An identity approach tobacalhau prosumption

Chunyan XieStord/Haugesund University College, Klingenbergvegen, Norway

Lucia de Fatima Martins GuilhotoInsper – Institute of Education and Research, Sao Paulo, Brazil

Kjell GrønhaugNorwegian School of Economics, Bergen, Norway, and

Jens ØstliNofima, Tromsø, Norway

Abstract

Purpose – In Brazil, bacalhau dishes represent strong cultural, religious and traditional values.The purpose of this paper is to propose a theoretical perspective integrating theories on social identity,role-based identity, and cultural capital to explore multi-phase bacalhau prosumption. The aim is tounderstand how consumers maintain their social identity and role-based identity in this process.

Design/methodology/approach – Data gathering is based on focus-group discussions. A total of13 focus-group discussions were developed with 104 consumers from five different cities in Brazil.Discussions of all five phases of bacalhau prosumption reveal how people maintain and reinforce theirsocial identity and role-based identity.

Findings – It was found that consumers achieve their social identity through comparison with bothin-group and out-group members in what they prosume and how they prosume. Consumers alsotry to maintain their role-based identity through continuously comparing their actual behaviour withthe behaviour standards associated with the role of being a good host/hostess. While economic capitalis expressed by the prosumption objects, cultural capital is reflected in consumer prosumptionpractices.

Originality/value – This study has developed a new theoretical perspective, integrating theories onsocial identity, role-based identity, and cultural capital. This novel perspective is applied to a complexfood prosumption context including strong cultural, religious and social elements, and allows us tocapture both the “being” and “doing” aspects of bacalhau prosumption.

Keywords Prosumption, Role-based identity, Social identity, Cultural capital, Fish (food), Brazil

Paper type Research paper

IntroductionThe term prosumption was first coined by Toffler (1980) and refers to people producingproducts for their own consumption. Food prosumption is an age-old prosumption activitycarried out by households. Previous research on meal preparation (Bugge and Almas,2006; Moisio et al., 2004) also demonstrates that homemade food can deliver devotionalperformance, expressing love and sustaining family relationships and traditions. Thisstudy explores specific food prosumption behaviour, bacalhau prosumption in Brazil.Bacalhau is a Portuguese word for a particular way of preparing cod fish and issynonymous with salted, dried cod nowadays. In the present study, we adopt thedefinition of prosumption in previous studies (Xie et al., 2008) and define bacalhau

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Qualitative Market Research: AnInternational Journal

Vol. 16 No. 2, 2013pp. 165-179

q Emerald Group Publishing Limited1352-2752

DOI 10.1108/13522751311317576

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prosumption as value-creation activities undertaken by consumers that result in thebacalhau meals they eventually consume and that become their consumption experiences.

Brazilians have bacalhau meals on major Christian holidays such as Easter andChristmas and bacalhau serves as a centrepiece of family celebrations and social solidarity.Prototypical prosumption of bacalhau meals occurs within the extended-family.Historically, bacalhau prosumption in Brazil has strong connections with Portugueseculture and religion. The religious reason for eating bacalhau is that the Catholic Churchforbade the consumption of red meat during major Christian holidays. The tradition ofreplacing red meat with bacalhau remains strong in the Portuguese-speaking countriesto the present day. Portuguese immigrants brought bacalhau to Brazilian cuisine inthe nineteenth century. In the beginning, bacalhau was a cheap food consumed onFridays and holidays, and at family celebrations. After the Second World War, bacalhaubecame much more expensive and its consumption also came to be more restricted toEaster and Christmas, due to its high price. Bacalhau dishes become an important part ofBrazilian cuisine. Due to the high cost of bacalhau in Brazil, people also consider servingbacalhau meals as a way of showing their social status. It is worth noting that 64.6percent of the Brazilian population (i.e. about 123.3 million) are Catholics and follow thetradition of eating bacalhau (IBGE, 2010). Moreover, bacalhau prosumption is acomplex, time-consuming process that involves multiple phases, such as planning,shopping, desalting, cooking and serving. In total, bacalhau prosumption is a complexprocess with strong cultural, religious and social elements. Brazil is one of the mostimportant markets for bacalhau products. However, there has been little researchsystematically addressing consumers’ bacalhau prosumption behaviour in this richcontext. There is an urgent need for systematic study of bacalhau prosumption that canaid our understanding of contemporary Brazilian consumers and provide insightsfor marketers.

