A Comparative Analysis of Citizenship Education from Derrida and …journal.cesir.ir/article_105263_16b5cde4f7fac691d705a5... · 2020. 6. 6. · A Comparative Analysis of Citizenship

Iranian Journal of Comparative Education, 2019, 2(4), 407- 424

Research Article DOI: 10.22034/IJCE.2020.105263 http://journal.cesir.ir

A Comparative Analysis of Citizenship Education from

Derrida and Foucault's Viewpoint: Suggestions for Iranian

Educational Philosophers

Roxana Rashidpour 1

Mohammad Reza Sarmadi2 (Corresponding author) Jila Mashhadi Mighani3

Faezeh Nateghi4

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Received: 26 January 2020 Revised: 12 February 2020 Accepted: 22 March 2020 Online: 23 March 2020

K E Y W O R D S

This paper seeks to present a research findings related to the

philosophical foundations of citizenship education in terms of the

opinions of two of the most important contemporary philosophers

of the post-structuralism school - Derrida and Foucault - from a

comparative perspective. The article has six sections: The first

section deals with the necessity and purpose of the research. In the

second section, a brief overview of the theoretical foundations and

background of research topic is explored. The third section briefly

explains the research methodology. The fourth section is devoted

to the findings of the study, which consists of two parts: The first

section presents a rotational evolutionary model of the

1 PhD Student of Philosophy of Education, Department of Educational Sciences, Islamic Azad

University Arak Branch, Arak, Iran 2 Professor , Department of Educational Sciences, Islamic Azad University Arak Branch, Arak, Iran &

Faculty member of Payam Noor University , Tehran South Branch, Email: [email protected] 3 Assistant Professor , Department of Sociology , Islamic Azad University Arak Branch , Arak, Iran

4 Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Sciences, Islamic Azad University Arak Branch,

Arak, Iran

A Comparative Analysis of Citizenship Education ….

11 Iranian Journal of Comparative Education 2019, 2(4), 407- 424

Philosophical schools

Political system

Education system

Citizenship education

Post-structuralism

Derrida

Foucault

relationship between philosophical schools, political system,

educational system, social education and citizenship education.

The researchers then show how Derrida and Foucault - while

criticizing authoritarian political systems - view the main

dimensions of education systems in the service of citizenship

education. The fifth section is concerned with examining the

similarities and differences of two philosophers’ opinions on

citizenship education. The paper ends with a conclusion.



1. Introduction

Urban population growth is a global phenomenon that has changed people's relationships and

behaviors. Iran is no exception. Iran's population has grown from less than 35 million in the late

1970s to more than 82 million by 2020. More than 70% of this population is urban while cities face

numerous problems such as traffic, environmental pollution, marginalization, unemployment, high

housing costs, and lack of transportation facilities (Hemmati & Ahmadi, 2014). At this time, we are

witnessing two crises: on the one hand, the storm of developments - affected by phenomena such as

ICT and globalization - has begun to blow in all aspects of Iranian life. On the other hand, they are

still confused by the conflicts between tradition and modernism (or even postmodernism)

(Shaygan, 1986). The first challenge requires urban life to comply with specific laws;

communications, behaviors and interactions with different social systems which require a new

human being (citizen). The second phenomenon challenges the intellectual foundations

underpinned by strong historical and social backgrounds. Meantime, Iranians have not received

much training on the requirements of urban life and concepts of citizenship such as citizenship

rights and duties (Rabbani, Haghighatian, & Ismaili, 2006; Shebani and Fatemiah, 2009; Shayani

and Davoodvandi, 2010), citizenship identity (Mohammadi et al., 2010), citizenship obligations

(Fatemiah and Heidari, 2010), citizenship feeling (Yousefi and Azimi, 2008) and citizenship culture

(Hemmati & Ahmadi, 2014). Indeed, citizenship (its concept, dimensions, and conceptual

foundations) is a new phenomenon in Iran that has not been adequately explored and analyzed.

Consequently, clarification and understanding of its philosophical roots and have a common

understanding of it must be regarded as the first essential step towards its institutionalization. This

is one side of the coin.

The other side of the coin is age structure of the Iran’s population. The age of about 50% of

population is under thirty (Mahzoun, 1989). It is a very young country with an old civilization.

