An experiential introduction to social systems

346 Journal of Religion and Health

An Experiential Social Systems

Introduction to

T H O M A S W. K L I N K

T h e c o n c e p t of a soc ia l sys tem, i n t e g r a t e d w i t h p r a c t i c e a n d r e l a t ed to

a n u m b e r of d i f f e ren t soc ia l g r o u p i n g s , is a n e s sen t i a l e l e m e n t in a n y p r o -

g r a m of e d u c a t i o n for the " i n d i g e n o u s c a r e - g i v i n g p e r s o n n e l " * ava i l -

ab le to a c o m p r e h e n s i v e c o m m u n i t y m e n t a l h e a l t h p r o g r a m .

T h i s ar t ic le r e p o r t s o n o n e of 28 f o u r - h o u r sess ions in the fif th an-

n u a l series of a c o n t i n u i n g e d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m for c l e r g y m e n h e l d a t the

M e n n i n g e r F o u n d a t i o n in c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h the loca l a g e n c y for c o m -

p r e h e n s i v e m e n t a l h e a l t h services. P a r t i c i p a n t s w e r e loca l c l e r g y m e n w h o

h a d r e s p o n d e d to a p r o g r a m a n n o u n c e m e n t a n d h a d c o m p l e t e d a w r i t t e n

a p p l i c a t i o n fo rm. A p p l i c a n t s we re seen in i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r v i e w s to per -

fect a " c o n t r a c t for l e a r n i n g " ; they p a i d a t u i t i o n fee of $100 or re-

*"Indigenous care-giving personnel" is a phrase chosen to identify the mental health significance of clergymen in a community and to permit generalizations from experience to others similarly identifiable. "Indigenous" indicates existence of the group in the community previous to and apart from any institutionalized mental health effort; "care-giving" designates those who are characteristically expected to provide caring services to persons or groups. "Care-giving services" is the most inclusive conceivable category; it is used to describe all services, from the most informal to the most skilled and professional. "Personnel" indicates that these persons are socially validated in their care-giving roles by some affiliative or established structure or organization of which they are the personnel.

THE REV. THOMAS W. KLINK, D.D., was Chaplain and Director of the Division of Religion and Psychiatry of the Menninger Foundation, Topeka, Kansas. His sudden death on May 23, 1970, deprived the clinical pastoral education movement of one of its foremost spokesmen and communicators. This article was his last completed manu- script.

An Experiential Introduction to Social Systems 347

ceived a scholarship from mental heal th agency funds. The Rev. Richard Bollinger, staff clergyman in the Division of Rel igion and Psychiatry, has been co-ordinator of the series from its beginning.

Al though impor tan t to c o m m u n i t y mental heal th education, the social-system concept suffers from embarrassing richness, theoretical complexity, sometimes trite superficiality in popular izat ion, a too re- stricted appl icat ion to nuclear family systems. T h u s there is a fourfold educational problem in in t roduc ing the concept. It mus t be conveyed as a familiar concept based in already established experiences, but richly extensible to unfamil iar materials; it mus t be confirmed by its immedia te relevance for problem-solving, but remain general enough to be relevant in a large number of addi t ional situations. This educat ional p rob lem must be solved wi th in a fractional-t ime seminar f rom which, al- though available motivat ions have been actively integrated wi th pro- gram p lanning , disgruntled, bored, or anxious par t ic ipants can with- draw wi thout significant extrinsic penalty.

Such strategic and tactical considerations led to the deve lopment of a s imulat ion script and observation guide for an experience involving an activity with pleasant recreational associations, yet one that could present some of the basic data of a social-system theory for inductive learning. The remainder of this article reports on the effort and its results.

The Introduction to Social S~stern Concept

Introductory Statement to the Seminar Participants: Welcome back to Monday afternoon work [after a one-week Christmas holiday]. Today should be informative and impor tant , also excit ing and fun. We begin consideration of a useful technical idea that extends and sharpens some ordinary and familiar observations you have all already made in your everyday life and in your work as pastors. T h e idea to be presented is the concept of a social system. [Write "social system" on the blackboard].

A "social system" is a very inclusive term that properly describes any cluster of two or more persons who interact over some span of time.


[Blackboard: "Two-or-more persons," "interact," "span of time."] There was a social system in your car on your way here today if you had a passenger. Your church is a social system; so is your neighborhood. A troubled family is a social system; so is an untroubled family or the kaffeeklatsch or the parish council. [Blackboard: "For example- -a car- load, a church, a neighborhood, a troubled family, a well family, a com- mittee, etc."]

