9 'I VI -- Term i no I og i ca I problems involved/., in of of

the process exchange new technology

between developing and developed countries

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REPORTS AND PAPERS IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

The Reports and Papers are intended to present to a restricted public of specialists descriptive or documentary material as and when it becomes available during the execution of Unesco's programme in the field of the social sciences. They will consist of either reports relating to the regular programme of Unesco and its operational programmes of aid to Member States or documentation in the form of bibliographies, repertories and directories. The authors alone are responsible for the contents of the Reports and Papers and their view should not necessarily be taken to

represent those of Unesco. These documents are published without strict periodicity. Currently available.

SSiCH 11 - International Repertory of Institutions Conducting Population Studies (bilingual: EnglishiFrench), 1959.

SSiCH 15 - International Co-operation and Programmes of Econo- mic and Social Development (bilingual: EnglishRrench), 1961.

SSiCH 17 - International Directory of Sample Survey Centres (out- side the United States of America) (bilingual: English/ French), 1962.

SSiCH 18 - The Social Science Activities of Some Eastern European Academies of Sciences, 1963.

SSiCH 19 - Attitude Change: A Review and Bibliography of Selected Research, 1964 (out of print in English, available in French).

SSiCH 20 - International Repertory of Sociological Research Centres (outside the U.S.A.) (bilingual: EnglishlFrench), 1964.

SSiCH 22 - Institutions Engaged in Economic and Social Planning in Africa (bilingual: English/French), 1966.

SSiCH 23 - International Repertory of Institutions Specializing in Research on Peace and Disarmament, 1966.

SSiCH 24 - Guide for the Establishment of National Social Sciences Documentation Centres in Developing Countries, 1969.

SSiCH 25 - Ecological Data in Comparative Research: Report on a First International Data Confrontation Seminar (bi- lingual: EnglishiFrench), 1970.

SSKH 26 - Data Archives for the Social Sciences: Purposes, Opera- tions and Problems, 1973.

SSiCH 30 - Social Indicators: Problems of Definition and of Selec- tion, 1974.

SSiCH 31 - DARE - Information Management System, 1975. SSiCH 32 - Social Sciences in Asia: I, 1976. SSiCH 33 - Social Sciences in Asia: 11, 1977. SSiCH 34 - Selected Applications of the Unesco Educational Simula- SSiCH 35 - Social Sciences in Asia: 111, 1977. SSiCH 36 - Inter-regional Co-operation in the Social Sciences, 1977. SSKH 37 - Indicators of Social and Economic Changes and their SSiCH 38 - Indicators of Environmental Quality and Quality of Life,

tion Model, 1977.

Applications, 1977.

1978.

SS/CH 39 - Social and Economic Consequences of the Arms Race and of Disarmament : Review of Research Trends and an Annotated Bibliography, 1978.

SSiCH 40 - Threat of Modern Warfare to Man and his Environment: An Annotated Bibliography, 1978.

SS/CH 41 - The Effects of Rural-Urban Migration on Women's Role and Status in Latin America, 1978.

SSiCH 42 - Social Sciences in Asia: IV, 1980. SSiCH 43 - Peace Research. Trend Report and World Directory, SSiCH 44 - Employment-Oriented National Youth Programmes in SS/CH 45 - ARKISYST Feasibility Study, 1981. SSiCH 46 - Selected Studies on the Dynamics, Patterns and Consequ- SSKH 47 - Interconcept Report: A New Paradigm for Solving the SS/CH 48 - Social Sciences in Latin America and the Caribbean, I, SSiCH 49 - World Directory of Peace Research In: tutions. Fourth SS/CH 50 - Data-Based Teaching in the Social Sciences, 1983. SS/CH 51 - Study on the Dynamics, Evolution and Consequences of

Migrations, 11. Three centuries of 'spatial mobility in France, 1982.

SS/c: I 52 - Selected Studies on the Dynamics, Patterns and Consequ- ences of Migration 111. Migration and Development: Major Features of hligratory Movement in India, 1982.

SSICH q.' . Selected StJdies nn the Dynamics, Patterns and Consequ- mc es of Migrhtii>il, IV: Medium-sized Towns in Nigeria: C. <ear'. '1 .and f :cy Prospects, 1982. ' SSiCHs4 I. c;.=va dono- and Multilingual Vocabularies,

Headings and Classification Schemes in $, 1982. df Peace Research Institutions, 1984.

.niernational Law Research and Training

..JT social scientists: a new kind of reference process - Intercocta Manuel: Towards an International Encyc-

1979.

Africa: Situations, Problems and Prospects, 1982.

ences of Migration. I. Mexico City, 1982.

Terminology Problems of the Social Sciences, 1981.

1982.

edition revised, 1981.

ssict : ' ' SS/CIF

: ' .

"~aedia of Social Science Terms.

Terminological problems involved in the process of exchange of new technology between developing and developed countries

(Study on recent developments in the relationship between science, technology and society in different economic, social and cultural contexts.)

Prepared for the Division of Economic and Social Sciences, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris.

by Professor J.C. Sager and Blaise Nkwenti-Azeh Centre for Computational Linguistics UMIS T

ISBN 92-3-102559-7 Published in 1989 by the United Nations Educational. Scientific and Cultural Organization 7. place de Fontenoy. 75700 Paris. France

Printed in the workshops of Unesco 0 Unesco 1989 Printed in France

Contents

Introduction .......................................................................................................................... Scope ofthe report ....................................................................................................................

Chapter One .............................................................................................................................. 1.1 Communicative needs and language change ................................................................. 1.2 The development ofthe languages of science and technology .......................

Motivation for designation ............................................................................................. 1.4 Modes of naming new concepts .........................................................

1.3 The form of the special lexicon .... .............................................................................. . .

.................. . . The use of existing resources .........................................................................................

Modification of existing resources .............................................................................. The use of new resources ..............................................................................................

. .

Chapter Two .............................................................................................................................. 2.1 Language change in developing countries ......................................................................

2.3 Different approaches to science and technology transfer .......................................... 2.4 International efforts of assistance with terminology transfer .....................................

2.2 The role of international linguas francas ....................................................................

Chapter Three .................................................................................................................

3.1 Categories of linguistic communities ............................................................................ 3.2 Socio-economic conditions for terminology transfer ................................................. 3.3 Attitudes to foreign terminology assimilation ............................................................

Borrowing ................................................................................................................

. . . .

Loan-words .................................................................................................................. Loan translation ........................................................................................................ Internationalisms ........................................................................................................

Chapter Four .................................................................................................................... 4.1 N e w demands on terminology .................................................................................... 4.2 Popular scientific communication requirements ......................................................... 4.3 Outlook .............................................................................................................................

Bibliography

Appendix I: Workplan ...................................................................................................... Appendix 11: A report on the use ofon-line services .............................................................

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9 9 9 10 10 11 11 11 13

15 15 15 16 17

19 19 20 21 I- 77 22 23 24

25 25 26 27

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3

Preface

In August 1984, the International Association of Terminology (TERMIA) organized, jointly with interested national and in- ternational associations (the European Community Commis- sion. the State Department of Canada, the Office of French Language of Quebec, the Local Authorities of the City of Luxembourg, the Interdisciplinary Team of Scientific and Ap- plied Research in Terminology), an international conference devoted to problems of terminology in conjunction with issues of transfer of technology. The major subject of discussion embraced recent trends in the development of national termino- logies aiming at facilitating the unification of international ter- minology in the context of scientific and technological exchanges between nations. Problems of terminology strategies in the developing countries were also given special consideration.

The TERMIA-84 International Conference was of vital in- terest to Unesco’s long-term projects concerned with concep- tual and terminological analysis, the relationships between sci- ence. technology and society in different economic, social and cultural contexts, and with the social assessment of new tech- nologies in developing countries.

Following the conference, Unesco suggested that a study should be prepared on terminological problems involved in the process of technology exchange between developing and de- veloped countries. This work was undertaken by Prof. J.C. Sager and Dr B. Nkwenti-Azeh, both of the Centre for Computational Linguistics of the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology, (UMIST). and it was

submitted as one of the major documents to Unesco’s interna- tional seminar on ‘Recent trends in the relationships between science, technology and society’, organized in Athens. Greece, in September 1985. in co-operation with the Greek National Commission for Unesco.

It is believed that this work contributes substantially to the complex language problems related to contemporary interna- tional co-operation in the field of technology development and exchange. Not only do the authors treat of the linguistic adjust- ments needed in order to assimilate scientific or technological language, a language for special purposes, but they also show the socio-and psycho-linguistic implications of such languages, particularly for the borrower. If the social sciences have, in particular, a distinct function in assisting people to understand more comprehensively the contemporary complex processes of material life ofsocieties. then this work is a good example of how and why social science knowledge can contribute to solving the increasingly growing problems of the new technology exchange between nations. Further inquiries concerning this issue of ’Reports and Papers in the Social Sciences’, or concerning former issues should be made to the Division for Economic and Social Sciences. Sector of Social and Human Sciences,Unesco, 7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris (France).

The authors are responsible for the choice and the presenta- tion of the facts contained in this book and for the opinions expressed therein. which are not necessarily those of Unesco and do not commit the Organization.

5

Introduction

Societal and cultural values play an increasingly important role in political decisions about economic development. It is for this reason that the language question assumes a more than merely utilitarian significance in the transfer of technology from de- veloped to developing countries. Languages are now recognized as being valuable cultural

assets and more attention is being paid to creating a suitable environment for languages to grow and extend their functions. Languages grow in direct proportion to the development of knowledge in a society and represent a barrier to knowledge coming from other societies. In developing countries.the natural evolution of languages has been particularly threatened by the rapid expansion of new fields of knowledge as a result of science and especially technology transfer. Yet until relatively recently little attention has been paid to the obstacle to development presented by the language barrier and inversely the threat to autochthonous language culture by the massive influx of foreign language terminology and phraseology. Developing countries must reconcile two seemingly contra-

dictory demands. O n the one hand the growing internationaliza- tion of science and technology and the inter-dependence of societies favour the teaching and usage of the languages of wide international acceptance. O n the other hand there is the legiti- mate aspiration to preserve a cultural heritage which would require to develop their own languages. The complex of problems created by terminological needs in

the encounter of a society with a foreign technology can be seen as a filtering process with an inadequate tool which is both wasteful and damaging. The problem is complex because the flow of terminology into the filter is greater than the filter can handle. and the filter itself has to be modified in the process of terminology conversion. Some terminology is adequately con- verted, some is provisionally converted, some bypasses the filter without conversion and leads to conceptual confusion and monolinguistic contamination. The problems multiply in multi- lingual societies. Once the particular role of terminology in the process of

technology transfer was recognized it could be defined and brought to international attention. One such occasion was the international conference organized by the International Asso- ciation for Terminology (TERMIA) in Luxembourg in August 1984 and entitled: Terminology and International Co-operation: The Terminology Dimension of the Transfer of Technology. O n this occasion some 200 participants from some 40 countries discussed the role of terminology in general and the state of terminology in particular countries as well as questions of international co-operation. The current situation was summarized by Jastrab (1985) as

follows: On tie voit pas toujours ires facilement les effets d'une assistance technique dans le domaine de la terminologie. Les problemes lingiiistiques ti 'intkressent pas toujours les pays dkveloppks et les societPs internationales ; aussi ces problemes ne sont-ils pas au centre des preoccupations des pays en developpement, amenis a

suivre les mkthodes de travail des pays dPrneloppes. Le derzeloppe- ment et I'emploi des langues dans divers domaines affectetit inkvi- tablement plus d'une discipline et correspondent done difficile- ment aux objectifs inirnediats des projets d'assistance technique. Peu d'itudes ont montre a que1 point les barrieres linguistiques et culturelles constituent un frein au commerce international. Enfin. il est couratit de penser que la demarche scientijique predispose U l'emploi d'une langue unique (qui serait a l'heure actuelle l'anglais). The conference did, howevt-r. ais0 show that this position was

more prevalent among developed countries than among develop- ing societies who were. in many cases, actively engaged in termi- nology planning in meet the demand for communication created by technology trans.fer. The papers presented at the conference demonstrated that the

theoretical issues are largely understood. but that it is a lack of time, and of human and financial resources which stand in the way of terminology development providing the bridge between technol- ogy transfer and its cultural acceptance in a developing society. Only greater awareness of the importance of these issues will

release the resources required for overcoming the terminological harrier. A new field of knowledge or a new technology. which is understood arid the understanding of which is demonstrated by having given it an autochthonous system of names, beconies familiar urld can thus be related to other societal and cultural values. The question of terminology transfer is therefore at the core of the relationship between science and techno1og.y on the one hand and society on ihe other. It provides the communication link between them, but also ensures that new science and technology can become fully integrated into the system of concepts and values of the recipient society.

Scope of the report

This report focuses on the impact and the means of terminology transfer. In a first chapter it presents the general situation of development and change of specialized languages and their vocabulary. It describes the resources normally available for creating the considerable number of technical terms needed in a process of technological modernization. The second chapter examines the question with reference to

the situation of developing countries. It discusses the situation created by the linguas francas of scientific communication and their impact on the development of science in developing coun- tries. It observes the difference in requirements and practice between the languages of science and the language of tech- nology, and describes current international and supranational efforts of assisting in the transfer of terminology. The third chapter presents in closer detail the problems

encountered in terminology transfer. It establishes the types of linguistic environment which exist in developing countries and which affect attitudes to terminology transfer. It examines the role of language planning and language education policies. It

7

concentrates on the crucial issue of the alternative between loan translation and borrowing which polarizes the positions and exemplifies the resources used for terminology transfer. A final chapter looks at the role of technical language in

society and postulates the need for greater diversity in levels of expression in order to keep open the channels of communication between science, technology and society.

The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of Unesco concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

8

Chapter One

1.1 Communicative needs and language change

1.2 The development of the languages of science and technology

The communicative activities of a society determine its need for a particular instrument or various instruments of communica- tion. Language which has its own balance of stability and dynamics responds to communicative needs. A language changes when in a specific historic circumstance it no longer meets the communicative needs of a speech community. Com- municative needs are socially conditioned and may change at a different pace in the different classes and groups of a society and even in different directions. In order to understand change in language it is therefore necessary to define communicative needs and to examine their motivation for change. Only in this way can we establish a link between the societal conditions which give rise to communication and the subjective reflection of these conditions in a system of motives and objectives for individual speech acts. There is a regular need in language for new designations. improved designations, changes in the fixa- tion of societal values, expressive turns of phrase, models for clearer expression, common expressions for complex scientific concepts. Changes may also be initiated when a vocabulary is extended through neologisms. borrowings, extension of mean- ing and consequently new distributions of semantic ranges. or the introduction of specialized vocabulary into general lan- guage. Major change occurs when people in close contact have to solve new theoretical or practical problems or when new theoretical and practical tasks bring about new communicative situations, when there are new partner groupings in societal activities. when new media of communication modify the range of addressees; finally when the existing language potential no longer suffices to carry out the required communicative inten- tions and possibilities. Since language serves the dual functions of medium of com-

munication and cognition, motivation for change arises from both communicative and cognitive needs. Language change can be observed and documented so that future change can be predicted, steered or even engineered. As language change is most directly. and immediately observed in the lexicon of a language and its reference system, it is this aspect of language which is most often quoted as an example of change, and it is specialized vocabulary above all which is the object of language planning. By such a process communicative needs may be steered in a

particular direction as a result of a policy decision regarding the orientation of communication patterns of a society. Alterna- tively, once a particular need has been perceived language change may be assisted by planned development in terminology. This latter activity is increasingly important to developing na- tions when the cognitive and communicative needs outstrip the natural dynamics for gradual change of a particular language. W e can witness this phenomenon in particular instances of strong foreign cultural and linguistic influences which threaten the cohesion of a language.

The languages of science and technology develop in direct response to socio-economic change and therefore reflect the intellectual and socio-economic development of a speech com- munity. The needs of language users decide the scope of the language, e.g. whether it develops in spoken and written form, whether it is geographically restricted or not, whether it is inward looking and therefore hermetic or whether it is open to non-specialists. In a pre-industrial society there is a clear division between the

incipient languages of the sciences and the established and evolving languages of the arts and crafts which are strongly subdivided according to the regions in which they are practised. As society feels the need for a greater division of knowledge into separate subjects and reinforces this division by separate school and university teaching of these subjects, separate learned societies, journals, etc., the norms of subject languages diversify still further. At the same time as a society uses the findings of science in industry. there is a narrowing of the gap between the languages of sciences and that of some crafts. Simultaneously craft languages may lose their regional differentiation as they become industrialized, and people in factories develop a higher mobility. The engineer is a project of an industrial society. H e becomes

the mediator between science and its application and develops a new language for the expression of his experience and for communication with scientists, craftsmen and society at large. All special languages are developed from the general lan-

guage or from one of its geographical or social variants in the case of some crafts, trades or other non-scientific activity. People are born into a geographical or social group which may have its own sublanguage; under social pressure or through their own initiative they may move out into another group. To become specialists, i.e. users of special subject languages, peo- ple must be trained in stages up to various levels of knowledge and expertise. This training process which is performed in schools. universities, apprenticeships, etc., in a certain sense repeats the process of the development of the special language itself. The nature of the language varies with the nature of the

subject. A n applied subject has a wider range of users than a theoretical one. A n experimental subject operates with a diffe- rent range of concepts than a theoretical one, and manifests itself in a different set of speech acts, e.g. laboratory reports, part-lists of machines and procedural prescriptions. The subject also determines the need for non-linguistic reference and com- munication in the form of other symbolic notations, taxonomies, classification tables, etc. According to the nature of the subject and even according to the development of a particular subject at any one moment, special subject languages are more or less strongly oriented towards artificial language characteristics and towards non-linguistic modes of expression. Consequently the

9

languages of mathematics and nuclear physics are more univer- sal in nature than the language of pollution control or coal mining, which are geographically or geologically conditioned. Languages of science and technology naturally evolve from

more broadly based forms of language, but in order to serve their more limited functions they reduce polysemy and ambigui- ty by processes of regularization, standardization and de-con- textualization. They also add substantially to their lexicon by the creation of neologisms.

