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    Appendix: Research Participants

    Listed in alphabetical order. All names are pseudonyms. Biographical details were correct at the time of interview.

    Adrienne

    Adrienne is a 47-year-old from the Greek Cypriot village of Mandres near Famagusta. She became a refugee in 1974 as a teenager, shortly after the second wave of Turkish military action. Villagers fled to the nearby village of Gypsou, but were held there by Turkish troops for three months, until they were rescued by the Red Cross. A number of men from the village, including her uncle, went missing. Adrienne came to England in 1979 for an arranged marriage to a British-born Greek Cypriot, who died of cancer a year before our interview. She lives with her two sons, aged 24 and 19, in Oakwood and runs a delicatessen in Harpenden.

    Ahmet

    Ahmet is a 57-year-old Turkish Cypriot from Nicosia. His family were among the first displaced by the intercommunal violence, fleeing their home suddenly in 1958 and moving to the north of the town when he was 10 years old. They stayed with relatives for six months before renting a house in north Nicosia. He came to England in 1968 because it was impossible for Turkish Cypriots to continue their higher education in Cyprus at the time. He studied in Portsmouth for four years before moving to London to work as an engineer. He is married to a Turkish Cypriot and they have two daughters. He lives in Southgate, north London, and runs a computer repair business nearby.

    Alpay

    Alpay is a 54-year-old Turkish Cypriot from the mixed village of Strongylos, near Nicosia. He attended an English secondary school in Nicosia from the age of 11, until all Turkish Cypriots were forced to leave the school in 1963 when violence escalated. Alpays family had to leave their village and move to North Nicosia as a result of the violence. He came to England after winning a scholar-ship to Bourneville College in Birmingham and went on to study engineering in London. He has worked as an engineer in Lybia, Kenya and Saudi Arabia and now lives with his Turkish Cypriot wife and their daughter in Southgate. He is also the principal of a Turkish-language Saturday school in North London.

    Andreas

    Andreas is a 75-year-old Greek Cypriot from the small mixed village of Lapathos, near Famagusta district. The village was taken by Turkish forces in August 1974,

  • Appendix: Research Participants 163

    when all the villagers left for a meeting about the unrest. As a result, they took nothing with them when they fled. Andreas had a British passport as he had worked as a civilian driver for the British forces for 15 years, so he was able to come to England with his wife and son. He spent three years at the McVities biscuit factory in Harlesden, before working as a mini-cab driver. Two of his sons are accountants and one is a doctor. He owns a house in Haringey and is presi-dent of the nearby Greek Orthodox church. Father Georgiou acted as interpreter during our conversation.

    Behiye

    Behiye is a 72-year-old Turkish Cypriot who moved to Nicosia after getting married. She escaped to the north of the city during intercommunal violence in 1963 and spent three months living in a school. Her husband was in Britain at the time and was able to send her an invitation to come to the country. She spent 14 months in Turkey before finally joining him. She worked for 25 years as a machinist in London and is now retired and living in rented accommodation in Haringey. She is divorced and has no children. She spends her time visiting community centres like the Turkish Cypriot Womens Project in Turnpike Lane. A worker at the project translated our conversation.

    Blent

    Blent is a 45-year-old Turkish Cypriot who left Cyprus in 1963 when he was two. He was born in Famagusta, but he and his brother were brought up by their grandmother in North Nicosia, while his parents were working in England. The children were sent for when the violence escalated, and came to live in Stoke Newington, North London. He went to university in Leeds and for seven years had little contact with the Cypriot community, but later married a British-born Turkish Cypriot. After not speaking much Turkish since the age of 12, he decided to take Turkish lessons as an adult. He trained as an engineer, worked designing weapons for ten years, and is now a teacher. Blent lives in Whetstone with his wife and three children.

    Cemal

    Cemal is a 49-year-old Turkish Cypriot from the suburb of Kk Kaymakli in Nicosia. The area was attacked in 1963 and the Turkish Cypriot residents fled to the north of the town. Cemal and his family lived in a large rented house, which was also shared by Turkish Cypriot militia. His father came to London in 1967 and worked until he had enough money to bring the rest of the family over the following year, when they were given a council house in Stamford Hill. He lives in Winchmore Hill with his British-born Turkish Cypriot wife, and they have two children. He works for Haringey Social Services. He had not been to Cyprus for 27 years when we met.