Social systems that function effectively do most of the work of the

world; when they don't work they create, perpetuate, or aggravate most of the trouble of the world. Sometimes, we're not sure whether they're work- ing or not. [Blackboard: Put a "plus," "minus," or a question mark

alongside each example of a social system]. Each of us is a regular par- ticipant (an actor) in a number of social systems and, as an individual or as a pastor, we are in and out of many more.

The most fundamental and important social system is the family. It is

important, but it is not the only social system; there are many more. [Blackboard: Underline and circle "family." ]

We can understand from our experiences that social systems have some characteristic processes and, in relation to those processes, they have some choices. [Blackboard: Bracket all that has been written and put an arrow point ing to "characteristic processes" and another arrow leading to "choices."] For example, a characteristic process of a social system is to define and maintain its boundaries. Accordingly, one of the choices that must be made is to decide what it means to be "really in" or "out." Another characteristic process is division of labor; the choices are who does what. Who does the dishes at your house? Did that change during the holidays? What happens in case the dish-doer is absent? Busy? Sick? There are many more characteristic processes and resulting choices in social systems. A great deal of careful work has been done in iden- tifying and studying the processes and choices, but many of those studies simply extend and sharpen what you have already seen and know.

Either from systematic study or from more careful extension of our everyday knowledge, we need--if , as pastors, we are to be more effective

A n Experiential In troduction to Social Systems 349

care-givers--to be more accurate in our ability to understand the characteristic processes and the choices made in social systems. It is precisely in relation to the characteristic processes and the choices of social systems that we have many of our most important opportunities. [Black-

board: Extend a final arrow to "caring opportunities."] Because we can find social systems everywhere, we're going to study a

very simple one right here. I am going to ask for four volunteers to come with me for a few minutes of instruction. We will come back and they will use this set of Chinese checkers to simulate a social system. As we watch them and scribble down on an observation guide sheet, we will be able to experience a social system in action, its characteristic processes,

and the choices it makes. [Invite four volunteers or select them]. In anticipation of our going outside for a minute or two, I am going to

distribute some pages that contain a general introduction to system theo-

ry, a preliminary description of some of the choices that can be ob-

served in our simulation, and an observation guide for your help in mak- ing notes.* There are no tricks in all of this, but there may be some questions. [Answer any questions and distribute copies of Introduction

to the Theory of Social Systems.] As a stimulus and preparation for your observation, I am go ing to read through the section on Introduction to

the Simulation of a Social System.t Questions? Instructions to the Demonstrators/Players (D/Ps) [outside]: I am glad

that you are going to do this for our seminar. The principal instruction is very simple: Just be relaxed and be yourself. Two of you [designated as Primo and Secundus in the report] are to go back into the room and play Chinese checkers. I will go in with you, but we will leave the door open. There are no tricks. After the first two have gotten into things,

I will direct the other two to come in and take part appropriately. [They are designated as Tertius and Quartus.] When they come in, the first two should respond appropriately to their coming. After things have gotten settled, I am going to want you to continue playing for a while. I 'm not

*See the Introduction to the Theory of Social Systems beginning on page 355. tSee II on page 356.


sure whether you'll finish a game or not, but Chinese checkers is the game and you're to remain involved with it as a part of our seminar's purposes. At some appropriate time, I'll call a halt. Then we shall discuss the simulation. Questions?

Report on the s imulat ion

A fixed-focus available light television camera was mounted in the corner of the seminar room and a small microphone was attached to the game table. This record was reviewed in abstracting the report, supple- mented by notes and memory. Replaying the TV tape was useful also in

discussion of the simulation. A time frame for the report is provided by keying observer notes to elapsed time in minutes from the beginning of the simulation (e.g., T:4). Use of this elapsed time frame, co-ordinated with the switching on of the camera, permits easy recovery of portions of the tape for illustration or discussion.

(T-minus, during instruction period by Teacher/Director to Demon- strator/Players, outside). One of the D/Ps (Secundus/S) reported that he was not sure about the rules of Chinese checkers. The T/D 's response was: "Then the social system of which you are a part has an initial task, dealing with your uncertainty about the rules. I can reiterate that the

game is Chinese checkers; it is familiar to many people, such as the others in the seminar."

(T:I) The first two D/Ps enter the seminar room. They appear (and remain) somber and intent; they talk in very low tones audible only to each other (and the microphone); they sit in opposing seats; they do not appear to notice or react to the observing group, a l though they reveal rather quickly that neither one knows the game of Chinese checkers. They do not ask advice from the T/D, nor do they relate to the observers for assistance. After some moments of interaction, they appear to have devised a satisfactory "private" game involving a very cautious space- by-space advance of individual marbles. (The general /cosmopoli tan


rules for Chinese checkers depend on long mult iple jumps.) This private "local" game is established by T:3:15.

