The East African CommunityAuthor(s): Sheldon G. WeeksSource: Africa Today, Vol. 14, No. 5, American Policy in Southern Africa (Oct., 1967), pp. 2-3Published by: Indiana University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4184824 .

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of Africa. In the last months of his Administra- tion, President Kennedy is said to have been con- sidering a review of our relations with South Africa. All of these promising beginnings were blasted into the dust in Dallas and the United States reverted to its earlier pattern.

Rupert Emerson, in his recent book on Africa and the United States Policy, points out Africa is low on the priority scale for two basic reasons: first, Africa is not regarded by policy-makers as a major area of confrontation with communism at the present time. Secondly, the United States expects the former and existing colonial powers to play the major role of external influence. The United States sees its role as primarily suppor- tive rather than leadership. Therefore where we cannot directly play a supporting role, as with Portugal, we at least do not interfere.

This assumption that the former and present Colonial powers will be able to provide an ac- ceptably smooth transition from dependence to self-government in Southern Africa is mere wish- ful thinking unsubstantiated by any real evidence. The articles in this, issue point out the numerous danger signals flashing in Southern Africa. The prospect that the United States will be involved in not one but a series of military rescue missions to extricate the remnants of European colonialism has risen almost to a point of certainty if present policies are continued.

America is not sympathetic to white supre- macy or Portuguese colonialism nor is our diffi- culty that we have huge interests in Southern Africa to protect, or that American security is directly threatened by revolutionary nationalism or communism. Our basic error arises when com- munist influences infiltrate revolutionary nation- alism and we are then persuaded that we can provide a democratic alternative to chaos and' communism by supporting existing regimes. This was our initial eror in Vietnam and it is increas- ingly likely we will repeat it in Southern Africa.

When we opted for the French over the

Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1946 and sup- ported their reconquest of Vietnam we made a mistake fortunately not yet fully duplicated in Southern Africa. There is still time in Southern Africa to initiate programs that can bring a toler- able if not peaceful transition. This does not entail simply doing what the African nationalists urge us to do, although it is important to gain their respect.

There are numerous positive alternatives open to the United States. Many of these are outlined in the following articles. John Marcum makes a strong case for military and economic, cultural and diplomatic disengagement from South Africa. Leo Cefkin sketches the history of the Rhodesian rebellion and proposes a stronger attempt by the United States to enforce its sanctions against those nations which are undercutting it. All the authors agree on the need for a more honest and effective American leadership in the area. How- ever, a common note is the realization that we cannot liberate Southern Africa. This will have to be done by the Africans themselves. But the U.S. can help greatly first by withdrawing the support presently given to white supremacy systems and secondly by helping to train and equip the African movements and leaders who will eventually take over in Southern Africa.

The debate over our Southern African policy- has tended to polarize between the idealists who plead for an all-out use of power by the West to bring the reactionary white supremacists to heel and the realists who argue from the stand- point of security and "kinship-solidarity" against. turning Southern Africa over to incompetence- and pro-Communist leaders.

The time has come to demonstrate the other hopeful options that are within the limits of American policy, provided we are willing to give Africa the priority it should have and exercise the? leadership we are capable of undertaking.

George Shepherd

The East African Community To many Americans Africa is a game reserve

and continent of eternal chaos. Things continually fall apart. When things are going well, progress is made, and major steps are taken, few hear about it. One example was the June 6, 1967 Treaty signed in Kampala by the Heads of State of Ugan- da, Kenya, and Tanzania, creating an East Afri- can Community. Ignorant of this Treaty reporters still write about East Africa as a place where unity did exist, but where "unity is disintegrat- ing". The opposite is the case. President Jomo Kenyatta has referred to the Treaty as "one of the most advanced stages of co-operation between sovereign states anywhere in the world".

The document is also remarkable for another reason: Kenya has made dramatic concessions to her two neighbors, meeting their criticisms of Kenya's favored economic position in East Africa

and making possible new levels of cooperation. The capital of the East African Community will move from Nairobi (where EACSO, the old East African Common Services Organization has been based) to Arusha in Tanzania. The headquarters for the East African Posts and Telecommunica- tions will move from Nairobi to Kampala. 'Har- bours Services' is separated from 'Railways' and moves to Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. Headquar- ters for Services on Lake Nyanza will move fromr Kisumu to Mwanza. Nairobi will keep the head- quarters of the Railways and the East African Airways, though the servicing of piston planes. will move to Entebbe. The new Community will be governed by an East African Assembly, re-- placing the old Central Legislative Assembly. Most importantly, a new East African Develop) ment Bank has been created which will be based

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in Kampala, and when the Treaty goes into effect on December first this year the three separate currencies will be completely interchangeable. Kenya has also agreed to a complicated transfer tax which is designed to encourage the develop- ment of industries in Uganda and Tanzania. Why has Kenya made these concessions at this time? Perhaps the main reason is that Kenya's unfavor- able external balance of trade with the world is made up by her favorable balance of trade with Uganda and Tanzania (While Uganda and Tan- zania have a favorable external and an unfavor- able internal balance of trade.) Kenya needs Uganda and Tanzania to survive.

Five Councils of the East African Assembly have been established. These cover: Finance, Markets, Communications, Planning, and Re- search and Social Services. A Common Market Tribunal with five judges will have the power to handle complaints. The Treaty also outlines how other nations might become members. This holds the door open to East Africa's neighbors, of which Zambia might be the most interested.

For technical reasons the University of East Africa, Electric Power, Cooperation on Tourism, the siting of research, Industrial and Food and Agricultural Marketing Research, and staff prob- lems, were not included in the Treaty, though they were considered by the three Heads of State. On the University of East Africa they agreed to continue the University at least until 1970, and

to set up a Working Party on Higher Education responsible to the Authority which would explore further avenues of cooperation.

What are the obstacles to the success of the new East African Community? Some analysts point to the divergent political and ideological patterns being followed in the three countries; others to the decentralization made possible in the treaty. Still the treaty is a document of great significance in an increasingly divided world.

Sheldon G. Weeks

THE WORTHLESS LOVER

Some water in a glass left standing by the fire; Trousers of wind and buttons of hail; A lump of Shoa earth, at Gondar nothing left; A hyena bearing meat, led on a leather thong; A measure of water thrown on the hearth; A horse of mist and a swollen ford; Useless for anything, useful to no one; Why am I in love with such a man as he?

AMHARA* * Traditional poems from African Poetry, an

anthology edited by Ulli Beier (Cambridge University Press 1966).

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