The present study is such an attempt. We apply an identity approach to theexploration of bacalhau prosumption in Brazil, which is a rather novel approach togaining insights into this phenomenon. We try to understand bacalhau prosumption asa process in which consumers strive to maintain and enhance their multiple identities,e.g. their social identities and role-based identities. For instance, due to thestatus-signifying function of bacalhau prosumption, consumers may use bacalhauprosumption to signify membership in a certain social group and distinguish themselvesfrom other social groups in order to maintain their social identity (Turner et al., 1987).Furthermore, bacalhau prosumption is a multiple process involving various behaviours.In order to understand how consumers carry out these behaviours and thesocio-psychological consequences of their performance, Burke’s (1991) role-basedidentity model seems to be a useful framework to apply. Finally, the strong cultural andreligious background of bacalhau prosumption also involves the cultivationand development of consumption practice. Consumers from difference social classeshave developed different consumption practices that may be related to their culturalcapital (Bourdieu, 1994). How consumers’ cultural capital relates to their social androle-based identity is another interesting question worthy of investigation. In short, theaim of this study is to explore bacalhau prosumption in Brazil by drawing on theories ofsocial identity, role-based identity, and cultural capital.

The paper is organized as follows. We first introduce theories of social identity,role-based identity, and cultural capital and discuss how these theories can be applied to

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a study of bacalhau prosumption. The section ultimately presents a theoreticalperspective that sums up our discussion. To examine our perspective empirically,we conducted an explorative, discovery-oriented study (Wells, 1993). More precisely, wemade use of focus-group discussions between real adults who organize and preparebacalhau dinners for their families and close friends. The findings are analyzed andimplications highlighted.

Theoretical backgroundSocial identity and cultural capitalTheories of self-distinguish between personal self (i.e. the unique qualities of individuals,such as personality, intelligence, character traits, acquired skills, and interests) andsocial self (Brewer and Gardner, 1996). As Brewer and Gardner (1996) suggest, the socialself has been further divided into two components: the relational self (e.g. role-relatedinterpersonal ties) and the collective self (e.g. shared demographic characteristics,ethnicity, gender, etc.). The relational self is conceptually aligned with a sociologicalversion of identity theory focused on role requirements (Stryker, 1968), and the collectiveself has become the domain of social identity theory (Ashforth and Mael, 1989;Tajfel, 1982).

Social identity. A social identity is a person’s knowledge that he or she belongs toa social category or group (Hogg and Abrams, 1988):

Through a social comparison process, persons who are similar to the self are categorized withthe self and are labelled the in-group; persons who differ from the self are categorized as theout-group [. . .] one’s self-esteem is enhanced by evaluating the in-group and the out-group ondimensions that lead the in-group to be judged positively and the out-group to be judgednegatively (Stets and Burke, 2000, p. 225).

In the present study, when Brazilian consumers use bacalhau prosumption to show theirsocial status, bacalhau prosumption is used as a signal to show membership of a certainsocial group and at the same time to distinguish themselves from out-group members.In other words, consumers maintain and enhance their social identities through bacalhauprosumption. Such social identities can be achieved either by bacalhau products (e.g. thequality and quantity of bacalhau prosumed), or by the prosumption practices applied inthe multiple phases. The former is mainly determined by consumers’ economic capital,while the latter is related to their cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1994; Holt, 1998).

Cultural capital. Bourdieu (1994) conceived social life as a multidimensional statusgame in which people use three different types of resources to compete for status.As Holt (1998) puts it:

Distinct from economic capital (financial resources) and social capital (relationships,organizational affiliations, networks), cultural capital consists of a set of socially rare anddistinctive tastes, skills, knowledge, and practices [. . .] cultural capital exists in three primaryforms: embodied as implicit practical knowledge, skills and dispositions; objectified incultural objects; and institutionalized in official degrees and diplomas that certify theexistence of the embodied form (p. 3).

According to Bourdieu (1994), cultural capital operates in the field of consumption througha particular conversion into tastes and consumption practices. Therefore, whereaseconomic capital is expressed through consumption objects, cultural capital is expressedthrough consumption practices and styles.

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Moreover:

[. . .] within the field of consumption, tastes and their expressions as lifestyles are stratified onthe basis of the objective social conditions [. . .] so that there exist different lifestylesorganized by class position (Holt, 1998, p. 4).

So consumers from different social classes may show differences in their bacalhauprosumption processes, both regarding prosumption objects (e.g. the quality and quantityof bacalhau) and prosumption practices and styles (e.g. how to carry out various activitiesin multiple prosumption phases). Consumers use both to achieve their social identities,that is, to conform to members of their in-group and to distinguish themselves fromout-group members in bacalhau prosumption.

Role-based identity and cultural capitalAnother component of social self is the relational self-studied in identity theory, whichfocuses on role requirements (Stryker, 1968). A role-based identity is the categorizationof the self as an occupant of a role, and the incorporation into the self of the meaningsand expectations associated with that role and its performance (Burke and Tully, 1977;Thoits, 1986). In other words, a role-based identity is a set of meanings applied to the selfin a social role, and this set of meanings serves as a standard or reference for who one is.