(T:3:20) Primo and Secundus are almost inaudible in their conversa- tion; they sit hunched over the board with few spontaneous or relaxed movements. Their positions restrict easy vision for the observers. Several observers, having noted their difficulty in establishing rules for the game, are seen to be poised to help, but Pr imo and Secundus act in such an intense and focused way that they cannot "see" such "offers" from "outside."

(T:5) After the game of Primo and Secundus is established, the second two D/Ps (Tertius and Quartus) are signalled to make their entry. Their coming is acknowledged visually but not verbally; the newcomers slip into the vacant seats on the axis at r ight angles to the original players and opposing each other. The resulting configuration is of a filled four-place game table, a l though marbles have been set and chairs are available for six players. The two newcomers make it clear that they know the general cosmopolitan rules for Chinese checkers. The next few minutes reveal the meeting, conflict, and eventual resolution of local versus cosmopolitan rules.

(T:5:20) Tertius (the first newcomer) asks brusquely, "Do you fel- lows know the rules?" There is a taut and embarrassedly defensive set of responses by Primo and Secundus, which is only impressionistically observable because of the cont inuing low voice level and hunched positions of all four D/Ps. During this set of interchanges Quartus (the second newcomer) is heard to make a conciliatory offer to indigenous customs, " . . . but you've got another game going already." The process of reconciliation between the "local" game of Primo and Secundus with the cosmopolitan game represented actively by Tertius, more tolerant- ly (or condescendingly?) by Quartus, is not clear to the observers. (The tape record reveals that apparently for several rounds of play both games were being played simultaneously; the newcomers were gradually assimilated; they gradually transformed the previous pattern of play; no one proposed "starting all over.")

352 Journal o] Religion and Health

The observers' g roup is noteworthy dur ing this segment. Several observers are a lmost "burs t ing" to be noticed and (as they later report) to "get in there and help ." (Part of the focus of the observers' frustration is indicated in one statement f rom the later discussion: "If either Ter t ius or Quartus had invited two of us to take the other two seats and six people had started all over, there would have been four people to play the game right and set an example for P r imo and Secundus, who certainly needed help.") A number of the observers are isolated by sound and sight from the players but still make no move to remedy the si tuation. (T:IO) A few observers display m o u n t i n g signs of anger and impatience, staring out of the windows, canvassing the contents of pockets, mut te r ing sotto race to their neighbors, etc. T h e T / D unfolds his observation guide sheets to make notes and a few observers follow his example and make notes.

(T:12:lO) The two "games" proceed on the same board; there are a number of calls for action from one player to another (e.g., "it 's your turn"). These calls cross the boundaries between the two coexisting games because the local game (Pr imo and Secundus) is located on an across-the-board axis as is the "cosmopol i tan" game of Ter t ius and Quartus. T h u s each player is next to a player who is involved in a different game. There are two comments across the corner boundaries, such as "not yet," "no t like that"; once there is a playful f inger-rapping gesture that seems to communica te the same tension. However, because the "local" game involves space-by-space moves and the cosmopol i tan j u m p i n g game was int roduced by the latecomers, there is a delay period before the two rules of play come into forcible confronta t ion on the game board. Secundus, however, is influenced by the newcomers and asks the whole group, "'Do you have to j u m p ? " There is a momenta ry pause; Pr imo consults the abbreviated rules pr in ted on the game board: "It doesn't say here." Tert ius proposes, however, "Well, j u m p i n g has always been an unwri t ten rule." This firmly stated "unwr i t ten rule" is accepted prompt ly and, with it, the local game seems to collapse; f rom that po in t


all four D/Ps seem to be p lay ing the cosmopol i t an game. (Approx. T:I 7.)

(T:19) T h e new uni ty of the D/Ps is conf i rmed in a m o m e n t a r y "era of good feeling" when a successful move by Secundus is greeted by laughter and such comments as "Yes, that 's it!," "You've learned the game now; don ' t expect any more handicaps!"

(T:20) Still no noticeahle in teract ion between D/Ps and the observers. The observers remain immobi l e despite l imita t ions on their sight and

hearing; one observer nods to sleep. T h e D/Ps are increasingly in ten t on their own g a m e - - n o n e ever comments on the existence of marbles for

two more players or refers to their demons t ra t ion role in re la t ion to the larger seminar group. T h e initial r h y t h m of play increases in tempo; the four D/Ps take individualized postures of comfor t in re la t ion to the game, re laxing previously un i fo rm and intent ly h u n c h e d posit ions. T h e game is proceeding smoothly for the part icipants .