The growth of a special language accompanies the growth of a subject and must move at the same pace. W e use general language words and phrasings, borrow from related fields, coin new expressions, etc., until we feel the need to agree on special usages. Fixing a special usage can be done by establishing the norm of usage which has evolved andlor by standardization of usage. By reducing the emotive and social uses of language, special subject languages can put greater emphasis on the function of organizing knowledge and experience. The move from general to special language is marked by certain features, which should be considered when choosing one language for such development. Special languages tend to become written- language-based, to evolve over shorter periods of time and less organically. As they become exclusive to specialists they be- come monosemic. Because of these changes special languages are less redundant and they become less ambiguous than more general languages because the contexts are more predictable. Where a special subjet language has naturally followed the

growth from a craft to a modern technology or from a cottage industry to a highly automated production system, the methods of terminology creation will differ significantly from those ap- plied in a situation where technology is transferred across a language barrier in a massive process of modernization. It is then likely that the terminology initially created from outside will undergo changes as various subgroups redesignate concepts and objects in a process of identification. Standardization of language should therefore not be undertaken until there is a sufficient body of language which has stabilized.

1.3 The form of the special lexicon

As the knowledge of special subjects is developed intermittently all over the world by individual linguistic communities, the methods chosen for designating new lexical items can neither be the same nor can they be internally consistent. Considerable variation exists between using language-internal resources and looking to other languages for assistance. Only when a sufficient body of knowledge has been accumulated by any one com- munity, can an attempt be made to order it systematically and to reflect this ordering in regular patterns of designation. When such knowledge is developed simultaneously by several com- munities, international solutions may be preferred to purely local ones. This was done for medicine, geology and botany through the creation of a new quasi-artificial language based on Greek and Latin. For chemistry, it was carried out by introduc- ing common names for elements and special rules for naming compounds to which references can now be made. It must however be recognized that participating in this type of language creation is itself an important knowledge-developing experience for a society that cannot simply be replicated by taking over and adhering to such rules, because even the rules of such artificial languages as the nomenclatures are based on the linguistic experiences of the communities involved. Even so, the naming of new items of knowledge cannot always be agreed upon as can be observed in the variant names of basic elements, e.g. niobium (Nb);-columbium (Cb);-wolfram (W); -tungsten (W) and in the divergent abbreviations

sodium-Na (Natrium), mercury-Hg (Hydrargyrum). In tech- nology naming occurs more spontaneously and is influenced as much by the linguistic tradition of the associated craft as it is by the names evolved by the science which affects the particular technology. As the range of people involved in technology is larger, the language is more heterogenous and as it constantly evolves there is a considerable movement in the active vocabu- lary. Neologisms are frequent, terms become obsolete with obsolescence in techniques, methods or materials and changes of meaning are frequent as objects are redesigned with little change in their functions. Telephones and calculators, for exam- ple, have changed beyond recognition since they were invented but still retain the same name. The vocabulary of technology is therefore created by the

lively interaction of people of diverse background and has, in the first instance, little stability and a narrow domain of application. It may vary from one developer to another and from firm to firm. It becomes regularized only after a particular area of knowledge has settled sufficiently for agreement to be reached about the definitions of concepts. In practice this means that the methods, processes, measurements and materials must have developed past the experimental stage and reached a certain degree of stability. The consensus vocabulary that may emerge is then probably a compromise, a temporary fixation for the benefit of teaching, joint commercialization, control of safety standards, etc. A country acquiring a new technology is therefore also acquir-

ing a rather unstable vocabulary which will undergo further change. This change may continue to come from outside through new imports; it may also come from inside and there- fore produce lexical items in the language of the importing country. The degree of influence of this language on the neolog- isms so produced will be an indicator of the assimilation of the new technology into the native culture. The first transfer of computer technology from the United States to Germany, for example, was accompanied by a massive transfer of English language terminology. Twenty years later the German language has assimilated most of this terminology by one process or another and is now making its own contribution to the German vocabulary of computer technology. This contribution will be dynamic and genuine only if the subject matter dealt with, computer technology in the example, has been fully assimilated into the society that has adopted the new technology. It presup- poses that teaching of the new technology takes place in the language of the importing country and that research is being carried out in this language.

Motivation for designation

The objects and methods of inquiry of each special subject determine the concepts with which it operates and the designa- tions required for these concepts. For all sciences and technolo- gies terms are required for new objects and parts of object, new processes and their specifications. The quantitative and qualita- tive differences between general and special communication manifest themselves in the need for a greater number of designa- tions in any one subject field and a greater precision of re- ference. Medical science. for example, requires names for all bones and muscles of the human body whereas in general reference there are only names for some. General reference has non-scientific criteria for grouping objects which can be confus- ing for the teaching of systems. General reference, for instance, distinguishes plants from trees whereas for a botanist plants include trees. Since science is partly concerned with classifica- tion of its objects of study, the classificatory use of language is highly developed in special reference, and designation aims at the use of consistent criteria which reflect the system of concepts.

10

The overall aim of designation in special languages is to achieve transparency and consistency: a designation often re- flects the concepts or features of concepts it represents and in such a way that related terms have comparable expression forms, e.g. ball valve oiler, sight gravity feed oiler. Many lan- guages have both analytic and synthetic means of creating new terms. Analytic processes are the combination of independent units into larger ones with the purpose of conjunction or deter- mination as in the examples above. Synthetic means are the modifications of lexical items by affixation. Both methods per- mit regular patterning of semantic features and therefore their conscious use contributes to the systematization of ternlinology. The subject itself decides which method is most appropriate.

Chemistry requires means for co-ordination of items of equal rank but different internal structure into new units which them- selves become equal parts of larger units e.g. pottasium hyd- rogen sulphate. In biology the binomial code permits the ex- pression of generic relationships. In medicine there is a need to relate states, conditions or operations to causes or parts of the body; this is done by determination e.g. angina pectoris, or affixation e.g. appendectomy. Naming a scientific or technological concept is part of the

scientific discovery and development process. Every act of learning partially replicates this process and represents a discov- ery and association process which can be extremely productive. If such learning is carried out in a second language there are difficulties of transfer from this to the first language. no matter how well either language is known. It is therefore highly desir- able that teaching of science and technology be carried out in the language of habitual use so that what is learnt can become part and parcel of every day discourse. Only when the learner is in a position of modifying the terminology he has acquired, can it be said that it has become truly his own in his own language.

1.4 Modes of naming new concepts

In any one language the linguistic methods of designation can be divided into three major groups: - the use of existing resources; - the modification of existing resources; - the use of new resources. Most languages keep a reasonable balance between these

three methods and so maintain a flexible and open lexicon. The balance can, however, be disturbed and the natural evolution of the lexicon damaged by such factors as a backward-looking purism, excessive borrowing from other languages or the de- velopment of a diglossic situation in which new fields of know- ledge, e.g. in science and technology are entirely developed in a foreign langmge. European languages have fully exploited all available

methods and have achieved considerable diversity of designa- tions which reflect the full development of the native resources and those of a common European heritage. The following description exemplifies this with reference to English, but exam- ples from other languages could easily be added. These proces- ses also occur in other languages.

The use of existing resources

Few experiences are absolutely new; frequently a hitherto neg- lected, unobserved or undifferentiated part of a familiar phe- nomenon is recognized as a separate concept which requires a separate designation. Similarities between the familiar and the

new experience are then reflected in the designation. By exploit- ing the polysemy of general language words, meanings are widened, narrowed or transferred. The system of reference thus created serves as a first, sometimes pre-scientific approach to observation and generalization and is also strongly represented in popular science writing. The most common way of designation is by simile, even

though it may serve only as a preliminary to word-formation by highlighting a pertinent feature of a concept. A first stage is the overt simile. e.g. Eiffel-type wind tunnel, spider-like sprue, or more specifically in heart-shaped driver. Simile occurs in names of profiles of metals and other forms based on the shape of the capital letters of the Roman alphabet, e.g. C-shaped column, T-iron and in very familiar association of form, e.g. star knob, butterJIy nut, dome nut, acorn nut. This method simultaneously creates subdivisions of items which in general reference are usually specific enough to broadly designate a variety of similar items without further specification. e.g. the various types of nut listed in the previous example. Many new items are designated by metaphor. Parts of the

human body, especially the head, and animals are commonly used, e.g. nose key, tooth lock washer, hip rafter, arm clip, finger joint, lathe dog, spider gear. The exploitation of physical characteristics and similarities

extends to all areas of knowledge and can even be culture bound. e.g. Christmas tree antenna. jockey roller. Metonymy, on the model of naming the whole after a part is

common in popuiar naming of animals, e.g. wagtail, red-shank. Other examples for transfer of meaning are the use of proper names (Geiger counter, Venn diagram, O h m , Celsius), the name of the material for the object made from it (glass, iron, paper, rubber) the form of an object for another object of that form (square, triangle, fork, bulb). General notions are often the basis for scientific investigation.

but the process of developing special reference then requires the definition of the concept or concepts that have been developed from them. Such a definition usually entails reducing the exten- sion of the general language word. Words like force, speed, velocity, work are redefined as highly specific units to which measurements and units of measurement are then attached. Other examples of the use of general words for specific technical concepts can be found in statistics (confidence, expectation, familiarity) electrical engineering (reluctance resistance, current) and computing (abortion, bleed. gutter, bug). In many other cases the change of meaning is gradual and does

not require redefinition, e.g. scientific words becoming general language words such as sanguine, antibiotic, neurotic, interface, spin-off.

Modification of existing resources

A widely used method of designation in general language and even more so in special reference is the modification of existing resources, especially by derivation and compounding. Concep- tually this method corresponds to refining and narrowing the knowledge structure of a subject field by means of relating notions and concepts to each other, thus creating new concepts (e.g. compounds), or by modifying an existing concept by means of affixes, thus subdividing the area of reference of that concept in order to create more detailed concepts. The process of affixation can also supply the various grammatical word categories required for special speech acts. Less widely used are the method of conversion, i.e. the

syntagmatically varied use of the same form, and compression. which ranges from back-formation to abbreviation and acrony- my. Finally, technical languages make frequent use of symbols which are given a new meaning.

11

Affixes

Affixation is of particular importance to special languages be- cause it can contribute to precision of expression by distin- guishing between word types, e.g. abstract-concrete, and word categories of expression forms (suffixation), and by differentiat- ing between related content forms (mainly prefixation). Affixa- tion rules are identical for general and special languages, certain affixes being more common in one than in the other. W e distinguish between productive affixes, i.e. those that apply to a large number of words and unproductive ones which are limited in scope. The number of affixes in special languages is considerably

greater than in general language, largely because of the borrow- ing or adoption of Latin or Greek (neoclassical) words and methods of word-formation, many of which are not required in general language. Certain affixes are used with limited meanings or functions in different special languages, e.g. ic and -om have a special meaning in chemistry which they do not have in general language. In English medical terminology -ity indicates a state, e.g. abnormality, toxicity; in physics and chemistry the same suffix describes a property, e.g. density, viscosity. European languages heavily draw on classical Greek and

Latin for prefixes, suffixes and stems. Since the teaching of Greek and Latin has been abandoned and since a larger group of the population uses terminology developed along these lines, the particular advantage of neoclassical derivation has receded. It is to be noted that in new areas of inquiry, e.g. information technology 7ad computing, there are fewer neoclassical ele- ments with the consequent greater diversity in designation even between European languages. Since, however, all major European languages have for centuries been enriched by neoc- lassical word elements, there is a very large reservoir of usable word forms, even though their root meaning may no longer be overt. In fact, even today familiarity with Greek and Latin will at best enable the reader to make a rough guess at the approximate semantic range of an unfamiliar word. So diu- thermy is only recognized as something to do with heat and physiology, physi- cist, physician, physionomy as having a common element with the meaning of nature and growth. A distinction can be made between prefixes which are highly

productive with an almost limitless application and those of a more restricted range of use. Number prefixes, the negative non-, and such neoclassical ones as anti-, auto-, neo-, semi-, vice- can be attached to any suitable word category by means of a hyphen and they have taken on an almost supranational charac- ter. Prefixes assist considerably in the systematic structuring of special vocabularies. Contrasting sets of terms can be created easily by the negatives un-, in-, dis-, ora-, the privatives un-, de-, dis-, the prefixes of degree or size super-, sur-, sub-, hyper-, ultra-, mini-, the locatives super-, sub-, inter-, trans-, the tem- poral or sequential post-, pre-, re-, and the numerals uni-, mono-, di-, bi-, etc. While such sets maintain terminological unity and appear to

be transparent, they cannot always be assumed to be so. Pre- fixed words can take on a special meaning in the process of lexicalization, e.g. despin in space technology means to ‘stabi- lize’, resetting a lathe means correcting or improving an existing adjustment . Suffixes are used either to alter the word category or to change

the meaning, while the former function is usually language dependent, the latter function is common to many languages. The causative Latin-derived -fy, -fier, $cation produces names for action verbs, agents or instruments and the corresponding processes (e.g. gasify, gasifier, gasification). Process nouns are frequently created by adding -action to verbs. Property terms in the form of adjectives are created by the suffixes -al, -ic, -ive, -om and others and their variants in other languages. Property

nouns are then derived from such adjectives in regular fashion by such endings as -awe and -ivity. Measuring devices are often designated by suffix-like expressions which indicate the method of measurement, e.g. -meter for metric scale measurements, -graph for pictorial or graphic representation, -scope for direct visual observation. In chemistry special meaning is attached to the now international suffixes -use, -ate, -id(e), -ite, -01, -ose, and in medicine -asis designates pathological conditions, -itis desig- nates inflammation, -ome, a tumour, growth or swelling, -ectomy a surgical removal of a part of the body, etc.

Compounding The vast majority of compounds are nouns and are formed by linking one or several nouns, names or adjectives to a nuclear noun. They are used to designate substances, materials, objects, instruments, methods, processes and measurements. Com- pounds with proper nouns, names of persons or places are very frequent.They have the advantage of unique differentiation but lack systematic import. Noun compounds Rave a unique capac- ity to contribute to the building of terminological systems. The nucleus of the compound indicates the category to which the concept belongs, and the determinant indicates the criterion for the subdivision of the category. Thus wheel is specified to give chain wheel, change wheel, flywheel, gear-wheel, Geneva wheel, hand wheel, etc. By keeping the determinant constant one can create subject or operation-related sets of terms, e.g. space age, space capsule, spacecraft; soldering copper, soldering bit, solder- ingpux, etc. According to the nucleus w e distinguish between three major

types of compounds: those which designate objects (substances, materials, products, apparatus) those which designate prop- erties and those which designate processes and operations. W e list here some of the more frequent motivations of term forma- tion since they are common to many languages. - The determinant may compare the nucleus to another object,

e.g. stirrup frame. - The determinant may specify the material of which the

nucleus is made in order to differentiate it from similar objects made from other materials, e.g. steel band-rubber band, iron bar, steel-armoured conduit.

- The determinant may express an inherent property of the new concept, e.g. dark-room, electric light.

- The determinant specifies the use to which the nucleus is regularly put, e.g. measuring rod, search light.

- The determinant specifies what the nucleus is used against e.g. fire engine.

- The determinant expresses the product regularly associated with the nucleus, e.g. oil can-water can.

- The determinant indicates the origin of the nucleus by spe- cifying the primary product from which it is made, e.g. lin- seed oil.

- The nucleus expresses the instrument which operates on the determinant, e.g. grain elevator.

- The determinant specifies the mode of operation of the nucleus, e.g. spin drier, air brake.

- The determinant is the whole of which the nucleus is a part, e.g. brake lining. This description of methods of term-formation is not exhaus-

tive but merely indicative of the type of features chosen for creating new technical words by means of simple juxtaposition as in English, by full conjunction as in German and other Germanic languages or by linking nouns by means of preposi- tions as in the Romance languages. Similar methods exist for the creation of property and processes nouns as well as for adjec- tives and verbs.

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Compounds do not only consist of two elements, but multiple compounds of 3 or 4 elements are quite frequent in certain technical languages. Multiple compounds usually contain other compound elements of such patterns as (x + (y + z)) e.g. Brinell hardness test or ((x + y) + z) e.g. hexagon-headed bolt. Multiple compounds permit the development of formally transparent hierarchies by the addition of determining elements, e.g. print unit-print chain-print chain cartridge. Another way of modifying existing resources is to convert

from one word category into another without change in form. So non-finite verb forms are used as nouns or adjectives respective- ly and nouns may be used as adjectives or verbs, e.g. to catch-a catch, smooth-to smooth, segment-to segment, to snowball, a back up. Special languages are able to compress information both

syntactically and lexically. In the vocabulary, this process is carried out by abbreviation of existing words and expressions, by the omission of elements in compounds, by the creation of letter symbols, by the combination of letters and numbers into short designations and by pictograms. A further difference exists between subject, situation or context-conditioned abbre- viations and permanent abbreviation, i.e. abbreviations which completely replace the longer unit in all occurrences. Abbreviations are much more common in written than in

spoken language; many written abbreviations have no spoken equivalent. Letter words composed of initials like Unesco are often used more widely than the full form and may become new words, even international words in their own right. Acronyms from initial letters of words or elements of com-

pounds are constantly being created in special languages. Truly international letter words have been created for measurable properties and names for units of measurement, e.g. A = ampere = 1 coullsec. Shortening is also produced by clipping, i.e. omitting an

initial, a middle, or, which is most frequently the case, a final element. A further stage of abbreviation is that of reducing the written form of frequently used terms or phrases by omitting vowels and middle consonants.

