Upload
fabricio-mello
View
15
Download
0
Tags:
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
1/25
Stichproben.WienerZeitschriftfrkritischeAfrikastudienNr.20/2011,11.Jg.,6993.
69
Ethnonationalistmovementsand
politicalmobilisationinAfrica:
TheNigeria
experience
(1990
2003)
KehindeOlusolaOlayode
Abstract:
ContemporarysocialmovementsinAfricaareshruggingoffstate
patronagein
order
to
reconstruct
the
substance
and
direction
of
locallevel development. They are also addressing issues of
emancipation, empowerment and social transformation. The
mobilisation of marginalised groups for political struggles,
resistance to dominant groups within the state, and the
importance attributed to participatorymodels of their activities
have demonstrated that African social movements are
increasinglybecomingpolitical.
Againstthis
background
analysis,
four
ethno
regional
organisations in Nigeria are examined in the study. These
organizationsaretheMovementfortheSurvivalofOgoniPeople
(MOSOP);EgbeAfenifere (Societyof the loversofgood things);
OhanaezeNdigbo (Igbo Citizens Assembly) and, the Arewa
Consultative Forum (ACF). The study attempts to answer the
followingquestions:howstrongareethnonationalistmovements
in influencing the direction of political struggles? Are ethno
nationalist
movements
enhancing
popular
participation
through
engaging the state,or simply extricating their constituents from
statehegemony?Whichsocialclassesaremobilisedinthecourse
ofpoliticalstruggleand the strategiesused inmobilisation?The
study was conducted at first hand in Nigeria employing a
qualitative approach involving desk reviews, interviews,
engagementwithlocaldebatesandtheuseofarchivalmaterials.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
2/25
Stichproben70
Introduction
The forces of economic globalisation and democratisation underlie the
politicalturbulenceacrossAfricainthelastdecadeofthetwentiethcentury,
asvariousgroupsstruggled tosurviveeconomichardshipanddemandeddemocratic reforms. The partial retreat of the state amidst the external
impositionofeconomicliberalisationopenedupspacefornewautonomous
formsoforganization,manyofwhichavoidedquestionsofpoliticalpower
andsought localsolutions togrowingeconomicandsocialdecline.Party
statesbecamemorewilling to tolerate socialmovement initiativeswhich
might alleviate problems they were unable to address. It was in these
strugglesthatAfricansocialmovementsblossomed, therebystrengthening
civilsocietys
efficacy,
but
at
the
same
time,
they
also
deepened
centrifugal
forces.
FromtheNigerianexperience,thepaperarguesthatbeyondthecivicpublic
realm, therearevastnetworksofsocialmovementswhosecapacitieshave
hardlybeenmeasured in academic research. Operating at this level are
numerous informal grassroots associations ranging from revolving credit
unions, vigilante groups, religious sects, neighbourhood associations, co
operative societies, traditional musical groups and ethnoregional
movements.The
character
of
social
movements
in
Africa
has
shifted
significantly in the 1980s and 1990s (Olayode 2004: 56f). Contemporary
socialmovementsareshruggingoffstatepatronageinordertoreconstruct
the substance and direction of locallevel development. They are also
addressingissuesofemancipation,empowermentandsocialtransformation.
Themobilisationofmarginalisedgroupsforpoliticalstruggles,resistanceto
dominant groupswithin the state, and the importance attributed to the
participatorymodeloftheiractivitieshasdemonstratedthatAfricansocial
movementsare
increasingly
becoming
political
(Olayode
2004:
258f).
Against this background analysis, four ethnoregional organizations in
Nigeriaareexamined in thestudy.Theseorganizationsare theMovement
for theSurvivalofOgoniPeople (MOSOP);EgbeAfenifere (Societyof the
loversofgoodthings);OhanaezeNdigbo(IgboCitizensAssembly);andthe
ArewaConsultativeForum(ACF).Thegroupswereselectedinviewofthe
formidablerolestheyareplayinginpoliticalmobilisationoftheirrespective
ethnicgroupsinNigeria.Thesegroupsstartedobviouslyassociocultural
organizationswithin
groups
that
felt
marginalised,
and
have
become
political pressure movements. Their strategies for empowerment and
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
3/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 71
struggleevolvedinpoliticallyandsociallyrepressivesettings.Thefocuson
ethnonationalist movements is informed by the strong bond to ethnic
sentiments, which is widespread in most African countries. Ethnic
affiliations havebeenmanipulatedby political leaders as instruments ofmobilisationinsociopoliticalstruggles.
The study attempts to answer the following questions: How strong are
ethnonationalist movements in influencing the direction of political
struggles? Which social classes are mobilised in the course of political
struggleandwhatmobilisationstrategiesdo theyuse?Do theactivitiesof
ethnonationalistmovements transcendethnoregional interests?Whatare
thelimitationsofethnonationalistmovementsindemocratisationstruggles?
Thestudy
was
conducted
at
first
hand
in
Nigeria
employing
aqualitative
approach involvingdesk reviews,engagementwith localdebatesand the
use of archival materials. Although, the study focuses largely on the
Nigerian experience, it was informed by diverse experiences of ethno
nationalism inmanyAfrican countries, notably, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan,
CongoandEthiopia.Thefindingsandconclusionsofthestudyarelikelyto
resonatewith theexperienceofotherAfricancountriesbecauseof similar
socioeconomicandpoliticalexperiences.
TheoreticalConsideration
Voluntaryorganizationsorassociations thatdonotseekstatepowerhave
been conceived of as civil society, drawing onHegelian notions of the
relationshipbetweenthemodernstateandsocietyundercapitalism.Fowler
(2002:287300)describescivil societyasanarea forvoluntary formaland
informal collective citizen engagement distinct from families, state and
profit seeking organizations. In the broadest sense, civil society
encompassesall
social,
economic,
cultural
and
political
relations,
but
the
emphasisisusuallyonthepoliticalaspectsoftheserelations.
Included in civil society are variety of social movements, village and
neighbourhood associations, womens groups, religious groupings,
intellectuals,thepressandothermedia,civicorganizations,associationsof
professionals,entrepreneurs,andemployees,whosepurposesanddirection
arenotcontrolledby the institutionsof state (Hawthron2002:276).Social
movementsarecollectiveeffortsonthepartofexcludedgroups,topromote
orresist
changes
in
the
structure
of
society
that
involve
recourse
to
non
institutional forms of political participation (McAdam 1982: 25). The
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
4/25
Stichproben72
coherence of social movements is highly dependent on the ability of
members to forge common interests, goals and strategies.Human rights
tendtobefundamentaltotheseinterestsandstrategiesbecauseallegations
and perceptions of discrimination, exclusion, oppression, injustice, andexploitation,which all arise fromdenials andviolationsofhuman rights,
underlie the emergence of social movements (Alani 2003: 23ff). Ethno
nationalistmovements emerge in response to changes inpolitical context
and their development and outcomes largely depend on their protest
strategiesandlocationinbroaderwavesofmobilization,inwhichtheyare
usuallyembedded.Ethnonationalistmovementsarepurposeorientedand
goaldirected activities of a group over collective grievances (Aderemi
/Osahon2008:
350ff).
Like
other
social
movements,
African
ethno
nationalist
movementsrarelyappearinisolationandoftendeveloptogetherwithother
movementsandformingcyclesofcontention.Consequently,Africanethno
nationalistmovementsshouldbestudiedasaspeciesofsocialmovements.
