Adolescent perceptions of smoking imagery in film

Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1577–1587

Adolescent perceptions of smoking imagery in film

Judith P. McCool*, Linda D. Cameron, Keith J. Petrie

Health Psychology Research Group, Faculty of Medicine and Health Science, The University of Auckland, Private Bag 92019,

Auckland, New Zealand

Abstract

Smoking amongst adolescents in New Zealand continues to be a problem, with more than a one-third increase insmoking prevalence between 1992 and 1997. Favourable portrayals of smoking in the media have been cited as potential

motivators of the initiation of smoking among adolescents. To date, however, its role in influencing smokingperceptions and behaviours has not received systematic analysis. A qualitative study was conducted to explore howadolescents interpret and decode smoking imagery in movies. Data was collected through focus groups. Same-gendergroups of 12- and 13-year-old students were interviewed at their schools. Participants discussed their recollections of

and responses to portrayals of smoking in recently viewed films, as well as their perceptions of smoking in general.Students perceived that smoking in film is both highly prevalent and recognisable, and they regarded on-screen-smokingimagery as an accurate reflection of reality. Adolescents in this study were predominantly nonchalant towards the

inclusion of smoking images in film, and they perceived an unrealistically high prevalence of smoking amongst peersand adults. Their noncholant response is linked with the perception that smoking is normal and prevalent and with thebroad understanding of the constructed nature of media imagery. Smoking imagery in film may play a critical role in

reinforcing cultural interpretations of tobacco use, such as its role as a means of stress relief, development of self-imageand as a marker of adult independence. # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Smoking; Adolescent; Media imagery; Film; New Zealand

Introduction

Tobacco imagery in popular culture has emerged asan important topic in research on adolescent smoking. It

has been proposed that the recent rise in smokingamongst young people may be partially attributable toaggressive tobacco marketing strategies targeting youth

through popular culture (Feighery, Borzekowski,Schooler, & Flora, 1998; Coeytaux, Altman, & Slade,1995; Pierce, Gilpin, & Choi, 1999; Pierce, Choi, Gilpin,

Farkas, & Berry, 1998). Studies indicate that images oftobacco use in film in the past decade have become morefrequent (Hoffman, Djorddjevic, & Hoffmann, 1997;Pechmann & Shih, 1999; Singh, 1993; Stockwell &

Glantz, 1997). Further content analysis of film footageaffirms anecdotal evidence that tobacco use is not only

highly prevalent, but the smoker image has also evolved

over time (Chapman, 1997). Cigarettes used in film notonly pass the lips of the sexy and wealthy but also thoseof characters displaying the ‘slacker’ image associated

with ‘Generation X’ youth. As with media imagesassociated with product advertising, tobacco imageryappears to have shifted to reflect a stylised version of

real life and the ordinary person (Perry, 1998).A qualitative methodology was used to explore how

young people interpret smoking imagery in film and how

these interpretations are perceived to impact on theirattitudes and beliefs about tobacco imagery. Twelve and13-year-old students were selected as the sample becausethey are at the most likely age of first experimentation

(Coeytaux et al., 1995; Distefan, 1999; Pierce et al., 1999,1998). Focus groups were used, as this method is idealfor the investigation of group-defined attitudes and

experiences (Krueger, 1994). Several critical questionsunderpinned the aims of this study. First, how do young

*Corresponding author.

E-mail address: [email protected] (J.P. McCool).

0277-9536/01/$ - see front matter # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

PII: S 0 2 7 7 - 9 5 3 6 ( 0 0 ) 0 0 2 7 0 - 7

people make sense of smoking imagery that appears inpopular media? Secondly, how are their perceptions

shaped by the context of an image? Finally, how arethese perceptions related to more general beliefs aboutsmoking?

Cultural studies perspectives of communication andinterpretations of media (imagery and texts) are mostvaluable in the investigation of these questions. Thistheoretical perspective provides a framework for devel-

oping an understanding of how young people (and theirconglomerate of subcultures) engage with, negotiate andlocate themselves within the imagery and discourse

presented through the entire cinematic experience(Gauntlett, 1995; Tullock, 1997). This perspectivecontrasts with a simple, cause-and-effect model, which

has long been considered to be redundant within mediaand mass communication research because of its flawedassumptions surrounding homogenous interpretations

of imagery. For example, much of the research on theeffects of violence on television and film has beencriticised because of its simplistic hypotheses regardinguniform effects of violent media images on viewers’

behaviour (see Tulloch & Lupton, 1997).Cultural studies theorists (Tullock, 1997) argue for an

appreciation of agency: The individual as the agent is

situated historically, spatially, intellectually, psycholo-gically and emotionally within a shifting context. Thesituated individual therefore plays an active, if at times

compliant role in the production and interpretation ofmeaning. This understanding negates the notion of asingle or limited set of media interpretations, supportinginstead the notion that images are ‘received’ (visually

registered) according to unique characteristics of theagent in context. However, each image or scenario maybe subject to a dominant interpretation, and images can

be created with the deliberate intention that they will bereceived en masse in a specific manner. Typically,dominant interpretations refer to the common inter-

pretations of the text (such as the interpretation of awoman smoking furiously at a bar as being agitated).Dominant interpretations of a text or image play an

important role in constructing common understandingsabout how things are and enabling a tangible represen-tation of an issue (for example, social behaviours). Asnoted by Perry (1998), there is an expectation of cultural

competency, and those who exhibit the skills andlanguage are rewarded. To what extent the ability to‘see through’ an image privileges one with discrimina-

tory distance or adds to an illusion of competency withinideological structure is uncertain (Gauntlett, 1995, p.100)

