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Final Report
UGANDA
A YOUTH RAPID CARE ANALYSIS IN MPIGI DISTRICT UGANDA
By:
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August 2016
Agency for Capacity Building (ACB)
P.O. Box 12773 Kampala,
Email: [email protected]
Consultants
Joseph Rujumba- (PhD) Email: [email protected]
Tel: +256- 772-493078
Allen Tushabe – Email: [email protected]
Tel: +256-071 2837771
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Contents Acknowledgement ............................................................................................................................................. 3
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................... 4
1.0 Background and Objectives of the Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) ........................................ 6
1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 6
1.2 Overview of Agency for Capacity Building (ACB) ...................................................................... 6
1.3 Understanding Care Work ............................................................................................................... 6
1.4 Background of Oxfam and Care Work in Uganda....................................................................... 7
1.5 Overview about Mpigi District ....................................................................................................... 8
1.6 Objectives of RCA ............................................................................................................................ 9
2.0 Approach to the Youth Rapid Care Work Analysis ....................................................................... 10
2.1 Design ............................................................................................................................................... 10
2.1 Study Setting and Context in Mpigi District ............................................................................... 10
2.3 Study Participants and Procedure Adopted in conducting the Youth RCA .......................... 11
2.4 Research tool .................................................................................................................................... 12
2.5 Data management and report production ................................................................................... 13
2.6 Ethical Considerations .................................................................................................................... 13
2.6 Limitations........................................................................................................................................ 13
3.0 Results ................................................................................................................................................... 15
3.1 Characteristics of study participants ............................................................................................. 15
3.2 How and why care work is distributed between genders and age groups .............................. 15
3.3 Consequences on young people of heavy and unequal unpaid care work.............................. 25
3.4 Perceptions and attitudes of young women and men towards care work and the associated gender norms ...................................................................................................................................... 30
3.5 To support young people to develop strategies to recognize, reduce and redistribute heavy and unequal care among youth and communities in Mpigi District ........................................... 34
3.6 Recommendations for Oxfam‟s future youth programming on the integration of unpaid care issues. ................................................................................................................................................... 37
5.7 Conclusions ...................................................................................................................................... 38
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Acknowledgement
We acknowledge the tremendous support extended to us by Oxfam Uganda Staff and management
especially Peter Kamalingin and Joselyn Bigirwa and Imogen Davies Oxfam GB based in Oxford;
management and staff of Mpigi District Local Government as well as the management and staff of
Kamengo and Kiringente Sub-counties, Mpigi District for all the support in conducting this Youth
Rapid Care Analysis. Special thanks to all our study participants who made this research possible. To
our research associates Joseph Arinanye and Sharon Ahumuza; Allen Tushabe (Co-Consultant) and
Jacinta Nandawula (Administrator ACB) thank you for the job well done throughout this study. We
are grateful to members of the review team (Jane Remme, Joselyn Bigirwa, Imogen Davies and
Thalia Kidder) for the comments on the draft report. The study was funded by Oxfam.
Lead Consultant: Joseph Rujumba (PhD)
Email: [email protected]/[email protected],
Tel: 0772-493078, 0701717857
Agency for Capacity Building (ACB), Kampala Uganda
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Abstract
Introduction
Unpaid care work is domestic work and direct care of persons which facilitates and supports the well-being of
family and community members. It includes direct care of persons, such as child care or care of dependent
adults, as well as domestic work, such as cooking, digging, fetching water or collecting firewood. This Youth
Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) report has been prepared by the Agency for Capacity Building (ACB) for Oxfam
in Uganda. The RCA explored children and youths perspectives about care work in order to generate
strategies to recognize, reduce and redistribute unpaid care work and to increase representation of carers in
decision-making. The Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) was conducted between 7th and 12th July 2016 Mpigi
District, central Uganda.
Approach
A qualitative participatory research design involving four age appropriate groups of 72 male and female
children and young people aged 9-25 years was conducted in two sub-counties of Mpigi District. Each Youth
Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) was done on a separate day and was made up of 7 exercises and group discussion
themes. The four RCA sessions were equally divided between in and out of school children and young
people in age groups of: 9-12 years in school, 13-17 years in-school, 13-17years out-of-school, and 18-25
years out of school. The Youth RCA explored relationships of care in the community, identified unpaid and
paid work activities performed by girls and boys; young women and men, identified gendered patterns in care
work, social norms underlying these patterns and „most problematic‟ care activities and options to reduce and
redistribute care work. The Youth RCA guidelines developed by Oxfam were used in conducting the exercise.
Key findings
Study findings revealed no major gender segregation in care work among young children but this changed as
children grew into teenagers, adolescents and adults where there were marked differences in care activities for
male and female.
Most care work in the study setting is done by girls and women. In all RCA sessions with exception of in
school children 9-12 years, females spent more hours on unpaid care work than their male counterparts. For
instance older youth in school in Kamengo Sub-county; girls spent 4 times more hours on care work than
boys. Out of school girls (18-25 years) in Kamengo spent 8.4 times more hours on care work than boys out
of school in the same age group. Similarly in Kiringente out of school girls spent 4.5 times more hours on
care work than boys out of school in the same age group. Thus girls out of school are „doubly disadvantaged‟
in terms of losing out on education and shouldering excessive care responsibilities.
However, these tasks were perceived by children and young people as 'light and simple', not paid for and less
important for household sustenance. This perception contributes to the continued invisibility and devaluing
of care work predominantly done by girls and women. The invisibility and devaluing of care work further
sustains its perception as non-work. There was a dominant perception that since women and girls are at home
most of the time, it is natural and logical that they should do care work. Likewise, men and boys do not do
care work in part because they are outside the home much of the time. There was „false praise‟ for instance
that women cook better food and are good at doing care work than men which can worsen and sustain the
heaviness of care work on the part of women and girls. These perceptions need to be targeted during
sensitization for change in social norms. The study revealed that women and girls often do tasks largely meant
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for men and boys when boys and men are a way, further increasing the heaviness of care work on girls and
women.
The dominant wishes for male and female youth out of school if they had more time was to engage in skills
training and income generating activities. Boys and girls in school mentioned studying and engaging in sports
as key activities they would do if they had more time.
There are strong and deep-rooted traditional norms and beliefs with regard to what men and women;
adolescent boys and girls should do or not do in relation to care work. These norms, beliefs and perceptions
form very early in life through informal observations and socialization processes at family and community
levels. Most domestic activities like cooking and serving food, washing clothes and utensils and caring for
children were strongly perceived across all study groups as a preserve for girls and women and difficult to
redistribute to men. The fear for men to be devalued, ridiculed, stigmatized, lose status and respect at family
and community levels emerged as key risks to the likely redistribution of such care activities to men and old
boys. The fear that men would be taken for granted by women and their children if they engaged in care work
was another potential risk but also the likelihood of leading to gender based violence. Redistributing such care
was perceived to taint women‟s image in society as well. Activities perceived to require a lot of 'energy' such
as fetching water and collecting fire wood were seen as potential for redistribution to men. Men engaged in
some care activities when women and girls were away or unwell indicating that it is possible for men to do
tasks perceived to be for women. This presents an opportunity to expose „false logic‟ and foster change in
attitudes and social norms about what men and women should or should not do.
Fetching water, collecting firewood, digging, washing clothes and caring for children were the key difficult
care activities mentioned in most RCA groups. Difficulties related to fetching water and firewood collection
were linked to distant and hilly places and being heavy. The reduction in forests/trees compounded firewood
collection challenges. Extending clean and safer water, tree planting and energy saving techniques to
communities was apriority.
Conclusion and recommendations
It is important that Oxfam and partners initiate and support community sensitization and dialogue to change
negative societal norms and perceptions about recognition, reduction and re-distribution of care work and to
increase representation of carers in decision-making; integrate advocacy and awareness creation in youth and
development work; advocate and support initiatives geared at improving access to community services such
clean and safe water, tree planting and use of energy saving technologies and alternatives to firewood so as to
reduce the burden of difficult care tasks; promote interventions to empower girls and women through skills
training and income generation; and engage in policy influencing and knowledge generation to better
understand and address care work. For such initiatives for bear fruit, it is important that boys and girls are
targeted early in life for change of attitudes and perceptions towards care work. Focusing on early change in
attitude of young people is important to enhance youth rights now and in future as women and men. Heavy
and unequal care work affects children‟s education, health, safety and time thus government, NGOs, schools
and other actors must do something about it to ensure that children‟s rights to health, safety and education
are promotion and protected.
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1.0 Background and Objectives of the Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA)
1.1 Introduction
This Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) report has been prepared by the Agency for Capacity
Building (ACB) for Oxfam in Uganda. The RCA explored children and youths perspectives about
care work in order to generate strategies to recognize, reduce and redistribute unpaid care work. The
Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) was conducted in Mpigi District, central Uganda.
1.2 Overview of Agency for Capacity Building (ACB)
Since inception in 2005, ACB has continued to provide high quality services to clients in the areas of
training and research including conducting baseline studies and project evaluations for organizations
like Concern Worldwide, the former Christian Children Fund (CCF) and now Child Fund Uganda,
Build Africa Uganda, AMREF Uganda, Oxfam GB, Oxfam Novib, Integrated Community Efforts
Against AIDS (ICEA), Swisscontact Uganda, UNHCR and Lutheran World Federation (LWF)
among others. Our community development and public health professionals have combined their
skills and experience to design and deliver client-customized capacity building and research
interventions geared at strengthening the response to poverty, limited access to water, sanitation and
hygiene, HIV and AIDS, gender based violence (GBV), Violence against women and girls
(VAW&G), Gender inequality, food insecurity and lack of marketable skills, among other
development concerns.