According to Burke (1991), when a role-based identity is activated, people gothrough a cognitive process of self-verification. They compare their actual behaviour(i.e. their perceptions of what they have done) with the behavioural standards theyassociate with a role (i.e. their beliefs and expectations about how things should bedone). If their behaviour matches or is better than the standard, they will experiencepositive emotions and increase their self-efficacy and self-esteem; otherwise, they willexperience negative emotions and tend to modify their behaviour in order to match theinternalized standard.

In this study, being a good host/hostess serving bacalhau meals is a very importantrole-based identity that consumers strive to maintain and reinforce, because bacalhauprosumption represents strong cultural, religious, and traditional values in Brazil.Consumers have their own set of meanings and expectations regarding how to carry outvarious behaviours in each prosumption phase. They compare their actual behavioursagainst their behavioural standards and may then experience positive or negativeemotions based on their comparisons. Such a process will go on for all the phases ofbacalhau prosumption. Therefore, role-based identity is suitable for explaining such acontinuous and dynamic prosumption process with multiple phases.

As discussed earlier, consumers’ consumption practices or styles may reflect theircultural capital. It is also possible to argue that consumers’ behavioural standards intheir role-based identity (i.e. how various behaviours in bacalhau prosumption shouldbe carried out) may also relate to cultural capital they are expected to have withina certain social group.

The theoretical perspectiveFinally, we propose a theoretical perspective that summarizes relationships betweensocial identity, role-based identity, and cultural capital in order to explore bacalhauprosumption, as shown in Figure 1.

In this theoretical perspective, consumers maintain and enhance their socialidentity through their comparisons with in-group members in order to confirm their

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membership, and comparisons with out-group members in order to distinguishthemselves. Bourdieu’s (1994) different types of capital help to effectively disaggregatethe key dimensions of such comparisons. Consumers can make comparisons in termsof prosumption objects that express economic capital, or in prosumption practices thatreflect their cultural capital. In particular, differences in their prosumption practicescompared to out-group members clearly express differences in cultural capital. In thisstudy, we would like to investigate whether consumers from different social classesprosume bacalhau differently.

Furthermore, consumers maintain and enhance their role-based identity throughcomparison between their expected standard of prosumption behaviours and theiractual role-based behaviours. These behavioural standards and actual behavioursmake up the concrete content of prosumption practices, which express the culturalcapital they are expected to have and actually possess. More precisely, behaviouralstandards associated with a role may reflect the expected level of cultural capital thatconsumers should have within a certain social group, and their actual performance ofthe behaviours reflects their actual level of cultural capital. In the current study, welook for evidence of such a comparison between consumers’ behavioural standards andactual behaviours, and study the possible consequences of this comparison, such asemotional experiences and behavioural modification intentions.

In summary, social identity focuses on “being” a group member; role-based identityfocuses on “doing” the things associated with a role (Stets and Burke, 2000). Culturalcapital helps us to understand how consumers maintain their social identity throughcomparison of prosumption practices between themselves and others (both in-groupand out-group members); it also helps us to understand how consumers maintain theirrole-based identity through comparison between their behavioural standards and theiractual performance of such behaviours. We would like to apply such a theoreticalperspective to explore both the “being” and “doing” aspects of bacalhau prosumption.

MethodTo explore our research problem empirically, we chose to conduct an explorative,discovery-oriented study. The main reason for doing so is that, even if our researchbuilds on existing theory, very little is known about the actual consumption context

Figure 1.Theoretical perspective

– maintained by comparisons(prosumption objects/practices)

with in-group and out-group members

Social identity

– maintained by comparisonbetween behavioural standards

and actual prosumptionbehaviour

Role-based identity

CulturalCapital

– expressed byprosumption practices

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and consumption practices, thus making it almost impossible to devise explicit testablehypotheses. Furthermore, data gathering based on focus-group discussion wasfound adequate for this research. Existing insights reveal that it is rather easy to getpeople’s opinions on a focal topic, and that people are likely to share information onnon-threatening topics; group interactions also tend to stimulate reflections that increasethe amount of information elicited (Stewart and Shamdasani, 1991; Carson et al., 2001).

Prior to these focus-group discussions taking place, a discussion guide addressingthe five phases of the prosumption process (i.e. planning, shopping, desalting, cooking,and serving) was developed. The guiding assumption is that the informal discussion ofall phases of the prosumption process can bring to the surface issues relating toprosumption practices, revealing perceived self-meaning in the process, as well ashow people maintain and reinforce their social identity and their specific roles(i.e. host/hostess) through bacalhau prosumption.