(T:20:30) T h e T / D stands and moves to obta in a clearer view of the play; three of the observers also s tand and move a r o u n d for clearer observation. Conversat ion a m o n g the players is more audible but less fre-

quent. (T:21) Tert ius consults his watch; P r imo wonders , " w h e n do you win

in this game?" Secundus is tardy in m o v i n g and is hur r i ed to more p r o m p t play: "Your move . . . or we'll never finish . . . . " The re are

still no direct reactions to the observers or the larger system of the sem-

inar. (T:24:10) T h e game is still not finished. T / D interrupts to te rminate

the s imulat ion, evoking cries f rom both observers and D/Ps , "We'l l

never know w h o won . . . . " T h e D/Ps con t inue m a k i n g moves after the discussion is begun and only re luctant ly re-enter the seminar.

(T:25) T h e T / D asks, "Before we turn to your notes I 'd be interested in any general, qu ick reactions to this experience." Th i s is greeted by a quick outburst , angry in tone, "Wha t did you really tell them outside?" "Yes, what were the secret instruct ions?" Several more ch ime in wi th

354 Journal oy Religion and Health

questions or comments suggest ing that someth ing mus t have "happened" to the D/Ps outside in order to explain their actions dur ing the simulation.

Discussion of the simulation

It must be assumed that no s imula t ion exercise that proceeds wi thout detailed scripting will ever be exadtly repeated. Thus , no one can as- sume that the aspects of social-system theory reported above will be re- vealed experientially by subsequent uses of this par t icular guide. It is presumed, however, that subsequent uses of this s imula t ion will be as rich in i l lustrat ing significant aspects of social-system theory. The use here reported was valuable to a g roup of ind igenous care-giving personnel (clergymen) in focusing for discussion the fol lowing charactertistic processes of social systems:

1. A strong and compel l ing feeling that the explana t ion of behavior must lie with some secret instructions or special selection.

2. The development and the stability of private, local rules. 3. The clash of local rules wi th cosmopol i tan rules. Three D/Ps served

as protagonists for strongly emot ional identifications by the seminar participants. (Tertius: "He just barged in there wi th his talk about rules"; Quartus: "He respected the local people and was wi l l ing to play their game;" versus "But which is best if you're trying to he lp people, to bust up their game or play it wi th them? You can' t he lp them if the same game just goes on.") T h e powerful appeal to the "unwri t ten rule" was discussed and its potency in other events of the seminar participants' experiences was noted.

4. The frustration of observers who were potential sources of help but were ignored, left out, and felt frustrated, bored or angy. They asked, "How can you get in?" This was coupled wi th discussion of how you get "licensed" to act. None of the observers had noted that they reacted to the example of the teacher/director; all associated to si tuations when they wanted to "get in" but couldn' t .


5. T h e intense self-absorption of a social system in do ing "its own

th ing" was discussed. They observed how little a t ten t ion was pa id to

"enter ing persons" and they reflected on how s h o c k i n g this was to see

" r ight before our eyes." The persistence of the " loca l" game after the

newcomers ' arrival was missed. This may have been an artifact of the poor

observational pos i t ions of the seminar part icipants; it was possible to

use this by replaying the television tape and, then, to reflect abou t the

over lapping of t radi t ion wi th innovat ion.

The seminar par t ic ipants seemed eager to try to report on their observa-

t ion of a social system in act ion in their own work a n d discuss practical

impl icat ions for pastoral work wi th families in the next session of the

seminar.

Introduction to the Theor?~ oJ Social Systems*

I Preface: Pastoral work always occurs in a setting, in a context. The settings of pastoral work are almost infinitely varied, but there are some general and inclusive concepts that apply to all contexts:

All settings of living action are field systems; they have boundaries of greater or lesser definiteness; these boundaries are more or less open or closed. Within these boundaries there are two or more parts that can be observed to be patterned at some level of organization above total randomness. The parts of a field system occupy and move in space; they exist and persist in time, thus they have both a system-history and the constituent parts have careers in relation to the system. Such systems occur in a larger universe, are subject to intercurrent, in- tersecting, and intrusive contacts and to strain as a result of these contacts. Perception of a system is relative to the position and the perspective(s) of the observed.

Family Paradigms and Alternative Perspectives on Systems: The prototypical experience of an organized social system is the family of nurture (the primary family). Paradigms (associated and disclosure models) from the primary family are, therefore, always relevant to the perceptions of a social system and to the experiences of persons within such a system. However, the degree of relevance of

*Distributed to seminar participants.


primary family paradigms may vary from time to time and with different social systems.