1.3 Understanding Care Work
„Care work‟ – also sometimes called reproductive work, domestic work or unpaid work – refers to
the provision of services for family and community members outside of the market. Unpaid care
work is domestic work and direct care of persons which facilitates and supports the well-being of
family and community members1. It includes direct care of persons, such as child care or care of
dependent adults, as well as domestic work, such as cooking, cleaning, and digging, fetching water or
collecting firewood. While these caring activities are essential to maintaining our societies, across the
world they are primarily done by women and girls making the distribution unequal. The fact that
care work is not paid for; it is not reflected in national statistics or economic analyses, despite its
centrality to our day-to-day wellbeing. It is perceived to be less valuable than paid work, ignored and
not considered to be “work” even by the women and men who engage in it and benefit directly
from these activities. In part, the invisibility of care work in national statistics and being less valued,
leads to persistent neglect by local and national authorities who fail to design social and economic
1 Oxfam We Care Project Definition of Care Work.
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policies that can reduce women‟s primary responsibility for care work. It is important to note that,
women living in poverty are more affected by care work as they shoulder care work but also struggle
to fend for their families though earning an income such as through subsistence farming makes it
heavy and with negative social, psychological, economic and health implications. Care Work also
affects women‟s mobility, participation in training events, employment, community and
development activities thus perpetrating women‟s unequal status in society.
Initiatives to address care work as an issue of violation of women‟s rights and economic
empowerment exist on a limited scale including in Uganda. One such initiative is the Women‟s
Economic Empowerment and Care (WE-Care) programme by Oxfam in Uganda.
1.4 Background of Oxfam and Care Work in Uganda
OXFAM started work in Uganda in the 1960s with humanitarian programmes to help refugees and
destitute children fleeing from Rwanda. It has continued working in Uganda supporting practical,
innovative ways for people to lift themselves out of poverty and thrive. Today, Oxfam partners with
over 40 Ugandan organizations from national civil society and the private sector.
Together with Ugandan partners, Oxfam focuses on improving the lives of people who are most in
need and disempowered. The organization concentrates on the conflict-affected and marginalized
areas of the greater north of Uganda: West Nile, Acholi and, Lango, Teso, and Karamoja. Oxfam
also has a nationwide reach through, Research, Policy advocacy campaigns and emergency response
with partners.
Oxfam through her humanitarian and development programs envisions that; all women, men and
children in Uganda realize their rights and an improved quality of life, empowered by an
environment where vibrant civil society, a responsible private sector and a responsive and
accountable government ensures equitable access to resources. Related to this call, Oxfam is
currently implementing a Women‟s Economic empowerment and Care project (WE- Care) with
Uganda Women‟s Network (UWONET) and Women and Rural Development Network
(WORUDET). As part of the WE- Care project, Oxfam and partners conducted a Rapid Care and
House Hold Care analysis in Lamwo District2. The Youth Rapid Care analysis conducted in two
sub-counties of Mpigi District is a second piece of research by Oxfam in Uganda.
The Women‟s Economic Empowerment and Care (WE-Care) programme by Oxfam in Uganda is a
three-year, cross-affiliate initiative (2014–17) across Oxfam‟s research, development and advocacy
programme addressing women‟s heavy and unequal care work. The initiative aims to influence
development policy and practice by developing research methodologies and innovative
interventions, as well as leveraging evidence into advocacy so that communities recognize care work,
and reduce and redistribute responsibility for care, in order to achieve women‟s empowerment. The
2 WORUDET, Oxfam and UWONET (2015) Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) and Household Care Survey in Lamwo
District, Acholi Sub-Region, Northern Uganda
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programme seeks to rebalance the provision of care from poor families/communities towards the
public and private sector, as well as changing gender norms and practices for more gender equality.
Initial findings from the WE-Care programme show that the unequal division of care work between
women and men may be more acute in young people and adolescents; however the programme has
not looked specifically at young people’s relationship with care work. Perceptions on care work and the
gendered division of care responsibilities are formed at a young age, and research is needed into how
these are developed and what interventions can address them. Is care work perceived as work, and
as valuable and skilled work? Which gender is seen as responsible for, and more capable of which
family responsibilities? Who influences these attitudes and how flexible are they? At what age do
gender norms relating to care work solidify? What are the best avenues to begin questioning and
addressing social norms around care work? As heavy and unequal care responsibilities affect the
ability of girls and young women to enjoy their rights as well as to participate in development
activities, it is important for programmes working on both gender justice and youth active
citizenship to recognize and address these issues.
The My Rights, My Voice (MRMV) programme has supported children and youth to claim their
rights to health, education and SRH in eight countries in Africa and Asia over the past four years
(2012-2016). Together with the WE-Care programme, the My Rights, My Voice Programme
supported this research project into youth perceptions on care work as a basis to strengthen
Oxfam‟s future work on youth and on unpaid care. The project is expected to inform youth-led and
youth-centered strategies, including awareness-raising and advocacy initiatives, to recognise, reduce
and redistribute care responsibilities.
1.5 Overview about Mpigi District
Mpigi district is located in Central Uganda, approximately 35 kilometers from Kampala, Uganda‟s
Capital City. The district boarders with the districts of Wakiso in the North East and East, Mityana
in the North, Butambala in the West and North West, Kalangala in the South and Kalungu is to the
south West. The District lies on the shores of Lake Victoria, the largest fresh water lake on the
Africa Continent. Mpigi District covers an area of 1,541.13 square kms. Administratively, Mpigi
District is made up of one county divided into two constituencies Mawokota North and Mawokota
South. The district has six Sub-counties, one town council (Mpigi town council) and one town
board3.
According to the National Population and Housing Census 2014 Report, Mpigi District has a
Population of 251,512 comprising of 125,314 males and 126,198 females, the household size in 4.1
and the annual population growth rate stands at 2.44%. Children account for 57% of the
population4.
3 Mpigi District Local Government (2015) Mpigi District Development Plan II, 2015/16-2019/20 4 Uganda Bureau of Statistics 2016, The National Population and Housing Census 2014 – Main Report, Kampala, Uganda
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Agriculture is the dominant economic activity in Mpigi District with 79% of the households deriving
their livelihood from it. Other economic activities in the district are cottage factories, trade and
leisure activities.
The main inhabitants of Mpigi District are the Baganda and engage in small holder farming dealing
in various agricultural enterprises which include but not limited to, coffee, maize, beans, cassava,
bananas, sweet potatoes, vegetables, fish farming, horticulture, poultry and livestock farming. The
majority of farmers in Mpigi use traditional tools of farming such as pangas and hoes. They rely on
rain fed agriculture. The most common domestic animals are chicken, goats and cattle.
Men have traditionally played a significant role in agriculture, especially for energy intensive tasks as
bush clearing, planting, harvesting and constructing granaries. Women‟s roles have traditionally
included digging, planting, weeding and harvesting. Boys and girls are typically socialized into
distinct gender roles. There are differences in what men and women own as well as how they access
and control production resources. Traditionally, land, cattle and other large assets are owned and
controlled by men. Thus most women access land for production through their male counterparts as
daughters, sisters or wives. In traditional society, care work including cooking, washing clothes,
caring for children and the sick, fetching water, grinding millet were largely a preserve of women.
Thus, home was largely the operating area for most women. Currently, the context is gradually
changing with some women getting involved in paid work outside the home and owning some of
the resources that were traditionally seen as a preserve of men though at a slow pace.
1.6 Objectives of RCA
1. To explore how and why care work is distributed between genders and age groups.
2. To understand the consequences on young people of heavy and unequal unpaid care work.
3. To explore the perceptions and attitudes of young women and men towards care work and
the associated gender norms.
4. To support young people to develop strategies (including awareness-raising and advocacy
initiatives) to recognize, reduce and redistribute heavy and unequal care among youth and
communities in Mpigi District, Central region, and to represent their voice in decision-
making processes.
5. To develop recommendations for Oxfam‟s future youth programming on the integration of
unpaid care issues.
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2.0 Approach to the Youth Rapid Care Work Analysis
2.1 Design
Overall, a qualitative participatory research design involving four age appropriate groups of male and
female children and young people aged 9-25 years was conducted in Mpigi District between 7th – 12th
July 2016.
2.1 Study Setting and Context in Mpigi District
The Youth Rapid Care Analysis was conducted in Kiringente and Kamengo rural and comparable
Sub-counties. Kamengo has a total population of 38,290 of whom 19,456 are male and 18,834 are
female. The total population of Kiringete is 22,687 of whom 11,309 are male and 11,378 are female5.
Agriculture is the dominant basis of livelihood in both sub-counties. The two sub-counties were
selected in a joint meeting involving members of the research team and Mpigi District officials from
departments of administration, planning, community development and child protection.
Figure 1: Study areas
Source: Mpigi District Development Plan 2015
5 Mpigi District Local Government (2015) Mpigi District Development Plan II, 2015/16-2019/20
Study sub-counties
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2.3 Study Participants and Procedure Adopted in conducting the Youth RCA
The 4 RCA sessions were held with a total of 72 participants (male 34 and female 38). The number
of participants in each RCA session ranged between 14 and 21. Overall, most RCA sessions had 2-3
more females compared to males with exception of one group for in-school children in Kiringente
Sub-county where the number of boys in upper primary classes at the selected public primary school
was consistently higher than that of girls. Having slightly more female participants was aimed at
ensuring that female participants were not dominated by their male counterparts during the
discussions. Throughout the conduct of the sessions there was no dominancy of participants based
on gender.