Youth culture is constantly evolving and capitalisingon images and consumables in the self-conscious pursuitof image and identity (Amos, Currie, Gray, & Elton,

1998; Amos & Cunningham-Burley, 1995; O’Guinn &Shrum, 1997; Thornton, 1995; Tester, 1994). Youth

consumer trends, characterised by an eager consumptionof popular culture iconography, is postulated to be a

reaction to the ‘timelessness and footlessness of post-modern life’ (Amos et al., 1998, p. 491). Consumerbehaviour (as reflected in their choice of films, consumer

products and lifestyles) offers young people theopportunity to develop and present a desired self-image(Amos et al., 1998). In contrast to adult expectations,adolescents are inherently critical consumers of popular

imagery whose choices are determined by strict criteriaset by sub-culture affiliation and peer preferences.Thornton (1995) notes that young people define

themselves and others through their likes and dislikes.Style and taste are critical to the definition of the self,and youth ultimately may seek that which is popular

(accepted) and yet individual (and thus offering indica-tions of preference).

The way that products are presented in media has

shifted over the past decade and changed as individualshave become more critical and sophisticated. Forexample, advertising has shifted the attention from theproduct and its specific meaning to the ‘cultural codes’

through which meanings are generated (Perry, 1998).Meanings, being the interpretative responses, are deter-mined by a multiplicity of factors such as ethnicity,

gender, age and culture. Therefore, the dominantprescribed interpretations of an image will be skewedto reflect the individual perceptions. Although the

product remains generic, it has matured to embody avariety of identities; each assigned according to contextand individual interpretation. Consistent with this trend,tobacco use in film has shifted in emphasis from flashing

tobacco brands and glamorising smoking to usingsmoking images as a deliberate and reliable means toconvey a range of emotion states and character types

(Shields, Carol, Balbach, & McGee, 1999).Although there has been a notable shift towards

thinking about media as tending to enhance positive

beliefs about smoking (Distefan, 1999; Pechmann &Shih, 1999), it is critical to consider that media is alsosituated in a shifting cultural context. The implicit

features of the cultural space encompassing family,friends, and social networks act to establish andreconfirm the role of tobacco, and the media depictionsof smoking may or may not be consistent with these

culturally defined expectations of tobacco use. From thisposition, media images are viewed through a culturallens rather than defining the culture. The cultural

context also assists to shape the process of self-definitionand the development of social competency; media mayalso act in support of the process by enabling the

identification and accumulation of consumer items andimages. Media and (sub) cultures should not necessarilybe viewed as independent mechanisms; rather, they

are enmeshed, active commodities that are mutuallysupportive.

J.P. McCool et al. / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1577–15871578

In this study, we explored how young people viewmedia portrayals of smoking, whether their perceptions

reflect an awareness of media tactics, and how theyrelate these portrayals to their surrounding culture. Weused focus group interviews because they are an effective

strategy for collecting qualitative data on the views ofexperiences that young people construct or hold inrespect to a relevant issue (Krueger, 1994). Moreover,group discussions have high acceptability amongst

young people as they represent a familiar part of theirdaily lives; that is, group discussions are a standardstrategy in contemporary social and education practices.

Focus group interviews provide an opportunity towitness the expression of opinions and views on anissue and to observe how they are shaped and censored

by the responses of others within the group. Individualswho display the ability to express strong opinions playan important role within focus groups because they

motivate other group members to disagree, qualify ordefend the stated positions. The process of censorshipreveals much about what are the predominant views orat least the views of the more ‘powerful’ within the

group. People express views with an extensive degree ofvariability (Billig, 1991; Potter & Wetherel, 1987; Radley& Billig, 1996). Views and opinions are not fixed; rather,

they are formed and altered throughout the course of adiscussion. Argumentation, the expression of contraryopinions and the vying for superiority of an opinion are

important facets of the group interview that promote theemergence of socially acceptable and prevalent views.

Design

A grounded theory methodology using a focus group

method was developed to explore the meanings thatindividuals assign to their interpretations of theireveryday media experiences (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

A focus group method was used to collect textual datafor an inductive analysis of current interpretations ofsmoking in film. A semi-structured interview format

ensured that the range of participant views andexperiences were explored. A thematic analysis of thedata was conducted and an explanatory theory of theseinterpretations was subsequently developed (Morse &

Field, 1995).