In addition, there are a large number of nonfamilial, alternative perspectives on social systems and on the experiences of persons within such systems. For example, there are the perspectives of division-of-labor~interdependence, game, myth, communication, boundary, complement~reciprocation, analogies to clinical syndromes, topology~distance, ecology~movement, entropy~ener- gy, conformity~deviance, etc . These alternative perspectives should be used whenever

--they serve to reveal new or previously-unnoticed data; --they enable the members of a system to resume work; --they evoke metaphors by which the situation of (or within) a system can be

expressed, or --they clarify the experience of strain and conflict in a system.

II Introduction to the Simulation of a Social System: The rich and important complexities of social systems will be simulated for your observation by four members of the seminar who will play a familiar parlor game of Chinese checkers. It is proposed that their activities will illustrate many of the familiarities and complexities of a social system.

Each of you is asked to use the attached observation guide to record your perceptions of the simulation in order to discuss the topic later. In order to stimu- late your thinking about this routine set of actions, consider the following: The simulation is carried on by a four-person triad (any group larger than three) composed of a functionally-commissioned dyad (a group of two) plus two others whose delayed entrance is scripted to pose the problems of entry and coali- tion.

All of the activity occurs within the observational horizon of a larger community (the class) of which the actors are members. The actors are asked to perform functions in which they have been previously trained/socialized, pre- sumably by persons-not-now-present; they act in response to the directions of a person of some authority whose license to direct the t~roceedings derives in part from his functional relation to the purposes (learning) of the whole group.

The activity of this group is a game that may be played by two to six persons and the game board is set up for six persons even though only four persons are cast in the simulation--and only two are authoritatively begun in play. In- structions to the four actors carefully avoid definite directions as to how to deal with the facts of space-boundaries-limits. Even the recruiting of two more players is not excluded.


The outcome of the s imulat ion is ambiguous. (If we had had a card-table with one very defective leg we might have set the game on such a table and observed how a social system copes with vital maintenance requirements). No specific goal is established; nor are any specific instructions as to procedure given. T w o of the four actors are established at a task, first, which may permi t some observation of such matters as intimacy~exclusion or initiative and leadership. Con- trol of time limits is left in the hands of the larger communi ty ' s agent, the teacher-director.

Appraisal and valuation of the group's efforts could involve several alternative frames o[ reference, for example, effective conformity to known "rules of the game," victory-defeat in the "game," individual reactions to the episode ( "How did you feel about it?"), the judgment of the author i ty /d i rec tor ("Did we do it right?"), or some reference to the larger communi ty ("Did our efforts help you?"). Co-ordination of these--and other- - f rames of reference may illustrate a social system dealing with strain.

Direct observation, immediately available, subjective reactions or explorat ion of associat ions--within a mood of playful f r eedom--may illustrate such matters as Jeelings, morale, anxieties, etc.

Have fun and watch! There are no tricks!

I I I A Guide for Observation of a Social System: You will be watching two of your fellow-students who have been instructed that there is a Chinese checker board all set up on which they are expected to play and watch- -as they are watchedwin a s imulat ion of a social system in action. T w o of the actors have been instructed to begin; the other two have been told to await a signal before becoming involved. The first two have been told to relate themselves to the latecomers appropriately; the later-comers have been told that they should respond appropriately. All have been told that "we have enough time to be relaxed about this" and that the teacher-director will "call t ime."

1. How did these individuals become a social system? 2. What are they doing? Is there a contract? Contracts? With whom? 3. How are they feeling? 4. What and how are they communicating? 5. If you had to indicate your unders tanding of the historical element

in this system, what would you say? 6. Are there observable subdivisions or coalitions? Did they change? 7. What are the boundaries of this system? What is its ecology (living be-

ings in movement in space)?


8. Who takes the initiative? Are they dependent u p o n any support? 9. Are there any discipline problems? Are there any recognizable offend-

ers? How are they dealt with? 10. Does anybody need help in this system? Who could provide it? 11. If you had to make an annual report, what name would you give to this

system to identify or describe it? 12. Is this system productive? What is its product? Its market? H o w do they

divide up the labor? 13. Does this system foster individuality or conformity? 14. How open is this system? T o persons? T o influence? 15. What is the future of this system in time? H o w do individuals react to

their prospects? 16. How is morale? What seems to affect morale? 17. How do you feel about this system as you observe it? 18. Is there conflict or tension? How understand? What is done about it? 19. Would you want to be a par t ic ipant in this system? Why? 20. If this system confronted severe stress, what would happen? 21. If the actors in this system were all members of a family, what would be

the family relationships? 22. Can you observe any favored-images-of-the-self among the actors? Are

they complemented or threatened in those images?

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An experiential introduction to social systems