Each RCA was done on a separate day and was made up of 7 exercises and group discussion
themes. The four RCA sessions were equally divided between in and out of school children and
young people as follows: (1) 9-12 age group in school (2) 13-17 age group in-school (3) 13-17age
group – out-of-school, including some who were married, breastfeeding, have children and do/don‟t
live with parents.; and (4) 18-25 age group out of school. The Youth RCA 1) explored relationships
of care in the community, 2) identified unpaid and paid work activities performed by girls and
boys; young women and men, 3) identified gendered patterns in care work, social norms underlying
these patterns and „most problematic‟ care activities and 4) discussed available services and
infrastructure and options to reduce and redistribute care work. In addition, the discussions
explored how young people‟s involvement in care work may impact on their lives and participation
in development projects.
The study team visited the district and met key officials from departments of administration,
planning, community development and child protection to introduce the study, purpose and
approach. In a joint session, the two sub-counties of Kiringente and Kamengo both rural and
comparable were selected for the Youth Rapid Care Analysis.
The study team introduced the study to the administration of the two sub-counties, identified
officials to work with (mainly from the department of community development) in scheduling field
activities, mobilizing study participants and identifying appropriate venues for the discussions.
The Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) Toolbox6 and Guidance document already developed by Oxfam7
were reviewed, adapted and provided a basis for conducting the research. The Youth RCA
guidelines were developed and used to conduct one-day workshops with children and youth to
understand patterns of care work, identify consequences of heavy and unequal care, and to develop
6 Thalia Kidder and Carine Pionetti (2013) Participatory Methodology: Rapid Care Analysis; Toolbox of Exercises Oxfam. 7 Thalia Kidder and Carine Pionetti (2013) Participatory Methodology: Rapid Care Analysis; Guidance for Managers and Facilitators, Oxfam.
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context-specific strategies to recognize, reduce and redistribute care work and recognize youth needs
in decision-making.
To harmonize understanding of the tool and process as well as to agree on adaptations, the study
team reviewed the Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) Toolbox and the Child protection and
Safeguarding policy documents by Oxfam, attended 2 day training sessions by staff of Oxfam in
Uganda and Oxford and met Oxfam officials in Uganda to clarify any outstanding issues before
commencement of the Youth RCA.
Figure 1: Training of Research Team by Oxfam Official
The sessions were conducted by two facilitators (male and female) and two research associates (male
and female) as rapporteurs. All members of the research team well versed with conducting group
discussions and working with children and young people. They were fluent in Luganda the dominant
language spoken in the study setting. For in school children, Luganda and English were used.
2.4 Research tool
A Youth Rapid Care Analysis (RCA) guide was used to explore children and youth perspectives on
unpaid care. The Youth RCA is a one-day workshop with a set of exercises with children and youth
community members that provides them with a space to explore the area of care together, to look at
factors that shape youth norms and perceptions about gender roles, age and care work, and to
collaboratively develop practical solutions and strategies to address the issues identified.
In conducting the RCA exercises, visual tools, such as matrixes and photographs as well as open
discussions were used. The RCA is intended to be quick to use and easy to integrate into existing
exercises for programme design or monitoring. It can help assess how young women‟s and girls‟
involvement in care work may impact on their lives and participation in development projects.
Each RCA session commenced with the introduction and clarification of what unpaid care work is
guided by the facilitators. Each session lasted for 4-5 hours. At selected moments study participants
were divided into separate groups for male and female to deliberate on specific issues such as tasks
done by boys or girls and the time allocation for boys and girls to different tasks. The two groups
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came together to share proceedings and implications. Bringing male and female sub-groups together
enabled male and female participants to appraise submissions for each of the sub-groups and reach
consensus. This also helped to save time.
2.5 Data management and report production
Some data analysis was done as part of data collection. Further data analysis by the research team
was done after completion of data collection on the basis of the pertinent themes and concerns of
the Rapid Care Analysis. Selected direct quotations from the discussions and practical exercises have
been adopted in the report.
2.6 Ethical Considerations
The research team introduced the study and sought clearance from the Mpigi District and Sub-
county administration. Consent was obtained from adult caregivers in the case of children and assent
from children before commencement of the RCA sessions. Young people above 18 years provided
individual consent. In all cases, the purpose of the study was explained to study participants and
their rights to participate or not to participate in the study was explained as well. Participants were
also assured of confidentiality. Throughout the process, community mobilizers known in the study
areas mainly community development assistants and youth leaders assisted in mobilizing the target
groups and gaining community entry in the study setting. Study team members assisted study
participants with difficulty in reading and writing especially during the individual 24-hour recall
exercise.
2.6 Limitations
The RCA activities were time demanding given other competing community demands. Adaptation
of some activities and keeping groups together for some activities helped to save time.
Obtaining consent from some parents and caregivers was challenging. Some participants especially
with no or low education levels found the some tasks requiring writing challenging. Study team
members provided the needed assistance.
Some children especially those aged 9-12 years portrayed difficulties in understanding some of the
RCA tasks such as the 24 hour recall and the seasonal changes in care exercises. The facilitators
drew on their expertise and facilitation skills to enable children understand the tasks. For instance
some children were asked as volunteers to briefly tell stories about how their previous day was as an
entry point in identifying activities for the previous day. For the seasonal changes in care, children
were asked to describe the moments when care work had increased or reduced.
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The study is based on a non-randomly selected sample thus findings may not be generalized to other
settings. However, the findings from this RCA are consistent with those of the RCA and
quantitative survey conducted among adults in Lamwo District Northern Uganda which is
reassuring.
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3.0 Results
3.1 Characteristics of study participants
Study participants consisted of in and out of school children and youth aged 9-25 years selected
from the two sub-counties of Kamengo and Kiringente in Mpigi District as shown in table 1.
Table 1: Distribution of study participants by study area, age group and gender
Study area Participant
category
Male Female Total
Kamengo Sub-county
13-17 years in-
school
6 8 14
18-25 years out–
of school
9 11 20
Kiringente Sub-county 13-17years out-
of-school
7 10 17
9-12 years
in-school*
12 9 21
Total 4 groups 34 38 72
* At the study school, in Kiringente Sub-county, the number of girls in upper primary classes was lower than that of boys thus
boys in this RCA were slightly more than girls.
As indicated in table1, across most groups more female participants took part in the discussions.
The exception was with one in school group in Kiringente Sub-county, where boys were more than
girls by three. It should be noted that a review of class lists at the selected primary school and
discussion with school management indicated that the number of girls in upper primary classes was
in general lower than that of boys. Based on consultations with school administration we deemed it
necessary to hold the discussion with pupils from the same upper primary class as a way of
standardization. However, there was no indication of boys dominating girls in the discussion.
3.2 How and why care work is distributed between genders and age groups
Understanding unpaid care work
The Youth Rapid Care Analysis participants were asked to brainstorm on what they thought unpaid
care work was. Across all the groups, RCA participants described unpaid care work as activities done
by boys or girls, men or women or both for the wellbeing of family and community members.
This is work that we do at home and in our communities without being paid (Female participant, RCA 13-
17 years in-school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
The help given to a person in your family or community without any payment in return (Female participant,
RCA 13-17 years in-school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
16
Most participants described care work through the activities involved such as cooking, sweeping
compound, collecting firewood, fetching water, washing utensils, slashing compound, digging, caring
for the sick, caring for the needy, for example those with disabilities and elderly among others; and
cleaning the well. Common characteristics in participants‟ descriptions of care work included being
done at home, unpaid for and mainly done by girls and women. The We Care project definition of
unpaid care work was shared as „domestic work and direct care of persons which facilitates and
supports the well-being of family and community members‟. It is often less recognized and
performed by women‟. In addition, the care categories in table 2 were shared, discussed and agreed
upon to guide the discussions.
Table 2: Care Work Categories with examples in Mpigi District
Domestic work Direct care of persons
Meal preparation
Fetching water
Collecting fire wood (energy)
Clean space
Clean clothes
Child care
Care of dependent adults (the sick, elderly and persons
with disabilities)
Care of community members (elderly and persons with
disabilities)
In all RCA sessions participants were guided to identify and agree on specific care activities within
Mpingi District. These are summarized by care category in table 3.
Table 3: Examples for unpaid care work in Mpigi District by care work category
Domestic Work Direct Care of Persons
Meal preparation
Buying food
Collecting food from the
garden
Cooking food
Serving food
Washing utensils
Food production for
home use
Digging
Clearing the bush
Weeding
Harvesting
Grazing animals
Energy
Cutting trees
Splitting firewood
Collecting firewood
Water
Fetching water
Cleaning the well
Boiling drinking water
Clean space
Sweeping/mopping the
house
Sweeping the
compound
Laying or setting the
bed
Clean clothes
Washing clothes
Ironing clothes
Child care
Bathing children
Feeding children
Caring for a sick child
Taking children to the
hospital
Being responsible for
children
Care of dependent adults
Taking care of the sick
adults/those with
disabilities
Taking people to hospital
Caring for patients in
hospital
Care of community members
Fetching water for elderly
community members
Collecting water for elderly
community members
Cleaning a community well
Looking after neighbors‟
children
Care at School
Fetching water for teachers
Cleaning toilets
Sweeping compound
Slashing compound
Serving food to teachers
Digging for teachers
Source: Youth RCA 2016
17
Who Boys and Girls Care for in their family and community
Care at family level
In all four RCA sessions, it was noted that both boys and girls cared mainly for close relatives and
family members. These included fathers, mothers, siblings, uncles and aunties and grandparents.