  • 164 Appendix: Research Participants

    Dimitris

    Dimitris is a 50-year-old from the Greek Cypriot village of Agios Amvrosios, on the north coast of Cyprus near Kyrenia. When Turkish troops arrived in 1974, he was with his fiance and her mother, who were British citizens. They were evacu-ated, but he was not. Dimitris fled to their apartment in Famagusta, but sustained injuries when a bomb hit the building, causing him to lose his memory for three weeks. He arrived in Britain on Christmas Day 1974. He is the muhtar (mayor) of his village in exile, tracing the office through his family to his great-grandfather, and is chair of the village committee. He is a successful businessman, working in property development and the restaurant industry. His lives in Cockfosters with his wife, a Greek Cypriot brought up in North London. He has a 26-year-old son and a 23-year-old daughter.

    Eleni

    Eleni is a 38-year-old Greek Cypriot from Athienou, now a border village near Larnaca. When she was a child, the family split their time between the village and Nicosia, where her father worked and the children went to school. They were in the village for the summer holidays when the Turkish military attacked in 1974. They escaped to a village near Limassol and stayed in a school for several months. Her uncle in Nottingham sent for the family, but after five months their Leave to Remain was denied and they were returned to Cyprus. Eleni returned to the UK to study fashion and business when she was 18. She has worked for a Cypriot newspaper and is now a community worker for a Greek Cypriot womens centre in Camden. She lives in Palmers Green, North London.

    Emine

    Emine is a 51-year-old Turkish Cypriot from the village of Androlikou. Her uncle was shot when violence began in 1958. The family stayed in the town of Lefke in the 1960s, and she later moved to Nicosia to live with her uncle while stud-ying. She was in Britain on tour with a Turkish Cypriot theatre company in 1974 when war broke out and was unable to return to Cyprus, as her family fled to the north. Her first job was as a machinist in a Greek Cypriot factory where she learnt Greek. She has run her own dressmaking shop for 22 years. Along with her Turkish Cypriot husband, she also acts and produces plays for the Turkish Cypriot community in London. She lives in Edmonton and has one son.

    Father Georgiou

    Father Georgiou is a 45-year-old from the Greek Cypriot village of Fylia, which lies between Nicosia and Morphou. He was 15 in 1974 when the family became refugees during the Turkish bombing raids. About 50 villagers fled to a village in the Troodos Mountains where they stayed for a few weeks. After doing his mili-tary service in Cyprus, he joined the merchant navy and finally came to Britain in 1985. He became a Greek Orthodox priest in 2000 and works at a church in

  • Appendix: Research Participants 165

    Haringey. He is one of the few Orthodox priests in Britain to have come from Cyprus rather than Greece. He also works as a postman and lives in Tottenham. He is married to a Greek Cypriot and they have two children.

    Hasan

    Hasan is a 44-year-old Turkish Cypriot originally from the village of Softades. His family fled the village in 1963, when he was three years old, ending up in Kivisili. They moved to Larnaca a year later but had to leave after the war in 1974, ending up in Agios Sergios/Yenibogazici in the north. Hasan came to England when he was 18 because his father did not want him to join the Turkish army. He is married to an Englishwoman and has a son and a daughter. He returned to Cyprus in 1991 for seven years but could not settle, partly because of his left-wing politics. He works as a part-time lecturer and is currently studying horticulture and garden design. He lives in Walthamstow, East London.

    Kasim

    Kasim is a 52-year-old Turkish Cypriot from the village of Vroisha. He was 12 when his family fled the village in 1964 and moved to Suleymaniye where his grandparents lived. They had to move again several months later to the village of Gneybakan because of ongoing fighting, until a refugee village called Yrkky was built. The family had to move again in 1974. Kasim came to London in 1971 and worked for many years as a catering manager and set up his own business. He now works for a North London business association. He has been involved in local Labour Party politics and is a member of the Rotary Club. His wife is from Suleymaniye. They live in Southgate and have a son and a daughter.