Schools

Auckland region is divided into four main areas:North Shore, Waitakere, Manukau and Central. All

schools located in these four geographical areas wereidentified. These schools were then ranked using a decileranking system that assigns a rank from high (10) to low

(1) to a school according to the socio-economic status(SES) of the surrounding communities. Every fifth

school on the decile rank list was selected until twoschools from each of the four geographical areas had

been selected; these eight schools were subsequentlyinvited to participate. Of the eight schools, five (withdecile ranks of 10, 8, 5, 3, and 2) agreed to take part in

the study. Two focus group interviews, one with malestudents and one with female students’ were arrangedand conducted in each of the five schools. The threeschools that declined to take part in the study, cited the

following reasons: funding and staffing pressures, abelief that the study was more suitable for olderchildren, and a negative experience with research

conducted in the past.

Participants

The students who participated in the focus groupinterviews were 12 and 13 years of age. In total, 76

students were interviewed, (38 males and 38 females). Allstudents approached agreed to participate in the study.Smoking status was not a criterion for selection in thestudy. The smoking status of participants was not

systematically collected, but it emerged voluntarilyduring the interviews. The ethnic distribution of allstudents included Maori (14%), Caucasian/European

(61%), Pacific Islands (9%), Asian (11%) and otherethnic minorities (5%).

Procedure

Students were recruited through liaison with the

school counsellor or appropriate teacher within eachschool. Each focus group comprised between 6 and 8pupils of the same gender and from the same classroom.As such, the groups tended to contain individuals who

knew each other; in most cases, however, they were notfriendship groups. Groups were selected to be homo-geneous in age and gender to promote ease of

interaction between participants (mixed gender groupstend exhibit intra-group dynamics that differ from same-gender groups in important ways; Dawson & Lallo,

1998). A range of ethnic groups was represented withinthe samples; budgeting and logistic limitations, however,precluded the use of ethnicity-specific groups. One

interview with the male pupils at a school with apredominance of Maori and Pacific students wereconducted by a 21-year-old Cook Island male. Thisinterviewer was a postgraduate student in Health

Psychology with training in conducting focus groups.The principal researcher who conducted the remainingmajority of interviews was a female doctoral student

with experience in conducting focus group interviews.Participants were given an information sheet, contain-

ing information about the study written in lay language,

to read and take home. Participants were invited to takepart in an interview in which they would be discussing a

J.P. McCool et al. / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1577–1587 1579

range of issues around smoking imagery in film. Prior tothe start of each interview, the purpose of the interview

was reiterated. A general discussion of participants’interests and entertainment preferences initiated theinterviews. This enabled the interview to commence in

an informal manner.A theme list was developed through a review of past

literature on tobacco imagery, advertising, and popularculture. The focus of the interview was deliberately

oriented around experiences of and attitudes towardsmedia imagery, popular culture, self-image and style.The initial theme list included desired images (in popular

culture) in fashion and style; current self-image, film,genre and character preference; recall of smokingimages; stereotypical images of smokers; response to

smoking imagery; media analysis skills and tobaccopromotion in films. Following the initial interview,additional themes were included as considered to be

relevant to the study objectives. These included percep-tions of smoking amongst peers and in the adultcommunity, stress, weight concerns and smoking, andthe credibility of smoking imagery.

The interviews, which were tape-recorded, lasted 40–50min. A professional typist transcribed the recordingssoon after the interviews. The transcripts were coded

using a framework developed through an inductiveanalysis of the data. Codes were developed withattention to recurrent themes (conceptual ideas and

beliefs), expressions, and language.

Results

Some of the data presented reflects an individualresponse; this is present when the surrounding responses

are non-verbal or monosyllabic agreements. Billig (1991)also acknowledges the usefulness of a single caseexplanation when an area is theoretically underdeve-

loped. Although not representing the entirety of thegroup, the single and dominant view may reflect thediscursive nuances and themes prevalent within the

wider group. Group talk is presented where there is anapparent change in opinion or when several participantsare contributing to the construction of an understanding

at the same time. Young people are subject to theunconscious or conscious desire to modify viewstowards those considered to be reasonable within thegroup. For example, it was noted that during the early

stages of discussion about smoking in film, someparticipants would present overt opinions about theissue; later on, their opinions would be tempered

towards nonchalance as this position emerged as apervasive stance within the group. These group datatherefore reveal both the initial ranges in disparate

opinions and the socially acceptable views on the issueof smoking in film.

The theoretical constructs developed in this studyincluded: perception of smoking images, pervasiveness

of smoking imagery, smoker stereotypes, film represen-tations of stress, media analysis, and the suspension ofsmoking opinions.