Most of the care done by both boys and girls such as fetching water and cooking food were on daily
basis and benefited the whole family as some participants noted.
We do work that benefits all family members. For example, when I cook food, all family members eat it…
(Female participant, RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
….when we collect fire wood or fetch water it is used by all the people at home including mother, father, uncle
and other children…. (Male participant, Boy, RCA 9-12 years in-school, Kiringente Sub-county).
From the above voices it is evident that most of the domestic care activities boys and girls do in
Mpigi benefit them and members of their families. The fact that boys and girls recognize the
importance and benefits from care work to the whole family and community, this positive attribute
should be a starting point in addressing care work before moving on to the negative aspects related
to care work. Indeed, care work was understood by both male and female children and youth in the
study setting as a social good and children are aware of how beneficial this work is. They have pride
and recognize that when they do the work, this contributes to family wellbeing and positive family
image as one participant noted.
The work we do helps us and our families. For example we clean our houses and compounds…you know if
they find your house dirty people can laugh at you and your parents (Female participant, RCA 13-17 years
in school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
The above narrative reveals that children and youth have pride in taking part in care work. Focus on
caring for one‟s family was linked to the increasing individualization and the high cost of living.
…these days’ people care for their own relatives. It is not easy to find someone who looks after other people
because even for your own family, you are not able to provide for them 100 per cent. When you include others,
it is a burden one will have brought against themselves (Male participant, RCA 18-25 years out–of school,
Kamengo, Sub-county).
Caring for children and the sick relatives in hospitals were mentioned as activities done mainly by
girls. The children cared for included siblings, biological children and those of close relatives.
The care work we do is for ourselves, for example the children we take care of are ours (but among those
children at times we have those from our sisters and brothers but we consider all of them as ours (Female
participant, RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
This finding is not surprising given that in the study setting, children of one‟s sister or brother are
considered as one‟s biological children.
18
Care in the community
Involvement of children and youth in care of people outside their families was limited. Overall, only
one female in school and one male out of school RCA participants in Kamengo Sub-county
mentioned being involved in care for elderly people in their communities. The care involved
fetching water and collecting firewood for them. Children in school in Kamengo mentioned being
involved in care work as indicated below:
As girls we care for our parents, children, the elderly and ourselves…. We take care of children for neighbors,
for example if a neighbor is going out of the home she can leave the child behind for the girl to help (Female
participants RCA 13-17 years in-school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
In general, study participants noted that care work in communities outside the home was irregularly
done 1-2 times a month. Children in school also mentioned that they were involved in care work at
school such as digging and fetching water for teachers, serving food to teachers, slashing compound,
sweeping classes, cleaning toilets and fetching water for hand washing after toilet use.
People who care more or less and why
Across all the Youth RCA groups, it was noted that mothers/wives and older girls aged 15 years or
more do most of the care work. Most participants linked mothers‟ and older girls‟ dominancy in care
work to their being at home most of the time compared to older boys and men who often go out of
the home for work and leisure.
Women have more time at home so that’s why they have a lot of care work, besides women cook ‘better’ and
their food is tasty…this is because men are rarely at home, if a boy goes out for example there is a possibility
that he will be there the whole day but a girl will be at home and do most of the work (Male participant
RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
Men have work that takes them outside home, so women are most of the time at home and end up doing most
of the care work (Male Participant RCA 13-17years out-of-school, Kiringente, Sub-County).
Implied in the above narratives is the perception that since women and girls are at home most of the
time, it is natural and logical that they should do care work. Likewise, men and boys do not do care
work because they are outside the home much of the time.
It is important to note that this is a self-perpetuating logic. In part since men are not doing and are
not responsible for care work may explain why men are away from home most of the time. Since
women are responsible for care work partly explains why they stay at home most of the time. In
addition, the „false praise‟ that women cook better food can also worsen and sustain the heaviness of
care work on the part of women and girls. These perceptions need to be targeted during
sensitization for change in social norms.
19
The study revealed that women and girls often do tasks largely meant for men and boys when boys
and men are a way, further increasing the heaviness of care work on girls and women as one of the
girls noted.
Splitting firewood is work for men but since the woman does the cooking, she can’t wait for the man to come
from wherever and split the wood for her to cook, she has to do it. Or if there is no water and boys are away
girls fetch the water… (Female participant RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
While both male and female children and youth are involved in care work, it was noted that the
activities done by girls such as cooking and caring for children were more time demanding and
occupying than those done mainly by boys for instance fetching water and collecting firewood.
Study participants also argued that girls movements were restricted while boys were allowed to visit,
attend football matches, visit cinema halls and other events away from home. In addition, boys and
men are culturally prohibited from some care work activities such as cooking and serving food when
girls and women are available in the same household and not sick as one of the participants noted.
A man can only cook if the wife is sick…. one of the reasons why a man marries is to have someone to cook
for him (Male participant RCA 9-12 years in-school, Kiringente Sub-county).
The above voice indicates that men can do women‟s work sometimes and as noted earlier women
can do men‟s work sometimes. Such scenarios could be used as an opportunity to expose false logic
and foster change in attitudes and social norms about what men and women should or should not
do.
In general study participants linked the perceptions about what men and women should or should
not do in relation to care work to socialization in society as they grow. Others linked such
perceptions to the creation story as one participant noted:
…division of labor stemmed from the creation story. Adam was created to work and cater for his family and
Eva was created to give birth, care for child and family (Female participant RCA 13-17 years out of school,
Kiringente Sub-county).
Confining girls at home unlike boys and social norms that prohibit boys and men from engaging in
some care activities contributes to the heaviness of care work on the part of girls and women.
Who does what work
During Youth RCA sessions, participants were individually asked and guided to fill in a 24-hour
activity recall. Each of them wrote activities done per hour including simultaneous activities.
Facilitators illustrated how the exercise was to be done and asked volunteers to explain briefly the
activities they did the previous day to ensure that each person understood. Once participants had
filled in their main and simultaneous activities, they were guided in a discussion to agree on symbols
to represent categories of work (paid labour/paid service; work to produce for sale; unpaid work
20
producing products for home consumption; unpaid care work; unpaid community work; and non-
work. For school children studying was added as an additional category). It should be noted that
each group came up with its own symbols to describe the various work categories. Participants were
then guided to indicate symbols that matched the work activities that they did the previous day.
Participants counted and noted the hours spent on each category of work for the main and
simultaneous activities separately. The hours for individual participants were used to calculate
average daily and weekly number of hours for male and female participants to facilitate comparison
of sub-groups as summarized in table 4.
In all RCA sessions with exception of in school children 9-12 years, females spent more hours on
unpaid care work than their male counterparts. For instance as shown in table 4, older youth in
school in Kamengo Sub-county; females spent 34.3 hours weekly on care work compared to 8.7
hours by their male counterparts implying that girls in secondary school spent 4 times more hours
on care work than boys. A similar pattern was noted for youth out of school in the same setting
(female 46.9 and males 5.6 hours weekly on care work). Similarly out of school female youth in
Kiringente sub-county spent 44.1 hours weekly on care work compared to 9.8 hours by male youth
in the same setting.
Findings also show that girls out of school spent more hours on care work that those in school.
This is because girls in out of school are available most of the time to do care work while those in
school spend a substantial number of hours at school (on average 6-9 hours daily). In this regard,
girls out of school are ‘doubly disadvantaged’ in terms of losing out on education/life skills and being
faced with the problems of excessive care responsibilities. The implication here is that sustaining
girls in school is critical to address the challenges related to care work but also guaranteeing their
right to education.
These finding in general are consistent with those from other settings where care work is
predominantly done by females. Although the average number of hours spent on care work in this
RCA was based on non-randomly selected samples, the WE-Care quantitative research done in
Lamwo District showed that the findings were not that different from those generated using smaller
samples, a reason to believe that these findings are relatively accurate. For instance the average
estimates indicated that girls and young women spend 4 times as long on care than their male
counterparts, and this goes up to 4.5 times as much with out-of-school youth. The exception was
with young children in school in Kiringente where the average weekly number of hours boys and
girls spent on care work were comparable (boys 16.1 and girls 12.6 hours).
Discussions in all the youth RCA sessions confirmed that for young children (below 12 years), boys
and girls did similar care tasks. The common tasks were: sweeping compound/house, fetching
water, washing utensils and grazing animals.
21
In both sub-counties, there was consensus that girls out of school in general spent more time than
boys on care work such as cooking, washing clothes, fetching water and caring for children. Similarly
older girls in school do more care work than their male counterparts after school and during
weekends. On the contrary, boys out of school spent more hours than girls on activities to produce
items for sale and for home use. The common activities done by boys out of school included
digging, making bricks and engaging in small businesses. In school boys did not spend much time on
production for sale.