Youth is the age of excitement, mastery of feeling on reason and rejection of traditional values of

parents and society. The majority of this young population resides in cities. They are passionate

about innovation, love new world, watch TV and satellite programs, Internet , mobile , Telegram,

WhatsApp , Twitter and Facebook, and like so many young people in the world Interested in new

types of music. At the same time, while political and social systems are preachers of Islamic values,



they have not made much of an effort to consolidate modern values and concepts - such as

citizenship education.

Now we have a clear picture of educational system’s situation in Iranian society. There is a

demand from this system to familiarize young generation with Iranian-Islamic culture and customs

and modern life. The Iranian educational system must provide a two-dimensional social education:

One looks at past civilization -religious of Iran and the other considers it’s present and future. This

is a difficult task, especially when new concepts such as citizenship are introduced.

The main challenge for the Iran education system is to pay attention to the philosophical roots

of modern developments. The concept of citizenship has a philosophical origin that does not

necessarily fit with the intellectual foundations of the Iran educational system. Therefore, the full

realization of citizenship education without knowing these roots would not be possible. This

recognition must first come to the attention of Iranian educational philosophers because they can,

with the guidance of policymakers and legislators, create an appropriate mix of the long-standing

Iran’s traditions with modern life developments. Based on this thinking, the main purpose of the

present study is to find out what lessons Derrida and Foucault's views on citizenship education can

teach Iranian philosophers. To achieve this goal, the following two questions are asked:

What is the relationship between the philosophical, political and educational systems

and citizenship education?

What are the similarities and differences between Derrida and Foucault's opinions on

citizenship education?

2. Research Background

The history of attention to the citizenship education goes back to the time of the great Greek

philosophers such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle (Qasimpour Khoshroodi and Heidari, 2015). Also,

attention to the concept of citizenship, as one of the most important topics in the world of politics

has been growing over the last half century among social reformers, politicians and educational

philosophers (Portahmasebi & Tajour, 2011). The basic concept of citizenship is the

institutionalization of pluralism based on mutual respect, acceptance, understanding, and

commitment. The idea of citizenship is also related to human rights, identity (global identity, global



citizenship), political participation, and cultural support. From the perspective of social life, the

concept of citizenship in today's complex societies focuses on the exchange of information,

networking process of communication, differentiation of citizenship in traditional and modern

societies, and the awareness of owns’ rights and obligations. From a political point of view, this

concept is based on new expectations of State, sharing power, changing patterns of political

development, gaining social rights, and activating democratic mechanisms (Abdollahi, 2012;

Klingemann, Dieter, Fuchs, 1995). From the perspective of education, the concept of citizenship

emphasizes the enhancement of individual skills, changes in ethical value systems, active individual

and group participation, increase social presence (through membership in NGOs organizations),

and more support for modern individual values. Oldfild (1990) regards citizenship as an unnatural

act that needs to be taught to its citizens.

Regardless of the theoretical debate on the definition and dimensions of citizenship, this

concept has been a research topic of interest to educational researchers for the last several decades

(Johnson, Morris, 2010; Kennedy, 2012). Citizenship education has a particular focus on learning

the knowledge, abilities, and attitudes that help one to interact effectively with others and State.

The concept of citizenship education is synonymous with words such as moral education,

personality, and civilization education and has been partly based on these concepts. Numerous

studies have argued that citizenship education should be considered as one of the most important

concepts of formal education’s framework (Yemini, 2014; Moon & Koo, 2011; Hahn, 2015).

In Iran, citizenship education has also been the focus of education policy makers and

emphasized in national documents (Keshavarz, Amin Bedokhti and Mohammadi Far, 1977). Jamal

Tazekand, Talibzadeh Noubarian, and Abolghasemi (2013) indicated that citizenship components

have been disproportionately taken into account in the social science books. Koltash (2012)

conducted a study to investigate the amount of attention to citizenship features in Iranian primary

social studies curriculum. His findings indicate that nearly 10% of content of book is related to

cognitive, 6% to performance and 3% to attitude dimensions of citizenship education which are

very less. Beheshti (2007) has examined citizenship indices in social science textbooks of secondary

high school. His findings showed that the most important dimension of citizenship was political

rights. Of the 70 citizenship-related cases, 40 were devoted to political issues such as right to self-

determination, right to vote, right to freedom of demonstration and freedom of parties.