    Maroulla

    Maroulla is a 49-year-old Greek Cypriot from the village of Agios Amvrosios. She is active on the village committee and with the campaigning organisation Lobby for Cyprus. She fled her village after the second arrival of Turkish troops on the island in August 1974, when her brother also went missing. The family stayed in a school in a nearby village before going to the village of Pano Lefkara near Larnaca for three months. Maroulla then came to Britain where her sister and aunt were living. She studied part time and worked in a clothing factory until she had her two sons, who are now teenagers. She teaches at a Greek community school part time and also does voluntary work for the Cypriot community. She is married to a Greek Cypriot and lives in Redbridge.

    Nick

    Nick is a 67-year-old Greek Cypriot from Kyrenia. His father died young and his mother worked to provide for the six children, renting a house in the town. Nick came to Britain to study in 1959 and acquired British citizenship, later becoming

  • 166 Appendix: Research Participants

    a radio operator for the merchant navy. He returned to Cyprus and met his wife, who he married in late 1973. They built a house in her village, Agios Epiktitos, but became refugees in 1974 and came to England. Nick worked for 25 years as an engineer for a company that made parking ticket machines. He and his wife live in a council house near Euston. Nick is politically left wing and is not religious, giving his two sons (27 and 30) classical Greek rather than Christian names. He volunteers at a community centre in Camden.

    mer

    mer is a 57-year-old Turkish Cypriot from the village of Tera near Paphos. He went to secondary school in the small town of Polis and to college in Paphos. Violence in 1963 meant he had to return to the village, which was enclaved for a number of years. He went to university in Turkey to study economics, running a coffee shop in the village on his return, before rejoining the Turkish Cypriot army. In 1974, he was undergoing officer training in Turkey and was on one of the boats sent to Cyprus. His family became refugees after the war and moved north. He came to London in 1979 with his Turkish Cypriot wife and their daughter. They had another daughter and a son in England, where he has worked in the fish and chip shop industry. He lives in Croydon.

    Panos

    Panos is a 46-year-old Greek Cypriot from the Famagusta region. His father was from Evrychou and his mother from a neighbouring village. He was studying at a private school in London at the time of the war and was unable to return. His mother was on holiday visiting him and they did not know his fathers wherea-bouts for two months. Although Panos and his mother were granted Leave to Remain for five years initially, his father was not and had to work in the Middle East, only moving to England when he retired. Panos is politically active in campaigns for the right of return and attends church regularly. He is a lawyer, is married to a British-born Cypriot and has no children.

    Peter

    Peter is a 47-year-old Greek Cypriot from the village of Agios Amvrosios. The family left the village during the second phase of Turkish military action on 14 August 1974, thinking that they would return a few days later. They went to Limassol, and a few months later Peter joined the National Guard to do his mili-tary service. He came to England in 1978, on the pretext of studying, and trained as a car mechanic. He worked in his father-in-laws fish and chip shop before working in the motor industry, and he has been a prison officer for 14 years. He is married to a British-born Cypriot and has three sons. He is active in the village committee and has lived in the same house in Ilford for 24 years.

  • Appendix: Research Participants 167

    Salih

    Salih is a 51-year-old from the Turkish Cypriot village of Vroisha (Yagmuralan) in the Troodos Mountains. All villagers fled the village under threat of violence in 1964 and the village was burned down soon afterwards. Salih was 11 years old at the time. His family moved to a neighbouring village where they lived for ten years, before having to move again in 1974 when the island was divided, as the village was in the border zone. Salih came to London in 1972, and I interviewed him at his home in Oakwood, North London, where he lives with his British-born Cypriot wife, who suffers from multiple sclerosis, and his two sons. In 2003 he set up a village association to campaign for an apology from the Greek Cypriot government and the rebuilding of his village.

    Sophia

    Sophia is a 38-year-old Greek Cypriot who was born in Britain and moved to Cyprus with her family in 1973, to live in her fathers village Lysi, near Famagusta. The family became refugees a year later, and Sophia and her sisters were allowed to return to Britain, while her parents had to stay in a refugee camp for several months. As a young child, she arrived in Cyprus speaking no Greek, only to return to England a year later having forgotten all her English. She describes herself as a black sheep for going to university rather than working in a factory, refusing an arranged marriage and having a daughter outside marriage when she was 30, with a non-Cypriot. She is now married to an English man and works as a social worker.