Table 4: Average Hours per work category in study settings
Activity Symbol Average hours on main activity Average
hrs on
SM*
activity
Average hours on main activity Average
hours
on SM*
activity
Kamengo Sub-
county
Daily Weekly SM-
daily
Kiringente
Sub-county
Daily Weekl
y
SM-
Daily
Paid
labor/paid
service
PS In-school M 0.2 1.4 0.2 In-school M 00 00 00
F 0.4 2.8 00 F 00 00 00
Out-of
school
M 0.3 2.1 00 Out-of-
school
M 4.1 28.7 00
F 0.5 3.5 00 F 0.4 2.8 00
Work to
produce
products for
sale
WS In-school M 00 00 00 In-school
M 0.1 0.7 00
F 00 00 00 F 00 00 00
Out-of-
school
M 5.8 40.6 0.2 Out-of
school
M 2.7 18.9 00
F 0.2 1.4 00 F 00 00 00
Unpaid work
producing
products for
home
consumption
In-school M 0.3 2.1 00 In-school M 0.1 0.7 0.1
F 0.1 0.7 00 F 0.3 2.1 0.1
Out-of-
school
M 1.0 7.0 00 Out-of-
school
M 1.7 11.9 00
F 0.3 2.1 00 F 1.3 9.1 00
Unpaid care
work
In-school M 1.2 8.4 00 In-school
**
M 2.3 16.1 00
F 4.9 34.3 1.5 F 1.8 12.6 0.3
Out-of-
school
M 0.8 5.6 00 Out-of-
school
M 1.4 9.8 00
F 6.7 46.9 00 F 6.3 44.1 00
Un paid
community
work
In-school M 0.8 5.6 00 In-school M 00 00 00
F 0.1 0.7 0.8 F 00 00 00
Out-of-
school
M 00 00 00 Out-of-
school
M 00 00 00
F 00 00 00 F 0.1 0.7 00
None work NW
In-school
M 14.7 102.9 00 In-school M 11.5 80.5 00
F 10.3 72.1 00 F 11.4 79.8 00
Out-of-
school
M 15.1 105.7 00 Out-of-
school
M 13 91 00
F 15.4 107.8 00 F 14.9 104.3 00
School
related work
In-school M 5.8 40.6 00 In-school M 9 63 00
F 7.3 51.1 00 F 9.4 65.8 00
SM*= Simultaneous activity Inschool **= RCA 9-12 years in-school, Kiringente Sub-county. School related work implies
education related activities such as attending classes, revising and sports
Source: Youth RCA 2016 Note: The hour recall tool captured 23 hours per day instead of 24 hours.
The pattern of care work being mainly done by girls across all RCAs was linked to how boys and
girls were socialized in society. Girls were prepared to become women while boys were prepared to
22
become men with different social expectations. In the study setting women were expected to be
caring for their family members, prepare and serve food, keeping the home tidy and look after
children. These expectations of women and girls make them do most of the domestic work. Young
children (boys and girls) in general were perceived as children, young and were involved in similar
tasks. Men were thought of as financial providers and thus were expected to go out to work, earn
and provide for their families in the form of buying necessities for the family such as food, clothes,
paying school fees and medical care. Indeed, Youth RCA participants noted that it was a taboo for
men to do some care activities especially if they were married.
…in Buganda, it is a taboo for a man or old boy to cook, wash clothes and utensils. If you do it, you become
the talk of the village. If the man is married people will think that the wife bewitched him. Others will say
that the wife is useless and that one married for nothing….also a man who does not provide for his family is
described as lazy… (Male participant RCA 13-17years out-of-school, Kiringente, Sub-County).
Also participants noted that girls and women were looked at as „a weaker sex „ and thus left to do
home chores which were generally perceived as light work.
Girls are looked at as a weaker sex, so they cannot participate in doing problematic work like the clearing of
the roads, making bricks, clearing the bush… since they require a lot of energy…. (Male participant RCA
18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
As noted earlier, care work was shared between boys and girls in young age groups below 12 years.
The other exceptions mentioned were in few families where both parents were educated, in formal
employment and their children in school as one of the participants noted.
In families of educated and working parents you can find boys and girls doing similar care tasks at home. If
the man and woman are teachers for example, they will emphasize both boys and girls doing domestic work
(Female participant RCA 13-17 years in-school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
This finding reveals that education and participation of both men and women in formal employment
emancipates family members from some of the negative community perceptions about care work.
Some participants argued that sharing of care work depended on how children were brought up as
one noted:
It all depends on the discipline of the children and how they are brought up, if children have been raised
knowing that work is for sharing they share it but when they grow knowing that each sex has its specific
work they go by that. Many children are brought up knowing that boys and girls have different task (Female
participant RCA 13-17 years in-school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
From the above narrative, children appreciated that care tasks are learned and it is possible for boys
and girls to learn to do care tasks. This is re-assuring and can be a building block in attitude change
towards shared care responsibilities.
23
In general, it was noted that such families where men and women, boys and girls shared care tasks
were very few in the district. However, this presents a window of hope for change as children noted
that some people in their communities were outside the „natural order‟ and shared work among boys
and girls. Some participants also noted that while care work was mostly done by women and girls,
there was no specific explanation why it was so and it was bound to change. Indeed some study
participants noted that it all depended on how children were brought up to view care work.
What children and youth would do with more time
The dominant wishes for male and female youth out of school if they had more time was to engage
in skills training and income generating activities. Most boys mentioned activities such as engaging in
agriculture for income, starting small businesses like shops, beauty salons, learning mechanics and
driving. The common activities mentioned by girls out of school were; learning fashion and design,
hair dressing, making crafts, tailoring, farming and trade to earn income. One female out of school
18-25 noted that she would ‘find time for resting since she never gets time to rest’. Boys and girls in school
mostly mentioned studying and developing talents such as playing netball and football as activities
they would do if they had more time. One in school male student noted that he ‘would use time to look
for more fruits for his grandmother’ one girl mentioned that ‘she would take care of neighbours with disabilities by
fetching water and cooking food for them’. These findings as was noted in the RCA done in Acholi region,
show that some women, girls and boys consider doing care work they had no time for given more
time.
Age, Gender and Care Work
This activity sought to establish how care work was distributed by age and gender. Using the age
distribution matrix, facilitators guided participants to reflect on the 24 hour recall exercise and focus
on the time men and women, boys and girls as well as older women and men spend on care
activities in their area. Participants were guided to use X as a symbol to reflect the variations in
amount of time males and females of different age groups spend on a particular care activity weekly.
The symbols were used as 1) XXX= more than 10 hours per week; 2) XX = 5-10 hours a week; 3)
X= less than 5 hours per week; 4) No x never does that activity. The findings are summarized in
table 5
24
Table 5: Age and Gender care work distribution Matrix in Mpigi District
Care activity Girl Boy Teen
age
girl
Teenage
boy
Middle-
aged
woman
Middle-
aged man
Elderly
woman
Elderly
man
Fetching water XX XX XX XX X X
Cooking XX X XXX
Collecting fire wood XX XX XX XXX X X
Splitting firewood X XX X XX
Cleaning the
house/compound
XX XX XXX X XXX X
Washing clothes X X XXX X XXX
Ironing clothes XX XXX
Washing utensils XXX XXX XX X XX
Care for children XXX X XXX XXX X
Care for dependent
adults (elderly, sick)
X X XX X XX X
Food production for
family (digging)
X X XX XX XXX XXX
Source: Youth RCA 2016
In most RCA sessions and as shown in the table above, participants indicated that most care work
was done by women and teenage girls. The least care work was done by men and teenage boys.
Participants argued that it would be a sign of disrespect for a man to do some of the care tasks such
as cooking, washing clothes and utensils largely considered tasks for women and children. It was
noted that men engaging in such activities especially if they were married or had daughters would
taint their honour and reputation. As men and women grow to old age, they are mainly cared for by
their children, grand children and daughters‟ in-law. Thus elderly women and men did care work if
they were staying alone and such instances were rare.
Changes in Care work by season and school calendar
The Youth RCA discussions revealed that care work increased in festive seasons such Christmas
celebrations when families received visitors. In such seasons families used more water, firewood and
food. The implication is that those involved in care activities do more than usual. Children in school
noted that they did more care work on weekends and during holidays. The time when school
children were in holidays was also highlighted as a peak period for care work by youth out of school.
Holidays tend to coincide with festive periods where there is generally more work.
With regard to seasonality, most study participants mentioned that care activities such as digging,
planting and weeding tended to increase in rainy seasons (February – April and August –November)
while harvesting crops like maize and beans was done in the dry season (December-January and
June-July) and fetching water from distant sources. While some families harvested rain water during
the rainy season, which reduced time spent on fetching water, female youth mentioned that work
related to washing clothes and mopping houses increased during the rainy season as children tended
to make houses and clothes dirty while playing. Digging and weeding were also common during the
rainy season.
25
All seasons have their work. In the rainy season care for children increases including bathing them many
times and washing their clothes as they get dirty often. The dry season like now you have to sweep the
compound more often to keep it clean yet there is a lot of dust… (Female participant RCA 13-17years out-
of-school, Kiringente, Sub-County).
Other instances mentioned by children when care work increased included relatives moving into the
family due to sickness, loss of parents or other family disruptions. However, these situations were
not common.
Deforestation was another common factor mentioned to have increased care work in all the two
study sub-counties. Youths mentioned that due to cutting of trees and clearing nearby forests and
bush for agriculture and human settlement, collecting firewood has become more difficult in recent
years. As some youth noted:
It is harder now to find firewood since there are no more trees in the community. One has to travel long
distances looking for firewood… (Female participant RCA 9-12 years in-school, Kiringente Sub-county).