In all, 13 qualitative focus-group discussions with a total of 104 consumerswere conducted by a professional Brazilian marketing agency in five different citiesin Brazil (i.e. Rio de Janeiro, Curitiba, Porto Alegre, Florianopolis, and Sao Paulo) inFebruary 2008. Participants in focus-group discussions were recruited by drawing atrandom from a large register and contacting individuals by telephone. Those whoindicated a positive interest in bacalhau, were responsible for meal preparation in thehousehold, and had consumed bacalhau at least once in the last six months wererecruited for the study. A majority of the participants are women, aged between 25 and70 years old. Separate focus-groups were formed for participants from higher socialclasses (social class A or B, comparable to upper middle class) and lower social class(class C, comparable to middle working class) (Østli, 2007). Each focus group consistsof eight participants. Nine groups have female participants only and four groups haveboth female and male participants. An overview of information on the 13 focusgroups is presented in Appendix. Three well-trained native researchers from themarketing agency acted as discussion moderators. The focus-group discussions variedfrom 1 to 2 h in length and all discussions were video-taped and transcribed. After thesessions, each participant received a gift voucher worth 30 US$ for their participation.

The primary data consists of videos and transcripts of the focus-groupdiscussions. During the analysis, the videos were examined carefully, and thetape-recorded transcripts were examined and categorized in terms of issues addressed,such as prosumption phases, subjects’ social class, prosumption practices, etc. Furtherdetailed comparisons of transcribed quotes based on the guidelines were conducted.An independent research report including documentation of these focus-group studies(Østli, 2010) was also used in the analysis.

FindingsThe major findings are reported below, organized as follows: we first report findings onsocial identity, then results relating to role-based identity. In this study, we focus on theresults of consumers from the higher social class (class A/B). We found empiricalevidence of social identity and role-based identity in all the five phases of bacalhauprosumption. However, we choose to only report results from one phase for each type ofidentity for the reasons of space. Findings on social identity focus on the prosumptionexperiences of consumers from class A/B in the shopping phase and findings onrole-based identity focus on their prosumption experiences in the serving phase.

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Findings on social identityConsumers maintain their social identity through comparison with in-group membersto confirm their membership and at the same time distinguish themselves bycomparison with out-group members. In this study, we focus on consumers’ comparisonwith out-group members in two dimensions of bacalhau prosumption: prosumptionobjects and prosumption practices. To report results on social identity for consumersfrom the higher social class (class A/B), we first examined in detail how they prosumebacalhau, as shown in Table I. Then, we compared briefly prosumption objects andpractices in all prosumption phases between those from the higher social class (classA/B) and lower class (class C) participants, as shown in Table II.

Prosumption experiences of consumers from the higher social class (class A/B) inthe shopping phase are summarized according to prosumption objects and practices inTable I. There were six focus groups with participants from class A/B. First of all, asregards prosumption objects, these consumers prefer to prosume one type of bacalhau,“Porto”, which is the most expensive type of the best quality, as shown in the followingquote:

I prefer to buy “porto” and cook it just once rather than three times the other (Woman 1 fromFlorianopolis).

Moreover, they have bacalhau meals not only on traditional religious holidays such asEaster and Christmas, but also on other special occasions such as birthdays andMother’s day. Consequently, they have a relatively high-bacalhau prosumptionfrequency of between once per month and once every three months.

Regarding prosumption practices, those from the higher social classes also have theirown way of carrying out various behaviours in the different phases of bacalhauprosumption (i.e. planning, shopping, desalting, cooking and serving). For reasons ofspace, we choose to focus on reporting their practices in the shopping phase, assummarized in Table I. Rich data from focus-group discussions was available on howthey shop bacalhau. For instance, consumers from the higher social classes prefer to buybacalhau in markets or special stores, even though the price is higher, because the choicealternatives and quality are usually better there than in supermarkets. They can checkthe whole fish and talk with the sellers. They prefer to buy a whole fish if possible.However, some female consumers stated that they also buy bacalhau in chunks insupermarkets, as shown by the following quotes:

“Porto” I used to buy at “Alfandega” street, in the city centre [. . .] they showed you what thereal differences were between one and the other (Man 1 from Rio de Janeiro).

[. . .] my mum always did her shopping in the market. But here I buy more in the supermarket(Woman 3 from Florianopolis).