Pervasiveness

For the majority of young people, cigarette represen-

tation in film was considered to be as perfunctory asthe image of person drinking a can of coke. The imageof an actor smoking was widely considered to be so

‘‘common and everyday that it you just get used to it’’.For some participants, smoking was perceived as apositive element in the film, but only when it was

used authentically by a young and attractive actor.Gray, Amos, and Currie (1996) argue that theimage becomes more powerful if there is a social orcultural affiliation between the image (actor) and

recipient (viewer). Smoking in film was rarely perceivedas attractive, arousing or challenging. Rather, itspresentation, while clearly glamorised, was seen as an

accurate reflection of what can be seen in any home orsocial scene. Smoking was considered to be a proble-matic, (awareness of health effects) but nevertheless

inherent facet of life.Participants’ collective ideas about smoking in film

are discussed with a weary nonchalance. Smoking wasperceived as noticeable, but it did not distract them from

the essential elements of the film (such as the story or thecharacters). In the quotation below, several participantswere commenting on Romeo and Juliet and the scene in

which the lead actor, Leonardo DiCaprio, smokes whilecontemplating the loss of Juliet.

‘‘He looked ugly with long hair’’‘‘He did drugs and . . . he just made himself look like

really unattractive in what he was doing . . . drugs and

stuff’’Interviewer: Do you recall the scene when he is out in

the desert?

‘‘Yes’’‘‘Well that wasn’t like it [smoking] at the start of the

movie, so like you get used to it’’

‘‘[you are] involved in it anyway’’‘‘He’s stupid’’‘‘Stupid’’‘‘Well I didn’t think much of it . . . a lot of movies have

smoking in them now, so its like wow who cares’’‘‘Yes, yeah’’‘‘There are hardly any movies . . . if you were like

really picky about movies and people who smoke inthem there is like hardly any movies that don’t havesmoking . . . so like you won’t be able to see very [many]

movies(Females, 12 and 13 years)


The discussion initially is focused on the deviant andunattractive behaviour displayed by the actor. Later,

when Romeo is discussed, the consensus shifts toacceptance and nonchalance. These perceptions notonly reflect the pervasiveness of the filmic depictions of

smoking, but they make suggestion as to expectations ofreality referenced within a familiar social context. Theinclusion of the cigarette and smoking performance,although not celebrated nor rejected outright, appeared

to be congruent with expectations of the cinematicexperience.

Stereotypical associations

The majority of male and female participantsrecognised smoking imagery throughout recently viewed

films. Participants were largely unable to describe thesmoking images in detail unless they were unexpected(e.g. the actor was a well-known non-smoker) or the

performance was patently unreal (actor clearly did notinhale the smoke) or highly stylised. For example, indescribing actors who were smoking, participants tended

to observe the stylistic and emotional characteristics ofthe (smoking) actor.

Interviewer: What kind of image did Leo have in thatfilm?

‘‘A pretty boy’’‘‘He was in Hawaiian shirts’’

‘‘He was aggressive’’‘‘He acted kind of drunk and he smokes and was into

guns’’

‘‘He looked really aggressive on the outside becauselike his friends and anything, but it kind of felt like onthe inside he was kind of different, he was like . . . ’’

‘‘There had to be [something else] if he feel in lovewith Juliet as much as he did to kill himself forJuliet . . . so he had to be soft underneath’’

(Females, 12 and 13 years).

In the above scenario, Leonardo Di Caprio performs

a highly stylish character. The description builds toacknowledge a complex range of identities, recognisableand decipherable by this audience. Summarised, he is a

tough guy who wears floral shirts and who flaunts a fatallove for one woman.

The stylised use of tobacco, including smokingthrough a cigarette holder (in popular historical

adaptations) or blowing smoke rings typically wasrecalled with precision. Certain film genres wereperceived as exploiting a unique ‘‘characteristic’’ of the

cigarette. For example, participants reported thatcomedies tended use tobacco in such a way as to drawparticular attention to the act; in effect, smoking was

notable because it tended to be an exaggeratedperformance. Smoking in this context was objectified

and singled out as part of a stylish image, performance,or quirk of character. Participants were invited to

recognise the cigarette and explore the juxtaposition ofcontext, agency and object. In the following quote,participants discussed whether smoking in film en-

courages smoking or not. The discussion shifted toaccommodate a scenario that described a memorablesmoking incident in film.

‘‘Well there is a film with John Travolta who smokes[he] smokes real funny . . . and [after] my friend saw a

smoke on the ground and picked it up and said, ‘‘hey Iwill do a John Travolta’’

‘‘Yeah he was like [exaggerated draw on an imaginarycigarette]...’’

‘‘Yeah he did that the whole time and its like a drug orsomething . . . he just goes . . . [flicks it away]’’.

(Males, 12 and 13 years)

In contrast with the exaggerated depictions ofsmoking in comedy films, tobacco use in action, thriller

and drama film genres was perceived as occurring inmore ‘realistic’ contexts. These more authentic por-trayals appear to invite viewers to engage on an

emotional level with the images by drawing uponpersonal (and familial) experiences with tobacco.

Interviewer: What would you say that [scene in

Something about Mary, when the two lead actors sharea cigarette after having an argument] was all about?