The use of new resources

Special languages need some completely new designations hut absolute invention is rare. It is not even desirable as most new concepts are related to existing ones and this is appropriately reflected in the designation. Unnecessary invention is frequently used in advertising where the real or declared novelty of a product or service is asserted by a completely new name. Fairly widespread throughout all special languages are the processes of creating new words by blending, by the use of eponyms, by the use of letters of alphabets, by borrowing stems from classical languages, by borrowing whole words. with or without adapta- tion, and by loan translation.

It is difficult to distinguish between the creation of neologisms and borrowing from Greek and Latin. While the taking over of Greek and Latin concepts and their designation is properly described as borrowing, the use of Greek and Latin expression forms for new concepts produces neologisms. While in some sciences new word creation is regulated by rules of nomencla- ture. in the applied sciences and engineering there are no such external constraints. In non-commercial designations the tendency is toward transparency except in the often lamented but still widespread use of eponyms. In designations for com- mercial purposes considerations of euphony, ease of pronuncia- tion and retention, association with prestige words and emotive impact are primary. and often deliberately obscure the concep- tual association of the expression in order to stress the fictitious uniqueness of a product. Different principles of designation give

rise to terminological confusion e.g. some chemical products have three names: a systematic name. according to chemical nomenclature, a pharmaceutical Latin name and a commercial name. Neologisms in science and technology result from the need for

the unique naming of new concepts. If the same product or apparatus has been developed and named simultaneously by different groups of people, the special language concerned will attempt to reconcile the names to preserve terminological clar- ity; the language of advertising which popularises the invention will maintain and even heighten the differences in designation. The principal methods of creating special language neologisms are: (a) The combination of existing words with Greek or Latin

(b) The use of Latin or Greek stems, e.g. cusp, apex. (c) Blending, which is a compression of existing terms into a

new term without the components losing their independent existence and meaning, e.g. transceiver, i.e. a separate en- tity in addition to transmitter and receiver.

word elements, e.g. video tape, dictaphone.

(d) The use of eponyms, e.g. Mach number. (e) The use of letters, singly or in compounds, e.g. E, X-ray. (f) The rare use of absolute invention, e.g. byte and the bor-

rowed gas and paraffin. Less transparent neologisms are often formed by analogy with

existing types of designations. Small particles are given names ending in -on; on the pattern of electron there are proton, neutron, positron, ion and the more recent meson, kaon, pion. Many neologisms of instruments end in -graph, -scope, -phone, meter, e.g. stentorophone, echometer, zymoscope, tachograph. Names for units of measurement are inspired by the object of the measurement, e.g. mole with its derivatives molal, molality, molar. molarity; lux, lumen, candela with such derivatives as luxmeter, lu{men)meter, etc. The process of forming neologisms from neoclassical ele-

ments can be exemplified from Greek: - Derivation by suffixation: log-ic, edema, acou-stic. - Derivation by prefixation: pro-gnosis, hyp-hernia. - Derivation by prefixation and suffixation: dys-pep-sia, meta-

- Composition of stem + stem: acro-some, aden-algia. - Composition of stem + prefix + stem: hemo-diu-pedesis,

aden-oid-actomy . Greek stems are used in any of their original forms or slightly

modified, e.g. derm, derma, dermo, dermat; haem, hem; mass, muses, masset. The polysemy of stems is fully exploited to create a great

diversity of designation which goes beyond borrowing and becomes neology. The stem kosm for example, meaning ‘order’ and ‘world’, produces the obvious cosmos, cosmonaut, cosmolo- gy and cosmopolitan, but also all the compounds with cosmetic. Other examples: pha-, phem, phon - aphasia, orthophony, dic- taphone, francophone. The process of blending consists of a combination of com-

pounding and compression and its most common form is the linking of the initial syllable(s) of one term with the final syllable(s) of another. A balloon which serves as a parachute is given a new name: ballute. Groupings of countries, trade names or names of firms are usually made from first syllables, e.g. Benelux, Nabisco. This method is therefore highly suitable for the conjunction of concepts, e.g. altazimurh, compander, and is regularly used to describe the results of cross-breeding of animals, agricultural and horticultural hybrids, e.g. zebrule, brangus, topato, celtuce. The use of names of persons in designation uniquely iden-

tifies, but neither describes the new concept nor relates it to others. Neologisms based on eponyms have therefore been objected to ever since their widespread use started in medicine

morph-osis.

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and biology in the nineteenth century. Eponyms are still widely used in biological nomenclatures to identify species, in medicine to designate diseases, instruments and less often parts of ana- tomy, usually in the form of compounds, e.g. Lypripedium hookerae. In mineralogy and geology they are frequent in derivations with -ire, e.g. freibergite. In physics and mathema- tics they are used in a great diversity of designations, usually as compounds. In chemistry they are often used to designate compound substances and processes, e.g. Eastman N o 1361, Labarragu’s solution. In technology they are also widely used for processes, appar-

atus, tools and products, e.g. Jolys steam colorimeter, Moore lamp. Most units of measurement are named after scientists, except such basic units as gram(me), meter, etc. This use repre- sents one of the rare cases where the name occurs on its own. A unit of inductance is called I henry a unity of capacitance I farad. Even these widely used names, are, however, unpro- ductive for derivation; only voltage, wattage and amperage have developed. The use of letters for forming compounds is of relatively

recent date. The use of the Greek alphabet is widespread, not only in geometry to indicate angles, but in practically all physical sciences and technology. Greek letters in their original form are used in the naming of rays but in most other cases the Greek letter is written out in Roman script as it is pronounced. There are a few words which are complete inventions and

which are not inspired in some way or other by an existing word, sound or image. Sound seems to have motivated flip-flop, woofer, tweeter; the onomatopeic bleep probably inspired blip. Byte can be interpreted as an analogous formation to bit. A number of generic names in biology are anagrams of existing words, e.g. Dacelo from Alcedo. Not much purpose is served by speculating about the possible origin of such terms as googol, gontlet, gramola, gridaw, inky-dinky, however entertaining it may be. The very nature of invented words defies systematization.

Borrowing

Many Latin and Greek words have been taken over unmodified and are used with their full endings even in general language, e.g. chrysanthemum, hippopotamus. In most borrowings, however, the endings have been slightly adjusted, e.g. aperture, expel, ocular. Many Latin phrases and expressions have survived from the

time when Latin was the language of science and law. Greek words which have entered English via Latin have Latin spellings and endings, e.g. acanthus, nausea. Others have French or English endings, e.g. planet, plague, syringe. As for Latin, the vast majority of Greek words and affixes are used for neologisms in the natural sciences and medicine. A n interesting double traffic of words occurs in the nomencla-

tures. The requirements of the biological codes necessitate the

latinization of words of any origin. Brown (1954) reports such fanciful creations as Cyclopterus lumpus (lumpfish), and Nils- Sonia steamboatea. The descriptive epithets in Latin which occur in names or definitions are often loan translations in one direc- tion or another, e.g. scalariform (ladderlike), foliaceous (leaf- like), asteroid (star-shaped). Because English and French share such a considerable

amount of vocabulary, many borrowed French words are fully absorbed and are ,an integral part of the English language. French also has been the intermediary in the borrowing of many Greek and Latin words, e.g. chemistry, galaxy, logic, resin. Most of the surviving words borrowed before 1600 have been fully anglicized and have undergone changes of meaning and participated in derivation and compounding. Even after that date it is difficult to distinguish between direct neoclassical borrowing from or via French and vice versa, because the patterns for creating neologisms in both languages are so simi- lar. In technology, greater differences exist and borrowings are

more easily detected. The words machine and technique are borrowed from French as well as a group of terms associated with automobiles and aviation which few English speakers would consider anything but genuine home products, e.g. pilot, hangar, fuselage. There are many French words in all special languages, e.g. debiteuse, remontoir, reseau, but unless they are of recent date, they are not necessarily used with the same meaning in both languages. Textile technology, chemistry and electrical engineering in particular have regularly borrowed from French. German contributions to neoclassical nomencla- ture are in no way easier to detect, but in other areas clear attributions can be made. German, for example, has contri- buted a number of terms to the languages of geology and mineralogy, e.g. abraum-salt, eisenkiesel. It is noteworthy that there are a number of German borrowings of expression forms which have full equivalents in English, e.g. ‘einzel’ as in einzel- lens, ‘gegen’ as in gegenbeispiel, gegenion; also such basic words as spiegel, and hohlraum. This borrowing of concepts together with their designations has the advantage that the highly specific nature of reference which might be endangered by translation is maintained. Most borrowings from German or any other language are

concerned with concrete objects, apparatus and processes rather than abstract concepts and are neither regulated nor controllable. Anglicization is more common in technology than science and occurs when the new word does not lend itself to easy spelling or pronunciation. Snorkel is adapted from Schnor- chel, carburettor from carburateur, but the ‘sch’ in schein is preserved. The phonology of English permits the easy assimila- tion of foreign borrowings from many languages so that loan- translation is relatively little used. Borrowing and loan-translation in special language are neg-

lected areas of study, but they are probably of great interest to show relative merit of either method in general and in reference to particular special subjects and languages.

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Chapter Two

2.1 Language change in developing countries

Industrialization and independence have led to considerable linguistic change in many countries of Asia and Africa. At a time when the impact of accelerated transfer of science and techno- logy from developed to developing nations is being critically examined the role of language and the impact this transfer has on language development are also being studied. Whereas the development of science and technology and

associated social structures and institutions in Europe has ser- ved as a model or at least as a point of comparison for developing countries, no useful comparison can be drawn with European societies when language change and language engineering are being considered. Language development in Europe has been characterised by

the gradual evolution of unified national languages both in written and spoken form. They absorbed or suppressed minority languages in the interest of a unified culture which was suppor- ted by the emergence of predominantly monolingual education. publishing, media and, of course. government. From the mid- nineteenth century on national boundaries were increasingly drawn along major linguistic boundaries and plebiscites conduc- ted in disputed areas, especially after 1918, strongly supported the idea of ethnic, linguistic, cultural and political unity as the basis for nation states. The multilingualism within European nations has for the most

part been reduced to social and regional dialectal variations; in post-colonial Africa, linguistic homogeneity is an exception rather than the rule, and with the possible exceptions of Rwanda. Burundi, Botswana and Lesotho (Alexandre 1971), ethno-linguistic boundaries transcend national and political de- marcations. Multilingualism is on the whole universal, and Africa differs in degree but not in kind. Where most European countries have to contend with not more than three or four languages, African countries may well have more than 100 languages within the State belonging to several different language families. (Whiteley, 1971.) Besides, centuries of domination have not been able to sup-

press the European minority languages, be they exclusive to one region like Breton or Welsh or transnational like Basque or Frisian. European societies participated more or less equally in the gradual processes of urbanization, industrialization, and the segmentation of science and technology into many special sub- jects and specialist communities with their separate languages. Developing countries are undergoing much accelerated pro- cesses of industrialization and urbanization and in some cases they are led by external forces which are therefore not depen- dent upon the availability of adequate autochthonous linguistic means. Finally, none of the European countries have been exposed to

the conflicts of culture, social structure and domination associa- ted with colonialism. European countries have by and large

benefited from their colonial experience even linguistically. The reverse, unfortunately is not true, the presence of European languages as official or working languages or languages of higher education in many developing countries does not necessarily assist in producing the necessary language change required by modernization, but may simply increase the linguistic diversity of a given society by adding yet another language for specific purposes. The difference between non-European developing countries

and Europe and to some extent also countries with majority population of monolingual speakers of a European language can be characterized as follows: European language communities consist of majority language

groups who have developed a standard language model which is widely respected and used by the elite. The language is fully developed in all modes and for all techniques of expression and there is therefore no need for other languages. The language has adequate means to cope with the demands of rapid growth of terminology; all teaching and training occurs in the one majority language iil respect to which all others are foreign. Language communities in developing countries are often

divided by political boundaries and grouped into political enti- ties with other language communities so that there may be several local languages side by side. This situation may have strengthened the need for regional languages. There may be many non-standard varieties of the same language, and accor- ding to the degree of modernization of the community, a language may be insufficiently developed for dealing with the written and spoken speech acts of a fully diversified modern society. Languages with restricted use lead to the parallel use of other languages in other social situations. Developing countries may therefore have functional and class languages of quite different origin which are much further apart than the dialectal variations found in linguistically more homogeneous communi- ties. The Indian tradition of linguistic heterogeneity based on a multilingual society, for example, offers a totally new challenge to the problems surrounding terminology transfer. (Khubchandani, 1984.)

2.2 The role of international linguas francas

It is estimated that in the 1970s some two million scientific writings of all kinds were appearing annually (Anderla. 1973). Other estimates quantify the number of articles and figures of twenty-six thousand annually were given for the 1960s (Barr, 1967). Subject specific data bases add from between ten to twenty thousand records a month, according to the definition of their scope. Chemical abstracts is reported to have included details of some three million documents in the period 1966-1975.

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Of the several thousand known languages only some sixty are used for scientific and technological communication. Some ninety per cent of scientific periodicals are however published in only eight languages-only one of them not being European-leaving ten per cent for all other languages. English occupies between 40-45% according to the various statistics that have been published. It is not necessary to accumulate further data in order to demonstrate that the language barrier is a real one and that it even exists for speakers of English. After all, if an English scientist misses only the five per cent of publications reportedly written in Spanish, he may be missing several hun- dred articles a month from a specialized data base. Neverthe- less, English-speaking countries are increasingly complacent about the need to know foreign languages as fewer and fewer universities insist on a reading knowledge of a foreign language. Other countries whether developed or developing cannot

ignore the language barrier and must overcome it in various ways. Since the volume of material available is so vast any attempt at translation into a language of a small scientific community is futile until machine translation becomes available. Regrettably machine translation is so far only being developed between languages with a sizeable volume of scientific publica- tions. The alternative to translation is learning a foreign lan- guage and since English provides the widest coverage in all but a very small number of subjects, more and more people learn scientific English. Because of the predominance of English language publications, English is also used as a language of instruction in some universities of developing countries. Scien- tists who have learnt English in order to access English language literature. will then also tend to write their own scientific papers in English, par1.y because this is the only language in which they can express themselves with any confidence on a topic of their specialism and partly because they wish to be read by a wider audience than that afforded by their own language. Having learnt one foreign language they are aware of the need to access foreign language literature but not having the time to learn yet other languages they will look for translations into English of other material in. say French. German or Japanese. All these factors contribute to make English the dominant

lingua franca for scientific communications. Only French main- tains a similar position as lingua franca because of its use in Canada and a number of developing countries, principally in Africa. German and Russian which have comparable publica- tion figures to French are more geographically confined in their use. The wider spread of science means that a greater number of

languages than ever before is now used for scientific communi- cation but at the same time the wider use of English at the expense of other languages. except Russian and Japanese, creates a polarity of English versus the rest of the world which will affect the nature of English itself. In a particular subject there may, at any one time be more non-native speakers of English who write and publish in English than there are English speakers. The particular virtue and disadvantage of a lingua franca is

that it ceases to be controllable via any one national language. The Italian scientist. for example. who writes his research findings in English can create new English terms and expressions for the new concepts he wants to present. Or. a Japanese firm marketing a new product may use English to describe new processes as part of its publicity drive in African countries. The lingua franca is then the property of all who want to use it. It grows in response to demand by any user group. but there is no single agency recording new terms and the new meanings attached to them. Such a lingua franca may. however, get out of control if there is not a single dominant user group who provides norms of usage which can be referred to in case of doubt. International organizations make every effort to keep the lan-

guages they use as linguas francas open to understanding by publishing their own glossaries; they succeed only to the extent that they disseminate the special vocabulary they use. At the level of scientific communication linguas francas are

accepted, and English has taken on this role for many parts of the world and for a number of disciplines. At the level of technology they are less acceptable because fewer technologists acquire a sufficient command of a lingua franca to manage without interpreters or translators, because of cultural and environmental constraints which make technological concepts difficult to represent by a lingua franca, and because the lan- guages of technology are regionally so diversified that a lingua franca cannot hope to provide an adequate vehicle for communication.