Most participants were very confident about their ability to choose bacalhau, apartfrom some participants from two groups, who had some doubts about their skill inchoosing good bacalhau. Consumers learn how to choose bacalhau from older familymembers and friends or by trial and error. They choose fish by such criteria as thecolour, thickness, consistency, and smell of the bacalhau. Price is also a very goodindicator of quality. Some participants mentioned that when shopping in the market,they even tear off a tiny piece of the fish and taste it in order to determine the quality,as shown in the following quote:

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Descriptions Citations

Prosumption objectsWhat type Porto “I prefer buying “porto” and cooking it just once

rather than three times the other” (Woman 1 fromFlorianopolis)“I usually buy the famous one from Norway” (Man1 from San Paulo)

When Easter, ChristmasOther special days

“Easter, Christmas, an event like a wedding [. . .]Mother’s Day” (Woman 1 from Sao Paulo)“Every time we feel like” (Woman 1 from Rio deJaneiro)“I just eat Bacalhau for a festive reason” (Man 1 fromSao Paulo)

How often between once per monthand once per quarter

“Yes, at least once a month” (Woman 2 fromFlorianopolis) “More or less every two months”(Woman 1 from Rio de Janeiro)“Every 3 months” (?Woman from Sao Paulo)

Prosumption practices in the shopping phaseWhere to buy Market or supermarket “I buy everything that I need at Mercadao, and

already bring the Bacalhau” (Man 1 from Sao Paulo)“‘Porto’ I used to buy at ‘Alfandega’ street, in the citycentre [. . .] they showed you what the realdifferences were between one and the other”(Man 1 from Rio de Janeiro)

Self-efficacy “[. . .] my mum always did her shopping in themarket. But here I buy more in the supermarket”(Woman 3 from Florianopolis)“It isn’t enough to have the money. You need toknow how to buy[. . .] I have (ability to buy it)” (Man3 from Rio de Janeiro)

Purchase criteria colour, thickness,consistence, price, taste

“Among friends and family, there is always someonewho has the gift of buying it” (Man 2 from Rio deJaneiro)“Just like me, I have no problem with that (buyingbacalhau)” (Man1 from Sao Paulo)“I go for smell, thickness and colour” (Woman 3 fromFlorianopolis)

Packaging the whole fish or cut pieces “When buying bacalhau I look for the mostexpensive, the most expensive is always the best(Man 3 from Rio de Janeiro)“[. . .] when I am going to buy some bacalhau Ialways tear off a tiny piece and try it, even when it issalty that way, I will try to find out its flavour. I haveno doubt (Man 1 from Rio de Janeiro)“Whenever it is possible, it is not always possible;I like to buy the whole fish” (Woman 1 fromFlorianopolis)“I basically buy it in one piece, without the skin”(Man 2 from Sao Paulo)

Purchase style could be impulsive “It is like this. What are we going to serve? It is meat,it is chicken, then, it isn’t [. . .] then we buy bacalhau”(Woman 1 from Rio de Janeiro)

Table I.Prosumption objectsand prosumptionpractices of consumersfrom class A/B in theshopping phase

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[. . .] when I am going to buy some bacalhau I always tear off a tiny piece and try it, even when itis salty that way, I will try to find out its flavour. I have no doubt (Man 1 from Rio de Janeiro).

Finally, most people reported that they need to plan bacalhau shopping because it wasalways served on special occasions and bacalhau is also very expensive. However,bacalhau can also be purchased on impulse when one has unexpected guests or justwishes to eat bacalhau.

In all, consumers from the higher social class have their own preferences for prosumptionobjects (e.g. type of bacalhau and frequency of prosumption) and their own prosumptionpractices (i.e. how to carry out various prosumption behaviours in different phases); theformer may express their economic capital, and the later reflect their cultural capital.

As we argued earlier, consumers try to maintain their social identity throughcomparing their prosumption objects and practices with both in-group and out-groupmembers. Here, for consumers from class A/B, we focus on their comparison without-group members (i.e. consumers from class C) in both dimensions. The results of sucha comparison are summarized in Table II. The key information on consumers from classC were drawn from an independent research report including information for allfocus-group discussions (Østli, 2010); however, those on consumers from class A/B weredrawn from transcripts of their focus-groups discussions.

As shown in Table II, there are differences in terms of both what people from differentsocial classes prosume and how they prosume. For prosumption objects, consumers fromthe lower social class (class C) more often purchase the less expensive types of bacalhau,such as “Saithe” or “Zarbo”, while most of those from higher social classes (class A/B) buy“Porto”, the most expensive type. Those from the lower social class prosume bacalhau lessoften, at Easter and Christmas only, while those from higher social classes also servebacalhau on other important occasions. The prosumption frequency of bacalhau is alsolower for those from lower social classes, just two to three times per year.