Ethnicnationalism isthemobilisationofethnicgroupsbyusing language,
ethnohistory,religion,traditionsandcustoms.Inotherwords,throughthe
rediscovery of an ethnic past, national identity could inspire ethnic
communities to claim their rights as nations (Isiksal 2002: 9).Abelief in
commonhistorical
evolution
provides
an
inheritance
of
symbols,
heroes,
events, values, and hierarchies and confirms the social identities for
separatingbothinsidersandoutsiders(Ake2000:93).
Farfrombeingprimordialandalargelyuncontrollablesourceofinstability,
contemporary ethnonationalism ispolitical and to some extent, artificial.
Ethnicmobilisationhasbeenapolitical instrumentof theAfricanelites in
thepostindependenceperiod,muchthesamewaythatthephenomenonof
nationalismwasinthedecolonisationstruggle.Itisagainstthisbackground
thatethno
nationalist
movements
should
be
understood.
Mobilisation strategies of ethnonationalist movements may range from
sporadic peaceful protests to sustained violent campaigns like terrorism,
armed rebellion and economic sabotage. Among the claims of African
ethnonationalistmovementsaredemands for regionalautonomy,greater
political freedom within a federation, resource control and outright
secession on the basis of selfdetermination. Most ethnonationalist
movementsinvokeethnicsentimentsbasedoncommonancestry,religious
identity,presumed
racial
discrimination
and
past
injustice
for
mass
mobilisation. Ethnonationalist movements tend to express relatively
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
5/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 73
modest goals or reforms within an existing political structure. Their
demandsareusuallyontheplatformofcivilandeconomicrights,whichare
directedtoconstitutedstateauthorities(Agbu2004:11ff).
Given the above conceptualisation, it is obvious that ethnonationalistmovements in Africa did not emerge with the advent of neoliberal
economic reforms. A feature of the nascent African working class
populations in the urban areas during the colonial period was their
organization into sociocultural associations. Such associations were
important in advancing the interests of their members and, in more
instances,incatapultingtheirmemberstopoliticalpositions.Thedifference
between ethnonationalistmovements then andnow lies in the expanded
mandateof
todays
associations.
The
manner
in
which
aparticular
ethnicity
is given an organization form to advance specific political or economic
interestiscentraltothisarticle.
EthnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalstrugglesinAfrica:A
historicaloverview
Ethnonationalism characterised the decolonisation process as various
indigenous ethnicmovements inmanyAfrican countries championed the
causeof
independence
against
European
colonial
powers
after
World
War
II.
The successofnationalistparties restedon their capacity tomobilise and
demonstratemasssupport,bylinkingwithandarticulatingtheaspirations
and grievances of various socialmovements like trade unions,womens
movements,religiousgroupsandethnicmovements.
Theinitialpostcolonialperiod,fromtheearly1960suntilaroundthemid
1970s,sawtheemergenceofapostindependencestateoftendominatedby
a centralised ruling party, which now viewed autonomous social
movementsas
athreat
to
the
central
project
of
national
development,
dominated by the postcolonial state. Given the widely perceived
illegitimacyofcoloniallydemarcatedborders,thepowervacuumcreatedby
thewithdrawalofEuropeanpowers,andtheprecariousexistenceofnascent
independent states, internal decolonization began immediately after
independence. These struggles were largely spearheaded by ethno
nationalistmovements,whichfoughtforsecessionorautonomyfromtheir
independentstates(forexample,Biafra,Eritrea,SouthSudanandChad)or
contestingthe
ideological
make
up
of
their
countries
under
the
influence
of
theColdWarrivalry(forexample,AngolaandMozambique).
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
6/25
Stichproben74
InEthiopia,ethnonationalistmovementsgrew immenselyduringmilitary
rule(19741991).ApartfromtheEritreannationalistmovements,themajor
ethnic organizations included the Oromo Liberation Front, and Afar
Liberation Front;minor organizations included IslamicOromoLiberationFront,Western SomaliLiberation Front andOgadeniNational Liberation
Front.By1991,theEthiopianarmyhadgrown insize,buttheregimewas
overcome by the Peoples Front for Democracy and Justice , Ethiopian
Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front , OLF and other opposition
factions after a long civil war (Welch 1995: 120123). In South Africa,
although theAfricanNationalCongress andothersopposed to apartheid
had initially focused on nonviolent campaigns, the brutality of the
SharpevilleMassacre
of
March
21,
1960
caused
many
blacks
to
embrace
the
ideaofviolentresistance.Itwasinthiscontextthatblackstudentsformed
theSouthAfricanStudents Organizationin1969,anallblackstudentgroup,
andfromthisgrewanincreasinglymilitantBlackConsciousnessMovement.
Thisnewmovementcalled for resistance toapartheid, freedomofspeech,
andmorerightsforSouthAfricanblacks.
In the early 1990s,diverse and longstanding socioeconomic andpolitical
grievances combinedwith the fallofcommunism, suddenlymade radical
politicalchange
possible.
The
transition
to
multi
party
democracy
across
muchofAfricainvolvedbothmassprotestmovementsandthemobilisation
of existing organizations, particularly trade unions, ethnocultural
organizationsand churchbodies (Duruji2008:7578).Thedecline in state
capacity and the redirection of external funding to nongovernmental
organizations strengthened the existing social movements with credible
grassroots linkages.Theparticipationoforganizationswhicharerooted in
ethnonationalagendaintheprodemocracymovementsandwhoseleaders
overlapwith
the
pro
democracy
movements
has
always
posed
achallenge.
The activities of ethnonational and cultural organizations sometimes are
exclusionaryofpeopleofothernationalitiestherebypromotingsectionalor
parochial interest thatmayultimatelyhampercollectiveefforts toachieve
nationbuilding.
EthnonationalistMovementsandPoliticalMobilisationinNigeria(1990
2003)
Thefour
ethno
regional
organizations
examined
in
this
study
epitomise
the
conflicts inherent when subnational groups seek greater political and
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
7/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 75
economic clouts and use the language of human rights and the
democratisation struggle as basis of their campaigns (Fasehun 2002:10).
Whilethesegroupsoperatebetweentheprimaryunitsofsocietyandruling
collective institutionson theonehand,on theotherhand, theyemphasisethe collective identity of specific groups, and are willing to use
confrontationtoachievetheirobjectives.
The selectedperiodof the study19902003wasoneof themost turbulent
periodsofNigeriasmodernhistory.Therewere three successivemilitary
rulersbetween1990and1999withunprecedentedrecordsofhumanright
abuses,economichardshipsandpoliticalmanipulationsthatculminatedin
the annulment of the 1993 presidential election. It was not surprising
thereforethat
ethno
nationalist
movements
blossomed
as
diverse
groups
were revitalised to resist military dictatorships and canvass sectional
interest.A transition todemocracy in 1999with the electionofOlusegun
Obasanjo lastedbetween 1999 and 2003 for his first term in office. The
period also witnessed heightened ethnic tension, sectarian violence and
ethnonationalistagitations fordevolutionofpower from thecentre to the
regionsandarenewedcallforrenegotiationofbasisforstatehood.
Thefourselectedmovements inthissectionwerechosentoshowregional
varietyin
the
activities
of
the
ethno
nationalist
movements
in
Nigeria.