Basic Services that have reduced care work
Piped water had been extended in some areas in Kamengo Sub-county by the area member of
Parliament while in Kiringente additional bore holes had been drilled. These initiatives though
limited in coverage were applauded by young people to have contributed to reducing the heaviness
of care work related to fetching water from distant water sources as one of the respondents noted:
In the past 3 years our member of parliament extended tap water to our village, so no longer walk for long
distances to collect water. This has helped us a lot… (Female participant RCA 13-17 years in-school,
Kamengo, Sub-county).
Boys in some households which owned bicycles mentioned that bicycles were helping to reduce time
spent on fetching water and collecting firewood. In the study setting, it is mainly boys and men who
raid bicycles.
The implication here is that more efforts are needed by duty bearers especially government to
increase access to services that reduce the burden of care work especially increasing access to safe
and clean water.
3.3 Consequences on young people of heavy and unequal unpaid care work
Discussions explored young people‟s views on the consequences of care work on their lives.
Whereas the 24 hour recall activity revealed that girls and women did most of the care activities,
these tasks were generally perceived by children and young people as 'light and simple' without many
negative consequences on the lives of young people. Because most of the tasks were done within the
26
home context and are unpaid, could explain why they were perceived as „light work‟. While
discussions revealed that boys and men were expected to do „heavy‟ tasks, such as collecting
firewood and fetching water, girls and women also engaged in such tasks. The perception that work
done at home is „light‟ should be a target for sensitization on changing social norms about care
work..
However, a close look at the tasks shows that while there are tasks for girls such as cooking, cleaning
the house and compound and care for children, girls were also engaged in other care activities such
as collecting firewood and fetching water.
Most Problematic Care Work
The RCA explored what young people considered to be problematic care activities and their effects
on young people‟s lives. The main problematic activities for boys and girls are summarized in table
6.
Table 6: Problematic Care Activities for children and youth in Mpigi District
Group Description Difficult Care tasks by for boys and girls
Kamengo Sub- County Girls Boys
13-17 years in- school Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Washing clothes
Digging
Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Caring for children
Digging
18- 25 years out-of school Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Digging
Washing clothes
Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Caring for children
Cooking food
Spraying gardens
Kiringente Sub-county Girls Boys
13-17 years out-of school Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Digging
Washing clothes
Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Caring for children
Digging
Spraying gardens
9-12 years in-school Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Washing clothes
Digging
Collecting firewood
Fetching water
Digging
Caring for children
Source: Youth RCA 2016
As indicated in the table above, both boys and girls across all RCAs mentioned fetching water,
collecting firewood and digging as problematic care activities. The difficulty for boys with cooking
was linked to their lack of training, experience and the likelihood to be laughed at by peers if found
cooking. Similarly, boys and young men found child care difficult because it was demanding in terms
27
of time and would limit their freedom to move out of the household. This could also be due to early
socialization where boys grow knowing child care is a responsibility for females.
Both in school and out of school girls mentioned that washing clothes was a difficult task. This was
associated with back pains and also being a time consuming activity. Young children in school (9-12
years) mentioned that care work at schools such as fetching water and digging for teachers as well as
care work at home especially before going to school negatively affected their education performance.
Effect of Problematic activities
For each problematic care activity, RCA groups were asked to discuss and assign symbols of X to
show how much it: 1) is a time burden 2) affects mobility 3) affects health 4) affects ability to do
other activities and 5) causes harmful behavior such as criticism; humiliation; violence or risk. For
each of the activities participants were guided to rate using symbol X where by XXX means most
challenging; XX manageable and X simple. The findings are summarized in tables 7a to 7d.
Table 7a-1: Ranking of most problematic care work -18-25 year out–of school girls in
Kamengo
Activity Time
burden
Mobility Health Socialization & other
activities **
Risk Violence
Collecting
firewood
XXX XX XXX XX XXX
Fetching water XX XX XXX X XX
Digging XXX XXX XXX XX X
Washing clothes XXX XXX XXX X X
Caring for
children
XXX XXX X XXX X
** Other activities included paid work and production for sale
Table 7a-2: Ranking of most problematic care work -18-25 year boys out–of school youth in
Kamengo
Activity Time
burden
Mobility Health Socialization & other
activities **
Risk Violence
Collecting
firewood
XXX XX XXX XX XX
Fetching water XX XX XX X X
Digging XXX XXX XXX XX X
Washing clothes XXX XXX XXX X X
Caring for
children
XXX XXX X XXX X
** Other activities included paid work and production for sale
28
Table 7b-1: Ranking most problematic care work for 13-17 year girls in-school in Kamengo
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Effect on
Education
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XXX X XXX
Fetching water XX XX XXX X XX
Washing clothes XXX XXX XXX X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Caring for children XXX XXX X XX X
Table 7b-2: Ranking most problematic care work for 13-17 year boys in-school in Kamengo
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Effect on
Education
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XX X XX
Fetching water XX XX XX X X
Washing clothes XX XX X X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Caring for children XXX XXX X X X
Table 7c-1: Most Problematic Care Work -13-17year out-of-school Girls, Kiringente, Sub-
County
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Socialization &
other activities
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XXX X XXX
Fetching water XXX XX XXX XX XXX
Washing clothes XXX XXX XXX X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Caring for children XXX XXX X XX X
** Other activities included paid work and production for sale
Table 7c-2: Most Problematic Care Work -13-17year out-of-school boys, Kiringente, Sub-
County
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Socialization &
other activities
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XXX X XX
Fetching water XXX XX XX XX X
Washing clothes XXX XX XX X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Caring for children XXX XXX X XX X
** Other activities included paid work and production for sale
29
Table 7d-1: Most Problematic Care Work for RCA 9-12 years in-school girls, Kiringente Sub-
county
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Effect on
Education
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XXX X XXX
Fetching water XXX XX XXX X XX
Caring for children XXX XXX XX X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Table 7d-2: Most Problematic Care Work for RCA 9-12 years in-school boys, Kiringente Sub-
county
Activity Time burden Mobility Health Effect on
Education
Risk violence
Collecting firewood XXX XX XXX X XX
Fetching water XXX XX XXX X X
Caring for children XXX XXX XX X X
Digging XX XX XX X X
Source: Youth RCA 2016
For both boys and girls in the two sub-counties, collecting firewood was mentioned as the most
difficult care activity owing to difficulties in finding and collecting it from distant places. This was
linked to deforestation in nearby places. This activity limits time children and youth have to engage
in other activities but also exposes them to bad weather conditions such as rain and sunshine.
Carrying firewood for long distances was also associated with back pain especially for girls. For girls,
distant firewood collection places exposed them to risks of being physically and sexually abused as
some observed:
…collecting firewood is more problematic because its heavy, far and some girls can go to the forests alone and
could be raped and a girl cannot carry fire wood for a week meaning one has to go there many times(Female
participant (Female participant RCA 13-17years out-of-school, Kiringente, Sub-County).
These days, forests are far and some are highly protected. Carrying firewood from the forest is a tiresome
activity. One can be arrested or beaten for going in someone’s forest (Male participant RCA 13-17 years in-
school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
Similarly fetching water was mentioned to affect time availability, health and was associated with the
risk of facing violence especially against women and children.
…fetching water for use in cooking and for livestock is back-breaking. Water sources are far in our area and
the place is hilly yet you have to carry the container on the head, moving long distances… (Female participant
RCA 9-12 years in-school, Kiringente Sub-county).
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The bore holes are few in our area, sometimes you find many people lining-up to fetch water. Some people fetch
water for sale and you find them pushing and beating young people. When some children delay at the water
source, they are beaten by their parents… (Male participant RCA 13-17years, out-of-school, Kiringente,
Sub-County).
Digging was perceived to be a time and energy consuming activity especially during the dry season as
participants noted.
Digging is very problematic especially in the dry season when the soil/land is very hard. For example this
month (July) is dry, the land is hard but we also have to fetch water for watering some of the plants which is
not easy considering that water is from distant places…(Male participant RCA 13-17years, out-of-school,
Kiringente, Sub-County).
Caring for children was reported to limit mobility and was time demanding especially for male youth
participants who desired and are used to having time out of home for work and leisure. It was also
noted that the involvement of female youths in care work especially those married or have children
confined them at home and limited their participation in productive work. This situation was
worsened by low education levels and lack of skills. Most of the young women (18-24 group) and
girls (13-17 group) had dropped out of school, were unskilled and unemployed and looked up to
their husbands/boy friends and parents to provide for them financially as they remained at home to
do care work as a routine. As noted earlier in this report, young women and girls out of school are
‘doubly disadvantaged’ as they lost out on education and skills but at the same time they were „trapped‟
in care work. The implication here is that sustaining girls in school is critical to address the
challenges related to care work but also guaranteeing their right to education is important.
3.4 Perceptions and attitudes of young women and men towards care work and the
associated gender norms
There were strong norms and beliefs with regard to what men and women should do or not do in
care work. These norms, beliefs and perceptions form very early in life through informal
observations and socialization processes within the society where children are born and grow. Most
domestic activities like cooking, washing clothes and washing utensils were perceived across all
groups to be a preserve for girls and women and difficult to redistribute. The fear for men to be
devalued, ridiculed, stigmatized, lose status and respect and the likelihood of leading to gender based
violence (GBV) were some of the potential costs of redistributing such care activities to men and old
boys.
