group with a low score noted of 2%.In the depth interviews I repeatedly encountered a reaction of surprise when I asked the question why people call themselves ‘Javanese’. The reaction was mostly that one is a citizen of Suriname in the first place.

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