2.3 Different approaches to science and technology transfer

Terminology transfer between languages is dependent upon conceptual transfer having taken place. (We must understand what we are naming and we can only name coherently and systematically what we understand). The consequence of this observation is that terminology transfer can only be carried out by specialists who understand both languages, but who are habitual speakers of the importing language. Only when this process is complete can translation begin. O n the other hand we can learn to understand concepts in a

foreign language, and operate with these concepts in the foreign language. This is the case of science and technology training in many developing countries which still depend upon foreign teachers and teaching materials. O n the level of secondary education such a situation has never been acceptable and in- creasingly countries now provide all secondary education in the national language. O n the level of university education a dual policy is being observed. Technology and other applied and applicable studies are increasingly taught in the national lan- guages because technology permeates all levels of society from the highly educated to the illiterate. It is therefore essential for the success of technology transfer that engineers and unskilled labourers should be able to communicate with each other in the same language. The creation of autochthonous terminology for technology therefore must have priority. In I science teaching at universities two equally pragmatic

trends can be observed. While the ultimate goal clearly is to create fully autochthonous scientific research activities, it is recognized that both for training and transfer of scientific know- ledge the recipients must learn the language of the hosts and then transfer this knowledge into their own language. The scientist of the developing country must know the foreign lan- guage because of the existing patterns of postgraduate training. the provision of teaching materials. access to international databases. etc. A command of the foreign language permits him to select the information he considers relevant to his own society. H e must also develop his own language as a vehicle for scientific communication. to be in a position to control and steer the dissemination of scientific knowledge and to stimulate the interaction between science and technology. O n the other hand scientific communities are frequently international both in the background of people and their outlook. W e therefore con- veniently distinguish between the communicative needs of the scientific community itself and the needs of communication between the scientific community and society at large. and accept that many scientific communities regularly require two languages. Every nation. though not every linguistic community. has

groups of scientists divided along broad subject lines who carry

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out research in government agencies. industry or universities. They are rather small and close groups with their own com- municative needs which are on the whole identical whether they are internal to the groups or inter-group motivated. The languages used by these groups exhibit similar character-

istics. They are highly codified with little variation between written and spoken form. Any one group normally uses one natural language for day to day contact on matters concerning their work and this language need not be the language of their habitual private use. The dominant language for documentation and external communication is usually the language used by the scientific group which has been most influential in the develop- ment of this science. This language may assume the role of a lingua franca. Other factors influence the choice of a lingua franca for inter-group communication, namely the opportuni- ties for publication and funding, previous education, and. of course, the politics of scientific research. Scientific communities are therefore often multilingual and

international in their outlook. A relatively small number of languages dominate the publication of scientific research (see 2.2) and one of those languages is virtually compulsory for a scientist who wants to keep in touch with his subject at the international level. The scientific community itself is therefore not affected by the

terminology gap described above. It can and frequently does operate via a foreign language which for this purpose becomes a lingua franca. The terminology problem arises only in the transfer of scientific knowledge to technological applications. and here the scientist in a developing country has a special responsibility as conceptual and linguistic mediator between the international lingua franca and the national language in which the technology is expressed and transmitted. The scientist also has a broader responsibility towards his

society and must be able to communicate about his work with non-specialists. A situationally diversified language of science must therefore be developed which allows science schoolbooks to be written. popular-science journals to be published. science policy to be formulated by politicians. etc. Developing countries are creating appropriate channels of communication. the de- tailed realizations of which are discussed in section 3.1.

2.4 International efforts of assistance with terminology transfer

The problems associated with terminology transfer can be ex- amined from various angles and consequently efforts of assist- ance have been made in several directions. The problems can be seen as long term ones of providing technical know-how in general which have to be tackled at their roots in education. Alternatjvely the problems are posed case by case when technol- ogy is exported. It is then a specific problem which is to be solved by translation of manuals. on the job training. the loan of technical staff. etc. It is becoming obvious that minimal solu- tions are less and less acceptable. The problems can be seen as part of industrial development to which the language barrier is incidental. Countries which have adopted European languages. will take such a view. Alternatively it can be argued that since the know-how is available and freely moves within the same language community. it is primarily a language problem which is sol\.ablo by means of creating appropriate glossaries of technical terms. Each of these four positions contains part of the broader issue

as it \vi11 be seen by different social groups in the different linguistic environments presented in the next section. Here it is useful to describe some of the solutions that are

being actively pursued and which collectively will assist in the

process of terminology transfer. It is clear that a simple process of large-scale translation is totally illusory in whatever circum- stance or linguistic rCgime. It is precisely the absence of technic- al vocabulary in the target language which makes translation impossible in the first instance. There is no doubt, however. that once an adequate terminology has been developed-not by translators-translation can proceed, as it must. A report of the United Nations (ONUDI 1982) recognizes

that transfer and mastery of technology are only achieved if all the knowledge, documentation and technical skills which consti- tute the technology are transferred to all levels of a workforce to be so integrated into the economy. Thus acquisition of the language of technology itself is a goal of development. Seen in this way terminology transfer becomes a matter of

general education, of literacy even and can be observed in various UN programmes supporting the improvement of science teaching in schools. Zambia. Swaziland, Ethiopia and Kenya have benefited from UN support programmes for the improve- ment of science teaching in schools. Teaching material for primary and secondary schools are being developed in the respective national languages so that in future science teaching can be conducted in these languages. As part of the Ethiopian project thousands of English terms were extracted from current- ly used English language textbooks and provided with Amharic equivalents in the basic subjects of biology, chemistry, geology, geography, mathematics, physics, statistics, technology, medi- cine, pharmacy, nutrition and agriculture. O n this basis teachers can be trained and textbooks be written in Amharic (Jastrab. 1985). Another example of international co-operation is the Project

RAB 811013 on the translation into Arabic of telecommunica- tions terms which is sponsored by the UN Development Pro- gramme, the International Telecommunications Union, the Arab Telecommunications Union and other international and national Arab bodies which will ensure the wide diffusion of the Arabic terminology to be developed. The 23,000 terms to be translated will make a valuable contribution to international communication and to terminology creation in all Arab-speak- ing countries. Furthermore, the general methodology of the Project itself constitutes a most important step in the process of terminology tranfer as it may serve as a model for many other disciplines (Hamzaoui. 1983). At the TERMIA 84 conference, T. Sclineider (1984) of

Siemens AG in the Federal German Republic reported on efforts to create an English-Tonga technical dictionary to pro- vide the terminology required in the technical fields in which csiitaci between Tongans and foreign specialists and advisers is most frequent as in e.g. medicine. mechanics. constructions and agriculture. The principle at work was that only Tongans should be able to decide on designations. The role of Western special- ists was restricted to selecting and defining English terms. The definitions were translated into Tongan and Tongan specialists were asked to confirm existing terms or to coin new ones. The success of the enterprise was assured by the relatively small size of the Tongan speaking population and by the highly hierarchic- al Tongan society which made acceptance of the new terminolo- gy straightforward. Significant contributions to the development of terminology

at the regional level are made for Arabic. Swahili and Malay/ Indonesian. The work of the Bureau of Arabization is well known and needs no further description. ALECSO has a special policy for the promotion of Arabic in such countries as Mauritania. Sudan. Somalia and Djibouti which it classifies as 'Arabic countries with special cultural conditions'. (Mahmud. 1985). The Indonesian-Malaysian Language Council was formed in

1972 with the special task of fostering the harmonization of both languages (Hussain. 1985). There is a common spelling system.

17

The two national committees meet regularly to agree on terms in a great number of disciplines. In twenty-two meetings, sixty- one-thousand terms have been harmonized in forty disciplines. The size of the Malay-speaking population, some 180 million in Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei, Southern Thailand and Southern Philippines is a strong incentive to maintaining both languages as closely together as possible. Similar efforts would be justified for Swahili so that a fully

developed lingua franca is preserved for Eastern Africa. With the introduction of a Latin alphabet for Swahili the foundation was laid for a full development which was favoured by the various colonial powers because it served as a bridging language between the European language and the many local African languages. In 1930 an Interterritorial Language Committee was created both to foster the development of Swahili as a mother tongue and as a lingua franca. This is now the Institute of Kiswahili Research of the University College of Dar es Salaam.

It is estimated that some sixty million people speak Swahili as first or second language in a dozen African countries. The importance of this language is widely recognized as witnessed by numerous radiostations all over the world who transmit in Swahili, the numerous bilingual dictionaries of Swahili and other languages and the many universities or other research institutes which teach or study the language (24 in Europe, 18 in U.S.A., 2 in Asia and 5 in Africa) (Martini, 1984). Many international organizations regularly produce glos-

saries with technical terms and their definitions, though usually only in a very limited range of languages such as the official ones of the family of the UN, EC, IMF, UPU, IUT, GATT, OECD. Nevertheless, these documents provide internationally agreed definitions of widely used concepts and are therefore in many cases more reliable than monolingual dictionaries which may be rather narrow in scope and outlook. International professional and scientific organizations see it as

their function to provide an internationally agreed terminology. Such bodies as the International Institute for Welding, the International Railway Union, or the World Organization for Meteorology produce glossaries with internationally agreed concepts, their definitions and designations in a number of languages which can serve as models for terminology creation for other languages. The harmonization of concepts and agreement on definitions

lies at the root of the work of such bodies as SI0 and IEC and though the range of languages in which they publish is very narrow (English, French, Russian) these languages only have a pivotal role. IS0 documents, for example, have no real exist- ence unless they are accepted at national level where alone agreements reached by international committees can be im- plemented. This requires translation into national languages which equally applies to the languages in which the document is formulated. A n agreement formulated in French by delegates from a number of non-French-speaking countries uses French as a lingua franca which will have to be translated into Canadian French, Swiss French, Cameroonian French, etc. From the point of view of terminology such documents have two separate functions: they provide internationally agreed systems of con-

cepts and definitions which can be adopted directly; they also provide examples of designations which can serve as patterns for borrowing, loan translation or other forms of neology creation. The International Organization for Standardization has also

attempted to produce advisory documents for terminology creation. It published two recommendations in 1968, Naming Principles (ISO/R704) and International UniJication of Concepts and Terms (ISO/R860). Both documents take no account of non-European languages and are now obsolete. Revisions have been considered since 1974 but no definitive version has yet been issued. National standards documents on the same topic exist in the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom, Portugal and Czechoslovakia. Finally, there is the work of the various bodies which maintain

the international nomenclatures in the biological sciences, medi- cine, geology, mineralogy and chemistry. National and interna- tional professional scientific bodies, such as the International Union for Pure and Applied Chemistry (IUPAC), collaborate in the formulation and regular revision of the nomenclatures of their disciplines and have prescribed procedures for validating new terms and incorporating them into the system. The rules governing the nomenclatures of the sciences are more specific than the general disiderata expressed in section 3.3. but they are based on the same pragmatic principle. Nomenclatures over- come the unpredictability of word formation and the ambiguity inherent in popular names and general language naming proces- ses. They are also an international, or at least supranational, instrument of communication. Latin and Greek were naturally chosen when Latin was still the scientific lingua franca of Europe. The growing influence of national languages can already be seen in the chemical nomenclature developed about one hundred years after the first biological code. The chemical nomenclature rules contain the principle that the suffixes used be consistent with the natural languages in which the nomencla- ture is to be used: it is only the influence of British and French research which made the chemical nomenclature developed in these languages virtually universal. All codes still contain the recommendation that the rules be acceptable to different lan- guages and that the names which are not Latin or Greek in origin be adaptable to different languages. The General Information Programme and UNISIST of

Unesco have recognized the importance of terminology by their sponsorship of the International Information Centre for Termi- nology in Vienna. Infoterm have published a number of impor- tant bibliographies and provide general information through their TERMNET programme. The International Association for Terminology T E R M I A

provides a focal point for terminologists through the publication of a bulletin and its bi-annual conferences. A new association. the International Committee for Unifica-

tion of Terminological Neologisms has for a number of years collected terms which are common to a number of languages and published them in a regular column in BABEL, the Journal of the International Federation of Translators (FIT). The Commit- tee has recently started its own journal NEOTERM and its first international symposium was held in April 1985 in Warsaw.

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Chapter Three

3.1 Categories of linguistic communities

The description of attitudes to terminology transfer is conve- niently based on the categorization of certain parameters which affect this process. The first of these must be the general linguistic situation of a country, its distribution of languages, the functions of several languages, its attitude to the language of technology exporting countries in the environment in which terminology transfer takes place. This parameter must also include the role that the languages of technology-exporting countries play in the linguistic repertoire of an importing coun- try. A second parameter must be concerned with the socio- economic circumstances in which terminology transfer occurs and with consideration of its reflection in education and training. A third parameter is created by the regular techniques languages have developed for dealing with terminology or indeed by the presence or absence of an effective policy, towards the difficul- ties created by terminology transfer. Theoretically a number of options exist. ranging from com-

plete laissez-faire-as practised generally by English-speaking countries-to strict legislation against foreign language imports-as witnessed in recent years in Quebec and France. Another option would be to adopt a particular foreign language for a particular technology, as e.g. in IBM-owned enterprises which speak English wherever they are located. In reality the problems associated with terminology import are only a small aspect of a developing country’s linguistic problems and their solution is usually expected to fit in with the overall language policy adopted in response to ethnic, political, cultural and religious conditions. The problems discussed here are principally related to

European language terminology and their impact on developing countries, which in practice is narrowed down even further to English and French, as European countries as well as Canada and the United States normally use one or the other of these languages in cmtact with developing countries. It is, in fact, exceptional to use any other language, though especially in the case of Arabic some efforts are being made to remedy this deficiency.

1. The first special environment is given by developing coun- tries which are largely monolingual in a European language. This is the case of Latin America and Caribbean countries. Where the language is English or French no problem can be said to exist since the terminology is simply transferable. In the case of Spanish and Portuguese probiems of speed of development exist. These two languages normally have no difficulties of quickly creating the appropriate linguistic means to deal with imported technology, though unchecked transfer does tempor- arily produce barbarisms that are usually eliminated in a later stage of acclimatization since the whole society speaks the same language and therefore fully participates in its evolution.

There is a special problem for Spanish spoken by some 240 million people all over the world. There is no co-ordination of terminology associated with imported technology. Lara (1985) reports conflicts between what he calls ‘cultivate’ and ‘practical’ terminology transfer and also between English and French as a source language. A special case is given by countries with a large rural popula-

tion speaking non-European languages. In hundreds of years of co-existence the languages h m e become mutually translatable and compulsory education in the European language has pro- vided even the rural population with means of accessing the technology presented in a European language. For a Quechua-speaking Eolivian highlander Spanish is a second lan- guage but not a foreign language. H e has used it for his educa- tion and can in many cases use it for dealing with technology.

2. A second environment is similar to this last case but differs with respect to time and ethnic groups involved. In many Latin American countries a native population lives side by side with an immigrant population. mainly from Europe, who since the Spanish discovery of America have come to constitute a substan- tial part of the population of these countries. W e are therefore dealing with indigenous populations and populations of European origin who have over centuries identified with the new country, except in language. In this second environment one or two European languages have been introduced as official and national languages by and for non-European populations as part of a deliberate policy. This deliberate orientation towards European languages. notably English, French and Portuguese in such countries as Cameroon, where some 230 languages are spoken (Breton and Dieu 1983), Angola, Senegal is intended to overcome the difficulty created by the number of local languages without any one being a strong contender for an enhanced status. It also testifies to a clear understanding of the problems involved in multilingual nationhood and the linguistic problems associated in such a case with education, administration, mobil- ity and industrialization. A country like Cameroon can ill afford a linguistic service

more costly and complex than that of the European communi- ties, which it would need if it wanted to fully respect the multilingual nature of its population. By adopting a European language these countries follow the

Latin American example and will benefit from this international connection as long as they can remain flexible with respect to the adopted language. Translation from national to !oca1 languages is not faced by such a policy; it is assumed that bilingual education will obviate this need. Local languages may then develop into vehicles of local culture.

3. Virtually the opposite environment is created whcn a country chooses a single autochthonous language for full de- velopment as a national language. Examples of this develop- ment are to be found in Eastern Africa where Kinyarwanda and Kiswahili are being expanded as national languages, South-East

19

Asia where Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Malaysia are being developed. This situation is a natural state in linguistically homogeneous countries as for example Somalia. In a bold gesture in 1972 Somalia adopted Somali as the only official language and set about introducing the language in education and administration. Ten years later a literacy rate of 70% is reported (Adam 1980) as compared with 1.5% in 1962. Italian and English are still used in some university courses, but should be replaced soon. In as far as these languages extend beyond national boundaries and have been adopted as national and official languages by more than one country, they follow the model of Arabic which maintains a linguistic unity at several levels of discourse in a large number of countries. The fact that the inspiration of Arabic linguistic unity is religious is immaterial as long as the language serves the purposes of technology transfer as well. The adoption of a single language is generally accompanied

by the setting up of a language planning agency which ensures a controlled development at a time of rapid change, stimulates the growth of a full written and spoken repertoire of the language which may eventually oust local languages and dialects and co-ordinates joint development with countries of the same language. The advantages of this pattern are obvious: there is already a diversity of native speakers of the language who participate in its natural development and who can provide immediate testing ground and feed back. Urban growth, geo- graphical mobility and general education will assist the expan- sion of this language so that its role in society will change to that of the exclusive language of a majority of the population. The presence of a language planning agency will ensure the systema- tic incorporation of terminology into the autochthonous lexicon. This development is progressing, though there is still a certain

dependency for European languages in some sectors of society. Some countries have a policy of moving away from a dual regime, as in the example of Rwanda. Kinyarwanda is the national language but there are still two official languages. Kinyarwanda and French. This is a transition stage in which all education will move from French to the national language. The transfer is complete at the primary level of eight years schooling and initiated at the secondary and university levels. Such a transition is urgent if the 90% of the population who do not speak or understand French are to participate fully in the process of economic modernization. (Mugesera, 1985.)

4. Lastly, there is the case of countries which chose several dominant languages as co-equals at national level. The lan- guages chosen are usually regional languages which already have a linking function. By being singled out for fuller develop- ment these regional languages acquire a new status which may considerably expand their use. Countries who have adopted this policy are Nigeria, Senegal,

Zaire and there are precedents in countries like Canada, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland and Yugoslavia where for a number of reasons a multilingual regime was considered to be the only solution to an otherwise conflictive situation. In Nigeria three national languages are developed side by side, (Hausa. Igbo and Yoruba), covering the three ethnic and geo- graphical regions. In addition. unlike, the European models cited above, Nigeria has adopted English for international contacts. A special variant of this case is given by the situation of

Mauritania. At the moment of independence in 1960 the lan- guage of education was French. When the country joined the Arab League in 1973 the government intended to replace French by Arabic in all areas of government, public life and education. In 1979 the African population, though only 25% of the country, pushed through a law which changed this policy and made the three African languages Wolof, Sooninke and Pulaar

the official languages of the country next to Arabic. Mauritania is now officially divided along linguistic lines, but the African language-speaking regions have Arabic as a second language in school and the Arabic speakers have to learn one of the three African languages. French had to give way in the teaching curriculum. The best known example of this policy is, of course, India.