The fear that men would be taken for granted by women and their children if they engaged in care
work was another potential risk expressed in all RCA sessions. Activities perceived to require a lot of
'energy' such as fetching water and collecting fire wood were seen as possible to be taken on by men
Norms and perceptions about care work
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RCA sessions indicated that care work is shaped by societal norms and perceptions that evolve
overtime and were transferred from one generation to another. In all youth RCA sessions,
participants reported learning what men and women should do or not do in relation to care work
through observations within their families and communities. However, for young children (9-12
years) most activities were not segregated by gender. This is because they were generally seen as
children, young and were allocated tasks based on what they could manage regardless of gender.
Study participants argued that the Buganda culture (dominant in Mpigi and central Uganda)
prescribed boundaries for men and women with regard to care work. On probing, study participants
noted that they got to know what men and women should do through observations in their families
as well as society in general. Thus children and youth were engaged to discuss what was acceptable
or not acceptable for men and women to do in their areas and the results are summarized in table 8.
Table 8: Care tasks not acceptable for men and women in Mpigi District
What women should not do What men should not do
- Paying school fees for children
- Making bricks
- Digging toilet
- Paying rent
- Buying food
- Buying source (meat)
- Buying clothes
- Splitting firewood
- Grazing animals
- Cleaning the well
- Clearing the bush for gardens
- Cooking food
- Caring for children (bathing, feeding)
- Cleaning compound
- Washing utensils
- Serving food
- Washing clothes
- Ironing clothes
- Cleaning houses
- Fetching water
- Laying beds
- Going to bed before his wife
What women should do What men should do
- Cooking food
- Caring for children (bathing, feeding)
- Caring for the sick
- Cleaning compound
- Washing utensils
- Serving food
- Washing clothes
- Ironing clothes
- Cleaning houses
- Fetching water
- Laying beds
- Paying school fees for children
- Making bricks
- Digging toilet
- Paying rent
- Paying medical bills
- Buying food
- Buying clothes
- Splitting firewood
- Grazing animals
- Cleaning the well
- Clearing the bush for gardens
Source: Youth RCA 2016
As noted above, most of the care activities such as cooking, cleaning, washing clothes, serving food
and laying beds were mentioned as activities that men should not do implying that they are expected
to be done by women. Similarly, women were not expected to do most activities requiring money
such as paying school fees for children, paying rent, buying clothes and food. These activities were
culturally expected to be done by men. Similarly most study participants mentioned that men were
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expected to do tasks that were perceived to require a lot of energy such as making bricks, splitting
firewood and cleaning wells. The major contrast in the activities expected of men and women is that
those for women are regular while those for men are irregular. In addition, some activities for men
do not directly fall in care work.
Study findings revealed that the differential role expectations of men and women were deeply
entrenched in culture and traditional beliefs and were defended by male and female as well as young
and older children in the study. Most participants in RCA discussions expressed concern on what
their neighbors and family members would think or say about them (men), their brothers, husbands
and fathers if found involved in care activities expected of women such as cooking, bathing children,
sweeping among others as reflected in some voices:
…if a man is found washing clothes yet he has a wife, community members will thinks the wife is a useless
woman or has `bewitched him… (Male participant, RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-
county).
In Buganda, it is a taboo for a man to cook when I’m home. It is a sign of disrespect to my husband. People
will say he was bewitched or the wife is useless and wonder why he married…. He would not have any say in
public and might not drink at the village bar. He would be abused by his peers and my fellow women would
scold me for disrespecting my husband. I cannot even allow him to come to the kitchen (Female married
Youth RCA 18-25 years out–of school, Kamengo, Sub-county).
How can one begin doing care work that is not for their design? … Cooking, washing utensils and clothes.
How can one begin telling a man to start washing plates and sauce pans, then mop and cook food for the
family when the woman is there? That would be suicide..(Male Youth, RCA 18-25 years out–of school,
Kamengo, Sub-county).
In Buganda, a man should never serve food, if he does then he is perceived to be greedy. If a man cooks or does
some of those tasks for women such as washing clothes and utensils he will lose respect both at home and in
the community. Even children will not respect him… (Male participant, RCA 9-12 years in-school,
Kiringente Sub-county).
Similar views were expressed by participants out of school in Kiringente as noted:
if a man serves food, he is considered to be greedy. If a man cooks food, washes clothes and utensils when he is
married, he will lose respect at home and in the community. Even his children will despise him (Male
participant, RCA 13-17 years out of school, Kiringente Sub-county).
What is emerging from the above narratives is that there are strong negative beliefs and perceptions
about men engaging in some care work tasks that are in general perceived to be for women. Indeed,
across all children and youth RCA groups it was noted that men engaging in tasks believed to be for
men would attract ridicule and devaluation of men as well as women. Most young women married
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and unmarried expressed discomfort about the possibility of their husbands getting involved in
certain care work such as cooking, serving food and washing. Children also strongly believed that
their fathers would lose community and family respect if they engaged in such care work. It was also
noted that such men would not be accepted at socialization areas such as meeting and drinking
places.
Study participants also emphasized that in central Uganda, as is the case in other patrilineal societies;
women get married and are expected to take care of their husbands and families while men are
expected to provide financial resources to meet family needs. A few study participants however
noted that the role of a man as a provider is gradually changing and some women are involved in
financial provision for their families.
Across all RCA groups, some participants expressed fear that trying to enforce such changes in
gender roles would generate tension in families and increase cases of gender based violence. It was
noted that attempts to have care tasks shared between men and women would attract resistance
from men and lead to power struggles that in turn could increase GBV.
In all Youth RCA sessions the exceptions for men to get involved in care work perceived to be for
women were; when the woman was sick or away and when there were no older children especially
girls to do such work. In instances like these, it was noted that relatives and community members
would sympathize with such men. This finding depicts that it is possible for men to do tasks
perceived to be for women and can be a building block in changing community perceptions and
social norms about care work.
Who makes the largest contribution in the family
Participants were asked to reflect about their families with regard to who makes the largest and most
important contribution and why. Across all the RCA groups, men were said to be making the largest
contribution to the wellbeing of families. The main reason was that its men who contribute financial
resources to meet family needs such as paying rent/building the house, paying school fees, buying
clothes, paying health care bills among others. Men also emerged as people who do the hardest type
of work especially that requiring a lot of energy such as splitting firewood and clearing the bush
among others. Most tasks done by women were in general perceived to be simple. Again these
findings reflect the low value attached to care work that is predominantly done by women and girls
largely because of not being financially quantified.
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3.5 To support young people to develop strategies to recognize, reduce, represent and
redistribute heavy and unequal care among youth and communities in Mpigi District
and to represent their voice in decision-making processes
It is important to note that across all the four youth RCA sessions, while work done by girls and
women was seen to be time consuming, most study participants including girls and women
perceived such work not to be heavy compared to that done by boys and men. However, there was
consensus that some care work tasks done by girls and women such as collecting firewood, fetching
water, digging and washing clothes were difficult and required to be addressed. Given the time
available for the discussions, we limited the focus to suggesting solutions to address the top two
problematic care tasks that is collecting firewood and fetching water.
The facilitators guided participants to brainstorm and come up with feasible and impactful
suggestions that can help to recognize, reduce, represent and redistribute problematic care activities
in their communities. The suggested solutions were ranked as summarized in table 9a and b.
Table 9 b: Solutions to address difficulties with firewood collection in Kamengo and
Kiringente Sub-Counties
Indicator Option 1
Promote energy
saving cooking
Stoves/techniques
Option 2
Promote tree
planting
Option 3
Promote bio-gas
Saves time XX XX XXX
Improves quality of life XXX XXX XXX
Financially feasible XXX XX X
Achievable XXX XX ---
Table 9 a: Solutions to address difficulties with fetching water in Kamengo and Kiringente
Sub-Counties
Indicator Option 1
Increase water sources (bore hole &
piped water)
Option 2
Promote Household
rainwater harvesting
Saves time XXX XXX
Improves quality of life XXX XXX
Financially feasible XX X
Achievable XX ---
Source: Youth RCA 2016
Key:
XXX = Strongly Agree
XX = Agree
X = Disagree
---- = Strongly Disagree
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Addressing the challenge of collecting firewood
As indicated in tables 9a and b, study participants identified the need by government and civil
society actors to promote use of energy saving cooking technologies as the most feasible solution to
addressing the challenge of collecting firewood as a difficult care task. Respondents noted that this
solution would save time spent on collecting firewood from distant places but also time spent on
cooking. It would also improve the quality of life of family members mainly children and women
involved in collecting firewood and cooking. Study participants believed that the solution is
financially feasible and achievable as some community members already have such cooking facilities
as a family level initiative. These families can be a source of learning for others who may want to
adopt the technology. It is important that community members are widely sensitized about this
technology and selected community members are trained to promote this initiative.
The second option suggested to address the challenge of firewood collection was promotion of tree
planting at family level. Study participants noted that tree planting would save time spent on
collecting firewood from distant places. It would also improve the quality of life of family members
mainly children and women involved in collecting firewood. It would also help to protect children
from abusers. Most participants believed it can be achieved in the long run with external support to
educate community members and provision of tree seedlings‟.
The third option suggested to address the challenge of firewood collection was promotion of use of
bio-gas. While study participants mentioned that it would save time spent on collecting firewood and
improve the quality of life of family members mainly children and women involved in collecting
firewood and cooking, most of them thought it is not financially feasible and is difficult to achieve
by most people in the area.