Hakimzadeh, Kiamenesh and Attaran (2007) analyzed contents of social, geography, science,



Persian, and religion textbooks of middle secondary schools to find concepts related to the issues of

the world. She found 1337 cases that fall into eight general concepts of development education,

environmental education, peace education, equality and human rights, multicultural education,

health education, citizenship and media and information technology education. In a study, Lotfabadi

(2006) examines the attitudes of Iranian students and youth towards various aspects of social and

civic life, value system, and globalization and concluded that many students have major weaknesses

in understanding social and civil identity concepts.

3. Research Method

The present research is a qualitative adaptation of the Non-Emergent Design (Lincoln & Guba,

1985). In the Non-Emergent Design, the researcher first collects the data and then analyzes it

(Strauss & Corbin, 2006). Research data were analyzed by documentary method with maximum

diversity and saturation principle. Although this type of research is not very popular, in recent

years - influenced by the poststructuralists' beliefs - it has attracted the attention of some

researchers (Sweeting, 2007). In the present study, the content of books, articles and electronic

resources containing the ideas of two post-structuralist philosophers (Derrida, Foucault) is

analyzed.

4. Results

Question 1: What is the relationship between the philosophical, political and educational systems and


To answer the first question of the study, the analysis of data show that before exploring the views

of the two post-structuralist philosophers on citizenship education, one must consider the relation

between philosophical schools and the concept of citizenship. This section therefore presents a

rotational evolutionary model of the relationship between philosophical schools, political system,

educational system, and social education with citizenship education. It then shows how Derrida and

Foucault - while criticizing authoritarian political systems - see the main dimensions of education

systems in the service of citizenship education.



4.1. Rotational Evolutionary Model

Citizenship education is a part of social education that simultaneously has an evolutionary and

rotational relationship with the educational, political and philosophical systems. In fact, the two

words evolution and rotation have to be explained; The evolutionary relationship is intended to be

a relationship between the factors that the first factor evolves and changes the second factor,

regardless of whether the effect is positive or negative. Also, the term rotation means that the

relationship starts from one factor and ends with the same factor again. As a result, the factors -

mediated or unmediated - influence each other. Given these two simple definitions, it can now be

said that there is a rotational evolutionary relationship between citizenship education and

philosophical schools through factors such as social education, the educational system, and political

system (Figure 1).

Figure 1. The rotational evolutionary relationship of factors affecting citizenship education

Philosophical Schools

Political System

Educational System

Social Education

Citizenship Education



As Figure 1 and the content analysis of the works related to the concept of citizenship show,

this concept is directly influenced by social education. In fact, citizenship education is part of social

education (Haste, 2004). Social education does not occur in a vacuum. Various social systems such

as family system (Maunah, 2018), religious system (Balčiūnienė, I & Mažeikienė, N. 2006), political

system (Claes & Hooghe, M. 2007) and educational system (Arif, 2018) have their task to somehow

interfere with the social education process of the young generation. In fact, the education system

(which is the most important institution in the social education process) has been providing social

education for more than 15 years, through its various stages of education (from primary school to

university), influenced by its relationship with the political system. The political system is also

influenced by philosophical foundations and schools. The result of this relationship is a different

definition of the concept of citizenship in different human societies. But the important question that

arises here is that “citizenship education – as a modern concept- is output of which philosophical

school or political system?" In answering this question, Bashirieh (2007) considers the concept of

citizenship as one of the intellectual foundations of democracy and the basic concepts of democratic

life. A concept largely derived from the thinking of Western philosophers. The concept of

citizenship that governs the modern humanitarian law is an idea that was born in Western Europe.

Acceptance of the legal and political rights and duties arising from the citizenship are the

fundamental basis of this concept. Citizenship is, by necessity, the product of modern politics and

the socio-political consequence of the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution (Tavassoli

Raknabadi and Nouri, 2016). Citizenship, in this sense, encompasses all the changes resulting from

the transformation of traditional society into industrial society.

So if we accept this answer as a philosophical fact then we can define the relationship of

social institutions such as the political system with the concept of citizenship in different societies.