The Indian Constitution lists fifteen recognized languages for use in education, cultural institutions and government. Ten of these are the official language of one state each and the state boundaries were fixed largely to coincide with language bound- aries. Hindi is the official language of seven states and New Delhi. There is the special case of the parallel existence of Urdu which is, however, often intelligible for Hindi speakers. English should have been phased out but is still recognized as an associate official language. Its widespread use in government, the armed forces and education is a serious hindrance to the modernization of Indian languages. O n the other hand it is claimed that bilingualism and the use of English have significant- ly contributed to widening the range of styles and expressions in Indian languages. (Khubchandani, 1984.) The last example shows that none of these models can be

understood rigidly. Circumstances and attitudes change and policies have to be adapted to meet changes. New languages develop and maintain a strong following as, e.g. Nigerian Afro- English and Pidgin English in the Anglophone region of Cameroon. In Senegal a stronger position was claimed by Wolof. As some languages are spoken in several adjoining countries changes in the status of a language in one country may lead to changes in language or language policy elsewhere.

3.2 Socio-economic conditions

In a situation of planned and controlled economic development transfer of technology is part of such a plan and arrangements can be made for the appropriate production and teaching of autochthonous terminology. In cases, however, where there is little planning, no concern

for adequate language development and a direct clash of linguis- tic systems. technology transfer may lead to a breakdown of communications with the consequent disruption of economic processes; alternatively foreign language terminology, may im- pose itself locally in written or spoken form without being useful beyond its immediate application. From Mexico the following term formations are reported, which testify to spoken language transmission without any written language backup. Conse- quently we are faced with Spanish words which lack any sys- tematic import and any semantic reference point.

Charlie Pic for cherry picker; raidipa Ray-D pack; sipin wet-sipping (technique); edicarantes eddy-current test.

These examples show the importance of matching terminolo- gy transfer with appropriate levels of education so that the considerable investment is fully utilized. Concerted efforts are being made to integrate science and

technology development with overall social and economic de- velopment. The most fundamental contribution that developing countries can make in this direction is the rapid and orderly replacement of European languages as the means of instruction at all levels of education. In environments where no more than ten to fifteen per cent of the urban population use or understand a European language, instruction in such a language must

20

remain isolated and leads to intellectual underachievement as was demonstrated in the Six-Year Primary Project in Nigeria (Afolayan 1976). In this project Yoruba-speaking children were taught in Yoruba and compared with a group taught in English. The results of instruction in their own language proved superior. The experiment also confirmed that there is relatively little transfer between knowledge learned in one language and that learned in another. (Lemon, 1981.) The practical choice for developing countries would therefore

appear to be either monolingualism for any one region or country or full bilingualism between a European language and a local language which may, of course, then be distributed func- tionally. This second solution may be the only choice for multi- lingual countries like Cameroon, but a deliberate policy in this direction must foresee the chances of pidginization and thereby further diversification of languages as well as the emergence of urban populations who no longer know a single African language. Choosing monolingual development of a local language, or

parallel development of several regional languages, entails a policy of replacement of European languages which must be preceded by developing a full written and spoken repertoire of the chosen language. There are numerous successful examples of such language creation (Swahili, Demotiki, modern Hebrew). Lexical expansion for technical and scientific com- munication is part of this process and will be discussed in the next section. Language planning of this order can, however. only succeed if

there is a clear and coherent policy of implementation. No student will choose to be educated in a local language when an alternative education in a European language may lead to a better paid job. Prestige and direct advantages must be associ- ated with the use of the new language as it will only grow and develop if it is widely used. (Marshad, 1982). There is a considerable divergence between the theoretical

desiderata for terminology import and the day to day reality of actual term creation. In theory a language planning agency can re-perform the term

designation process systematically and with greater consistency and so create a perfectly balanced and appropriate terminology with consistent variations for different levels of discourse. Re- creations of this type can produce a rational and economical instrument of communication which may be more efficient than the original source. The French terms ‘logiciel’ and ‘materiel’ are undoubtedly superior in motivation to the corresponding English terms and the systematic names of the taxonomies can also be considered models of secondary designation. In practice, however, the circumstances of term creation are

quite different. Importation of terminology occurs at such a pace that planned assimilation cannot cope. Nor can the circum- stances under which it occurs be controlled. A n ambitious publisher may commission a translation of a science or engineer- ing textbook from a naive or irresponsible translator who does not consult specialists. The urgent need for the book may make the use of poorly motivated borroivings inevitable. Or, a scien- tist returns from an international conference and in teaching passes on the foreign language terms he has just learnt himself. In another case an illiterate worker for a foreign company may adapt the sound of a foreign term and subject it to folk etymo- logy. In this way terms enter a language unsystematically and haphazardly. They may be taken over directly in written or spoken form, they may be translated piecemeal or recreated in analogy with indigenous terms. However culturally unacceptable the wholesale incorporation

of foreign terminology may be, it is a fact of life in many communities and a contributory factor to the conflicts between modernization and traditionalism, between foreign influences and indigenous development. It would, however, be erroneous

to take the effect of imported foreign language terminology for the cause which lies in the lack of autochthonous development in science and technology. As long as scientists, ethnologists and technicians acquire their specialist knowledge via a foreign language they will be receptive to the wholesale import of foreign terminology. Word formation habits are influenced by perception and

observation. When this perception is first-hand and carried out in the observer’s first language. he will use the means of that language to designate the concepts he discovers or establishes. Acquiring knowledge in a second language not only influences our word-formation habits in the direction of that language, it also inhibits the natural growth of the first language because it is excluded from the cognitive processes which lead to concept designation. Languages of developing countries therefore also come under

the influence of word formation patterns of other languages and may therefore genuinely widen their means of expression. English for example has accepted noun compounds with the French noun-adjective pattern and French has accepted the juxtaposition of nouns from English. The first stage of terminology transfer in practice is that of

borrowing, first of entire words and this is of course desirable for culture-bound terms. then in the form of loan translation. Loan-words do not have an assured existence unless they are so adapted as to become unrecognizable. Experience has shown that unadapted loan-words lead a precarious existence and are frequently replaced. Loan translations have a better chance of survival if they conform to existing patterns of word formation. The discussion of these two phenomena-loan-words and loan

translation -in the following section must be seen as observa- tions on natural phenomena of language change. They are important now for some languages as they were important to other languages at other times of major social and economic change heavily influenced from outside.

3.3 Attitudes to foreign terminology assimilation

With a growing consensus among national governments that language development is either a precondition for, or an inevit- able accompaniment to economic and social advancement, the technological development objectives are currently seen to in- corporate a language planning dimension. A n examination of language planning policies in various countries reveals a remark- able diversity in their mission, clarity of objectives and coher- ence of approach towards imported terminology. Attitudes towards naming concepts new to a language com-

munity can be broadly divided into purist and permissive and on the whole mirror existing attitudes to any fxeign language influence with two possible variants. One is the attitude towards transnational or international terminology where there is greater tolerance; the other is the attitude to whole families of terms which, having entered the language, prove useful and are therefore more readily accepted. While a permissive attitude is generally preferable, since it respects the self-regulatory mechanisms of language, it cannot be defended under circum- stances of massive terminology transfer into a linguistic vacuum. Occasional imports have to coexist with and come under the influence of established terms in a given subject field. When the entire subject field is new, the importing language has no pattern of absorption to offer and hence needs a general policy. Language development centres, standardization agencies,

and translation services are among the bodies created in both developed and developing countries to regulate, give guidance

21

in, and co-ordinate terminologization activities and particularly foreign language terminology importation. The impact of some of these bodies has been slight because of the slowness of their operation, the lack of authority-i.e. no power of sanctions-and, most importantly. the absence of means of wide distribution of their work. In order to be effective, policies dealing with various forms of borrowing must be normative and preventive; they must give clear guidance on the criteria by which borrowing is acceptable or to be rejected. At the same time they must provide alternatives to term creation by borrowing.

Borrowing

Borrowing is interpreted here as comprising both direct borrow- ing of foreign language forms, loan-words, and loan-translation. For loan-words or loan-translations to be integrated into the linguistic repertoire of a language, they should as far as possible satisfy a number of widely accepted criteria: - Borrowings should not be preferred to autochthonous

- Borrowings should not create synonyms. - Borrowings should fit into the morphological, phonological

and syntactic structure and permit derivation and composi- tion as appropriate.

- Borrowing should be restricted to terms: phrases should not be borrowed.

- Borrowings formed from Greek or Latin elements which are widely used internationally are more readily acceptable.

- Borrowings are more readily acceptable in science than in technology.

- The more widely used the new term will be, the greater is the need to create an autochthonous form. These principles are not usually adhered to in any systematic

manner because people who borrow terms are unaware of them and do not seek advice from experts. The result has been a generalized inconsistency in naming and a proliferation of synonyms. Synonymy created by borrowing is a particularly problematic question in terminology transfer among the de- veloping countries and may assume one of the following basic forms: - More than one autochthonous term for a concept, such as

where a popular or professional neologism is differently motivated from, and therefore at variance with official re- commended neologisms e.g. in Swahili (Tumbo, 1982) feed- er plate is known among professionals as mkeka (describing appearance) and officially as kilisha uzi (functional descrip- tion).

- Native terms introduced as part of indigenization policy to supersede loan-words compete with these latter e.g. Swahili wapu vs. mtande ‘warp’, and bimi vs. mhimili ‘beam’.

- Loan-words originating from different languages as a result of political, social and commercial interaction. A n example of this type of synonymy is seen in the Rundi ifwatiri ‘voiture’ and imodoka ‘motorcar’. (Rodegem, 1984.) In this particular case, the coexistence of English and French

loans is a consequence of the interaction between Francophone Burundi and its surrounding Anglophone neighbours. The prevalence of synonymy in the lexicon of developing

nations can therefore be attributed to both internal and external influences. As mentioned in section 2.1, the majority of these countries have colonial antecedents and may have been subject to more than one colonial authority. Also mercantile expedi- tions by Europeans of dissimilar linguistic backgrounds, inter- tribal marriages, ethnic conflicts and migration trends have all provided the local languages with loan-words in different spheres of activity. These factors explain, for instance, Swahili

methods of term creation.

borrowings of Bantu. English, Arabic and Asian origin, Indonesian loans from regional vernacular languages, Arabic, Dutch and English, and loan-words in Urdu from Arabic, Persian, Turkish, English and Portuguese. This notwithstanding, the mechanism of borrowing remains

complex and defies straightforward systematization. A detailed examination of the two main types of foreign terminology imports-loan-words and loan translations-will perhaps de- monstrate the extent of this complexity.

Loan-words

The importation of foreign terms may be effected without alternations in their phonological and orthographical patterns nor modifications in their semantic scope. In countries where official language planning and terminologization bodies oper- ate, phonological considerations are however paramount in the adoption of loan-words, and account in part for the tendency for Swahili to borrow from the Bantu languages, Indonesian prefer- ence of regional dialects and Sanskrit, Urdu borrowing from Hindu, Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit as the first choice for loan-words. The acceptability of foreign words to the language repertoire

of a given language community depends among other things on the permissiveness of the phonetic system of the language in question, and from the point of view of the terminology export- ing language, on the degree to which the neologisms fits in with or can be adapted to the phonological and syllabic systems of the importing language. With the exception of internationalisms therefore, direct borrowing is most common within language groups belonging to the same language family, since it is in these circumstances that there is a considerable degree of morpho- phonological compatibility between the source and target lan- guages of the term transfer. It is perhaps this adaptability to foreign but related languages that has given rise to multilingual borrowing in Urdu. Besides being able to borrow freely and extensively from Hindi, Persian and other Indic languages (Zaidi, 1984), Urdu compounds have been formed from various permutations of Persian, Arabic and Hindi elements. Though there is extensive interlingual transfer of scientific

and technical terms among the Romance and Germanic lan- guages of the developed countries, direct borrowing from ethnic language groups in the developing countries is to a large mea- sure limited to general language and popular-scientific vocabu- laries. This limitation is imposed by the generally lower levels of technological development of these nations, and the consequent underdevelopment of indigenous terminology. In addition to linguistic factors, other motivations for the

integral adoption of foreign terms include geographical proximity, political associations, socio-cultural interactions and the elevated status that may be ascribed to users of the loan- words. A n extreme case of borrowing is brought into relief by the

wholesale adoption of entire subsets of hi-fi electronics termi- nology from English into Brazilian Portuguese. Carvalho, ( 1984) lists tracking, booster, tweeter, soft-touch, video-tape, and video-clip among the English loan-words taken over into Portuguese technical literature on account of the international acceptance and prestige of English. Some of these imported words violate Portuguese phonology and morphology, and are bound to be superseded eventually by alternatives adhering much more closely to linguistic norms of Portuguese. The adoption of loan-words can also be accompanied by

formal (spelling, morphology) and/or semantic adaptation. With regard to formal modification, the imported terms can

undergo a nativization process resulting in an alteration of the phonological, morphological and orthographical forms, in con-

22

formity with the sound and spelling conventions of the target language. The semantic import of the term is however un- affected by these changes. Harmonization of formal structures of loan-words is a highly

productive means of scientific-technical terminology acquisition because little effort is involved in phonological adaptation. The oral tradition of borrowing is the oldest and most natural one; difficulties arise when a spelling has to be decided on. Phoneti- cally adapted terms also have a greater potential for acceptance by the non-specialist community. Form adaptation may operate uniquely on the orthographic

level, as with the Arabic transliteration of cornputer (/kompju:- ted), and software (/softwe:r/) from English (Yousif, 1984); alternatively. it may characterize, as in the Swahili termsfenicha ‘furniture’, gea ‘gea’ and injinia ‘engineer’. the original pro- nounciation of the term as perceived by native speakers (Palome. 1984.) Morpho-phonological harmonization is equally achieved via

the introduction of initial or epethentic vowels to break up consonant clusters. Setasiun ‘station’ (Indonesian), sitatu ‘star- ter’, adireshi ‘address’ (Hausa), likirutu ‘recruit’, sitoo ‘store’ (Swahili), istation ‘station’, iskiil ‘school’ (Urdu), all belong to this category, and though part of strictly-speaking general lan- guage vocabulary, they are indicative of both general and special language term formation patterns. The adaptation of loan-words, particularly via fruitful phono-

logical innovations are desirable as they effectively enrich the native language through exploiting various loopholes of existing phonological systems and provide autochthonous motivations for otherwise aberrant neologisms. The syllabic system of Swahili has seen one such innovation in the loan-words sista ‘sister’, plagi ‘plug’, spaki ‘spark’, retriti ‘retreat’. The integra- tion of these terms with new consonant clusters into Swahili word-stock is explained by the claim that fast speech already manifests vowel syncopation. (Marshad, 1982.) A second type of adapted borrowing initiates changes at the

semantic level frequently accompanied by some formal natur- alization as well.

Loan translation

In addition to the direct and adapted borrowing of essentially mononucleic words, total and partial translation of phrases and compound words has been a productive means of lexical and terminological expansion of local languages by official bodies, professional groups and the general community. Loan transla- tions may be literal, word-for-word substitution of the lexical components of compounds, and, depending on the lexical rules of the target language, sometimes necessitate some syntactic reordering of the compound elements in accordance with the recipient language requirements. Swahili and Bahasa Indonesia have emplo5 zd such reordering in the Swahili terms vita baridi ‘cold war’. ngiiva farasi ‘horse power’, perilbetutu ‘triangle’, and the Indonesian pentjakar langit ‘skyscraper’, kanibirig hitam ‘scapegoat’, and bulan madu ‘honeymoon’ by transposing the nucleus and the terminant (qualifier) of the English loan. Certain countries have adopted specific policies with regard to

loan translations. The guidelines for neologization issued by the Indonesian technical terminology commission explicitly dis- courage the word for word approach to loan translation, recom- mending instead, the coinage of indigenous terms which char- acterize a semantic identity of concepts. (Labrousse. 1984.) It is therefore on the basis of semantico-conceptual equivalence that jarigan is the loan translation of the English ‘network’. Scientific terminology. as mentioned earlier, is distinguishable from tech- nical terminology by the latter’s characteristic socio-cultural motivation; some technical terms therefore, typify individual

language conceptual systems and as a result do not lend them- selves to easy translation in a different socio-linguistic environ- ment. Various alternative strategies have been adopted by technology importing countries to obviate this difficulty. Swahili for example has introduced folk-etymological neolo-

gisms, definitional. descriptive and functional periphrastic renditions for the following English loans that have no readily available conceptual parallels in the vernaculars: ndege (lit. ‘bird’) ‘aeroplane’, kuandika kwa ufupi (lit. ‘write with brevity’) ‘stenography’. kionanibuli (lit. ‘seeing far off‘) ‘television’. Dif- ferences in conceptualization of technical terminology are perhaps brought into relief by the Hausa equivalent of aero- plane jirgin sama (lit. ‘vehicle of the sky’) vs. the Swahili ndege ‘bird’. Partial loan translation is a relatively much more complex

phenomenon than integral loan translation. by virtue of its applicability to both single terms and compounds. English and Sanskrit have provided loans belonging to this category to Hindi general and special language lexicons. Anglo-Hindi ‘hybridiza- tion’ (Balbir, 1984) ranges from translation of qualifiers in krshi-bank ‘agricultural bank’, junta-party ‘Janata Party’ (lit. ‘people’s party’), to root-form borrowing coupled with suffix translation in uyariikaran ‘ionization’. Semantic changes may ‘particularize’ a polysemous word

within the same language register e.g. vidyut ‘electricity’ (Hindi) from Sanskrit vidyut whose meaning range includes ‘electricity’, ‘cosmic electricity’ and ‘lightning’. Hindi also ex- hibits borrowing from general language into special language. General language words, e.g. itrja ‘force’, ‘power’ (Sanskrit), are assigned special reference, ‘energy’ in Hindi. A different type of semantic modification that may be brought

to bear on the imported term involves a shift in the original meaning of the term. Hindi lid-yoga ‘industry’ originates from Sanskrit iid-yoga ‘effort’, ‘work’; iipgraha ‘satellite’ another Sanskrit loan originally meaning ‘small planet’; in Swahili mean- while, chernbe ‘nominal’ as infidiu chernbe ‘nominal damages’, kodi chernbe ’nominal rent’ is a loan-word from Bantu chembe ‘grain‘. International transfer and exchange of technology is en-

hanced by the employment of a common core of relatively homogeneous designations; duplication of effort-is also avoided. However, it can be fraught with a number of linguistic and socio-cultural problems. First, because each language has evolved a grammar to serve its communication needs, gramma- tical and word formation rules vary both between individual languages and groups of languages; loans from a donor language may, in effect, belong to different word-classes with different inflectional systems and be based on different word-formation and compounding techniques from those of the recipient lan- guage. English is the primary source of most other languages in loan-words; however, its gender system, described as the most degenerate among all the Indo-European group of languages, has created major difficulties of gender assignment for lan- guages with incompatible gender systems. The problems confronting the integration of English and