Addressing the challenge of fetching water
As indicated in tables 9b, study participants identified the need by government and civil society
actors to increase access to water by extending piped water or drilling additional bore holes to
address fetching water as a difficult care task. Study participants noted that this solution would save
time spent on fetching water and improve health and the quality of life of family members. Study
participants believed that the solution is financially feasible and achievable as similar initiatives have
been done in other areas in the same district. This effort requires more community and district led
advocacy to bring to the attention of central, district and sub-county government structures; civil
society and private sector actors the need to improve water supply in the two sub-counties.
The second option suggested to address the water challenge was promotion of rain water harvesting
at family level. This can save time spent on fetching water and improve health and the quality of life
of family members. Study participants however had reservations on whether the solution can be
financially feasible and achievable in the study setting given the likely high costs involved.
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With regard to recognition and likely redistribution of care work, in general, study participants
suggested the need for sensitization and community education on the effects of care work and the
need to have it shared among family members.
There is need for sensitization so that people get to know that work can be distributed (Female participant
RCA 18-25 years, out of school, Kamengo Sub-County).
In all groups, some participants thought that with community sensitization and dialogue, change in
attitude and practices towards shared care work could be realized. This is a promising finding that
actors could build on for the desired change. It was noted that such efforts should start with tasks
that are acceptable to be shared in communities to avoid resistance and confrontation. Examples of
such tasks include fetching water and collecting fire wood. It was also noted that community
education and sensitization should build on the benefits that family members would derive from
sharing care tasks such as freeing time for women and men to engage in productive work and
improving family relationships.
…avoidance of quarrelling because with support, women can be able to prepare food on time, increase in
income generation as women also tend to have time to run small businesses to generate income (Female
participant RCA 18- 25 years Out of school, Kamengo Sub-county).
Children in such homes would be well brought up since everybody is contributing towards their care (Female
participant RCA 18- 25 years Out of school, Kamengo Sub-county).
Sharing responsibilities saves time spent on care work and can be spent on income generating activities. (Male
participant RCA 13-17 years out of school, Kiringente Sub-county).
Gender Based Violence will be reduced through improved communication and involvement in activities and
resultantly improve family relations (Female participant RCA 13-17 years Out of school, Kiringente Sub-
county).
From the above voices, boys and girls recognize the importance and benefits accruing from sharing
care work among family members. These could be a basis for community sensitization and
education for sharing care work.
Community education initiatives should involve Buganda Kingdom Officials (cultural leaders),
religious leaders, local leaders, media houses, youth and women groups as well as private and civil
society organizations. Schools as socialization agencies should also be part of these education events.
Religious and cultural leaders and teachers need to be trained and equipped with key messages to
facilitate dialogues about care work an issue that is currently not being discussed. For schools,
discussions about care work should be included in school debates and discussions between teachers
and parents.
37
It was however, noted that the process of redistributing some care work tasks such as cooking,
washing and caring for children from women to men is likely to be difficult and should be gradual
given the deep-rooted perceptions and attitudes about what men and women should do or should
not do as some participants noted.
I suggest this should remain as it is the women remain doing their care work and men do their work for
example if you make a man do what the woman has been doing, will the wife also help in bringing money
home? (Male participant RCA 18- 25 years Out of school, Kamengo Sub-county).
Do you think if you come and sensitize on cooking and washing (by men) there can be change, forget that
cannot work….(Male participant RCA 18- 25 years Out of school, Kamengo Sub-county).
I think It’s not easy to redistribute the activities, these things have been like that since time in memorial
….(Female participant RCA 13- 17 years in school, Kamengo Sub-county).
This (redistribution) can happen if both men and women go out to work, so that both have an income and
both can contribute towards care work (Male participant RCA 13- 17 years out of school, Kiringente Sub-
county).
What is evident from the above voices is that redistribution of care work was perceived by some
participants as difficult to be realized. Care work was seen as a natural order and something that has
existed for a long time and should remain so. Ensuring that women and men engage in income
generation was mentioned to have a possibility to aid sharing of care work.
3.6 Recommendations for Oxfam’s future youth programming on the integration of
unpaid care issues.
Oxfam and partners should initiate and support community sensitization and dialogue on care work
geared at changing societal norms and perceptions about recognition, reduction and re-distribution
of care work. This process should start early in childhood and should involve boys and girls both in
and out of school. Schools, community meetings; youth, women, men and other community groups
and spaces should be targeted for sensitization and dialogue about care work. Children and youth in
this study recognize the importance of care work to their families and communities. This positive
appreciation of care work should be the starting point in engaging children, youth and communities
to change the negative social norms related to care work. Men and women should be engaged in
appraising what and who does care work, time spent on care work and related opportunity costs as
well as likely benefits of sharing care work at family and community levels. The significance, value
and contribution of care work should also be discussed. Tools used in the RCA study such as the 24
activity recall can help in making visible the unfair distribution of care work.
Oxfam and partners should integrate advocacy and awareness creation for increasing recognition,
representation, reducing and re-distribution of care work in youth and other community
38
development interventions. It is important to build district, regional and national level partnerships
to heighten advocacy and policy influencing to address care work concerns.
The youth RCA revealed that for some children, care work was an area of their lives associated with
criticism, mocking, physical and sexual violence. Thus it is important for GBV initiatives to take into
account – this important but not well known reality in programmes working on GBV. It is also
important for actors involved in education and community development to address the intersections
of Gender-based violence and care work in the lives of children and young people.
Oxfam and partners should advocate to central and local governments, Civil Society Organizations
and private sector actors to improve services to communities especially with regard to increasing
access to safe and clean water supply, tree planting and use of energy saving cooking technologies.
These can go a long way in reducing the burden related to fetching water and collecting firewood
from distant places as difficult care work activities in Mpigi district.
There is an urgent need to address issues of girls, women and youth empowerment to foster
acquisition of skills to facilitate women and girls to access gainful employment and to engage in
income generation ventures. This is critical to enable them contribute towards family wellbeing in
monetary and measurable ways beyond dominant contribution through care work. Addressing the
issue of school drop-out for both boys and girls should be central in this endeavor.
Generate more knowledge and evidence about care work through conducting further research on
the subject in other areas of the country to better understand the context, drivers and possibilities
for change. This is important to develop and implement evidence based interventions and for
monitoring changes over time.
5.7 Conclusions
No major gender segregation in care work among young children was noted but this changed as
children grew into teenagers, adolescents and adults where there were marked differences in care
activities for male and female. With exception of in school children 9-12 years, females spent 4 times
or more as long on care work than their male counterparts. Girls out of school spent more hours on
care work than those in school showing the ‘double disadvantage’ for out of school girls. The implication
here is that sustaining girls in school is critical to address the challenges related to care work but also
guaranteeing their right to education.
Although most of the care work is done by girls and women, these tasks were perceived by children
and young people as 'light and simple' not paid for and less important for household sustenance.
This perception contributes to the invisibility of care work predominantly done by girls and women.
On the other hand, the continued invisibility and devaluing of care work makes people think that it
is „light and simple‟ work.
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There are strong and deep-rooted traditional norms and beliefs with regard to what men and
women; old boys and girls as well as young boys and teenagers should do or not do in relation to
care work. These norms, beliefs and perceptions form very early in life through informal
observations and socialization processes at family and community levels where children are born and
grow. Most domestic activities like cooking and serving food, washing clothes and utensils and
caring for children were strongly perceived across all groups to be a preserve for girls and women
and difficult to redistribute to men. The fear for men to be devalued, ridiculed, stigmatized, lose
status and respect at family and community levels emerged as key risks to the likely redistribution of
such care activities to men and old boys. The fear that men would be taken for granted by women
and their children if they engaged in care work was another potential risk. Activities perceived to
require a lot of 'energy' such as fetching water and collecting fire wood were seen as possible to be
taken on by men.
Fetching water, collecting firewood, digging, washing clothes and caring for children were the key
difficult care activities mentioned in most RCA groups. Difficulties related to fetching water and
firewood collection were linked to distant and hilly places and being heavily associated with health
risks. The reduction in forests/trees compounded firewood collection challenges.
It is thus important that Oxfam and partners initiate and support community sensitization and
dialogue to change negative societal norms and perceptions about recognition, reduction,
representation and re-distribution of care work; integrate advocacy and awareness creation in youth
and development work; advocate and support initiatives geared at improving access to community
services such as clean and safe water, tree planting and use of energy saving technologies and
alternatives to firewood so as to reduce the burden of difficult care tasks; promote interventions to
empower girls and women through skills training and income generation; and engage in policy
influencing and knowledge generation to better understand and address care work. There is need for
duty bearers especially central and local governments to increase access to services that reduce the
burden of care work especially increasing access to safe and clean water, fuel saving technologies and
accessible sources of fuel to guarantee children and youth rights.
Doing the RCA with children and youth was possible and valuable. Children and youth had very
important and insightful contributions that can inform youth programming. Indeed, care work is a
major issue for the success of child/youth programmes. This is the first RCA with this age group
thus RCA should be conducted in other settings.
For such initiatives to bear fruit, it is important that boys and girls are targeted early in life for
change of attitudes and perceptions towards care work. Focusing on early change in attitude of
young people is important to enhance youth rights now and in future as women and men. Heavy
and unequal care work affects children‟s education, health, safety and time thus government, NGOs,
schools and other actors must do something about it to ensure that children‟s rights to health, safety
and education are promoted and protected.