    Stella

    Stella is a 56-year-old Greek Cypriot from a village near Famagusta. She moved to the town to go to school when she was 12, staying with a family friend. She had trained as a teacher and was working as a travel agent before leaving Cyprus. She was pregnant with her son when the war broke out and her husband left to join the army. She fled Cyprus in 1974 and came to Britain where her brother and sister lived. Her husband joined her seven months later. She worked at home sewing for ten years, as well as teaching Greek and studying. She is now an advice worker, broadcasts on London Greek radio and works at the Cypriot womens centre in Turnpike Lane. She has a son and a daughter and lives in Palmers Green.

    Stephen

    Stephen is a 39-year-old Greek Cypriot from the town of Morphou, where his parents owned a number of shops. He became a refugee at the age of nine during the Turkish military action in 1974. The family stayed with friends and relatives for a few months in Cyprus before coming to Britain. After two years his family

  • 168 Appendix: Research Participants

    returned to Cyprus briefly, before going to Australia for three years and finally coming back to Britain in 1979. He studied maths at Middlesex University and worked as an accountant for eight years and a computer programmer for ten years, before retraining as a teacher. He now works at a Catholic school in North London. He lives in Palmers Green with his British-born Greek Cypriot wife and their four-year-old daughter.

  • 169

    Notes

    1 Contexts and Catalysts

    1 . All research participants have been given pseudonyms. Biographical notes are in Appendix 1.

    2 . Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters).

    3 . Trk Mukavemet Teskilati (Turkish Resistance Organisation). 4 . Many towns and villages in Cyprus have several different names. Nicosia

    is the English name for the capital, which is also called Lefkosia by Greek Cypriots and Lefkosa by Turkish Cypriots. Many villages were also renamed after the island was divided. I will use the English name where one exists and otherwise will use the name used by the person whose village I am discussing. Where necessary, I will refer to both pre- and post-1974 names.

    5 . The denial of the existence of Turkish Cypriot refugees was brought home to me when I gave a paper on Cypriot refugees in the TRNC in 2003. After my presentation, the under-secretary of the office of the president, who was present at the conference, questioned the content of my paper, stating that there were no Turkish Cypriot refugees.

    6 . The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees defines a refugee as someone who is outside the country of his nationality (UNHCR 1997: 51). As a result, internally displaced people are excluded from its protection.

    7 . It proved difficult to interview equal numbers of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and men and women. The Greek Cypriot community in London is larger and much better organised than the Turkish Cypriot community is, providing more obvious routes into the community. Community organisa-tions also almost invariably proposed men as possible participants. I tried to counter this by approaching Cypriot womens community centres, which was partially successful. However, Turkish Cypriot women remain the most under-represented in the study. I expected to conduct all interviews in English, as those who took part had lived in Britain for 30 to 40 years at the time of the study. However, I had to use translators for the two oldest participants.

    8 . I interviewed spokespeople from Greek Cypriot campaigning organisation Lobby for Cyprus, theatre company Theatro Technis, the Turkish Cypriot Womens Project and the Greek Cypriot Committee for Relatives of the Missing, editors of Turkish-language newspapers Toplum Postasi and Londra Gazete and a representative of the Greek Archdiocese of Great Britain. Events attended included the Cyprus wine festival, Greek Cypriot village committee meetings, a Turkish Cypriot dinner dance, a play about Cypriots in London and a number of political demonstrations.

    9 . For example, Peter Loizos was criticised when his writings about Greek Cypriot crimes against Turkish Cypriots were quoted by Rauf Denktash, then leader of the TRNC (Loizos 2001: 177178).

  • 170 Notes

    10 . It is difficult to find written evidence of the disaffection of left-wing Turkish Cypriots, but such sentiments have been expressed to me personally by some in London. In addition, the fact that it is estimated that more Turkish Cypriots live in Britain than in northern Cyprus points to the likelihood that it is not just economic factors that have influenced their move (Mehmet Ali 2001: 94).