Consumers in class A/B Consumers in class C

Prosumption objectsWhat type Buy most “Porto” Which type to buy depends on budget

Prefer “Saithe” because of lower priceWhen Easter, Christmas

Birthdays, other special daysEaster, Christmas

How often Between once per month and once perquarter

Two or three times per year

Prosumption practicesPlanning First decide what dish to make, then decide

where to buyFirst decide where to buy because of price,then decide what dish to make

Shopping Where: market, supermarket (woman)Price is the second most important criterionfor purchase; try and tastePackaging: prefer the whole fishPurchase could be impulsive

Where: supermarket, market (man)Price is the most importance criteria forpurchasePackaging: cut pieces (woman), the wholefish (man)Purchase is planned

(Desalting)Cooking More varied dishes The same dishes every timeServing In French style Sometimes in American style

Table II.Comparison

of prosumption objectsand practices in the

shopping phase betweenconsumers from class A/B

and those from class C

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There were also differences in bacalhau prosumption practices between consumersfrom different social classes. Such differences in each prosumption phase weresummarized in Table II. For instance, in the planning phase, consumers from higher socialclasses usually decide first which bacalhau dishes they are going to prepare, then considerwhere to buy bacalhau. However, those from the lower social class usually decide firstwhere to buy, based on the price of bacalhau and their budget, and then decide whichbacalhau dishes to make; economic considerations are more important for them than whatto serve. In the shopping phase, consumers from the lower social class usually buybacalhau in cut pieces in the supermarkets because the price is lower, although some maleparticipants also shop for bacalhau in the market. Price is the most important factor inbacalhau purchase for those from the lower social class; their purchases of bacalhau areusually strictly planned and impulse purchases are rather rare. However, in the desaltingphase, we did not find differences between people from different social classes, althoughthey reported different desalting practices. Then, in the cooking phase, those from thelower social class, especially female consumers, often prepare the same bacalhau dishesevery time. However, those from higher social classes make more varied bacalhau dishes.Finally, in the serving phase, most participants reported that they prefer to serve bacalhaumeals in the “French” style, with people sitting around the table and being served by thehost/hostess. However, some respondents from the lower social class mentioned that theyalso serve bacalhau in the “American” style, with people serving themselves.

In sum, we found differences in the bacalhau prosumption practices of consumersfrom different social classes. Such differences may express people’s cultural capital.By maintaining their own bacalhau prosumption practices, consumers from highersocial classes achieve their social identity through distinguishing themselves fromthose from the lower social class.

Findings on role-based identityConsumers maintain their role-based identity through comparing their actual behaviourswith the expected behaviour standard associated with a role (e.g. being a good host/hostess serving bacalhau meals). In the current study, we focus also on how consumersfrom the higher social classes (class A/B) maintain and enhance their role-based identitythrough bacalhau prosumption. Since consumers’ actual behaviours, their behaviouralstandards and expressed emotions are the observable indicators of the self-verificationprocess underlying role-based identity (Burke, 1991), we looked into what behaviours areactually carried out, what standards are associated with those behaviours, and whatemotions result from the comparison in each phase. We found empirical evidence ofrole-based identity in all phases of bacalhau prosumption but for reasons of space, wechoose to report only results from the serving phase, as shown in Table III.

Serving is considered the favourite phase of bacalhau prosumption by the majority ofparticipants. As summarized in Table III, the following behaviours are usuallyconducted in serving a bacalhau meal: table-setting, arranging bacalhau and side disheson plates, choosing wine, and serving the meal. Consumers have their behaviouralstandards for how to carry out these behaviours. For instance, setting a beautiful table isconsidered essential in serving bacalhau. The “French style” is preferred, where peoplesit around the table and are served by the host/hostess, or serve themselves as they sitaround the table. Some participants mentioned that they had special porcelain forserving a bacalhau dinner, as shown in the following quote:

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I have a special plate which is only for bacalhau and I normally like to serve it using that.To bring it from the oven and serve it (Woman 5 from Florianopolis).

The arrangement of food on the plate is also considered important. The normalstandard is a medium to large piece of bacalhau, occupying on average at least50 percent of the food space. Other ingredients are arranged in a way that makes thebacalhau the “star” of the dish, as shown in the following quote:

There is a ritual of picking it up with the potatoes [. . .] And a piece has to be above the potato,otherwise [. . .] (Man 1 from Sao Paulo).

Serving the right wine can positively influence the impression the host/hostess makes.A green wine or a lighter wine are considered the best types for a bacalhau dinner,because the taste of the bacalhau should stand out. Other kinds of beverage (e.g. beer)are not accepted as good drinks for a bacalhau dish.