‘‘Stress’’‘‘They are feeling like, aha, calmed down, that is the

way I think most people take it for, to calm down’’‘‘They take it for a head rush’’‘‘To calm the nerves’’

‘‘When you do it you get a rush through you head’’‘‘My Nana [Grandmother] died of smoking...she used

to go out every time we went out with her, she used to go

out like every ten minutes for a smoke . . . in a reallyexpensive dress just standing at the door . . . ’’


The association between experiences with tobacco andfilm depictions of smoking was evident in the stereotypedsmoker images that were recalled and discussed. Theassociation between wealth and tobacco in media is a

familiar and historically defined stereotype, yet thecommon associations of tobacco with stress and thedesire to belong is more likely to be supported by personal

experience. The following quotes indicate the variety ofstereotypes assigned to the image of smoking in film.

‘‘It makes them look rich’’

‘‘Makes them rich’’‘‘Cigars are basically cool with gangsters’’‘‘Just when they’re in trouble or they’re stressed out’’‘‘Or they are popular and stuff’’

(Females, 12 and 13 years)


Interviewer: Describe to me what would be a typicalsmoker [to you]?

‘‘My sister’’‘‘My brother’’‘‘My mother’’

‘‘My neighbour last night, I came home and he saidgive me a smoke, and I gave him one, and they asked foranother one, so I gave him three’’


Although the filmic image evoked an association with

wealth and popularity for both male and femalestudents, male students were particularly likely to shifttheir discussions of these images to their perceptions ofsmokers in everyday contexts and as people of poor

status (socially and economically).

‘‘Heaps of works (road workers) people smoke, every

time I go past, they are smoking’’‘‘Road works people . . . people on the dole’’‘‘Like your dad’’

‘‘You see these people digging drains with cigarettesout of their mouth . . . ’’


Participants from lower SES schools were more likelyto assert that the smoker could be ‘‘anyone’’. In

contrast, participants from higher SES schools weremore likely to describe the regular smoker as beingdysfunctional, typically with regard to social skills.

Interestingly, the higher SES participants also tended toidentify the screen smoker as sexy, tough or notorious insome way. Social smokers amongst the groups clearly

distanced themselves from the notorious, addictedsmoker or the weak, ‘‘try-hard’’ smoker. Social smokingwas not an issue pursued deliberately within this studybut it is an issue deserving of more attention.

‘‘Oh I [smoke] socially . . . but not in big groupslike . . . ’’

‘‘It’s more like just social’’

‘‘If you meet like new people . . . and they are allsmoking and offer a cigarette, you go like, oh, okay,because its [more fun]’’.

‘‘I think it is fine [smoking] . . . I mean if you try it

because you are curious’’‘‘You have to try it to know what it is like . . . ’’‘‘It is not because it’s cool, because some times people

like the feeling that it gives you’’‘‘It makes you feel more confidant and stuff’’(Females, 12 and 13 years)

Film representations of stress

Smoking imagery in film was frequently associated

with characterisations of stress and drama. Suchimagery was felt to be consistent with personal under-

standings or experiences of stress and was, for themost part, considered to be real and valid. Similarly,

smoking was implicitly associated with both stressresponses and the management of stressful situations.Smoking, particularly in the dramatic, high tension,

emotional angst or ‘‘slice of life’’ film was consideredto be an accurate portrayal of reality. The followingexplanations justifying why actor Matt Damonsmoked in ‘the therapy scene’ in Good Will Hunting

illustrate these unchallenged representations of stress infilm.

‘‘I figure it is the character they are playing who has to

smoke, if they smoke that is their choice...it is not goingto stop me thinking they are a good actor...

‘‘It is a stress release’’‘‘And also because it is realistic’’

‘‘He is in the role of his character...’’(Males, 12 and 13 years)

The first interpretation of the scene describes the

position of the actor as being detached from real life.Choice is pre-determined and the actor’s performanceitself is what matters. The second and third speakersreiterate that smoking is a familiar and appropriate

remedy for stress. The representation of smoking in thiscontext activates a familiar pattern of association. Thescene awaits empathetic interpretations. Episodes of

stress and tension are the making of a true drama, actionor thriller film. Such emotive elements are authenticatedthrough a stylised representation of the lived experience.

The image of a deep draw on a cigarette in a moment oftension is a familiar and yet potent image. Furthermore,despite the aching good looks of the smoker, the

connection can be made between the two worlds ofcinema and reality. The ‘shared’ experience is viewedwith an empathetic evaluation. Within the film screenfamily, smoking and stress have been crafted (visually

and chemically) as inextricable.

‘‘Yeah smoking is common . . . ’’‘‘Yep I reckon it is very common at this school’’

‘‘A lot of people do it’’‘‘Definitely’’‘‘But I don’t agree . . . I don’t think I would not meet

someone because they [don’t smoke], I don’t think they

would be a good person . . .Because I know my mumuses, does it to relax . . . it’s a relaxant’’

‘‘My mum does it to get rid of stress’’

‘‘A lot of people [do] because they start and then theydon’t want to stop because they think they are going toget fat’’

(Females, 12 and 13 years)

Essentially, as Perry (1998) notes, filmic images are

invested with an inherited repertoire of meanings, whichare drawn from personal experience and validatedthrough the presentation in a preferred medium. The


participants in this study drew upon their ownexperiential references to anchor film representations

of stress in reality.