Whereas,MOSOP (Ogoni),Afenifere (Yoruba) and theOhanazeNdigbo
(Igbo)reflectedethnicspecificitiesandaffiliations, theArewaConsultative
ForumisaregionalmovementthatembracesallNortherners,irrespectiveof
ethnicorreligiousaffiliations.Theselectedmovementsalsostartedassocio
cultural groups but later became involved in political mobilisation to
redressperceived injusticeagainsttheirownpeople.Thegroupsalsohave
deepaffiliationsandsupportat thegrass rootdue toability toconnect to
historicalheritage
and
socio
cultural
traditions
of
their
people.
MovementfortheSurvivalofOgoniPeople(MOSOP)
TheOgonipeopleareanindigenousgroupthathavebeenknowntooccupy
theirpresentlocationforaboutfivehundredyears(Olarodeetal1998:72).
Thepeople,estimatedatoverhalfamillion innumber, live inanareaof
about100,000squarekilometres,making theareaoneof themostdensely
populated inAfrica.TheOgoni speak four related languageswithKhana
andGokana
serving
as
the
two
major
ones.
Irrespective
of
these
differences,
thepeopleareunitedintheirpeculiarenvironmentalreality.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
8/25
Stichproben76
TheOgonistrugglearosefromtheirstrategiclocationintheNigerianstate.
ThoughNigeriaisreceivingbillionsofdollarsannuallyfromoil,mostofit
seems tobe disappearing into the national economy and private hands
withoutperceptiblebenefitstomostNigerians,andparticularlytotheareasoforigin.FewOgoniprofitfromjobs,development,oramenitiesintheoil
industry.Instead,theysufferedseriousenvironmentaldegradationthathas
polluted fishing streams and freshwater sources, poisoned land through
spills and blowouts, and created an atmosphere fouled by decades of
flaringnaturalgas(Olorode1998:9f).Thus,theOgonistrugglewasagainst
political marginalisation, economic exploitation, and environmental
degradation (Adediwura 2004: 10). The struggle was about the
emancipationof
the
people,
the
re
establishment
of
the
rights
of
a
community as small asOgoni, andby implication, this stretches to other
similarminoritygroupsthroughoutNigeria(Obasa2002:5).
TheOgoni struggle clearly illustrates the interplayofpolitics, economics,
and ethnicity. Political and socioeconomic changes do not necessarily
directlydiminishethnicawarenessandidentity;theymayinfactprovokeit.
Thus,toassumethatethnicityisprimarilytheprovinceofthelesseducated
inAfrica ismistaken. Detribalisationdoesnot automatically result from
greatereducation,
job
mobility,
or
other
measures
of
modernisation
(Young1983:112).Leadershipofethnicallybasedmovementshasbecomea
majoravenueforaspirantpoliticalleaders.
In1990,MOSOPdraftedtheOgoniBillofRights,whichcalledforinternal
autonomy for theOgoniwithin theNigerian federation as a solution to
their marginalisation. As contained in the Bill of Rights, the Ogoni
demandedpoliticalcontrolofOgoniaffairs;therighttocontrolandtheuse
ofa fairproportionofOgonieconomic resources forOgonidevelopment;
theright
to
protect
the
Ogoni
environment
and
ecology
from
further
degradation,and;tohaveadequateanddirectrepresentationasofrightin
all Nigerian Institutions (MOSOP. Ogoni Bill of Rights 1990: 2f).While
makingthedemandsforselfdetermination,theOgoniequallyreaffirmed
theirwish to remainapartof theFederalRepublicofNigeria (MOSOP.
Ogoni Bill of Rights 1990: 3). The Bill also authorisedMOSOP tomake
representation, foras longas the injusticesagainstOgonicontinue, to the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, the Commonwealth
Secretariat,the
African
Commission
on
Human
Rights
and
other
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
9/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 77
internationalbodieswhichhavearoletoplay inprotectingtherightsofa
minoritygroup.
Inclaimingtherighttoagreaterfinancialshare,Ogoni leaderschallenged
thefundamentalprinciplesofcentralisedgovernment.ControlofrevenueisthebasisofpoliticalpowerinNigeria.Nottobetakenbysurprise,onMay5,
1993 the Babangida administration promulgated the Treason and
Treasonable Offences Decree, under which the death penalty could be
imposedforadvocacyofethnicautonomy.
TheOgoni struggle and the organization ofMOSOPwere pressedmost
vigorouslybyKenSaroWiwa.TheOgonireceivedsympathetichearingand
interest from theNetherlandsbasedUnrepresentedNations and Peoples
organization(UNPO),
and
the
International
Federation
for
the
Rights
of
Ethnic,Linguistic,ReligiousandOtherMinorities,basedinNewYork.The
UnitedNations subCommissionon thePreventionofDiscriminationand
Protection of Minorities also received the petition of the Ogoni people
against theNigerianmilitaryregime. Inall these international fora,Ogoni
materialswerewidely circulated,and theNigeriangovernmentandShell
Petroleum Development Companywere called upon to respond (Welch
1995:116).TheShellPetroleumDevelopmentCooperationwasallegedtobe
collaboratingwith
the
military
government
of
General
Abacha
to
suppress
the agitation of the Ogoni People. Apart from being the largest
multinationaloilcompanyoperating in theOgoni land,Shellwasalso the
biggest culprit responsible for gas flaring, land andwater pollution and
otherenvironmentaldegradationintheOgoniland(Olorode1998:13f).
Ken SaroWiwa and other Ogoni leaders were harassed and detained
severaltimesbyagenciesofthefederalgovernmentbetween1993and1994.
However, itwasGeneral SaniAbachawho subsequently arraigned Saro
Wiwaand
others
before
the
Civil
Disturbance
Tribunal
in
February
1995,
having implicated them inamurderchargepreferredagainst themby the
state.Theywereeventuallyconvictedandsentenced todeathbyhanging.
Thesentencewashastilyconfirmedbythearmedforcesrulingcounciland
disregarding international calls for clemency, the Ogoni leaders were
hanged onNovember 10, 1995during theCommonwealthConference in
Auckland.
In spite of thebrutal suppression of theOgoni struggleby themilitary
government,the
activism
of
Ken
Saro
Wiwa
has
had
aprofound
impact
on
ethnoregional struggles and environmental campaign in Nigeria. The
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
10/25
Stichproben78
establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission and the
Ministry ofNigerDeltaAreawere indirectly part of the legacies of the
Ogoni struggle. The Commission and the Ministry were established to
oversee the disbursement of funds and execution of projects in the oilproducingareas.Also,thegovernmenthasincreasedtherevenueallocation
of theoilproducingarea fromone to thirteenpercentof the totalnational
revenue.
Themost enduring legacy ofMOSOP is the continuous struggle of the
people of the NigerDelta region, particularly the youth. Drawing
inspiration largely from theOgonistruggle, therehavebeenproliferations
ofother/further?ethnoregionalorganizationsandviolentstruggles in the
NigerDelta
area.
Rampart
youths
have
been
kidnapping
expatriate
workers
ofthenotableoilcompaniesoperatinginthearea,usingthemasbargainsto
winconcessionsfromthecompaniesandthegovernment.
EgbeAfenifere:thePanYorubaSocioculturalOrganization
HistoricalbackgroundofYorubaNationalism
Yorubanationalism arose from the intenseYoruba/Igbo rivalriesbetween
1940 and 1947when the leadership of theYoruba in theNigerianYouth
Movement(NYM),
was
directly
challenged
by
the
emergence
of
Nnamdi
Azikwe,whobecame the symbolof Igbo achievement and emancipation.