Those abovementioned behavioural standards in the serving phase may reflect thecultural capital that consumers from higher social classes are expected to possess.When people compare their actual behaviour against these behavioural standards,they will experience positive emotions if their behaviours match or are betterthan the standards; or they may experience negative emotions if they do not reachthese standards. Both positive and negative emotions are mentioned by participants

Description Citation

Actual behavioursSet the tableArrange food on the plateChoose wineServe the dinnerBehavioural standardFrench style for table setting “I have a special plate which is only for bacalhau and I normally like

to serve it using that. To bring it from the oven and I serve it”(Woman 5 from Florianopolis)

Arrangement of food on theplate: bacalhau is the star

“There is a ritual of picking it up with the potatoes [. . .] And a piecehas to be above the potato, otherwise [. . .]” (Man 1 from Sao Paulo)

Matching wine “Ah, it calls for some wine!” (Man 1 from Rio de Janeiro)“Bacalhau is a bit complicated to match a wine” (Man 2 fromSao Paulo)

Resulted emotionsSatisfaction and happiness “I like to serve a whole portion, this is more interesting because it gets

to the end, and it looks like, you have the layers and those things, soyou keep serving it until the end (Woman 4 from Florianopolis)

Pride “We want all the applause (for the dinner), even when we are serving”(Woman 5 from Florianopolis)“Who doesn’t like praise?” (Man 3 from Sao Paulo)“I feel like a queen in a parade” (Woman 1 from Porto Alegre)“When I serve the guests, it feels like I’m giving them a gift” (Woman6 from Florianopolis)

Worry and stress “You have to serve the person; otherwise one single person candestroy everything you planned” (Woman 7 from Florianopolis)“I hate when someone spoils the dish, because I prepare a beautifuldish” (Man 1 from Sao Paulo)

Table III.Behaviours, standards

and resulting emotionsin the serving phasefor consumers from

class A/B

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in this phase. For instance, it gives the host/hostess happiness and satisfaction thatcome with the assurance that he/she will be serving a tasty dish:

We want all the applause (for the dinner), even when we are serving (Woman 5 fromFlorianopolis).

Serving bacalhau is considered an event per se. It gives the host/hostess an overallsense of pride in providing guests with a special meal:

I feel like a queen in a parade (Woman 1 from Porto Alegre).

When I serve the guests, it feels like I’m giving them a gift (Woman 6 from Florianopolis).

Negative emotions such as worry and stress were also mentioned. For instance, someparticipants mentioned that they were worried that guests might destroy the beautifulappearance of bacalhau dishes by serving themselves, so they need to serve the guests:

You have to serve the person; otherwise one single person can destroy everything youplanned (Woman 7 from Florianopolis).

Some participants even stated that they would feel ashamed if the side dishes(i.e. potatoes, vegetables) seem to be served in larger quantities than the bacalhau itself.

In summary, bacalhau prosumption is a complex process in which peoplecontinuously compare their actual behaviours against their standards in order to fulfil,maintain and reinforce their role-based identity (i.e. being a good host/hostess). Suchbehavioural standards in role-based identity may also reflect the level of culturalcapital consumers are expected to have within a certain social group.

DiscussionSummary of findingsIn the present study, we have developed and applied a theoretical perspective thatintegrates research on social identity, role-based identity, and cultural capital in orderto better understand bacalhau prosumption in Brazil, which is prosumption behaviourembedded in a rich context with strong cultural, religious, and social elements.We describe bacalhau prosumption as a process in which people try to maintain andenhance their social identity and role-based identity.

Through comparison with out-group members in terms both of what they prosume andhow they prosume it, consumers achieve their social identity. A comparison betweenconsumers from higher social classes (class A/B) and those from the lower social class(class C) indicates that those from higher social classes differentiate themselves both inprosumption objects (i.e. the quality and quantity of bacalhau) and prosumption practices(i.e. how to carry out various prosumption behaviours in multiple phases). The concept ofcultural capital enables us to effectively disaggregate the two dimensions of the “being”aspect of bacalhau prosumption, in which prosumption practices reflect cultural capitaland prosumption objects express economic capital.

Role-based identity was applied to explain the “doing” aspect of bacalhauprosumption, that is, how consumers conduct and evaluate their various behaviours inthe multiple phases of bacalhau prosumption. In each phase, consumers try to maintaintheir role-based identity through continuously comparing their actual behaviour againstthe behavioural standards associated with the role of being a good host/hostess.

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The behavioural standards held by consumers may reflect the level of cultural capitalthey are expected to possess within their social groups.

Contributions and implicationsThis study contributes to the literature by developing a new theoretical perspectiveand applying it to explore complex food prosumption behaviour in a rich context withstrong cultural, religious, and social elements. It is also one of the first studies tointegrate social identity and role-based identity in exploring both the “being” and the“doing” aspects of bacalhau prosumption. Moreover, this study contributes to theliterature by exploring possible relationships between social identity and culturalcapital, and between role-based identity and cultural capital.