    2 Theres No Place Like Home The Spatial Home

    1 . Chagos islanders were forced to leave their homes in 1967 by Britain, who had control of the territory, so that the island could be used as a US air base.

    2 . There are now seven crossing points open in the Green Line. 3 . The poet says words were taken and rearranged from the Ledger of Lost

    and Damaged Goods dated 1020 January 1964, which his mother Aye Sleyman (pizde) kept when her house was plundered and burned during the Bloody Christmas of 1963. Poem appears in English at www.poemsbymehmetyashin.blogspot.co.uk. Published in Turkish in Yashin, M. (2014).

    4 . I faced difficulties when choosing a map to use during my research that would not offend participants. I eventually chose the map distributed by the Greek Cypriot tourist office because, unlike the Turkish Cypriot tourist map which only focused on the north of the island, it showed the whole island and used place names that were likely to have been in use when the partici-pants became refugees.

    3 Rhythms of Life The Temporal Home

    1 . A new border crossing was opened here in 2008 and the observation point removed.

    2 . The use of the word muhtar by both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots is an example of the ways in which the island has been influenced by diverse cultures. The word, which is Arabic in origin and is also found in Turkish, is still used by both Cypriot communities.

    3 . The UNHCRs three durable solutions to forced migration are settlement, resettlement and repatriation, with repatriation regarded as the most desir-able durable solution provided that return is genuinely voluntary and sustainable (UNHCR 2006: 130).

    4 . It is difficult to arrive at a concrete number for Turkish settlers, who were encouraged to move to the island by the governments of Turkey and the TRNC. Figures vary from 31,000 to 115,000, and the Council of Europe esti-mated that, by 2000, settlers outnumbered indigenous Turkish Cypriots (Ronen 2010). It is not clear if second- and third-generation settlers are counted or are defined as Cypriot.

  • Notes 171

    4 Senses of Belonging The Material Home

    1 . Freedom from Torture (formerly the Medical Foundation for the Care of the Victims of Torture) is a charity based in London, which provides various types of therapy for refugees who have suffered torture. The mailing in July 2007 was an appeal for the charitys Natural Growth project, which aims to use nature through the centres garden to help those who are not ready for psychotherapy.

    2 . www.mwanakafreshfarmfoods.com

  • 172

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  • 183

    Index

    age (impact on exile), 5960, 62, 63, 129

    agency, 69, 83, 85, 139, 154, 155, 160Agios Amvrosios, 1, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68,

    9495, 146, 164, 165, 166Agios Epiktitos, 42Al-Ali, Nadje, 152, 154Al-Ali, Nadje and Koser, Khalid,

    3, 24, 150Allende, Isabel, 97Al-Rasheed, Madawi, 28, 80, 85Anderson, Benedict, 25, 135Andrews, Molly, 16, 17Androlikou, 164Annan Plan, 42, 74, 85, 145Anthias, Floya, 25, 49, 135, 138,

    140, 143anti-colonial struggle, 8, 69, 125Appadurai, Arjun, 2728, 46, 47apricot dance, 94, 95apricot trees, 94, 9596Arendt, Hannah, 136Armenians, 124Athienou, 164

    banal nationalism, 100Bauman, Zygmunt, 120, 122belonging, 24, 2930, 41, 100, 101,

    104, 105, 110, 120122, 149150national, 96, 97politics of, 121, 124

    Ben-ZeEv, Efrat, 4, 89, 100, 110bi-communalism, 72, 109, 125, 147Billig, Michael, 100border crossings, 37, 39border opening, 75, 80, 83, 108,

    116, 154borders, 3637, 45, 69Bottomley, Gillian, 128, 142Bourdieu, Pierre, 119, 120, 128, 130,

    131, 132, 133, 136Brah, Avtar, 11, 28, 36, 49, 150British citizenship, 11, 12, 13, 42

    British colonialism, 8, 11, 69, 121, 122, 124, 144, 148

    British immigration policy, 1213Bryant, Rebecca, 37, 66, 85, 92building restrictions (for Turkish