TheserivalriesprecipitatedacrisiswithintheranksofNYMthateventually
ledtoitscollapse,losingallitsIgbomembership.Beforeitscollapse,NYM
had championed the struggle against colonialism at the initial stage.
Though,themostimportantpoliticalactivitiesofthatperiodwereinitially
confined almost exclusively to Lagos and led mainly by the Yoruba
intelligentsia,theleaderswerenationalintheiroutlook.
Asaresult
of
the
collapse
of
NYM,
Chief
Obafemi
Awolowo
1and
other
prominentYorubamembersoftheNYMweredisillusionedandconcluded
that the realitiesongrounddidnot support theiroriginal ideaof a pan
Nigeriannationalism(Arifalo,2001:23).Thisdevelopment,tosomeextent
would later influence Awolowos ideas on federalism. Also, it was this
developmentthat ledtotheformationofanorganizationthatwouldweld
1ChiefObafemiAwolowowas a foremostNigerian nationalist and a revered Yoruba
leader.
He
was
the
first
Premier
of
the
defunct
Western
Region
of
Nigeria
and
his
political
idealsofstatewelfarismandtruefederalismstillshapethecontemporarypoliticsofthe
Yoruba.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
11/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 79
together the Yoruba speaking people as the first practical step to the
buildingofalastingnationalunity.TheorganizationwasformedinLondon
in1945andwasknownasEgbeOmoOduduwa.Itwasinitiallyformedas
asocioculturalorganizationtopromotepoliticalawarenessandarallyingforumtoprotecttheinterestoftheYoruba.
ThefundamentalsofYorubanationalismwerebasedonaliberaldemocratic
state governedby a competent,widelyrespected leadership; founded on
socialjustice,equity,equality,enlightenmentandfreedom(Arifalo2001:10
13).Thegoalwastruefederalismreflectedinregionalautonomyandatotal
devolutionofpowerfromthecentretotheregion.
Expoundinghisthesisonfederalismin1946,ChiefObafemiAwolowo,the
firstsecretary
of
the
Action
Group
(AG)2
argued:
Nigeriaisnotanation.Itisameregeographicalexpression.There
arenoNigeriansinthesamesenseasthereareEnglish,Welsh,or
French.ThewordNigerianismerelyadistinctiveappellationto
distinguishthosewholivewithintheboundariesofNigeriafrom
thosewhodonot.(WestAfricanPilot1946:23)
ForAwolowo,
the
differences
among
the
varying
ethnic
groups
in
languages, social organization, religion and educational advancement
sloweddown progress in certain sections and thereby caused frustration
amongmoreambitiousgroups.Hearguesthateachoftheconstituentunits
ofNigeriawas a nationby itselfwithmany tribes and clans, and they
should be allowed to solve their problems, according to their peculiar
traditions and ideals (Awolowo 1947: 67f). Thus, the basis of Yoruba
nationalism liketheOgonistruggle isrootedin selfdeterminationwithin
theNigerian
state.
Theaimsand theobjectivesof theEgbeOmoOduduwawere tounite the
variousgroupsinYorubaland,andtocreateandfostertheideaofasingle
nationalisminYorubaland.Thiswasclearlyspeltoutintheconstitutionof
thesocietythus:
2
The
Action
Group,
a
left
leaning
political
party,
formed
in
the
1950s
was
supported
largelybytheYorubapopulationofthethenWesternregionofNigeria.Italsohadappeal
inthelaterMidWesternandMiddleBeltregionsofthecountry.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
12/25
Stichproben80
The Egbe, as a cultural organizationwould study the political
problems of Yoruba land, combat the disintegrating forces of
tribalism,stampoutdiscriminationwithinthegroupandagainst
minorities, and generally infuse the idea of a single nationalitythroughouttheregion.(Arifalo2001:85).
Whenthecolonialofficerscouldnolongertreatthenationalistmovements
and the demands for selfdetermination by Nigerians with hubris,
constitutionsthatsoughttobalancetheculturaldiversityofthepeoplewere
promulgated and elections were held under them. The constitutional
developmentwaspartlyaresponsetogrowingethnicconsciousness,which
wasfastlydeterminingpoliticalgroupings.ItwasinthiscontextthatEgbe
OmoOduduwa
formed
the
Action
Group
(AG),
the
political
party
that
maintainedafirmholdovertheWesternregionfromtheearly1950suntil
its proscription by the military government in 1966. Thus, Egbe Omo
Oduduwabecame theplatform for thepropagationof the ideologyof the
partyandalsoavitallinkbetweenthepartyandthetraditionalrulers.For
theordinarypeople in the ruralareasofYoruba landwhosepoliticaland
cultural interest were almost inseparable, there was no clear distinction
betweenEgbeOmoOduduwa and EgbeAfenifere, theYoruba name for
ActionGroup.
TheRevivalofYorubaNationalisminthe1990s
TherevivalofYorubanationalisminthe1990swasanchoredinopposition
to decades ofmilitary autocracy, and the Northern oligarchys claim to
power,and the struggle for the realisationof thepresidentialmandateof
ChiefMoshoodAbiolaintheJune12,1993presidentialelection.Itwasfor
therealisationoftheseobjectivesthattheEgbeAfeniferewasrevivedonthe
basisof
the
original
structures
of
the
defunct
Egbe
Omo
Oduduwa.
It
was
largelymadeupofpolitical associatesof the lateObafemiAwolowo and
other Nigerians who believed in his political ideals. The group had
organisedundertheumbrellaofOwoMeetingbeforetheadoptionofthe
nameEgbeAfenifereinJanuary1993.
The core values of Afenifere are rooted in the political philosophy of
ObafemiAwolowo.Afeniferewaslargelyinstrumentalinrallyingtogether
all theprogressivegroups inNigeriaduring thedemocratisationstruggle.
Forexample,
the
group
was
responsible
for
the
formation
of
the
People
SolidarityParty (PSP) thatwasnot registered alongsideothersby former
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
13/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 81
presidentIbrahimBabangidaregime.Afeniferealsoplayedacrucialrolein
the coalition that was formed by prodemocracy movements to resist
militarydictatorship.As agroup,Afeniferebecame the rallyingpoint for
theYorubaatacrucialtime.Forapeopleknownfortheirfrontlinerole inthe struggles for freedom, justice and good governance right from the
colonial era, Afenifere was a ready platform in the struggle for the
actualisationoftheannulled1993presidentialelection.Itwasnotsurprising
therefore thatunder the leadershipofAfenifere, theNationalDemocratic
Coalition (NADECO), a coalition of prodemocracy groups, became a
formidableforceagainstprolongedmilitaryrule.
In the transition programme of General Abdusalam Abubakar, Egbe
Afeniferetogether
with
other
sixteen
progressive
unions
established
the
Alliance for Democracy (AD), thus following the footstep of EgbeOmo
Oduduwa.TheAlliance forDemocracy subsequentlybecame thepolitical
platformonwhichAfeniferepropagatedandprotected the interestof the
Yoruba.FortheAfenifere,onlyapanYorubapoliticalpartycouldofferthe
legitimate platform to canvass for the core values they stood for,
particularly,truefederalismandnationalrestructuring.
OhanaezeNdigbo
(Igbo
Citizens
Assembly)
A parallel organization that operated in a similar way to Afenifere is
OhanaezeNdigbo,whichwas established after theNigerian civilwar to
championthecauseofIgbonationalism.