Media analysis

Several participants felt that, although they were able

to discern between real and fake smoking images,‘others’ (those younger or in the ‘outer’ peer groups)might be beguiled by this imagery. The ‘other’ groups

were thought to be vulnerable to media promotion oftobacco due to their more urgent desire to ‘fit in’ andemulate the image of their favourite stars. Some

participants even adopted a paternalistic concerntowards younger children’s exposure to smoking ima-gery. Yet, the majority of participants in the study felt

they, themselves, were able to ‘see through’ theconstructed nature of persuasive imagery.

‘‘It’s like I don’t care, it’s usually like not the maincharacter’’

‘‘If you see someone smoking in the movies it is justlike they are trying to sell their product or something’’

‘‘Yeah it is so the movie get sponsored by the

company}so it doesn’t cost them too much to makethe movie’’

‘‘But if you see someone smoking on the streetyou think differently, like they might have cancer,

but if you see them on a movie you don’t really thinkabout it’’

‘‘Like on a movie it doesn’t matter that so much if the

character is smoking but if you actually see people . . .like it got kind of scary when I saw my sisters’ frienddoing that [smoking]I thought gee, someone has actually

watched a movie and has been influenced by that . . . akid scary’’

‘‘But when were are like on the street, me and my

friends, you see some like kids like our age or younger,you see them smoking and they think they are real cool,walking behind us, and we just think what idiotsman . . . ’’

‘‘It is just going to make them shorter’’(Males, 12 and 13 years)

The above scenario illustrates how participants

grappled with making sense of the vulnerability ofyouth to media depictions of tobacco that portrayedsmoking as cool. When flaunted, this vulnerability isperceived as both potent and repellent. By the virtue of

their perceived maturity and awareness of media, manyparticipants considered themselves to be less likely thanothers to succumb to smoking through media propa-

ganda. Indeed, the majority of students who acknowl-edged being a current smoker or having tried smokingreported that they were motivated only by pure

curiosity, boredom or sibling encouragement and notby media imagery.

‘‘I figure it is just the character they are playing whohas to smoke, if they smoke that is their choice, it is not

going to stop me thinking they are a good actor’’‘‘They are using it [smoking] as a tool’’‘‘I am kind of past that . . . ’’‘‘She [the actor] is in the role of the character’’‘‘I am past the point whereby I have an idol and if

they smoke it is going to influence me. I am more justseeing an actor and if they smoke then that is their

business, they are an actor and I just enjoy their actingand [am] not interested in what they are really like . . . orwhatever’’

‘‘Or to be like them’’(Males, 12 and 13 years)

The individual responsibility issue is aired in the

above sequence. Smoking in film was also considered asa commodity, a tool to express character. Femaleparticipants from across the range of SES schools were

more likely than males to express resistance to theassociation between media and smoking experimenta-tion. Among all inner city groups, the suggestion that

media portrayals of smoking might influence them tosmoke was received with indignation. The very notionsuggested a lack of maturity and control over such

choices in life.

‘‘I don’t reckon it’s your parents, I reckon it’s yourfriends around you or something. Or you might just be

by yourself and you just want to see what it’s like andyou just start getting addicted’’

(Female, 12 years)

‘‘A lot of adults think that like people on televisionand like musicians and stuff smoking and that influences

you . . . but it’s not true’’(Female, 12 years)

‘‘I think that people like don’t . . .with the media, sortof thing, the image of smoking and stuff doesn’t reallyinfluence kids because I think . . .we are quite aware of

what . . . ’’‘‘People think’’‘‘ . . . quite aware of what it can do to your health and

stuff’’

(Females, 12 years)

A recent study by Pechmann and Shih (1999) found

that young people aged 14 and 15 years did respondpositively to smoking imagery in film. This is in contrastto the participants’ predominantly nonchalant response

to smoking imagery in the present study. However,Pechmann’s subjects did not perceive a ‘‘negative’’portrayal of smoking within film. Both ‘good’ and ‘bad’

smoking scenes appeared to cultivate favourable beliefsabout smoking (Pechmann & Shih, 1999). In the presentstudy, even the vagrant smoking a recovered cigarette


butt held a unique appeal, presented another facet of the‘character’ of the cigarette, and reiterated the suggestion

that, in a variety of contexts, smoking is a normativesocial behaviour. However, participants seldom ad-mitted to interpreting smoking in film as arousing or

titillating. This discrepancy in the affect response tosmoking imagery in film may reflect cultural differencesbetween the samples (California versus New Zealand)and the methodologies used.