Accordingly, if we divide political systems into two groups that favor and oppose democracy, then

we can also classify all philosophical schools - as intellectual supporters of political systems - into

friend or enemy of democracy. Philosophical schools and political systems favoring or opposing

democracy also build and support similar educational systems. In this situation, democracy-based

education systems aim to support and promote "democratic citizenship", while educational systems

opposed to democracy seek "non-democratic citizenship" (Apple, 1999). As such, the output of pro-

democracy educational systems is citizens who advocate for the philosophical foundations of

democracy, whereas anti-democracy educational systems are tyrants who support authoritarian



philosophical schools and political systems. For example, Derrida and Foucault (as two democratic

citizens) can be described as social education output in a democratic education system. Today these

two philosophers serve the democratic political system by justifying the philosophical foundations

of democratic citizenship through a post-structuralism school. The opposite is also true. They also

seek to condemn the dictatorial educational and political systems by attacking the philosophical

foundations of undemocratic citizenship.

Although this analysis simply divided societies into two groups of supporters and opponents

of democracy identifies the process of citizenship education and its relation to the philosophical

foundations - and perspectives of Derrida and Foucault- , but it does not fit the current realities of

human life. In fact, data analysis shows that human societies do not have a unified philosophical,

political, and educational identity. Other social systems - such as family system - are also involved in

the evolutionary cycle and in many cases counteract the influence of political and educational

systems on the process of social education and citizenship. In addition, the impact of technological

and mass media factors cannot be ignored, which has greatly influenced educational and political

boundaries. Consequently, for philosophers of education - such as Iranian philosophers of

education - these questions remain as to whether can be made a proper integration between the

ideas of the philosophers of the modern philosophical schools of the world - such as post-

structuralism - with a young and multi-ethnic Iranian society. Can a citizen of Iranian-Islamic and

global identity be raised? To answer these questions, one must first recognize the philosophical

foundations of Iran, Islam, and the world. Given the rotational evolutionary model, the purpose of

the present study is to explain the views of two contemporary post-structuralist philosophers on

citizenship education and to provide lessons for Iranian educational philosophers.

Question 2: What are the similarities and differences between Derrida and Foucault's viewpoints on


For a better understanding of Derrida and Foucault's perspective, let's first take a look at the

main post-structuralism views on education. Post-structuralism is a movement bound up with the

new ideas of French intellectuals and thinkers such as Jacques Derrida, Julia Christova, Roland

Barth, Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, and Michel Foucault. This movement grew within structuralism

as a result of thought as well as a way to escape its limitations.



4.2. Post-structuralism Educational Ideas

If we consider the main dimensions of the educational system as goals, curriculum, teaching /

learning practices, learner role, teacher role, and evaluation methods, it is best to state the post-

structuralism school's view of these elements as follows:

As for the purpose of education, post-structuralists believe that it is impossible to design and

implement a comprehensive and systematic program for the growth and training of all human

beings. As such, post-structuralism scholars have strongly criticized modern education systems and

believe that they have an inverse function because education is a dynamic process. In their view,

current schools also face problems such as violence, stagnation of curricula, inappropriate

assessment methods, and emotional exhaustion of students (Biesta, 1994).

From the standpoint of teaching and learning, post-structuralists believe that "constructive

discourse of knowledge" as an educational goal is a discourse that occurs in the classroom - in order

to construct knowledge rather than to prove it. The focus of this type of discourse is on

understanding, cooperation and collaboration. What the students are doing in this discourse is

evidence of hidden, scientific research and methodology. The beginning of this discourse may be

personal interests (Cazden, 1988). Many of the concepts recommended for the post-structuralist

school - such as polyphony and multiculturalism - are also intertwined with the concept of

discourse. Applying the discourse method at school is to promote a tendency for cooperation,

collective action, and increased tolerance for opposition views, development of collective thought,

and development of new approaches to problem solving (Carter, 1995). Critical dialogue is also one

of the post-structuralist approaches to teaching / learning. In this way, the teacher discusses the

lesson content with the students and asks them to construct the material (Bruner, 1986).

From a curriculum perspective, it should be said that post-structuralist perspective provides

more opportunities for reform in curriculum. In order for the curriculum to be more closely related

to one's real life, it is imperative that textbook writers consider aesthetic, interpretative,

phenomenological, and post-structuralist analysis in practice. Post-structuralists agree with the

creation of ecological and holistic models of curriculum, as they can break the artificial boundary



between the classroom and society. Post-structuralist curricula seek to link knowledge and learning

experiences with the natural world and the international community (Slattery, 1995). In this view,

students are encouraged to find inconsistencies and conflicts when reading texts and articles.