The Igbopredicated theirdemands on theirperceivedmarginalisation in
thenationspowercalculationbythesuccessivegovernmentsafterthewar.
Accordingtotheirpersistentargument,theyhavenovisiblepresenceinthe
powerhierarchyofthefederalbureaucracy,inthearmedforces,andinthe
commerceand
industry
sector.
They
also
contend
that
they
are
deliberately
being screened out from positions of political power. This is apart from
whattheyperceivedasthedeliberaterefusalofsuccessivegovernmentsto
develop and renovate the infrastructural facilities in the SouthEast zone,
whichovertheyearsremainthewoesofNdigbo.
The Igbo seem to have a valid case in their claim for marginalisation.
Successive military governments appeared not to have forgotten the
experiences of the Biafra war. Rather than implementing the postwar
sloganof
reconciliation,
rehabilitation
and
reconstruction,
the
Igbo
would
notbeentrustedwithsensitiveandstrategicpositions,eitherinthemilitary
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
14/25
Stichproben82
orthegovernmentbureaucracy.Throughdeliberateandcovertgovernment
policies like thequota systemandethnicbalancingwithin the federation,
Igbo republicanism has been repressed. 3 Individuals, who would have
normally been promoted within the military, the ministries, and theuniversities throughselfeffortandmerit,havebeensystematicallypassed
over.Thesefailuresandhindranceshavegivenrisetoacollectivefeelingof
abandonment,betrayal and frustration;which led to the revival of Igbo
nationalism,championedbytheOhanaezeNdigbo.
Literally,Ohanaezemeanscommunity,thepeopleandtheirleaders.Itis
anappealingnomenclaturethatcapturestheessenceofgovernanceinIgbo
land.Theleader(Eze)isameremessenger,delegatedbythepeople(Oha)
todo
their
bidding,
as
his
potentials
would
allow,
but
the
central
authority
remains with the gathering of the people (assembly). Ohanaeze was
expected to serveasa focalpointof reference,directionand toprovidea
collectiveleadershipinmattersaffectingtheinterest,solidarityandgeneral
welfare of Ndigbo in the context of the Nigerian state. It was also to
promote,developandadvance Igbo languageandculture,and to inspire
confidence and pride in Ndigbo, and encourage their achievement
orientationinvariousaspectsoflife(Olayode2004:189).Asanonpartisan,
nonsectarian
organization,
Ohanaeze
committed
itself
to
the
principles
of
freedom,equality,justice, freeenterpriseand the struggle topreserve the
Igbocorporateexistencethatisfreefromrancourandsubmissivetothewill
of God (Ohanaeze 2003: 1f). The Igbo question in Nigerian politics is
basically centred on the enthronement of social justice, equity, mutual
participationandintegration.Fromawiderviewpoint,theIgboquestionis
anintegralpartoftheunresolvednationalquestion.
Although established as a sociocultural organization,OhanaezeNdigbo
hasbeen
using
cultural
renaissance
for
creating
political
awareness,
grassroots mobilisation, and to draw attention of governments to the
alleged injustices against Ndigbo by successive governments since
independence. For example, Ohanaeze presented a petition before the
3Forexample,sincetheendoftheBiafrawaruntil2011,noofficerfromIgbooriginwas
appointedasservicechiefintheNigerianarmedforceswhileitwasonlyin2010thatthe
first
Inspector
general
of
police
from
Igbo
origin
was
appointed.
Also
since
the
end
of
the
civilwar,Nigeriahasnotelectedapresident from Igbooriginunlike theHausaFulani
andYorubawhohavehadtheirturnsinrulingNigeria.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
15/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 83
Oputa Panel on human rights violations.4 The representation of Igboby
OhanaezelegitimisedtheorganizationastheauthenticvoiceoftheNdigbo.
Ohanaezespetitionwashinged on the thesis that theNorth,working in
concertwithsomeotherpartsofthecountryhadembarkedonadeliberateprogrammetomarginaliseandexterminatetheIgbo(Onwubiko2001:23).
Ohanaezedefinesmarginalisationasapurposefuldenialofrightsofsome
membersofagivenunitbysomeothermembersofthegroupwhocontrol
thepowerofallocationofresources(Onwubiko2001:14).
The remedies Ohanaeze sought include financial compensation for the
bereaved and dismissed Biafran officers; compensation for the scorched
earthpolicyduringthewarandreversalsofeconomicmarginalisationand
restitutionswhere
possible.
Apart
from
demanding
anational
apology
for
the injuries inflicted against Igbo people, Ohanaeze also sought an
assuranceofOzomena anationalvowthatNdigbowillneverbeanobject
ofvictimisationinNigeriaagain.
Whilemakingsuggestionsonhow tomove thenation forwardbefore the
OputaPanel, thegroup asserted that the constitutionmust addressmore
explicitlyandunequivocallythefoundationquestionofthecharacterofthe
Nigerianstate.Itthereforedemandedasovereignnationalconferenceofall
theethnic
groups
as
the
proper
and
effective
forum
for
resolving
the
nationalquestion(Nwabueze2001:4f).
However, theweaknessofOhanaezeas a socioculturalorganizationwas
clearlyexposedbyitsventuringintopartisanpolitics.UnliketheAfenifere,
Ohanaezedoesnothave apolitical structure topropagate and realise its
political vision for theNdigbo. Also, it does not have charter ormoral
positionthatempowersittosanctionitsmembersthatareputtingpersonal
andparty interestsoverandabovecollectiveaspirationof theNdigbo. In
otherwords,
Ohanaeze
is
avoluntary
cultural
organization
without
any
powerofchastisementorenforcement.Itcanonlymakemoralpropositions
totheindividualpoliticians,whichtheyareatlibertytoacceptorreject.
Despite its shortcomings,OhanaezeNdigbo hasmade impact in raising
political awareness among the Igbo and articulating a common political
objective.Theyhavealsomadesomeprogressinclosingthecracksamong
4
The
Oputa
Panel
modelled
after
South
Africas
Truth
and
Conciliation
Commission
was
setupbytheregimeofPresidentObasanjoin2001toinvestigatecasesofabuseofpower
bysuccessivemilitaryregimes.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
16/25
Stichproben84
the Igbo, therebyenabled them tobemoreassertive in theirdemands for
equitywithintheNigeriannation.
ArewaConsultative
Forum
(ACF)
The Hausa and Fulani are often grouped together by historians in
connection with the Islamic Jihad of the early 19th century and the
foundation of the Sokoto Caliphate and some independent Emirates.
EspeciallysincethenmanyFulaniadoptedtheHausalanguageandculture
and intermarriedwith them to such an extent that the two groups have
becomedifficult todistinguish.Thisgrouphas twoculturalelements that
most sharply distinguish them from the Igbo and to a lesser extent, the
Yoruba:adeep
but
diffuse
Islamic
faith
and
atradition
of
large
scale
rule
throughcentralisedauthoritarianstates.
The structure of Emirate power was highly centralised. The Emirs
appointedtheadministrativeelites,conferredaristocratictitles,anddirectly
orindirectlycontrolledallofficesdowntothevillagechiefsandwardheads.
The scope of Emirs authority was immense, primarily because it was
theocratic, restingonadeep religious foundation.Toleranceofopposition
was antithetical to the autocratic political style of the North. Almost
absolutepower
produced
an
equally
absolute
duty
of
obedience
on
the
part
of themassof the citizens,adutywhichwas innowayabatedby Islam
injunction(Dudley1968:34).