Suspending opinion

Ambivalence towards smoking in film emerged whenexperiential knowledge of the perceived positive aspects

of smoking (as a relaxant, or something to do) came intocompetition with the scripted knowledge that smoking isharmful. Many participants regarded smoking as a

(risky) personal choice, while they simultaneouslyasserted personal ambivalence towards its use, both infilm and in real life. Few participants would suggest thatsmoking was a benign act; rather, most presented stories

of family members’ struggles with addiction and illhealth. Paradoxically, however, presenting a self-con-scious nonchalance towards others’ smoking behaviour

appeared to offer a reliable strategy with which tosuspend opinion and ‘buy time’. Furthermore, tosolemnly condemn smoking and then find oneself

subsequently at a party ‘sparking up’ would equate tohaving ‘lost face’ or holding double standards. Hypoc-risy, a decidedly adult vice, appeared to be despised

above all.Neutrality enables the tension between current and

desired self-identity (or between the public and privateself) to be negotiated privately. Similarly, delaying the

decision allows greater freedom and opportunity toreshape prior opinions. If consequently a cigarette issmoked, it becomes a self-motivated decision rather than

a vulnerability to media exposure or other influences.Furthermore, the notion of judgement emerges, indi-cated through the following quotes as an undesirable

(‘‘uncool’’) trait.

‘‘I don’t really like smoking that much, I also think

that if you see people pull out a smoke, you don’t thinkoh what a nerd, like you don’t judge them’’

(Female, 12 years)

‘‘I might like strawberries and some people likebroccoli, you don’t like judge them

‘‘It’s their lives’’‘‘Yeah’’(Males, 12 years)

Smoking clearly was a risky decision that did notoffer immediate benefits. It was an ‘acquired taste’

that developed with experience. Several participantswere open about their dislike for the taste, yet it

was the cigarette that was the focus and not thesmoker.

‘‘Yep I have tried it and it tasted like shit’’‘‘I haven’t, I get really sick like when I smell the

smoke and cough and the same with alcohol I justwanted to throw up . . . I am sure I am just likesusceptible to it . . . smoking and alcohol’’

‘‘It’s just gross’’‘‘You feel like you are eating ash . . . ’’(Males, 12 and 13 years)

In the process of sharing stories, participants pro-jected an image of themselves as easy-going and mature

people, with open and accepting attitudes towardsothers. This social persona also extended to embrace asophisticated, relaxed attitude toward tobacco use andsmoking imagery in film. Projecting an image of

nonchalance appears to be valued as marker ofmaturity, a socially desirable attribute.

Discussion

Individuals are active in their interactions with

media, and their interpretations of media imagesderive from ‘‘lay theories’’ or beliefs about the waysthings are } both in the cinematic world and in the

real world (Morgenson, 1992). Individuals who perceivethemselves as ‘critical viewers’ (and as possessingresilient beliefs about media construction of imagery

and text) are able to articulate an understandingabout how media works and the nature of images infilms. These beliefs provide a cognitive structure uponwhich to base interpretations and evaluations of

smoking imagery in film. Also brought to the inter-pretation of smoking imagery are lay beliefs aboutsmoking in real-world situations. Both sets of cognitive

schemas (organised knowledge structures) are thusapplied to the interpretations of film images. Conse-quently, interpretations of smoking images in films

represent a complex integration of these two schemas.From this perspective, individuals with some under-standing of media construction are unlikely to report

experiences that media images of smoking directlydetermine their beliefs about cigarette smoking or theirdesires to smoke. The discussions of the adolescentparticipants in the present study clearly indicate the

active use of lay beliefs regarding both media construc-tion and general smoking behaviour in evaluatingsmoking imagery in films.

Lay beliefs about smoking that are thought to becultivated through media are often considered by publichealth experts to be misconceptions. The notion that

smoking performances can suggest wealth, drama orpopularity presents a challenge to tobacco control


advocates. It became clear through the focus groupinterviews that the participants knew the stereotypes as

if they had studied them in class; these stereotypes wereas prevalent and stable, as was their knowledge aboutthe harmful effects of tobacco. However, as with most

stereotypes, these images are highly resistant to change.In the face of competing messages, the image of the sexyor wealthy smoker provides an awkward yet reliableschema of predominant salience.

The present findings suggest that, in the eyes ofadolescents, smoking in film is predominantly normal-ised. Several studies have emerged to suggest that the

prevalence of smoking imagery may contribute tomisconceptions with regard to smoking prevalenceamongst adolescent audiences (Chapman, Jones, Bau-

man, & Palin, 1995; Nichter, Nichter, Vuckovic,Quintero, & Ritenbaugh, 1997; Stockwell & Glantz,1997). Indeed, while smoking imagery within films

escalates, this is not an accurate reflection of actualadult smoking prevalence rates (Laugesen, 1999). Yet,the high prevalence of adult smoking may well be theresult of both media promotion and established smoking

norms within sub-cultures.The normalisation of smoking (prevalence) may be

also be supported by media representations of smoking

that are increasingly representative of smoking char-acteristics and symbols within the broader spectrum ofsociety. The stereotypical smokers still exist, but now

they are in the company of the ‘normal’, everydaycharacter. Moreover, participants in this study werealert to the association between smoking and stress, aswell as to relatively sophisticated associations between

smoking and drama, celebration, fear, love, intimacy,personality, humour and boredom. These adolescentsappear to be sensitive to the nuances of smoking

portrayals. It appears that the cigarette in film has beencrafted into a fluid object, a vehicle for the expression ofreal human emotion and character, and these subtleties

are not lost on young adolescents.Tobacco imagery in popular films elicited two

fundamental responses from this sample of adolescents.