Sanskrit loans into Hindi highlight what may be considered a more widespread problem. The absence of specific rules on the incorporation into the two Hindi categories of masculine and feminine, of masculine, feminine, and neuter loans from English and Sanskrit has led to arbitrary and conflicting gender assignment of general language loan-words and, in the case of official technical dictionaries, to a deliberate omission of gender by the lexicographers and terminologists. (Balbir, 1984.) The second problem, though equally linguistic, &rises not

because of the inherent characteristics of the language. but from the socio-linguistic and cultural traits of particular sections of the community. It relates to tensions and conflicts generated when the mastery of the loan-word requires a lot of intellectual effort,

23

say, by virtue of deviant phonological structures, and poses enormous difficulties on the part of the less educated and monolingual sections of the given community. (Fodor, 1984.) Thus, while loan-words (especially internationalisms) make orientation in international technical literature easier, a mod- ernized word-stock developed through native means is more instrumental and advantageous in bridging the gap or streng- thening the connections between the higher educated sections of the society and the lower socio-economic groups. The importation of foreign-word forms can disrupt, and in

some cases completely alter existing linguistic patterns and established conventions. In Arabic literature for instance, there is evidence of linguistic interference and destabilization arising from unsystematic and uncontrolled borrowing; English and French literal loan-words and translations have altered the prepositional system of the language, and introduced syntactic modifications in the use and functions of various link words. Yousif (1984) points out deformation of the morphological, phonetic and syllabic patterns by the transliteration of the English loan 1KOMPJU:TERI which introduces a new phoneme lpl and violates the classical (CV, CVC) syllabic pattern with the sequence lpjul.

It has also been suggested that the English loans retriti, breki, and klachi infringe upon the morpho-phonological rules of Swahili (Palome, 1984); this may explain the indigenous alterna- tive terms mafungo ‘retreat’, zuio ‘brake’, and mfumbato ‘clutch’ coined by BAKITA, the Swahili Language Council, to replace the loan-words. Though the above English loans in Swahili have been seen as a means of enriching the latter language and reducing loopholes in its syllabic structures (Marshad, 1982), linguistic propriety is perhaps a more impor- tant criterion in conflictive situations of this type.

lnternationalisms

Classical Latin and Greek have provided scientists and tech- nologists of the developed countries with basic root forms (cf. Chapter 1) for increasing numbers of terms which have earned universal acclaim on account of the rapid expansion and widespread application of related scientific processes, pro- cedures, and technological products. The universal adoption of these internationalisms, as already indicated, facilitates com- munication both within the scientific community, i.e. among scientists and technologists by unambiguous reference to iden- tical concepts, objects, processes, etc., of similar conceptual systems; moreover, interlingual transfer of specialized terminol- ogy is enhanced by the formal similarities. Apart from this

progressive trend towards the internationalization of science and to a lesser degree technology, the growing socio-economic interdependence between countries of diverse linguistic back- grounds makes the preference of internationalisms over existing or new autochthonous terms a more positive step towards effective communication. Part of the activities of language planning and advisory services have evolved around coining Greek- or Latin-based terms to supersede indigenous alterna- tives. In Indonesia, internationalisms coined by the technical term commissions, the Pusat Bahasa, to replace native terms include nitrogen ‘nitrogen’ for zat lemas, matematika ‘mathema- tics’ for ilmu pasti, and kanker ‘cancer’, endemi ‘endemic’, biologi ‘biology’ as substitutes for pekung, hawa and ilmu hayat respectively. Among Swahili internationalisms are bayolojia biology’ for eliviumbe, gram ‘gramme’, alfabeti ‘alphabet’, and tranzizta ‘transistor’. The use of transnational loans is also manifested in the Arabic terms 1FUNI:MI ‘phoneme’, 1FISYULU:ZYAI ‘physiology’ (El Sayed, 1984), and lbistiinl ‘piston’. (Hunter Smeaton. 1973.) Contradictory policies have been pursued in the developing

countries in an attempt to strike a balance between supranation- al and intranational terminological requirements. It has been seen in the preceding sections how condemnation of excessive indigenization has resulted in the coining of international terms to supersede endogenously motivated parallels. In pursuance of its Swahilization programme, the Swahili

Language Council, BAKITA, has proposed vernacular alterna- tives to loan-words some of which may have already acquired international use. O n the whole, however, language planning agencies are cognizant of the fact that, if pursued too rigorously, linguistic purification, i.e. the replacement of non-native words or neologization using indigenous source material, can effec- tively decrease the richness and overall efficiency of a language. Consequently, no attempts have been made to substitute ver- nacular terms for English and other foreign language loans that have long been integrated into everyday speech. For Bangla, Huq (1985) reports the pragmatic rule that a term

is acceptable if it exists in similar form in at least six other languages. By such a general rule words like telephone, com- puter, frequency or modulation are adopted as international words. For Indian languages Khubchandani (1984) reports two con-

flicting tendencies: classicalization and Westernization. The trend to borrow from Sanskrit, Perso-Arabic and Old Tamil leads to puristic writing styles which widens the gulf between written and spoken language. The borrowing from English apparently leads to a mixed use of English and Indian languages which is meeting opposition from people who want to develop the Indian languages.

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Chapter Four

4.1 New demands on terminology

The speed of scientific and technological development has given rise to an unprecedented growth of special vocabulary. Termi- nology is now being created simultaneously in many parts of the world, which leads to an inevitable multiplicity of terms, formed according to different principles, many of them with an equal claim to acceptance and use. Furthermore, terms do not, as in earlier centuries, become slowly established through use so that a natural adjustment and selection has taken place by the time a single term reaches a wider public. New inventions are im- mediately reported, not only in learned journals, but also in the popular press so that the general reader may at any one time have to deal with a multiplicity of names for a new product or process, without being able to tell that they refer to the same concept or, indeed, to choose which term to adopt. So he may find in one text a single product named by several natives names originating from different laboratories in different countries, by loan translation, by borrowing, by trade names, etc. The prin- ciple of univocal reference, so dear to theories of terminology and which provides a powerful guarantee for efficient com- munication among small specialist groups, is thus abandoned. The greater dependency of society on science and technology

requires that wider and more heterogeneous user groups have direct access to the terminology of a large number of special subjects. There is now a greater interaction between specialists and the general public through government regulations, com- mercial interests, in education and the so-called popular- scientific literature. With the growth of interdisciplinary studies there is more contact between specific sciences and between professional groups. Science, engineering and technology now regularly co-operate both in training of staff and in the develop- ment of products. The border between natural and social scien- ces is also being breached through new groupings of disciplines such as environmental studies, social medicine, industrial man- agement. Terminologies are traditionally created, by accident or de-

liberate design, to optimize the efficiency of communication among specialists. The functional criteria which influence term- formation techniques are primarily those of precision, economy and appropriateness. The need for precision is usually balanced by economical considerations and vice versa; appropriateness is ensured by restricting the use of technical terms to small homogeneous groups. The restriction of use to specialists, and thereby the existing practice of the principle of appropriateness, are, however, being challenged as a result of social develop- ments which naturally find their reflection in language. Terminology which would meet the communicative needs of

such diverse users requires new design criteria in which approp- riateness takes precedence but has to be interpreted much more widely than hitherto. The form of a term which may have been appropriate for the language of physics, charm or strangeness for instance, may no longer be considered so if it conflicts with a

designation in another special subjet. For a new, wider, func- tional specification of terminology we have to take into account the following factors, none of which offer difficulties to special- ized communication as such.

The formal identity of terms with words (homonymy), so that the non-specialist reader does not know whether he is dealing with a term or a word, e.g. ‘power’ in general use, in politics, in physics, in electrical engineering. The overlap of terminology between disciplines (polysemy, synonymy), e.g. ‘morphology’ in linguistics and biology; ‘thesaurus’ in information science, linguistics and (classical) literature. Misleading or ambiguous motivation of terms (transparency vs. opaqueness), so that the non-specialist cannot construe the sense from the parts, e.g. ‘diamond drilling’ vs. ‘concrete drilling’, ‘temperature change’ vs. ‘gear change’. Varying specificity according to previous knowledge which creates a variety of terminological structures which may conflict with generally perceived relationships. e.g. the housewife’s division of plants and related products into vegetables and fruit has no correspondence in botany. Terminology is often criticized for the very features it shares

with general language, i.e. polysemy and multifunctionality. A highly specialized term may be considered unnecessary and replaceable by a general language paraphrase, whereas a gener- al language word used with a special meaning may be considered confusing because it is indistinguishable and therefore mislead- ing in a specialized context. Terminology must be flexible in order to permit the evolution

of science and technology and in order to teach at various levels. With respect to content, three categories of terms have been identified: those specific to a discipline; those which belong to several disciplines among which a distinction has to be made between common/shared concepts and shared linguistic forms; general operational terms which are used with a more precise meaning than in general language but which may be specifically and narrowly defined in any one discipline. With respect to their form we have to distinguish: terms which

are exclusive to a discipline; terms which have different mean- ings in different disciplines: these may be terms which also exist as words, e.g fastidious in bacteriology; terms which are indis- tinguishable from words except in the special context in which they are used. With respect to the distribution of knowledge among special-

ist groups we can distinguish degrees of specificity of terms, such as basic, intermediate or advanced knowledge. There are thus teaching or pre-scientific terms representing concepts consi- dered necessary to elucidate more specific concepts. Another division is conditioned by the various professional

groups involved in any one special subject. According to the nature of the subject involved we can have a single group, e.g. astrophysics, or a division into such categories as: theory - a p p 1 i e d research - engine er i n g app 1 i ca- tions-design-factory-sales-services. In addition it has to be

25

accepted that terminology is evolving while it is in use so that concepts are renamed more appropriately later on and this may lead to synonymy. The cognitive and formally linguistic dimensions of terminol-

ogy interact. A highly specialized term can have the form of a highly polysemic word of the general language, and a unique designation may describe a phenomenon which is no longer even considered scientific. Motivated and transparent formations of terms may in the

course of the evolution of the subject lose their motivation and thereby misdirect the reader who attempts to construe the sense of the term from its parts. Specialists have evolved their own system of synonyms for the various separate functions of their language but the layman may not be familiar with them. It is conflicts of this nature which cause misunderstandings. In the traditional pattern of use of special languages access

was strictly controlled through the learning process (appren- ticeships, technical training, academic study, etc.) which intro- duced the user step by step into the subject and simultaneously into the language needed to discuss the subject. Unlike messages in general language which are heterogenous

and sporadic but equally hermetic without situational reference, special language communication is closely interrelated with accumulated knowledge; any message, whether educational or not, presupposes knowledge transmitted in a previous one. In this way special knowledge is built up through successive defini- tion and substitution of general language elements by special ones to a limit appropriate to each level of education established by society, which then becomes the necessary precondition for the range of messages appropriate for the specialist. This pro- cess is repeated for each new user and every time a subject field is expanded or new concepts are developed. Special language communication thus has a technique not available in general communication. As special languages, to be functional and communicatively effective, assume a certain level of knowledge, established formally through education or explicitly through previous messages, they differentiate clearly between assumed and new knowledge; communication is achieved by a particular combination of words, terms and standardized terms. Words can thus be considered variable elements, terms as fixed ele- ments and standardized terms as established points of reference or axioms in communication. However, this signalling techni- que is only possible if previous messages have established the necessary agreement on the function of terms and standardized terms, and their referential content-a process which, in turn, is realizable only within a homogeneous group of language users who have undergone common education and training through a series of such messages. It is obviously extremely disturbing to interrupt this process by a shift in languages, as happens in many developing countries. Terminology is thus hermetic only to those who have not acquired the necessary previous knowledge and who are thus unable to understand the full complexity of the subject matter in hand. In cases where terminology has created its own separate system of designation as in chemical notation, the Nomina Anatomica, etc., this separate need is widely accep- ted. In disciplines which cannot or have not created such semi- artificial languages the use of terminology may be resented.

4.2 ‘Popular-scientific’ communication requirements

If new demands are to be made on the vocabulary of special languages, a new level of communication, provisionally called ‘intermediate’ has to be systematically developed. This mode of communication would be a link between special languages and

between special and general language. It may be considered as a means of divulging specialist messages, and could take the form of intralingual translation of specialist messages for the less specialized, as it already occurs in textbooks and the popular- science literature. It may serve to convey and elicit information required by both parties, such as the interpretation of a legal judgement or contract, the explication of the effects of scientific experiments, obtaining reliable information in a sociological survey, etc. As special languages are based on and derived from general

language there is no absolute borderline between general and special language and the threshhold between general and special language can be delineated only by pragmatic criteria derived from usage. It is therefore more useful to speak of a sliding scale of messages between general and special in which the degree of specialism and hence the use of terminology is determined by situational parameters. The intermediate language could be placed in the middle of this scale and be focussed on both directions. Deficient or faulty comprehension occurs in the case of a

speaker or writer who cannot or will not adjust to the level of understanding of the listener or reader. This occurs in the following situations: 1. When a speaker is confronted with a mixed audience of

specialists and laymen. 2. When a speaker or writer lacks the ability to adjust to the

level of his audience. 3. When a writer is unable to gauge the level of understanding

of his audience which is most commonly the case in printed documents.

4. When a reader attempts to tackle a text for which he is inadequately prepared, which is, of course, the reverse of one of the possibilities emanating from 3, above. The intermediate language would provide norms for dealing

with these situations; and postulating the separate existence of such a level of communication also supports the need for special mediators or special mediation, which adjusts to the needs of each such situation. In most specialized messages and especially in the fields of the

sciences, the gradation of knowledge is well-established by conventional assumptions about levels of knowledge and experi- ence and there are, through patterns of education and training, adequate model sequences of texts based on school and universi- ty teaching syllabuses and industrial training programmes which can be emulated. The degree of difficulty of a message with special language

features is therefore determined by the extent to which it confirms. modifies or adds to the knowledge structure of the recipient and by the way this is achieved. Messages which confirm knowledge do not on the whole offer problems of understanding as long as they are expressed in the language the recipient shares with the sender. Modificatory and innovatory messages can either introduce new linguistic items for known concepts or new concepts and their designations. If this is done overtly in the text by using general language to paraphrase new concepts and gradually introducing new designations the reci- pient should be able to follow. If it is done covertly, the recipient is expected to be in full command of the immediately preceding literature on the topic and is then in an analagous situation to the general language case in which an outsider at a party does not understand who and what people are referring to because he does not know them, nor their circle of acquaintances, their interests and preoccupations. The skill to popularize special topics is extremely rare. It

requires not only an absolute command of the topic but also the ability to define, adjust and adhere to a certain level of know- ledge on the basis of which popular-scientific discourse is con- structed, generally without recourse to such props as explana-

26

tory footnotes and defining dictionaries. This technique needs to be highly selective, yet consistent, using general language to explain what is not normally named in this language. It demands the skill to proceed backwards in the evolution of a discipline, to decompose the specialization process of the language which is part of the formation of the speaker, in order to build up a greatly reduced picture of some aspect of high specialization. Specialists in the forefront of their research are not always the most qualified mediators. Scientific discourse is conceptual and relies on what has been

called ‘environmental reference’ (Sager et al., 19t30); popular scientific discourse is metalinguistic and perceptual. It refers textually by paraphrases, definition or explanation, thereby bridging differences in knowledge of designation, and it refers perceptually to the situation by pointing forward and back in a text. by practical demonstration, illustrations, graphs, etc. The very successful Christmas lectures by members of the Royal Society for Children illustrates this point. Advanced research topics are presented with a wealth of practical demonstration, experiments and audience participation by distinguished scien- tists who are working to carefully prepared scripts. It must, however, also be pointed out that the type of understanding aimed at is quite different from the requirements of a profes- sional. It is a broad apprehension of some scientific concepts and no more.