Understanding the contradictions of a text will help students develop analytical skills.

In regards to role of learners in post-structuralist, it is clear that education should provide

students with the opportunity to expand their critical capacity to fight and change existing political

and social systems, rather than adapting to them. This kind of education should seek to educate

"critical citizens" instead of "good citizens" who are capable of understanding and recognizing

inconsistencies, social inequalities and combating domination. For the post-structuralists, a

student-centered classroom is a place where opportunities for social interaction, independent

study, creativity, and opportunity to experience different learning styles are provided. In such a

class, it is student who creates knowledge (Gray, 1999). Arnowitz and Giroum argue that students

need to understand the richness of other cultural traditions and different voices. In the post-

structuralist class, there is no precise definition of ideal student, but what is certain is that the

student is freer than in the past.

On the role of teachers, post-structuralists believe that teachers should be aware of different

learning processes and use different learning methods. Teachers should foster collaborative

learning, interpersonal interactions, and work groups. Teachers need to know that learning is not

just a transfer of knowledge but that they must teach text in the way he calls “Take a deep look at

text” (Aronowitz, Girou, 1991).

The post-structuralist curriculum emphasizes topics that enhance cultural, historical, political,

ecological, aesthetic, and theological awareness, meaning that this type of curriculum relies on the

context and general conditions of human life. In addition, it is said that the content of the syllabus

should be such that it puts people in the process of 'becoming'. The curriculum should look for a

kind of transformational training that will enable teachers and students to explore issues on a

journey of discovery and hope. The post-structuralist curriculum must be dialogic and interactive in

order to incorporate the reunion of “teacher with learner” and “text with reader” (Pinar, 2011). In

the post-structuralist view of the curriculum should not look for fixed meanings. The meanings are

unstable and fleeting, except those that are dictatorial and coercive. Meanings are varied, different



and changeable (Chiraldelli, 2000). Post-structuralists prefer to talk about information than

knowledge, because information is temporary and constantly changing.

From evaluation method aspect, the purpose of the interaction between teachers and students

is to explore and retrieve two-sided issues of interest. The curriculum will be viewed not as a priori

and periodic set to be implemented, but as a path of personal change or a stage of personal thought.

The concept of exam and grade has no place in school. The learning process will continue until the

student reaches a place where he or she feels competent (Fermihani Farahani, 2010).

4.3 Derrida's Thoughts and Citizenship Education

Although the tradition of philosophers' attention to the concept of citizenship and the training

of a good citizen goes back to the days of ancient Greek philosophers, and especially Plato, Derrida

and Foucault have indirectly referred to citizenship in their works. In fact, the most important work

of Derrida related to the present study is book of “The Politics of Friendship". In this book, Derrida

analyzes the behavior of individuals, political system, and educational system by describing subject

of friendship. In Derrida's view, friendship between humans is essentially based on two principles

of freedom and responsibility. In discussing one's responsibility to friends, he mentions three types

of responses: “answer for ", “answer to ", and “answer before “(Derrida, 1988, p. 638).

In the first response, the individual is responsible for himself / herself. The second response

shows the relationship of the individual with the other person. The third response is forming

friendships with the community and its associated institutions. Here people are held accountable by

the law of various social institutions such as courts, schools, hospitals, and so on. In the modern

world, this accountability has shaped the notion of "citizenship". A citizen has freedom and

responsibility: he is free to defend his rights and is responsible for respecting the laws. So a good

citizen is an active citizen who has initiative in both freedom and responsibility. Derrida also

emphasizes that society, through organizations such as State (the political system) and school (the

education system), focuses on citizenship education. So what happens in schools through curricula,

teacher behavior, and extracurricular activities can be seen as an attempt to regulate the friendship

and citizenship education of the young generation. In addition, Derrida believes that in the history

of political thought, friendship has always been with a brotherhood. The emphasis on friends and

citizens as brothers is another sign of "equality." Democracy In short means equality. Here you see



why friendship plays a key role, because in friendship, even in its classical definition, there are

elements such as reciprocity, equality, symmetry (Eidzadeh, 1396). There is no democracy except

equality for all, of course equality that can be calculated and fundamentally calculable. That is, in

that democracy you can count and calculate the number of units, voters, voices, and citizens. We are

therefore in the political and social arena with both "brother-friend" and "brother-enemy" (Derrida,