AtameetingoftheNortherneducatedelitesinKanoonDecember1948,a
culturalorganizationknownas JamiyyaMutanenArewa (theNorthern
Peoples Congress) was formed, apparently influenced by the political
activities of ethnoregional groupings in the South (Kwanashie 2002: 12).
The statedobjectives of theorganization, to combat the three fatal evils,
namely:laziness,
corruption
and
political
ignorance
clearly
showed
that
its
interestwentbeyondculturalaffairs (NPC1963:8). In1951, theCongress
wasconvertedtoapoliticalpartywiththeslogan:OneNorth,OnePeople,
Irrespective of Religion, Rank or Tribe. Unlike the other parties that
developed at the period, the Congresss conception of the North was
monolithic, both territorially and culturally. It aimed to represent all
communitiesandallsocialclasseswithintheregion.Thepartybuiltupan
activemembership thathasbeendescribedas representing a coalitionof
intereststhat
included
hereditary
rulers,
traditional
chiefs,
the
western
educatedelites,themerchants,peasantsandthemalams(Clifford2003:8).
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
17/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 85
IncontrasttoAfenifere,MOSOPandOhanaezeNdigbowhichrepresented
definite ethnic groups, Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) is a regional
political pressure group that emerged as countervailing force to the
resurgenceofethnoregionalgroupingsintheSouth.Itwasarealignmentofforces torevive the ideaof monolithicNorth,whichwaschampionedby
the defunct Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) under the leadership of
AhmaduBello.5Accordingtoitsconstitution,theaimsandobjectiveofthe
Forumwere to fosterand strengthen the foundationofNorthernunity in
the context of oneNigeria and set upmachinery for regulardialogue to
ensure that issues likely tocausebreachof thepeaceare settledamicably
(ACF2001:23).
Ironically,the
ACF
that
championed
the
candidature
of
aSoutherner
for
the
presidencyin1999hasbeenmostvocalinitsaccusationofmarginalisation
against the president since his inauguration. Thus, the ACF decided to
champion the perceived northern agenda in the 2003 general election
snatchingpowerbacktotheNorthand installingapresidentthatrespects
and guarantees the interests of theNorth.MohammedBuhari,whowas
generallyperceivedas theACFcandidate,contestedand lost toOlusegun
Obasanjointhe2003presidentialelection.
Whilethe
marginalisation
cry
of
the
North
may
seem
bogus
within
the
larger context of national spread of political appointments and resource
allocation,theACFhasbeentherallyingpointoftheNorthernelitesinits
oppositiontopromoteandarticulatetheinterestoftheNorth.
EthnonationalistMovementsandConflictsin
DemocraticNigeria(19992003)
The restoration of democracy to Nigeria in 1999 after sixteen years of
unbrokenmilitary
dictatorship
raised
hope
for
apeaceful
resolution
of
the
unresolvedissuesofthenationalquestion.Democracythusopenedupthe
space for the revival of ethnonationalist sentiments, which had been
suppressedbyrepressivemilitaryrule.
5Inthe1959independenceelections,AhmaduBelloledtheNPCtowinapluralityofthe
parliamentary seats and forged an alliance with Nnamdi Azikiwes NCNC (National
Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons) to form Nigerias first indigenous federal
governmentwhich ledto independence fromBritain.Informing the1960 independence
federal
government
of
the
Nigeria,
Bello
as
president
of
the
NPC,
chose
to
remain
Premier
ofNorthernNigeriaanddevolvedthepositionofPrimeMinisteroftheFederationtothe
deputypresidentoftheNPC.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
18/25
Stichproben86
Witharelativeliberalenvironmentthatopenedupthespaceforfreedomof
associationandexpression,anew formofethnonationalismhasemerged
inNigeriathroughmilitantandviolenceorientedmovementswhoarenot
afraidtoengagesecurityforcesinopenarmedconfrontations.Someoftheseethnonationalistsentimentshavemanifested in theemergenceofmilitant
ethnonationalistmovements,especiallyintheNigerDeltaregionunderthe
umbrellaof theMovement for theEmancipationofNigerDelta (MEND),
the renewed demand for defunct Republic of Biafra spearheadedby the
MovementfortheActualizationofSovereignStateofBiafra(MASSOB),the
incessantclashesamongminoritygroupsintheMiddleBeltregionandthe
frequent religious disturbances and Shariainstigated riots in the North
(Duruji2010:
1f).
Other
militant
movements
that
emerged
are
the
Niger
DeltaVolunteerForce,EgbesuBoysofAfrica,OoduaPeoplesCongressand
BakassiBoys,amongothers.Theactivitiesoftheseorganizationsprovoked
spontaneousethnoreligiouscrisisoutsidetheconfinesofthelaw.
Thecapabilityof thenewdemocraticgovernment toaddress the issuesof
the national question was however, constrained by its institutional
weakness,whichwas a fall out of decades ofmilitary dictatorships. For
example, the partystructures and the legislatures thatwere nonexistent
duringmilitary
rule
emerged
too
weak
and
inexperienced
to
respond
to
the
challengesofposttransitional conflicts.Also, thepolice and thejudiciary
had been greatly enfeebled and subjected to government manipulation
during themilitaryera, thereby lacking thepubliccredibilityandpopular
confidence to arbitrate on conflictual issues (Olayode 2009: 24f). The
inabilityofthestatetomanagethesecriseseffectivelyendangersthenascent
democracyandweakensthefabricofthestate.
InthefirstfouryearsfollowingtheeraofdemocraticruleinNigeria(1999
2003),about
10,000
people
were
killed
and
over
750,000
people
have
been
displacedinethnoreligiousviolenceacrossthecountry(Olayode2009:31).
TheconcernofmostNigerianswiththeescalationofethnoreligiouscrises
isitsimpactondemocraticconsolidation.Inthefaceofescalationofethno
religiousviolenceinthecountryandtheseemingimpotenceofthepoliceto
maintainpeace,thegovernmentreliedheavilyonthemilitarytobringthe
situationundercontrol(Olayode2004:222ff).
The heavy reliance on the army by a democratic government for the
maintenanceof
peace
has
raised
doubts
about
subordination
of
military
to
civil authority. Beside the threat of the military, the growing domestic
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
19/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 87
instability and turmoil seriously negates the ideals ofdemocracy.Hence,
democratic consolidation in a context of heightened interethnic rivalry,
divisionanddistrustseemsquiteunlikely.Thestrangulationofpublicspace
by successivemilitarydictators, repressive oneparty state and intolerantcivil rulers have largely prevented socialmovements from playingmore
activerolesinpoliticalmobilisation.Inmanycases,socialmovementshave
beenforcedtooperatefromundergroundandinaveryhostileenvironment
characterisedbyrepressionandintimidation.
Conclusion
The organizations examined in this article differ inmany respects from
conventionalcivil
society
organizations.
They
started
initially
as
socio
cultural groups and later involved in political struggles; sought major
restructuring;focusedoncollectivegrievances;andwerehighlyselectivein
their use of human rights language. Thebasis of their struggle is self
determination within a national entity. They often utilised traditional
symbolsand cultural solidarity forgrassrootsmobilisation.Their senseof
unity toa largeextentwasdefinedby resentmentagainstexploitationby
outsiderseventhoughtheseoutsiderswerecitizensofthesamecountry
(Welch1995:
131).
For instance, the Ogoni and Igbo nationalismweremotivatedby deep
seated feelingsofeconomic injusticeandpoliticalmarginalisation.Almost
the same logic drove theAfeniferes resolve to roll out a political party.
