Abstracts FA12

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    Bad example:

    The X project by architect Y has merit, but

    how can it be improved?

    Better example:

    The widespread use of concrete during the

    Brutalist period came at the convergence of

    advances in formwork technology plus a spik-

    ing demand for publicly-funded civic projects

    in the post-war years. Ys public housing and

    government office building projects exempli-

    fied this convergence, but fell out of favor

    with the discrediting of these socio-economic

    practices and popular dislike of Brutalisms

    aesthetic attributes.

    Given a contemporary convergence of newformwork technologies and available fund-

    ing for public projects, how may Ys project

    be continued? What specific experiments in

    concrete design could be re-applied to cur-

    rent challenges of working at such scales?

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    Bad example:

    What is the future of computation in archi-

    tecture?

    Better example:

    Over the past 15 years architectural culture

    has been animated by a debate over the uses

    and disadvantages of digital technologies for

    design. In the academy this debate has taken

    the form of a split between those designing

    processes and others designing objects; in

    the profession a distinction can be found,

    between those trying to digitize construc-

    tion and those digitizing what one might call

    appearance--displays, facades, etc. It is not

    hard to imagine a truly bifurcated profes-sion in the near future, with crises felt most

    acutely within architectural schools them-

    selves.

    What has architecture learned about the

    digital ethos that can help produce new ped-

    agogical structures--informed by digital de-mands but not indebted to outmoded spatial

    assumptions? Conversely, how can this pre-

    dicament serve as testing ground for what

    architects have learned about computation?

    question the method

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    Bad example of a thesis question:

    What should housing for small regional cities

    look like today?

    Better example:

    In 2002, city officials in Lubbock, TX, passed

    a law mandating xyz for all buildings above

    xxxy xyz. This development was in keeping

    with a growing nationwide tendency in the

    United States since the 1992 passage of

    the Federal Land Ceiling Act, which favours A

    actors over B actors. In Lubbock, this devel-

    opment has resulted in the YYY built form,

    a form which tends to keep out DDD from

    access to economic privileges located in the

    citys exurbs. Can a practice be devised thatmakes visible and questions these asymme-

    tries of privilege...... ?

    more than just another project...

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    Bad example:

    Today, more than fifty percent of the worlds

    population lives in cities. Nowhere is this

    more prominent than in Asia. What is the

    future of urban life in Asia?

    Better example:

    Situated at the confluence of the Yangtze

    and Chia-ling rivers, the city of Chongqing is

    the largest city of Szechwan province in Chi-

    na. In the last twenty years, the transforma-

    tion of the city can be said to be symptomat-

    ic of a wave of transition seen across several

    regions of Asia. Chongqing has drawn in xyz

    millions of populations from the hinterland,

    specifically from xyz provinces, who now

    occupy the ABC area of the city. The ABC

    area, as it stands, has evolved into a vastdormitory township, marked by xyz relation-

    ships. How do temporal shifts in population

    have a bearing on architectural responses

    to growth? In turn, how might simulations

    of particular strategies for worker housing

    catalyze stability or flux within ABCs fabric?Can we extrapolate to new social models

    that may emerge?

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    Bad example:

    How does weather influence architecture?

    Better example:

    Ever since the 1992 Rio Earth Summit,

    there have been increasing pressures on

    governments to pass laws restricting energy

    usage in machines, including buildings. Slowly

    but surreptitiously, new building codes have

    been written that determine the form of

    buildings and cities, written by scientists, en-

    gineers and lawyers, without the input of ar-

    chitects. What would it mean for architects,

    with their agenda of aesthetic and social

    forms, to intervene into this techno-legal pro-cess? To this effect, I will look at the xyz area

    of Chicago, a city with xyz consumption of

    electric power a day, with abc population and

    economic pressures, in order to explicate.....?

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    How far can you stretch a type before itbecomes unrecognizable?

    There exists a possibility for an entirely

    new method of architectural classification,

    a minor practice of typology that isdefined much more by its morphogenetic

    characteristics (eg: resistance or propensity

    for change) than its formal attributes.

    Architectural types -- such as the diner -- are heavily reliant upon culturally-reinforced

    behavior patterns, which in turn significantly influence how we might inhabit this

    architecture. Typology itself consists of a stable collection of parts with the most general

    sense of how they relate, a constellation of Dinerness; [This is] a monolithic and immutablesense of the type.

    But what about local mechanisms and contingencies of inhabitation, the diverse diners and

    subcultures that result from that? What is the tolerance or limit of this Dinerness? And to

    what extent can the type be made responsive to local scale contingencies before it becomes

    unrecognizable?

    thesis (question) hypothesis (hunch)

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    Architectural types -- such as the diner -- are

    heavily reliant upon culturally-reinforced be-

    havior patterns, which in turn significantly

    influence how we might inhabit this architec-

    ture. Typology itself consists of a stable col-

    lection of parts with the most general sense

    of how they relate, a quasi-gestalt of Diner-

    ness; [This is] a monolithic and immutable

    sense of the type.

    But what about local mechanisms and con-

    tingencies of inhabitation, the diverse din-

    ers and subcultures that result from that?

    What is the tolerance or limit of this Diner-

    ness? And to what extent can the type be

    made responsive to local scale contingencies

    before it becomes unrecognizable?

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