1997, p. 106). The difference between us and the other provides the potential for contention,

complaint and litigation, and the risk of friendship being destroyed. In Derrida's view, both in

friendship and in politics, we must learn to forget childish self-centeredness and accept the

difference between ourselves and others. This requires us to value our separation from the other

and acknowledge our vulnerability. The important question, however, is how childish self-centered

abandonment is possible. It is here that the role and evolutionary relationship of the education

system, social education and citizenship education is understood (Figure 1). It is not possible to

abandon childish self-centeredness without citizenship education, a task largely left to the

educational system.

Another point about the relationship of friendship with citizenship has attracted Derrida. In

Derrida's view, the history of political thought shows us that mainly the focus of friendships was on

the male sex. Throughout history and in most human societies, men have been active citizens and

women were housewives and passive citizens. New philosophical schools and a political system

based on democracy have changed the status of women in the world. Education systems, by

educating girls, reduced male-centered friendships. However, Derrida's view is still on the role of

political and educational systems in citizenship practices (with regard to the gender of students).

Given the concept of friendship, Derrida takes a critical look at social organizations such as schools.

Derrida expects the education system to focus on a few key points in citizenship education: First,

learning the relationship of the young generation with themselves, with others, and with social

institutions with respect to the two principles of freedom and responsibility. Second, citizenship

education based on the principles of a democratic and anti-authoritarian society; and third,

citizenship education based on equality, especially gender equality.

4.4 Foucault's Thoughts and Citizenship Education

Foucault's ideas base more on politics than on Derrida. He has presented one of the most

pervasive narratives of how power, control and supervision are associated with the formation of

modern society. Accordingly, Foucault's views on citizenship require an awareness of his



understanding of power in modern society. In two books of " Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the

Prison" and " The History of Sexuality,” Foucault says that every social relationship is a power

relationship. Power in modern society is a system of knowledge-based relationships (knowledge /

power network) that accommodates the individual and at the same time as he / she is known

(registered in offices or classified within the norms and knowledge imposed by society) or subject

to a system of knowledge such as medicine, psychology or education, It becomes visible and thus

dominated by power (care and punishment, 1378). Power even affects one's body through

education and order in the living environment, so one can speak of the bio-power or bio-political

that wants to apply to the body and organize it in its own order (Foucault, 1980).

Foucault's most important conception of power is disciplinary power. In this sense, Foucault

rejects the institutionalized forms of power in structures such as the State or its monopoly by elite

groups - such as ideological theories or values or traditions (McKinney, 1994: 1). For Foucault, the

discipline community operates through comparable normalization strategies. Judges of

normalization appear in shape and form of social expert, teacher, physician and wherever they are,

evaluate each individual in terms of a set of norms - resulting from commitment or a knowledge /

power network." Individuals are controlled by normative power, and this power works because it is

relatively invisible and intangible (Meknai, 1994). For Foucault, these disciplinary institutions

created a control system that acts like a microscope to observe behavior. The subtle subdivisions

and analyzes that disciplinary institutions carried out formed a machine of observation and training

in human beings (Foucault, 1999: 218). In Foucault's view, panopticon, methods of discipline,

hierarchical surveillance and normalizing judgments are some of the methods outlined here

(Kazemi, & Rezaei, 2009). Because of its success, this pattern has also been used in urban planning,

schools, hospitals and prisons.

For Foucault, any discipline is a political way of maintaining or changing the discourse and

knowledge and the powers that come from it. In addition, educational systems in the distribution of

their facilities (Positive: Beneficial Opportunities, and Negative: Preventive Opportunities) are

subject to factors that determine their boundaries, socioeconomic distances, conflicts, and

struggles. Power-knowledge systems are therefore regarded as a dominant order, focusing on the

role of education within a disciplinary organization: Specific architectures, space and time

organizing tools, physical techniques, supervision, and pedagogical relationships. Foucault says that

these principles are not educational to be important for understanding the formation of the mind,



but are based on the presuppositions of the schools and their organizational forms. For Foucault,

school is not an economic agent or a state-controlled instrument but a form of bureaucratic

discipline (O'Neill, 1986). Foucault believes that in fact all sciences are political. Textbooks and

their production each represent specific political approaches and mainly support those who have

shaped them economically and politically. "Power produces knowledge, and power and knowledge

directly imply each other. There is no power relation without the accompanying structure of

knowledge in the same fields as no knowledge can be conceived without having power relations"

(Foucault .M, 1978).