4.3 Outlook

In a world in which social and subject barriers are systematically reduced we are faced with the problem of reconciling the need for a high degree of specialization, and the concomitant spe- cialization of language. with the equally important need of permitting a larger circle of non-specialists to know about and participate in decisions concerning scientific development. While it is possible to explain even the most complicated scien- tific theory or experiment in ‘plain’ language, this is extremely time-consuming and wasteful of human effort. Nor is it neces- sary or even desirable as a general rule since the claim of specialists to communicate with their peers in languages which they have perfected over centuries as highly efficient tools is no less valid today. The demand is rather for a new language with a connecting and intermediary function. The elements of such a language already exist in the languages

of formal and practical instruction. These elements have to be diversified to meet the varying demands made by less homogeneous groups. The primarily didactic function of this language and the appropriate text types will have to be ex- panded to serve the wider range of needs of general populariza- tion; intermediate vocabularies will have to be developed and systematically organized for each subject field as required. Specialized journalism such as the business and financial

pages of daily newspapers, commentaries on legal judgements or new legislation fulfil a similar function. This type of writing can, however, be highly individualistic so that the reader has to ‘tune in’ to a particular commentator to understand his message with the precision required. Qualifications in popularized writing, for instance, may have a

certain range of meaning which the reader can only guess at. Phrases such as ‘a small part’, ‘a considerable part’, ‘modest gains’, ‘moved narrowly’ may hide a percentage scale clearly established in the writer’s mind but which is inaccessible to the casual reader. (Grave and Hodge, 1943.) Another concrete example of popularized science is the excel-

lent series of Pelican Books published by Penguin Books Ltd., which Turner characterizes as follows: ‘This book, after all,

attempts to separate a subject matter assumed not to be the speciality of its readers from the special language in which it is professionally discussed.’ H e goes on explaining the characteris- tics of this form of writing: ‘Popularizers do not always avoid technical terms. Theirs is a modified technical language, often introducing special terminology in quotation marks, because they have to talk about the language of their special subject before using it. This language is, in any case, part of what the general reader wants to know about, and is to some extent necessary to introduce the distinctions made by specialists. What is lost in popularization is the brevity of the specialist, and therefore, in a book of practicable length, much of his detail and the qualifications he would make. (Turner, 1973.) Similar to the popular Pelican Books, publications exist in

other countries and even government bodies are seen to make greater efforts to develop a mode of communication with the general public which is more acceptable and at the same time achieves the desired effect with less resistance or objection. What is lacking is a general recognition of this need for an intermediate language. a need which grows with scientific and technological specialization on the one hand and with the greater involvement of the results of this specialization in every- day life. In language teaching the new emphasis on language for

special purposes (LSP) shows an awareness that goal-oriented language teaching and learning based on careful needs analysis can assist the subject learning process. While this work is as yet mainly directed towards foreign languages there is an increasing awareness of its importance for native language teaching. More important, however, is the fact that the allied research is func- tional in orientation and aims not only at description but also at establishing norms of usage as guidelines for teaching and learning. Analyses of this type are needed for future guidelines of

writing and speaking the intermediate languages. Nor must we ignore the considerable efforts by specialist users of language to keep their language flexible and open. National and internation- al organizations regularly publish guidelines for the use and definition of terminology which are largely unknown to Iinguis- tic research. This interest in language is healthy, indicative of concern and therefore of receptivity to improvement. A second indication that society is already solving the prob-

lem of intralingual communication barriers is the growing recog- nition of a profession of information mediators. While these are well established in certain areas under the names of abstractors, information brokers and information scientists, the role of technical writers in industry is less well known partly because their work is hidden, partly because there are no established training patterns and hence no professional associations for this group and partly because ‘technical writer’ is itself a misnomer. The function is to maintain and facilitate communication be- tween various specialist groups and between these and the general public. Their work is thus concerned with popularizing as much as with translating and harmonizing the technical languages of the many diverse professionals within a firm. In the public sector we have witnessed the creation of posts of language teaching advisers for schools, which represents a recognition that there is a new need for guidance in school curricula, admittedly, mainly in the teaching of foreign language. Govern- ments have press officers, official spokesmen and departments of information. While they undoubtedly have a propaganda and disinformation function, the fact that they exist in growing numbers signifies a recognition of the need for mediators. The role of these mediators is as important as that of the legal

advisers, a well established professional group because of their common background in the legal profession. Language mediators do not have such a common background; even most journalists do not have formal training in journalism. The

27

question arises whether they are born rather than made and simply gravitate towards writing from various backgrounds from which they are recruited. This situation has not prevented translators’ and interpreters’ schools from successfully sup- plying the needs for interlingual mediation. Many students who register in these schools may not become good mediators, but most good translators and interpreters now come from these

schools, albeit often after a first degree in another subject. The value of formal training may not lie so much in the training itself as in providing a professional cohesion and a neutral environ- ment in which communication can be analysed and norms established. While the motivation to communicate may not be teachable, the pragmatic analysis of language needs certainly is and should be organized into courses.

28

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RODEGEM, F.M. D e l’oralisme au scripturaire: la modernisation du rundi. In: Language Reform, Vol. 111, p. 139-156.

SAGER. J.C. (ed.) Standardization of nomenclature. Interna- tional Journal of the Sociology of Language. (Mouton, Amsterdam), No. 23, 1980.

SAGER, J.C.; DUNGWORTH, D.; MCDONALD. P. English Special Languages: Principles and Practice in Science and Tech- nology. Brandstetter, Wiesbaden, 1980.

SCHNEIDER, T. Symbiosis: Terminology and technology trans- fer. In: TERMIA 84.

SEBEOK, T.A. (ed.) Current Trends in Linguistics. Vol. 7: Lin- guistics in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1971, Mouton, The Hague.

TERMIA 84. Terminology and International Co-operation. Rondeau, G.; Sager, J.C. (eds.). Papers from the Interna- tional Colloquium on Terminology. Girsterm, 1985.

TUMBO. Z.N.Z. The coining of scientific terms in Kiswahili. In: Infoterm Series 7: Terminologies for the Eighties. K. G. Saur, Munchen, 1982, p. 403-407.

1984, p. 169-188.

(Vol. 111).

Vol. 111, p. 53-77.

29

TURNER. B.T. Effective technical writing and speaking. Business ZAIDI, H.M. Word-borrowing and word-making in modern Books Ltd., London, 1974. South Asian languages: Urdu. In: Language Reform,

states. In: S E B E O K (1971), p. 548-58.

minologues arabophones. In: TERMIA 84.

WHITELEY, W. H . Language policies of independent African Vol. 111, p. 399-421.

YOUSIF, Elias. Transfert de technologie et formation des ter-

30

Appendix I

Terminological problems involved in the process of exchange of new technology between

developing and developed countries

Workplan of a study

Prepared for: The Division for Economic and Social Sciences,

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

Paris

by: PROFESSOR J.C. SAGER

Centre for Computational Linguistics UMIST BLAISE NKWENTI-AZEH

Contents

1. Background ............................................................................................................................ 1.1 The situation of the proposed case study ..........................................................................

1.2 Specification ..................................................................................................................... . .

7. Outline of the study ................................................................................................................ 2.1 Major sections ................................................................................................................ 2.2 Methodology ................................................................................................................

2.3 Contents ..............................................................................................................................

3. Time scale ....................................................................................................................................

32

33 33 33

34

34 34

34

31

1. Background

1.0.1 Unesco has approved a study of recent developments in the relationships between science, technology and society in different economic, social and cultural contexts. As a point of departure, it recognizes that two distinct forces

shape this relationship: one is concerned with the potential for and the development of science and technology that is an

integral part of any one society, and the other is the potential for the development of science and technology that is created through contact between societies. This dual situation exists in all countries of the world although with different proportions of each of these two forces. Both situations are in themselves conflictive and can lead to tensions in the relationship between science, technology and society. A distortion of the balance of the two forces deeply affects the relationship between a society and its technology and science.

A B C

science += technology science += technology science += technology

Economic, social, cultural context

society society society

Fig.1 The interrelationship between science, technology and society

1.0.2 The study accepts that the high level of development of science and technology in certain parts of the world, usually called ‘developed’ or ‘industrialized’ societies, is the result of a particular interrelationship between science, technology and society and culture, which is as yet inadequately described and analysed and hence insufficiently understood. The study further postulates that this high level of develop-

ment of science and technology in the industrialized societies has a significant effect on so-called ‘developing’ societies who intro- duce new science and technology in order to accelerate the process of industrialization.

1.0.3 The study itself is designed as a set of case studies intended to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between science, technology and society which are diversified according to two variables: - The degree of development of science and technology from

the most to the least. - Qualitative differences in social and cultural systems. The orientation paper for the study lists two questions the

case studies should address themselves to and also cites a number of topics identified at the Symposium on Technological Innovations and their Social Impact (Bonn, November 1980) both of which are listed here in a single numbered sequence: 1. What are the problems in generating scientific and technolo-

2. What factors contribute to advances or hinder them? 3. What is the role of political decisions? 4. What is the role of the international economy or markets? 5. What is the role of international migration?

gical advances in developing countries?

6. What is the role of world-wide science? 7. What is the role of the international division of labour and

resource accounting? 8. What is the role of inadequate technology transfer? 9. What is the role of piece-meal adoption? 10. What is the role of cultural lags? 11. What is the role of cultural barriers to change? 12. What is the role of the recurrence of mistakes in industrial

and agricultural revolutions? 13. What is the role of the sudden arrival of innovations that

leave no time to adjust? 14. What is the effect of the nature of society itself on science

and technology and of its internal dynamics including values, religious and other belief systems?

15. H o w much does national or governmental policy affect the development process?

16. W h o are the agents in society that play an effective role in these decisions?

17. What about the potentialities of older or indigenous tech- nology, are there elements that have been neglected and could have some bearing on the development of adequate technology for the society?

1.0.4 Underlying all these questions as well as being central to some of them is the problem of adequate means of communica- tion in science and technology and between these and society at large. One of the major cultural achievements of any society is the development of a sufficiently diversified, flexible and trans- parent system of language varieties to satisfy the needs of its scientific and technological communities. These linguistic tools

32

are necessary for the purpose of documenting progress, com- munications with each other and with society at large, for training and teaching.

1.1 The situation of the proposed case study

1.1.1 A case study examining the role of language in the rela- tionship between science, technology and society in different economic, social and cultural contexts is therefore fundamental to the two key questions (1 and 2 above) and may significantly contribute to the answers to questions5.6,8,9,10,11 and 13. In as far as language can be planned and is planned, language may become a matter of policy (question 15) carried out by an identifiable agency (question 16). Such a case study can be carried out both horizontally and

vertically. It is of interest, to examine horizontally what linguis- tic means are available and how they are used in general, irrespective of context. It is of interest to examine vertically how different societies have shaped and used language in the process of scientific and technological development. A sufficient num- ber of such smaller case studies may then permit the formulation of general rules on how languages can adapt to deal with scientific and technological innovation.

1.1.2 The acceleration of this process of innovation in the twentieth century has produced considerable pressures on the creative resources of individual languages. In some cases lan- guages cannot respond to this speed of development and com- munication gaps are being created between scientists and tech- nologists on the one hand and between these and society at large on the other. The study of recent developments is therefore of considerable importance for the understanding of the process of acquiring and applying new knowledge and to promote its social and cultural integration. In fact, the existence and availability of adequate and acceptable means of communication are essential to facilitate the smooth cultural integration of scientific discover- ies and technological innovations.

1.1.3 Particular difficulties exist in the case of linguistically heterogeneous communities and in the case of the introduction of non-autochthonous science and technology caused by the so-called ‘language barriers’.

1.2 Specification

1.2.1 The study commissioned by Unesco under the title of Terminological Problems involved in the Process of Exchange of New Technology between Developed and Developing Countries clearly covers one major aspect of the second case (described under 1.1.3 above).

1.2.2 Terminology cannot, however, be treated in isolation from special languages in general, nor can the problems associ- ated with the transfer of terminology across a language barrier be divorced from the tradition of terminology creation as it exists for the language of the terminology importing country. While the time-scale and the resources available for this

Unesco study only permit tackling the very specific terminolo- gical problems associated with the transfer of technology, they cannot be discussed in isolation and require to be seen in the framework of the broader situation outlined in 1.1.1 above.

1.2.3 Article I of the Author’s Contract for the present study also refers to the TERMIA 1984 Conference, held in

Luxembourg, 27-29 August 1984. The theme of this conference was Terminology and International Co-operation and attemp- ted to define the role of terminology in the context of economic development. The purpose of the conference was to institute a dialogue on this topic between speakers from developing coun- tries and from countries taking an active part in economic development and the transfer of technology. Questions were to be raised whether transfer of technology and science should for reasons of cost ignore the national language of developing countries, or, whether, on the contrary, the additional cost of creating new technical languages should from the outset be considered as an essential part of a lasting and independent infrastructure. It clearly emerged that the transfer of science and technology from developed to developing countries must be preceded by the creation of appropriate terminology and be accompanied by linguistic training of all the people involved. The present study will summarize the findings of the conference and quote from individual case studies.

2. Outline of the study

2.0.1 The transfer of science and technology is a key element in any global strategy for development. This transfer encounters numerous obstacles of a financial, political and ideological nature and also very real linguistic barriers in the form of national, regional and local languages. These linguistic obstacles are usually summarized under the label of ‘terminology’, and for the purpose of this study we shall use the same simplification.

2.0.2 Any new scientific or technological development is accompanied by the creation of an appropriate vocabulary which permits the full exploitation and social integration of such a development in a particular language and a particular culture. There is a difference between these creations according to whether they serve science or technology: the concepts and laws of science are universal to the extent that they are not dependent on a particular set of cultural values; the concepts, material objects, operations, processes, units of measurements and properties of technology are culture-bound and may therefore vary from society to society. This difference affects the creation and transfer of terminology. The transfer of science from one linguistic community to another does not, on the whole, cause any major problems. Relatively few people are involved in the first instance. Initially the exporting language may be used until linguistic equivalents have been established which may then replace the foreign language terms in local teaching and re- search. The scientific communities of the world have largely become bi- or multi-lingual in their own and in one of the few languages which have become vehicles of scientific innovation. The transfer of technology from one linguistic community to

another, by contrast, entails the transrer of culturally con- ditioned concepts and values to a very wide range of language users and the immediate need for adequate linguistic means. It is technology transfer that is vitally faced with the problems of direct borrowing, loan translation, calque, and other possibili- ties of word formation which so significantly affect a society. The impact of technology is immediate and pervasive and so are the linguistic problems arising from the contact of cultures. While we have an abundance of examples of the linguistic phenomena under discussion, the social, economic and cultural con- sequences have not received a great deal of attention.

2.0.3 Conscious of the wider framework in which this study is to be placed we have formulated a number of questions to guide us in the planning of the study.

33

From the perspective of the importing country: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

- . I

How do technology importing countries see the task of creating new terms? Is it part of the infrastructure for success- ful technology development which has to be provided by a central body just like roads, electricity and water supply, or is it best left to individual enterprise? W h o is best qualified to provide national language terminolo- gy and who should bear the cost? What is the basic philosophy for creating new terms? Is it preferable to rely on the foreign language as a source of inspiration or should the national lailguage be developed? How is terminology creation carried out in practice? What foreign languages offer suitable models? Is there any virtue in calques or loan translation? What are the advantages or disadvantages of early standar- dization of terminology? How is training in new technologies carried out? Are there differences according to subject field, country of origin of the technology or other factors? What is the interaction between firms and education for engineers, scientists and technicians? From the perspective of the exporting country:

1. At what time does the terminology factor enter into the planning?

2. What criteria determine whether the exporter develops ter- minology for his expert product?

3. Is it possible to price the full cost of terminology development and introduction?

4. Is experience available of co-operation between technology exporting countries and national organizations of importing countries? If so what form does it take?

5. How does one resolve the conflict between firm or product-specific terminology and the need to create a basic terminology of general validity?

6. How do technology exporting countries organize training of staff? These questions will be asked in conjunction with a number of

societies and should provide a pragmatic guide to the docu- mentation of a number of specific cases.

2.1 Major sections

Given the constraints of the study, it is proposed to proceed on two levels simultaneously (as outlined in 1.1.1 above).

2.1.1 A general description will be given of the various situa- tions in which intercultural and interlinguistic transfer of science and technology occurs and the means available for linguistic adjustment will be analysed.

2.1.2 This broad statement will be exemplified and diversified by brief case histories of actual situations collected from con- tributions to the TERMIA conference (1.2.3 above) and others. These case histories will describe the position of both developed and developing countries and their interaction in particular cases.

2.1.3 In a final section it is proposed to evaluate the significance of the problems identified with respect to the relationship between science, technology and society. A n attempt will be made to identify types of situations with similar characteristics and to see to what extent solutions to problems can be proposed which may have a wider application than the specific case they were designed for.

2.2 Methodology

Since the title of the study recognizes the particular aspect of linguistic behaviour involved in the transfer of technology as

‘problems’, it is proposed to approach the entire study as a problem solving exercise.

2.2.1 In this perspective the two main sections of the study will therefore be structured in parallel: the definition of problems and their solutions. In the final section (2.1.3 above), the methodology changes to that of a categorization of empirical data and their evaluations. A concluding section may then permit the reformulation of the findings in terms of the broader framework of the Unesco project which includes this study.

2.2.2 It is, therefore, possible to outline the work involved in the first two sections, but not that of the third and last. Given the time scale of the study stipulated by Unesco, it is not possible to rely on a process of correspondence and document gathering. Instead the author will have to rely on the sources collected over several years in connection with his work in the field and on the papers of the T E R M I A conference which he edited.

2.3 Contents

It is envisaged that the study should contain the following headings: Chapter One - the development of the languages of science and technology; - the conditions of special subject communication; - the form of the special language lexicon. Chapter Two - the particular role of English as an international lingua franca

of science; - the role of other international linguas francas. Chapter Three - the socio-linguistic environment of terminology transfer; - techniques of term formation; - general pragmatic rules for term formation; - international efforts of assistance in the process of terminolo-

gy transfer. Chapter Four - the problem of terminology transfer seen from the perspec-

tive of individual countries. e.g. Africa-Mauritania. Rwanda. Cameroon: America- Brazil, Canada. Mexico: Asia- Bangladesh. Malaysia.