Perhaps, more than the Igbo, the Yoruba felt a sense of political
marginalisationinthedeliberatefrustrationoftheirpastattemptstocapture
federal power, especially with the annulment of the June 12, 1993
Presidentialelection.
Thus,the
struggle
for
power
sharing
in
Nigeria
was
reduced
to
astruggle
for hegemony among the three major ethnic groups, namely the
Hausa/Fulani,theYorubaandtheIgbo.Theoverthreedecadesofmilitary
dictatorshipresultedinanincreasinghegemonyoftheHausa/Fulanifaction
tothenear exclusionoftheothertwocontendersforpower.TheSouthern
minoritygroupsas typifiedby theOgonialsobelieve that theydeserve to
have a substantial control of oil revenue, which is extracted from their
communitiesinsteadofthetokenstheyreceiveasrevenueallocationfrom
thefederal
account.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
20/25
Stichproben88
From the analysis of the four ethnoregional organizations, there were
fundamental differences in the context and political aspirations of the
leaders of the North and South. In the South, though in some cases
traditional chiefs have been coopted by the ruling class to providelegitimacyandpopularacceptance;politicalleadershiplargelysprangfrom
thepeople, that is, from thegrassroots. In theNorth,however, the ruling
classmadeupofthesonsandkinsmenoftheEmirstookoverthepolitical
leadershipofthepeople.Theyexpectedlywouldrepresent theirownclass
interests,rather than thepopularwillof thepeople.Whileoppositionwas
not tolerated in theNorth, theSouthbycontrast,hadcultural traditionof
opposition emanating from the wider dispersion of authority: a certain
respectfor
rights
of
criticism
and
opposition,
stemming
from
the
limits
of
centralisedauthority.Also, in theNorth,powerwasused topreserve the
position of a traditional dominant class, which incorporated rising
commercialandprofessionalelementsinasubordinaterole.Bycontrast,in
theSouth, the rulingpartieswereenginesofclass formation, inaugurated
andcontrolledbymodernprofessionalandbusinesselites,whoentrusted
thetraditionalrulersinsubordinatepositions.
Although,theACF, like theAfenifere,MOSOP,andOhanaeze,believes in
thecorporate
existence
of
Nigeria
as
anation,
it
disapproves
of
the
clamouring for national restructuring, resource control, rotational
presidencyandfederalism,theissuesthatformthebasisofethnoregional
nationalismintheSouth.ApartfromACF,othernortherneropinionleaders
areclearlyopposedtoanyformofpoliticalrestructuringofthecountryora
SovereignNationalConference.Thisoppositionmayprobablybeduetothe
fear of losing out its structural dominance,which hasbeen thebasis of
politicalhegemonysinceindependence.
Thebackground
to
the
emergence
of
ethno
nationalist
movements
was
the
utilisation of ethnic solidarityby the governing elites across the various
regions asmeansofbargaining forpoliticalpower andgaining economic
concessions from the centre. However, while the elite factor is amajor
impetus forethnicmobilisation, it is importanttoemphasise thatordinary
peoplealsoparticipateactivelyoutofa feeling that theywillbenefit from
theexpressionsofethnicmobilisation,which theyusuallyperceiveas the
bestwaytoadvancetheirinterest.Manyscholarshavediscussedethnicity
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
21/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 89
asbargainingtoolinthestruggleforeconomicaccumulationandpolitical
power.6
TheNigerianexperienceisareflectionofthegeneraltrend.Africanpolitical
struggles remain severelydividedbyethnonationalism.Transitionsawayfrom authoritarian rule provide some opportunities for transethnic co
operation,but in thenear termandon thewhole, theyhave theopposite
effect. Africa continues to demonstrate a range of political vectorswith
regardtoethnicityandpoliticalmobilisation.
Asdemonstrated from theNigerian experience, there hasbeen a change
since theearly90s in thecharacterofsocioculturalmovements fromnon
partisan to political movements. As a result of the harsh political
environmentunder
successive
military
dictators,
socio
cultural
movements
were deeply involved in stirring up opposition to military rule and
grassrootmobilisation fordemocratisation inNigeria.Thisnew trend isa
remarkable departure from the welfare and leisure preoccupations
characteristic of the colonial and immediate postcolonial sociocultural
clubs.Thus,manyoldandnewassociationsarestriving toenhance their
capacitytodirecttheirownaffairs.Theyarealsorejectingtraditionalroles
assigned by the state and are addressing issues of emancipation,
empowermentand
social
transformation.
In
some
cases,
their
independence
hasputthemonacollisioncoursewithgovernment.
Apart from changes in the content of associations, the new trend is a
manifestationof the consolidation of an autonomous sociopolitical space
between the state and family structureswithinwhich cultures, traditions,
politics, and interest articulation prevails. The inability of the various
groups to resolve or agree on some of the issues related to the national
question is primarily responsible for the fragmentation of social
movementsin
Nigeria
along
ethno
regional
lines.
Rather
than
view
these
divisionsasa drawbackor theabsenceofagenuine socialmovement in
Africa, theyarepartof theprocessof itsgrowthand theresolutionof the
lingeringnationalquestion.
As revealed in the study, the activities ofMOSOP, EgbeAfenifere, Egbe
OmoOduduwa,ACF,andtheOhanaezeNdigbohavedeepenedNigerias
democratisation, and promoted pluralism in the society. However, the
potential for withdrawal from the state also exists within these
6Amongothers,seeNnoli1980;Osaghae(1994).
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
22/25
Stichproben90
organisations.Theseassociationsoperateinthesocalledprimordial,public
realm,andthusnotadditivesintheircontributiontoacommonconceptof
individual liberty.Kinship,onwhichmuchof the strengthsof the ethno
nationalist movements are ultimately based, is intrinsically segmentary.Mostof the ethnoregional associations inAfrica areprimarily concerned
withthewelfareoftheirownkinsmen.
Therefore,thesocioculturalstructuresofasocietyaffectthewayinwhich
civilsocietyconfigures,and interactswith thestate.Africahashada long
historyofsocioculturalgroupingsalongethnoregionallines.Asarguedin
this paper, this salient feature has notbeen significantly diminishedby
modernisation. In the struggle fordecolonisation, culturalorganizations,
religiousgroups
and
ethnic
unions
featured
prominently.
Likewise,
in
the
third wave of democratisation of 1990s, ethnic solidarities were often
utilised for grassrootsmobilisation againstdictatorships, and forpolitical
mobilisation. Thus, contrary to the conventional views, ethnonationalist
movementsoperateindependentlyandrelativelyfreeinthepublicdomain,
without undue interference from the state. They therefore qualify for
inclusionintothearenaofsocialmovement.
ThemostnoticeablefeatureofAfricanethnonationalistmovementsisthat
theyare
primarily
social
and
cultural
and
only
secondarily
political
in
orientation.Ethnonationalistmovementsarelocatedintheculturalsphere
asamajorarenaforcollectiveactionratherthaninstrumentalactioninthe
state.Moreover,with little concern to directly challenge the state, these
groupsresistedincorporationininstitutionallevels.Theytendtofocusona
singleissue,oralimitedrangeofissuesconnectedtoasinglebroadtheme
suchasmarginalisation,peace, resource sharingandenvironment.Ethno
nationalist movements set their focus on grassroots with the aim of
representingthe
interests
of
marginal
or
excluded
groups.