The reported findings have management implications as well. It is important formarketers to understand the differences in bacalhau prosumption between consumersfrom different social classes with regard to both prosumption objects and practices.Marketers need to identify the different market segments and apply suitable marketingstrategies in each segment. Consumers are also very sensitive to the price of bacalhau.They claimed that the high price is the most important hindrance to increasing theirbacalhau prosumption; however, they also consider prosuming “Porto” (i.e. the mostexpensive type of the best quality) is a way to signal social status. Therefore, marketersneed to find a suitable pricing strategy that can both keep the status of prosuming “Porto”and increase the prosumption of all types of bacalhau. Moreover, the conflict between therapid pace of life in big cities and the time-consuming bacalhau desalting process may alsoprovide opportunities for marketers to develop new variants of bacalhau products.

The insights from this study is also of importance for consumer education. For instance,many participants asked for more information on how to choose good bacalhau andprepare more varied bacalhau dishes. They are willing to learn and accumulate knowledgeand expertise, which is important for maintaining and enhancing their social identities androle-based identities through bacalhau prosumption. Marketers may need to find possiblechannels for educating consumers in these areas, which will increase both consumersatisfaction and bacalhau prosumption in the long run.

Finally, one swallow does not make a summer; nor does one exploratory studyreveal the whole “truth”. Needless to say, more research is needed. For example, morestudies are needed to test the theoretical perspective advanced in the current study inother prosumption contexts as well as the generalizability of our perspective.Moreover, there is an urgent need to extend the study of prosumption to encompassother complex products and services.

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Vargo, S.L. and Lusch, R.F. (2004), “Evolving to a new dominant logic for marketing”, Journal ofMarketing, Vol. 68 No. 1, pp. 1-17.

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Appendix

About the authorsChunyan Xie has a PHD and is an Associate Professor of Marketing at the Stord /HaugesundUniversity College. She is a member of the Academy of Marketing, European Marketing Academy,and Association of Consumer Research. She teaches the principle of Marketing and InternationalMarketing. Her areas of interests are consumers’ prosumption behaviour, moral emotions, consumeridentity, and corporate reputation and CSR. Her research has been published in the Journal ofAcademy of Marketing Science, Psychology and Marketing, and Journal of Product and BrandManagement. Chunyan Xie is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: chunyan.xie@hsh.no

Lucia de Fatima Martins Guilhoto has a PHD in Business Administration fromBocconi University. She was Visiting Scholar at University of Michigan and is a Professor ofMarketing at Insper – Institute of Education and Research in Sao Paulo, Brazil. She teaches severalundergraduate and graduate courses in Marketing. Her current research interests lie in the areas ofInternational Marketing, Cross-Cultural Consumer Behavior and Services Marketing.

Kjell Grønhaug is Professor of Business Administration at the Norwegian School ofEconomics. He is also Adjunct Professor at Alto University, Helsinki. He is Honorary Doctorat Turku School of Economics and Business Administration, University of Gothenberg – and therecipient of the prize for excellence in research at his own institution awarded every fifth year.His publications include 19 authored and co-authored books, and numerous articles in leadingEuropean and American journals. At present his research interests relate to marketing strategiesin turbulent markets, cognitive aspect of strategy, the impact of new technologies andmethodological issues.

Jens Østli is a Senior Researcher at Nofima, Norway. His research interests is productdevelopment, both in terms of how methodologies relate to a better understanding of theproduct/consumer interface and how changes in product processing and presentation influenceboth perceived and experienced sensory qualities of seafood.

Group Date City Length of discussion Participants Social class

1 15 February 2008 Florianopolis 1 h 50 min 8 women Class A/B2 15 February 2008 Florianopolis 1 h 35 min 8 women Class C3 18 February 2008 Porto Alegre 2 h 8 women Class A/B4 18 February 2008 Porto Alegre 2 h 8 women Class C5 18 February 2008 Rio de Janeiro 1 h 21 min 4 women, 4 men Class C6 19 February 2008 Rio de Janeiro 1 h 28 min 3 woman, 5 men Class A/B7 19 February 2008 Rio de Janeiro 1 h 26 min 8 women Class C8 20 February 2008 Sao Paulo 1 h 30 min 8 women Class A/B9 20 February 2008 Sao Paulo 1 h 32 min 3 women, 5 men Class C

10 21 February 2008 Sao Paulo 1 h 50 min 4 women, 4 men Class A/B11 21 February 2008 Sao Paulo 1 h 23 min 8 women Class C12 22 February 2008 Curitiba 1 h 54 min 8 women Class A/B13 22 February 2008 Curitiba 1 h 36 min 8 women Class C

Table AI.An overview of focus

group discussion

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