Chapter Five - categories of linguistic communities according to their atti-

tude to terminology transfer by such criteria as: linguistic homogeneity vs. heterogeneity-presence vs. absence of lan- guage policy-type of term creation, etc.

- models of terminology transfer. Chapter Six Language policy as part of the relationship between science, technology and society.

3. Time scale

As stipulated in the contract the workplan was presented to Unesco by 15 January 1985 and the completed study by 31 March 1985. Work on the study commenced on 15 January as the confirmation of the contract had been received by the author. Comments which had a bearing on the workplan were made

by the end of January 1985.

34

Appendix II

A report on the use of on-line services

Prepared for: The Market Research Panel for Euronet Diane

Prepared by: LFT MARKETING RESEARCH LTD.

Ruxley Towers Ruxley Ridge Claygate Esher

Surrey KTlO OUG

July 1984

35

6. Linguistic considerations 6.2 Importance of services in mother tongue

6.1 Language skills of users Despite the proficiency in language skills among users, overall more than 60% expressed some degree of concern that the

I

services provided should be in their mother tongue. Forty-four per cent of users felt it was essential that manuals and docu- mentation should be in mother tongue. For all aspects the United Kingdom users attached the most

importance to language considerations, followed by France. It

There appears to be a high degree of linguistic skill among on-line information users. Table 12 shows that English is known by over 90% of

searchers in all countries. The second most widelv spoken

was least important to German users. language is French followed by German.

Table 12: Mother tongue of searchers*

Base: All users

English French German Italian Dutch Danish Greek Flemish Other

TOTAL

276

% 34 30 20 14 6 4 1 1 1

U.K. FRANCE GERMANY

48

% 23 6 98

2

2

- - - -

TOTAL

Base: All users

English French German Italian Dutch Danish Greek Flemish Other

% 97 64 45 18 7 4 1 2 5

U.K.

63

% 100 54 37 3 2 - - - 10

ITALY

Figures add to more than 100% as respondents could be referring to several members of their department.

Table 13: All languages known by users

FRANCE

69

% 94 100 17 3 - - - - 4

GERMANY

48

98 %

38 98

2

2

-

-

- -

ITALY

43

% 100 49 19 100 2 - - - 2

OTHERS

53

% 28 28 1 1

26 21 2 3

-

-

OTHERS

53

% 96 68 62 8 30 23 2 9 6

36

Base: All users

TOTAL U.K. FRANCE GERMANY ITALY OTHERS

276 63 69 48 43 53 % % % % % %

Manuals and documentation in mother tongue

Essential A factor Not at all important

22 52 17 6 12 15 38 40 42 35 40 32 40 a 41 58 49 53

Printed directories of service in mother tongue

Essential A factor Not at all important

Essential A factor Not at all important

35 23 45 42 32

23 45 43 I :; 44 87

33 13 23 - 12 44

36 38 26

68 29 3

I I I - 1

41 17 19 23 43 42 49 32 16 42 33 45

Essential A factor Not at all important

35 68 38 17 19 21 37 29 45 40 40 32 28 3 17 44 42 47

37

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ITALY: Licosa (Libreria Commissionaria Sansoni S.p A ),via Lamar- mora 41, rasella postale 152, 50121 FIRENZE. via Bartolini 29, 20155 MILANO- FAO Bookshop, via delle Terme di Caracalla. 00100 ROMA; ILO Booksho , Corso Unita d'ltalia, 125, TORINO

JAMAICA: Universiry of I!, Wcst lndies Bookshop, Mona, KINGSTON 7

JAPAN. Eastern Book Service Inc., 37-3 Hongo 3-chomc. Bunkya- ku. TOKYO 113

JORDAN-JordanBookCentreCo., Ltd , P 0. Box 301, AI-Jubciha. AMMAN.

KENYA: East African Publishing House. P.O. Box 30571. NAIROBI; Africa Book Services Ltd , Quran House, Mfangano Street, P 0. Box 45241. NAIROBI.

KUWAIT. The Kuwait Bookshop Co. Lid, P.O. Box 2942, KUWAIT.

LEBANON. Libtame Antoinc A. Naufalct Frires. B P. 656. BEIRUT LESOTHO Mazcnod Book Centre. P.0 Marcnod. MASERU. LIBERIA. National Bookstore. Mechlrn and Carey Srrcets. P 0. Box 590. MONROVIA. Cole & Yanrv Bookshops. Ltd , P.O. Box 286. MONROVIA ~ ~ ~. ...

LIBYAN ARAB JAMAHIRIYA. Gmeral Establishmcnr for Publishing. Distribution and Advertising. Souf AI Mahmoudr SI., P.O. Box 919, TRIPOLI

LUXEMBOURG. Librarrie Paul Brurk. 22. Grande-Rue. LUXEM- BOURG. Penodds: Mcssageries Paul Kraus, B.P. I022 LU- XEMBOURG.

MADAGASCAR. Commission nationale de la Rtpublique Dtmocratique de Madagascar pour I'Unesco. Boire postale 331. ANTANANARIVO.

MALAWI: Malawi Book Service. Head Office. P.O. Box 30044, Chichirr. BLANTYRE 3

MALAYSIA: Univcrsirv of Malaya CO-ODCKXIVC BookshoD. KUALA , . LUMPUR 22-11,

MALI Librairie po ulaire du Mali. B.P 28. BAMAKO MALDIVES- Nov& Printers & Publishcrs. MALE MALTA. Sapienzas.26 Republic Street. VALLETTA. MARTINIOUE: Hatier Marriniaue. 32. rue Scboelrher. B.P 188.

, . LUMPUR 22-11,

MALI Librairie po ulaire du Mali. B.P 28. BAMAKO MALDIVES- Nov& Printers & Publishcrs. MALE MALTA. Sapienzas.26 Republic Street. VALLETTA. MARTINIOUE: Hatier Marriniaue. 32. rue Scboelrher. B.P 188. 97202 FO'RT-DE-FRANCE.

MAURITANIA: GRA LI.CO.MA , 1 rue du Souk X. Avenue Kcn- nedy. NOUAKCHOTT SociCtt nouvclle de diffusion (SONODI).

MAURITIUS: Nalanda Co. Ltd , 30 Bourbon Srrcct, PORT-LOUIS. MEXICO: Librcria El Correo dc la Unesco, Actipdn 66 (In- surgcnreslManacar). Colonia del Vallc. Apartado postal 61.164, 06600 MEXICO D F: DlLlTSA (Distribuidora Litcrarii S.A ), Pomona 30. Apartado postal 24-448. MEXICO D.F. 06700.

MONACO. Brirish Library, 30 boulevard des Moulins, MONTE CARLO.

MOROCCO. Librarie 'Aux bellcs imagcs':282. avenue Mobammcd- V. Rabat: Librairie des trales. 12. avenuc Hassan-11, CASABLAN- CA; Sociitt thtrifienncdedistributi~n et de pressc. SOCHEPRESS. angle rues de Dinant cr SI. Saens, BP 13683, CASABLANCA 05.

MOZAMBIQUE: lnstituto National do Livro do Disco (INLD), Avenida 24 de Julho. 1921 rld 1 andar. MAPUTO.

NEPAL: Sajha Prakashm. Polchowk. KATHMANDU. NETHERLANDS: Keesing Bocken B.V., Hogehilweg 13, Postbus

1118. 1000 BC AMSTERDAM. Penodkfx Fawon-Europe. Postbus 197. 1000 A D AMSTERDAM

NETHERLANDS ANTILLES. Van Dorp-Eddinc N.V.. P 0 Box 200, Willemstad. CuRAGAO. N.A.

N E W ZEALAND. Govcrnmcnr Publishing, P.O. Box 14277. Kilbir- nie, Wellington Retail bookshops: 25 Rutland Street: Marl orders: 85 Bcach Road, Private Bag C.P.O., AUCKLAND. Ward Street: Mad orderr: P 0 Box 857. HAMILTON 119 Hcrcford Street- M a d orders. Privarc Ba CHRISTCHURCH, Princes Street; Malhrders, P.0 Box 1104. ~UNEDIN.

NICARAGUA. Libreria de la Univcrsidad Ccntroamericzna, Apar- tado 69, MANAGUA.

NIGER: Librairic Mauclert. B.P. 868. NIAMEY NIGERIA: The University Booksho oflfc: The University Bookshop of Ibadan. P 0 Box 286. The bniversity Bookshop of Nsukka; The Universit Bookshop of Lagos; The Ahmadu Bc lo Univrrsiry Bookshop of $aria.

NORWAY: Joban Grundt Tanum. Bokhandcl. P 0. Box 1177 Scn- INRI. OSLO 1. Akadcmika AIS, Univcrsitetsbokhandcl. P.O. Box 84, Blindcrn, 0314. OSLO 3. AIS Narvcsens Litteraturrjeneste. Box 6121. Ettcrstad N 0602, OSLO 6

PAKISTAN: Mirza Book Agency, 61 Shahrah Quaid i-Azam, P 0. Box 729. LAHORE 3. Unesco Publications Centre, Re imal Offkc for Book Developmcnr in Asia and the Pacific. P.8. Box 8950, KARACHI 29.

PANAMA: Distribuidora Cultura Inremacional. Apartado 7571, Zona 1, PANAMA.

PERU. Librcria Studium. Plaza Francia 1164. Apartado 2139, LIMA; Libreria La Familia. Pasaje Peaaloza 112. Apartado 4199. LIMA.

PHILIPPINES: National Book Srorc Inc.. 701. Rizal Avcnuc. MANILA

B.P 1I. NOUAKCHOTT.

POLAND: ORPAN-lm rt Palac Kultuq. 00-901 WARSZAWA; Ars Polona-Ruch, Krafkkie Przcdmicxic no. 7.00-068 WAUZAWA.

PORTUGAL: Dias & Andradc Ltda.. Linaria Portugal. ma do Car- mo 70-74. 1117 LISBOA.

REPUBLIC OF KOREA. Korean National Commission for Unesco, P 0 Box Central 64, SEOUL.

ROMANIA. ARTEXIM Export-Import. Piata Scicnteii. no, 1. P 0. Box 33-16. 70005 BUCAREST

SAINT VINCENT A N D THE GRENADINES: Yaun Workers' Creative Organization. Blue Caribbean Building. 2ndfloor. room 12. KINGSTON.

SAUDI ARABIA: Dar AI-Watan for Publishing and Information. Olaya Main Street, lbrahim Bin Sulaym Building, P.O. Box 3310, RIYADH.

SENEGAL: Unesca. Bureau regional pour I'Afrique (BREDA), 11. avenueduRoume. B.P. 3311. DAKAR. Librairie Clairafrique. B.P. 2001. DAKAR: Librairie des 4 vents. 91 rue Blanchot, B.P. 1820. DAKAR: LesNouvelles Editions Africaincs. IO N C Amadou Hassan Ndoye. B P. 260, DAKAR.

SEYCHELLES New Service Ltd.. Kingsgate House, P.O. Box 131. MAHE; National Bookshop, P.O. Box 48. MAHE.

SIERRA LEONE. Fourah Bay College, Njala Universiry and Sierra Leone Diocesan Bookshops, FREETOYVN.

SINGAPORE Chopmen Publishers. 865, Mountbatren Road #05-28129. Katong Shopping Centre. SINGAPORE 1143; For penodds: Righteous Enterprises. P.0 Box 162. Kallang Basin Post Office, SINGAPORE 9133.

SOMALIA: Modern Book Shop and General, P.O. Box 951, MOGADISCIO

SPAIN. Mundi-Prensa Libros S A , apartado 1223. Castcl16 37. MADRID I. Ediciones Liber. A artado 17, Magdalena 8, ONDdR- ROA (Vizcaya); Donarre, Ron& dc Oureiro. 20, apartado decor- rcos 341. LA CORUNA; Libreria AI-Andalus, Roldana. 1 y 3, SEVILLA 4: Libreria Casrclls. Ronda Univcrsidad 13 y 15, BARCELONA 7; Libreria de la Generalitat de Catalunya, Palan Mo- ja. Rambla de 10s Estudios 118. 08 002 BARCELONA.

SRI LANKA. Lake House Bookshop. Sir Chittarnpalarn Gardiner Mawata. P 0. Box 244, COLOMBO 2.

SUDAN: AI Bashir Bookshop. P.O. Box 1118. KHARTOUM. SURINAME: Suriname National Commission for Unesco. P.O. Box 2943. PARAMARIBO.

SWEDEN. A/B C.E. Fritzes Kungl. Hovbokbandel. RegerinFs atan 12.Box16356.S-10327STDCKHOLM 16. For'TbeCourier:!vcn- ska FN-Forbundet, Skolgrand 2, Box 1IO 10.. S-104 61 STOCKHOLM. For penodcah on/ Wcnncrgrcn-Williams AB Nordenflychrsvagen 70, S-104 21 ~TOCKHOLM: Esscltc Tidskrifrs: centralcn, Gamla Brogatan 26, Box 62. 10120 STOCKHOLM.

SWITZERLAND. Europa Verlag. Ramistrassc I. CH 8024 Zurich. Librairies Payut in Geneva, Lausanne, Basle. Berne. Vevey, Mon- treux. Neufchitel. Zurich: Unircd Nations Bookshop. Palais des Nations. CH-1211 GENEm.

SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC. Librairic Sayegh. lmmcublc Diab, IUC du Parlemcnt, B.P. 704, DAMASCUS.

THAILAND: Suksapan Panit, Mansion 9, Rajdamnern Avenue. BANGKOK: Nibondh & Co. Ltd , 40-42 Charocn Krung Road, Siyaeg Phaya Sri, P.O. Box 402. BANGKOK, Suksit Siam Com- any. 1711 Rama IV Road, BANGKOK; Rocap. P.0 Box 1425. LNGKOK

TOGO. Librairic Evangtlique. B.P. 378. LOME; Librairie du Bon Pasteur, B.P. 1164. LOME; Librairie univcrsiraire, B.P. 3481. LOME; Les Nouvelles Editions Africaincs. 239. boulcvard Cir- culairc. B P 4862. LOME

TRINIDAD A N D TOBAGO: Trinidad and Tobago National Com- missionforUncsco, 18 AlexandraStreet. SI. Clair. PORTOFSPAIN.

TUNISIA. Sociiti tunisicnne de diffusion, 5, avenue dc Carthagc,

TURKEY. Hasct Kirapevi A.S.. lstiklil Caddcsi no. 469, Posta

UGANDA: U a n h Bookshop P.O. Box 7145 KAMPALA. USSR: Mczhb;narodnaja Kniga, UI. Dimitiova 39, MOSKVA,

113095. UNITED ARABEMIRATES. Maktabat al Maktaba. P 0 Box 11408. AI Ain. ABU DHABI.

UNITED KINGDOM: HMSO. P.O. Box 276. LONDON SW8 IDT; Government Bookshops: London, Belfast, Birmingham. Bristol, Edinburgh, Manchester; Third World Publications, 151 Stratford Road. BIRMINGHAM Bll lRD, Forsnentific maps: McCarta Ltd., 122 King's Cross Road. LONDON WClX 9DS.

UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA: Dar cs Salaam Bookshop,

TUNIS. Kutusu 219, Be oglu. ISTANBUL.

P n Rnr 9040 nAR F.S dAr A A M . . -. .. , . -, - . ... - -. .- .. .. . . UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: UNIPUB. 4611-F Assembly

Drive, LANHAM. MD 20706-4391; United Nations Bookshop, NW YOPY NY inn17 ..I.. .._ ."I.. .

URUGUAY. Boob and rctenhfic ma s on/y: Libreria Tccnica Uruguaya, Colania no. 1543. Piso 7. dficina 702. Casilladc Cor. reos 1518, MONTEVIDEO; ANpublrcatzons: EdicioncsTrecho S.A., Mildonado 1090. MONTEVIDEO.

VENEZUELA: Libreria dcl Este, AV. Francisco de Miranda, 12, Edificio GaliDin. apartado 60337, CARACAS 1060-A: DIME C A., Alfadil'Edicioncs S A., Avenidas Los Man os, Las Delicias, Apartado 10304, Sabana Grande. CARACAS; CdSALC. apurado postal 62090, Edificio Asovincar, AV. Los Chorros CNCC calk Acucducto, Altos dc Sebucan, CARACAS 1060 A; Uncsco Gmr- dinacion Regional para America Latina y cl Caribe, quinta 'SA'. 7a av. de Alramira entrc 7a y 8a Transversal. Apartado 68394 Alramira. CARACAS 1062-2.

YUGOSLAVIA: Nolit Tcrazijc 131VIII. 11000 BEOGRAD; Cancar- jcva Zalorba, Zopitarjeva No. 2, 61001 Ljubljana; Mladost. llica 30/11. ZAGREB.

ZAIRE: Librairic du CIDEP. B.P. 2307. Kinshasa, Commission na- tionale zahoise pour I'Uncsco. Commissariat d'Etat charge dc ]'Education nationale. B.P. 32, KINSHASA.

ZAMBIA: National Educational Distribution Co. of Zambia Ltd., P 0. Box 2664, LUSAKA.

ZIMBABWE: Tcxtbook Salcs (PVT) Lrd.. 67 Union Avcnuc, HARARE.

UNESCO BOOK COUPONS Uncxo Book Coupons can bc used to purchase all books and pc- riodrcalsof an educational. scientific or cultural charactcr. For full in- formation please write to. Uncsco Coupon Oftice, 7 placc dc Fontenoy. 75700 Paris (France). 111

ISBN 92-3-102559-7