    Cypriots), 31, 32burial, 46, 97burial in exile, 98Burrell, Kathy, 121, 138, 143Butler, Judith, 90

    calendar time, 54, 67, 69, 90, 105Carr, E.H., 17, 66Cernea, Michael M., 119, 131, 150Chamberlain, Mary, 59choice, 85

    absence of, 9, 17, 18, 24, 36, 52, 77, 154

    clothing industry (employment of Cypriot women), 134, 138, 141

    Cockburn, Cynthia, 45, 50coexistence of Cypriots

    in Cyprus, 125126, 127in London, 11, 50, 129

    coffee shops (men only), 78, 115, 147Coleman, James S., 130collective memory, 59, 60, 64, 65, 68,

    69, 72, 160colonialism, 114commemoration, 6972communality, 50, 118, 120community, 51, 105, 119, 120127

    restrictions imposed by, 123, 138, 139

    community centres (in London), 49, 50, 115

    community events, 67, 69community schools (in London),

    71, 135136Connerton, Paul, 68cosmo-multiculturalism, 114Cresswell, Tim and Merriman,

    Peter, 25

  • 184 Index

    crops, 35, 41, 8889, 91, 92, 105economic value of, 91

    Cypriots in Britain, 1012, 13, 73, 129, 141, 148, 170

    Cypriot-turks, 122Cyprus

    economic development of, 57, 76geographical position, 45history of, 8, 27relationship with Britain, 8, 11, 151relationship with Turkey, 8representation of, 43, 46

    Cyprus problem, 8

    deeds (to houses in Cyprus), 3233diaspora, 2425, 86diaspora space, 11, 28, 49, 101, 113,

    150, 156disempowerment (of refugees),

    47, 53, 129displacement, 9, 10, 23

    of Greek Cypriots, 9, 42of Turkish Cypriots, 9, 42

    divide and rule (British policy of), 124Dona, Giorgia and Berry, John W., 74Downing, Theodore E., 55, 60dowry houses, 29, 138dwelling, 92

    Eastmond, Marita, 56, 137education

    in Cyprus, 71, 124, 133134, 135in London, 60, 133

    embodied experience, 4, 6, 27, 29, 68, 88, 92, 102, 104, 106, 111, 112, 115, 117, 156, 157

    embodied memory, 68, 110emplacement, 19, 22, 4648, 49, 51,

    52, 53, 156employment, 132, 140, 141

    ethnic employment networks, 141enclaves, Turkish Cypriot, 9, 12,

    3537, 53, 107enculturation, 67, 71, 111, 113, 134English language (acquisition of), 60,

    132, 133134Enosis, 8, 9EOKA (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion

    Agoniston), 8, 36, 65

    Essed, Philomena et al, 154, 160ethnic clustering (of Cypriots in

    London), 49, 53ethnicity, 3, 5, 8, 18, 19, 21, 26, 49,

    90, 95, 104, 111, 114, 115, 121, 122, 124, 125, 134, 135

    exclusion, 124, 152exile as temporary, belief in, 7879

    Famagusta, 37, 39, 72, 83, 121, 162, 163, 166

    family networks, 11, 33, 35, 48, 120, 141, 148

    festivals, 67, 108109in London, 109religious, 108

    Fieldhouse, Paul, 104fieldwork, 1314, 169flight narratives, 5859food, 4, 6, 7, 20, 104115

    and authenticity, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114

    cultural significance of, 104, 105in London, 109preparation of, 106, 109, 111,

    112, 137seasonality of, 54, 89, 92,

    105106, 108food industry (employment of Cypriot

    men), 114, 132, 141food practices, 104, 109, 111, 113forgetting, 65Fortier, Anne-Marie, 90, 95Freeman, Mark, 14, 15, 57, 59furniture, as symbol of home, 2930, 31Fylia, 164

    gardening, 100, 101, 102103Geertz, Clifford, 119gender, 78generation gap, 60generations, 5963, 84, 92, 128,

    132133Geneva Convention (Convention

    Relating to the Status of Refugees), 12, 169

    Gilroy, Paul, 25Graham, Mark and Khosravi,

    Shahram, 64

  • Index 185

    Granovetter, Mark, 6, 131Greece, 8, 45, 125, 144, 152Greek coup, 9, 69, 145Greek Cypriot experience of war,