Paralleled
with
thisideology,theorganizationsmobilizationstrategyisalsolocallybased,
centred on small social groups and loosely held by personal or
informationalnetworkssuchasradios,newspapersandposters.Thislocal
andissuecentredcharacteristicwhichdoesnotnecessarilyrequireahighly
agreed ideology or agreement on ultimate endsmakes thesemovements
distinctivefromtheoldlabourmovementwithahighdegreeoftolerance
of political and ideological difference appealing to broader sections of
population.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
23/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 91
Abstract:
GegenwrtigeSozialeBewegungen inAfrika schtteln staatliche
Patronage ab, um die Inhalte und Ausrichtungen lokalerEntwicklung neu zu gestalten. Sie werfen Fragen von
Emanzipation, Empowerment und sozialem Wandel auf. Die
Mobilisierung marginalisierter Gruppen fr politische Kmpfe,
der Widerstand gegen vorherrschende Gruppen innerhalb des
Staates und die Bedeutung, die partizipatorischen
Handlungsmodellen beigemessen wird zeigt, dass afrikanische
soziale Bewegungen zunehmend politisch werden. Vor diesem
Hintergrundwerden
in
dieser
Studie
vier
ethno
regionale
Organisationen inNigeriauntersucht.DiesesinddasMovement
for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP); Egbe Afenifere
(Society of the lovers of good things); OhanaezeNdigbo (Igbo
CitizensAssembly) und dasArewaConsultative Forum (ACF).
DieStudieversucht, folgendeFragenzubeantworten:Wie stark
beeinflussen ethnonationalistische Bewegungen die Richtung
politischer Kmpfe? Strken ethnonationalistische Bewegungen
einegesellschaftliche
Partizipation
durch
die
Auseinandersetzung
mit dem Staat oderbefreien sie ihreMitglieder von staatlicher
Hegemonie?WelchesozialenKlassenwerdenwhrendpolitischer
Kmpfemobilisiert?DerArtikelbasiert auf Feldforschungen in
Nigeriaund folgt einemqualitativenAnsatzderauf Interviews,
TeilnahmeanlokalenDebattenundArchivmaterialzurckgreift.
Bibliography:Adediwura,Michael.2004.EthnicMilitiasinNigerianPolitics.Lagos:EdubooksConsults.
Aderemi, Isola andOsahon, Iyekekplo. 2008. The Emergence of Conflict in theNiger
Delta and Implication for Nigerias Development. In: Readings in Conflict
ManagementandPeaceBuildinginAfrica,Vol.2,No.1,September2008,361372.
Agbu,Osita.2004.EthnicMilitiasandtheThreattoDemocracyinPostTransitionNigeria.
Uppsala:NordiskaAfrikainstitutet.
Ake,Claude.2000.FeasibilityofDemocracyinAfrica.Dakar:CODESRIA.
Alani,Badmus.2003.Federalism,MulticulturalandMultiethnicChallenge:TheNigerian
Experience.In:TheAfricanJournalofInternationalAffairsandDevelopment,Vol.
8,No.1,2546.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
24/25
Stichproben92
ACF.ArewsConsultativeForum.2001.TheConstitutionofArewaConsultativeForum.
Kaduna:ArewaConsultativeForum.
Arifalo, Samuel. 2001. The Egbe Omo Oduduwa: A Study in Ethnic and Cultural
Nationalism.Akure:StebakBooks.
Awolowo,Obafemi.1947.PathtoNigerianFreedom.London:FaberandFaber
Clifford,James.2003.EthnonationalismandDemocracyinNigeria.Lagos:ModelBooks.
Dudley,Bill,Joseph.1968.PartiesandPoliticsinNorthernNigeria.London:FrankCass&
Company.
Duruji, Moses. 2008. The Changing Context of Ethnonationalism in Nigeria. In:
UniversityofLagosJournalofPolitics,Vol.4,No.1,July2008,77103
Duruji,Moses. 2010 Democracy and the Challenge of EthnoNationalism inNigerias
Fourth Republic: Interrogating Institutional Mechanics. In: Journal of Peace,
ConflictandDevelopment,No.15,12.
Fasehun,Frederick.
2002.
Frederick
Fasehun:
The
Son
of
Oodua.
Lagos:
Inspired
Communication.
Fowler,Alan.2002.CivilSocietyResearchFindingsfromaGlobalPerspective:ACasefor
RedressingBias,AsymmetryandBifurcation.In:VoluntasVol.13,No.3,287300.
Hawthron,Geoffrey. 2002.ThePromiseofCivilSociety in the South. In.Civil Society:
HistoryandPossibilities.NewDelhi:FoundationBooks,269286.
IsiksalHuseyin.2002.TwoPerspectivesontheRelationshipofEthnicitytoNationalism:
ComparingGellnerandSmith.In:TurkishJournalofInternationalRelations,Vol.
1,No.1,910.
Kwanashie,GeorgeAmale.2002.TheMakingoftheNorthinNigeria19001965.Kaduna:
ArewaHouse.
McAdam,Doug.1982.PoliticalProcessand theDevelopmentofBlack Insurgency1930
1970.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
MOSOP.1990.TheOgoniBillofRights.PortHarcourt:MOSOP.
Nnoli,Okwudiba.1980.EthnicPoliticsinNigeria.Enugu:FourthDimension.
NPC.NorthernPeoplesCongress.1963.ConstitutionandRules.Zaria:GaskiyaPress.
Nwabueze, Ben. 2001. Ohanaeze Message to Ndigbo on the occasion of Igbo day.
September2001,1822.
Obasa,David.2002.DemocracyandEthnicityinNigeria.Enugu:FourthDimension.
OhanaezeNdigbo.
2003.
The
Constitution
of
Oha
na
eze
Ndigbo
Olayode, Kehinde. 2004. Civil Society and Democratisation in Africa: The Nigerian
Experience (19902002). Unpublished Ph. D Thesis. Cambridge: University of
Cambridge.
Olayode,Kehinde.2009.BehaviouralApproachestoConflictResolutioninaDemocratic
Dispensation:TheNigerianExperience(19992005).In:IfeJournalofBehavioural
Research,Vol5,No.1,179.
Olorode,Toye,Onotoye,WumiRajiandOgunye,Jiti(eds.).1998.KenSaroWiwaandthe
CrisesoftheNigerianState.Lagos:CDHR.
Olorode, Toye. 1998. Imperialism, Neocolonialism and the Extractive Industries in
Nigeria.In:Olorode,Toye,WumiRajiandOgunye,Jiti(eds.)KenSaroWiwaand
theCrisesoftheNigerianState.Lagos:CDHR.
5/20/2018 04 - Olayode - Ethno-nationalist Movements and Political Mobilisation in Africa.pdf
25/25
Ethnonationalistmovementsandpoliticalmobilisation 93
Onwubiko,Emmanuel.2001.IgboLossesCountedatOputaPanel.Lagos:TheGuardian,
26July2001.
Osaghae, Eghosa. 1994. Ethnicity and itsManagement inAfrica: TheDemocratisation
Link.Lagos:MalthousePress.
Welch, Claude. 1995. Protecting Human Rights in Africa.
Philadelphia: University of
PennsylvaniaPress.
WestAfricanPilot.1946.TheNigeriaNation.Lagos:2March1946,2332.
Young,Crawford.1983.TheTempleofEthnicity.In:WorldPolitics,Vol.35,No.4,652662.