With a brief look at Foucault's view, it can be said that with a pessimistic view on power

systems, he believes that these systems foster their desirable citizens. Education systems, through

the power of discipline and from early childhood, shape the personality of individuals and nurture

them as obedient citizens. In this process, the educational system takes advantage of all

observational tools of student behavior. Through Panopticon students feel constantly monitored by

teachers and school principals; normalizing educational practices strives to institutionalize correct

behavior in all students; hierarchical supervision creates humility and humiliation in students and

normalizing penalties will crush rogue students who obey school rules. For a period of twelve year

(from primary to upper secondary schools) all of these tools make the young generation ready to

enter the community. A community tried to educate its citizens in advance. In this process,

naturally, all the elements of the education system (such as books and teachers) are in the service of

citizenship education.

4.5. Comparison of Derrida and Foucault's Viewpoints on Citizenship Education

Investigating Foucault's and Derrida's views on citizenship is not an easy task, since both

philosophers discuss indirectly about citizenship through their critique of political and intellectual

systems. However, similarities can be found in both perspectives. Both philosophers oppose the

philosophical and political systems that diminish the essence of human existence. The values and

ethics that Foucault and Derrida emphasize in educating the citizen are: toleration of others' beliefs,

freedom and equality, respect and acceptance of cultural diversity, and freedom. Also, the

educational approach of both philosophers is pluralism. One aspect of this pluralism is that it is

meaningless to accept the same basic principles and methods for education (Farahmani Farahani,

2014).



Of course, there are also slight differences between the views of the two philosophers. Derrida's

theories create a more delicate and tolerable image of social systems and their function by

appealing to the notion of friendship. In Derrida's view, the positive thinking is stronger, and people

can more freely choose own citizenship practices. Also, Derrida's image is more pleasing to the

work of public organizations such as schools. In contrast, Foucault's pessimism about the

performance of social systems in citizenship is also conveyed to his readers. In Foucault's view,

schools are prisons that educate future citizens through tools such as corporal punishment,

psychological repression and humiliation, scoring system, dropouts, and expulsion. What is

common to both philosophers is that they have been able to clearly distinguish the exact

boundaries of democratic educational systems from undemocratic educational systems.

5. Conclusion

Post-structuralism philosophical foundations that emphasize the acceptance of principles such

as cultural diversity, understanding differences, acceptance of others, generosity and friendship,

and active citizenship can provide very valuable lessons for Iranian society with wide ethnic,

linguistic, cultural, religious and generational diversity. Also the views of those like Derrida and

Foucault who have carefully delineated the characteristics of oppressive intellectual, political and

educational systems can be of great benefit to the young Iranian society - which has a long history

of despotism - in the new millennium (Alavi Pour, 2016). This young society - if it does not have the

proper citizenship education - must prepare itself to live with all sorts of conflicts, problems and

crises. The present article seeks to explain Derrida and Foucault perspectives to provide critical

lessons for Iranian educational philosophers - as well as educational and policy makers and

politicians -. Through the use of Derrida and Foucault's ideas, they can transform many of the social

challenges into areas of mutual understanding, companionship, and empathy.

The characteristics of Iranian society also show that today's young generation - heavily

influenced by new innovations through information and communication technologies - cannot

easily accept the concepts accepted by the political and education system. They seek citizenship

based on interaction, equality, responsibility and democracy, while reflecting on the ideas of Iran's

current political and educational system reflects a contradiction with what we call civil rights and

civil rights indicators (protection of individual freedoms and equality), political rights (right to



participate in the exercise of political power), and social rights (right to enjoy economic prosperity

and personal security) (Tavassoli Raknabadi and Nouri. 1395). The conflict between content of

school textbooks with the realities of modern life, the beliefs of the young generation, and the

beliefs of other social systems (such as family) must be taken into consideration by Iran’s

educational philosophers.

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