    77, 83, 107, 125, 127, 137, 158Greek language, 4950Greek Orthodox church, 49, 68, 69,

    108, 109, 135, 143and Cypriot state, 144, 147

    Green Lanes, 49, 111Green Line, 37, 45, 50, 69, 83, 170

    Habib, Nala, 57habitus, 20, 119, 127130, 136,

    140, 155Hage, Ghassan, 47, 5051, 67, 8687,

    103, 105, 110, 112, 114, 121, 124Hall, Stuart, 100Hammond, Laura, 46, 51, 139140, 148Hannam, Kevin et al, 23, 25Haringey, London Borough of, 49,

    111, 139here or there paradigm, 45Highmore, Ben, 104, 110Hirsch, Marianne, 60, 6162, 69Hirschon, Rene, 108, 140Hoffman, Eva, 55Holocaust, 60, 62, 67, 69Holocaust memory, 60, 69home

    as constructed, 3, 4, 2728, 153, 156as journey, 5, 28, 42as process, 2, 3, 5, 54remaking, 89, 90, 117, 131, 153unmaking, 4

    home food, 67, 88, 110, 111, 112, 157home-building, 50, 67, 86, 102,

    110, 148homeland, 7, 25, 26, 28, 50, 86, 90,

    94, 97hospitality, 105, 107, 115116houses, 2934, 75

    capacity for memory, 30, 5455in Cyprus, 2933, 35demolished, 32, 57, 81, 96inaccessibility of, 58, 76in London, 3334, 141occupation of abandoned, 41, 82

    hybridity, 129, 151, 160

    identity, 18, 51, 68, 95, 104, 110, 121122

    Cypriot, 11, 90, 101, 113, 116, 135, 141, 160

    Greek Cypriot, 107, 125, 136, 142, 143, 144

    refugee, 12, 13, 18Turkish Cypriot, 72, 100, 125, 135

    idyllic lost home (belief in), 58, 64, 65, 91, 158

    imagined community, 25, 135immigration controls, 18, 26, 123, 160inclusion, 124, 152inherited memory, 20, 60, 6263, 68,

    71, 84, 160intercommunal violence, 8, 9, 10,

    3536, 69, 71, 77internally displaced persons (IDPs),

    9, 10, 12, 85intersectionality, 18Islam, 108, 144Israel, 26, 62

    Jackson, Michael, 18, 27, 58, 84Jansen, Stef, 3, 27, 56, 75Jepson, Anne, 43, 97, 102103Jones, Owain and Cloke, Paul, 28, 92,

    93, 95

    Kabachnik, Peter et al, 3, 5, 28, 30, 51, 54

    keys (to houses in Cyprus), 3233Killoran, Moira, 57Kora, Maja, 4, 5, 18, 23, 80, 131,

    148, 149Kk Kaymakli, 163Kyrenia, 42, 47, 72, 165

    land, 89working on the, 92

    landscape, 2526, 34, 46, 92, 122Lapathos, 162Larnaca, 164left-wing Cypriots, 50, 7172, 7374,

    95, 122, 123, 147, 169liminality, 56, 159linguistic capital, 133Linobambaki, 124Lobby for Cyprus, 146

  • 186 Index

    locality production, 35, 46, 47, 56Loizos, Peter, 12, 13, 18, 29, 59, 60, 62,

    64, 87, 93, 136, 138, 139, 140, 154Lysi, 167

    Mandres, 162Mantel, Hilary, 97Makarios, President Archbishop, 9, 144Malkki, Liisa, 22, 23, 97, 99maps, 4446, 170Marfleet, Philip, 17, 18, 19, 77, 81,

    85, 154Maronites, 124marriage, 123, 125, 139, 142

    mixed marriage, 125Marte, Lidia, 67, 110, 111Massey, Doreen, 21, 27, 28, 40, 43, 48,

    75, 154master narratives, 16, 68, 72Mehmet Ali, Aydin, 149memorialisation, 68, 71, 72memory, 6, 20, 30, 43, 5960, 62, 66,

    86, 88, 160vicissitudes of, 59, 66

    memory loss (amnesia), 6566memory work, 67metanarratives, 16, 90methodological nationalism, 22missing Cypriots, 9, 65, 6869, 70,