First, participants expressed nonchalant and relaxedattitudes towards the inclusion of smoking imagery infilm. Second, participants who held more analyticalviews on the media and the promotion of tobacco

articulated scepticism towards the images used in filmand perceived them as a means to promote or endorsesmoking. Media studies are taught at many schools from

an early age, so it is not surprising that participantspossessed the language to explain the construction ofmedia. It is unclear whether the accumulation of critical

knowledge about how media constructs filmic imagesactually plays a role in the demystifying imagery orminimising any potential effects on smoking attitudes or

intentions. In fact, the use of cigarettes as a ‘prop’ withinfilms was largely unchallenged; even by those most

media savvy within the sample groups, it was perceivedto be an innocuous aspect of the film that served

to convey information about the character or plot.The credible (realistic) use of tobacco in film wasseen to facilitate an ‘accurate’ and acceptable

portrayal of the prototypal elements of a genre. More-over, the realistic image credits the viewer with the streetwisdom and maturity synonymous with desired refer-ence groups.

The perceived pervasiveness of smoking in films andthe associated nonchalance towards smoking imageryappear to be linked with corresponding beliefs that

smoking is prevalent among adults and peers predilec-tions to be non-judgemental (or to suspend opinion)about peers and adults who smoke. Chassin and her

colleagues (Chassin, Presson, & Sharman, 1990) postu-late that the some young people are attracted to socialacceptance to the extent that they are drawn towards

images and ideologies that enhance their desirability,while for others, non-commitment may offer protection.Thornton (1995) further suggests that youth seek todistinguish themselves as distinct and unique, yet

entrenched within a supportive (popular) culture orreference group. Moreover, awareness of popularculture(s) is the means by which young people

‘‘negotiate and accumulate status’’ within their ownsocial worlds. Media is critical in assisting to both definethe boundaries of what is popular and in the dissemina-

tion of culture (Martinez, 1997; Thornton, 1995; Warde,1994). The sample group was interviewed during aperiod in their lives that is (for some) poignantlycharacterised by a self-conscious reflection on image

and the accumulation of ‘subcultural capital’ (music,clothing, etc.) } symbols that suggest what they are ‘into’. These (transient) markers are critical to the

development of the desired self. Cinema historicallyhas played an important role in the presentation of newemerging ‘looks’ and styles, which are soon adopted on

the street. Successful filmmakers are essentially image-makers skilled at capturing the essential characteristicsof the desired or despised personality, image or lifestyle.

The increased variety of characteristics conveyed bysmoking imagery may not only promote its normal-isation, but it may enhance the complexity of meaningsassociated with smoking so as to preclude simple

judgements about merits or flaws.While younger children and people within the outer

groups were largely considered by participants to be

vulnerable to the persuasiveness of media, peer andolder adults were considered to be inherently more wiseand resilient. The vulnerable groups were offered no

sympathy, their actions incited only reproof. Friendsand family however, had sincere reasons for theirexperience with tobacco (weight, stress, etc.). Judgement

of these smokers was seldom expressed, and to do sowould suggest a lack of sophistication. To take the


‘moral high ground’ is a risky stance in the awkwardnegotiation of adolescent friendships, particularly

amongst the socially adventurous. In reward, theavoidance of (public) judgement permits space tonegotiate ones own intentions, with the privilege of

privacy.

Conclusion

The findings from this qualitative study offer newinsights into the meanings young people associate

with smoking imagery in film. A limitation of thestudy is the minimal data collected on how a criticalview of the media is developed and the impact or

influence this has on the perception of influence. Theresults suggest that media literacy skills may offer theviewer some leverage by enabling them to critique the

way media images have been constructed. However,whether or not media skills will lead to more criticalinterpretations of smoking imagery or whether they will

impact on general smoking attitudes merits furtherempirical evaluation.

Smoking images were considered to be pervasivein popular film. Smoking imagery in film was also

widely accepted as normal and realistic. Imagery thatwas meaningful to young people tended to reflectvalues and behaviours familiar to their own social and

cultural environments or aspirations. Smoking andstress were strongly associated both in film andwithin the everyday lives of the participants. These

findings offer a critical insight into the relevance andpotential impact of the increasing visibility and toler-ability of tobacco use in film. Evidence from thisstudy suggests that the filmic promotion of smoking

may be interpreted as a normal (and therefore credible)response to real-life stress and emotion as well as amarker of (sub) cultural affiliation. Adolescent

perceptions of a high pervasiveness of smoking in filmdo appear to be associated with perceptions thatsmoking is a normative social and stress reaction

behaviour. This issue needs to be addressed not onlyby the public health community, but also the filmindustry. The film industry should be encouraged to

develop character types without the unrealistic relianceon tobacco use.

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to acknowledge the National Heart

Foundation of New Zealand for the support of thisresearch. We would also like to gratefully acknowledgethe schools staff members who assisted in the organisa-

tion of this study and the students who participated inthe research.

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Adolescent perceptions of smoking imagery in film