    81, 146mixed villages, 9, 35, 36, 37, 125, 158mnemonic devices, 98, 100mobilities/mobility, 23, 25, 26, 42moral codes (of community), 123,

    124, 137, 138, 139Morphou, 42, 48, 60, 62, 72, 167Morton, Christopher, 29, 30, 40, 54mother tongue, 134Muggeridge, Helen and Dona,

    Giorgia, 80muhtars (mayors), 72, 170Muslims (Turkish Cypriots as), 144, 145myth of return, 79, 80, 85

    narrative interviews, 1314narrative research, 1417, 160161narratives, communal, 71, 84nation (discourses of), 91, 92, 93, 96,

    97, 99, 157

    nation state, 3, 22, 24, 26, 46nationalism, 7, 26, 73, 125natural life, 91, 105, 113neighbourhood, 35, 154Nicosia, 9, 37, 38, 41, 44, 69, 70, 71,

    156, 162, 163nostalgia, 56, 58, 61, 6364, 67, 160

    organic souvenirs (from first visits home), 9293, 116

    Palestine, 26, 90, 97Palestinian refugees, 33, 50, 51, 62,

    89, 91, 9394, 110, 111Papadakis, Yiannis, 27, 45, 69, 71, 73partition, 8, 10, 2627, 37, 69

    Greek Cypriot support for, 127Turkish Cypriot state discourse of,

    35, 45, 46, 126, 147Turkish Cypriot support for, 74, 147

    past frozen in time, 57, 68, 7576performativity, 67, 68, 90, 95, 101,

    110, 113, 116Pitcher, Ben, 99place, see also space

    connection to, 51, 5253, 118construction of, 22, 25, 27, 53,

    118, 153and ethnic identity, 2627 natural connection between

    people and, 2223, 26, 41, 43, 90, 99, 153, 155

    placemaking, 27, 46, 48, 49, 50, 100, 149

    plants, 8889authenticity of, 103Cypriot plants in London, 20, 90,

    95, 100104, 157in national discourses, 99regional connections of, 94

    pluri-local life in Cyprus, 4143, 53, 92

    police force in Cyprus, Turkish Cypriots in, 125

    political activism in London, 67, 69, 72, 145147

    Greek Cypriot, 44, 58, 6061, 62, 65, 68, 72, 142

    Turkish Cypriot, 7374

  • Index 187

    political demonstrations in London, 44, 69, 7273, 146

    population exchange, 9population of Cyprus, 8post-colonialism, 122, 148postmemory, 60, 62poverty, 131, 132property, compensation for loss of, 2,

    33, 43, 53, 154proxy return, 8385Putnam, Robert D., 130131

    racism, 122, 123refugee children, 60refugees

    as agents/victims, 17, 19, 115, 155, 161

    definition of, 12, 13, 169hostile discourses of, 16, 160labeling, 12, 87as outside the natural order, 23, 74as outsiders, 123pathologising, 5, 23, 55, 99rights of, 22as rooted/uprooted, 19, 22, 23

    religion, 142145remembering (project of), 58, 60, 62,

    64, 71repatriation, 4resilience

    of refugee children, 60, 129, 133of refugees, 4748, 119, 139, 141,

    142, 153, 155return, 2, 4, 50, 51, 53, 7486, 148,

    158159attitudes to, 7778, 79, 80, 81, 82,

    83, 85campaign for, 62, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73,

    75, 85, 127, 145, 146, 147, 160first return visits, 7, 3940, 42, 47,

    8082, 92, 154reunification, 10, 35

    Greek Cypriot discourse of, 35, 43, 45, 126, 147

    right to return, 10, 35, 52, 62, 75, 85, 95

    ritual, 68rootedness, 91, 97, 99rootlessness, 23, 42, 99, 153, 156

    roots, 99100rural (the), 90, 91, 92, 104

    Sabar, Galia and Posner, Rachel, 106, 115

    Schrager, Samuel, 1617second generation refugees, 11, 51,

    6062, 67, 68, 85, 95, 100, 111, 113, 135

    security, 10, 32, 48, 65, 77, 82, 125, 127

    lack of, 10, 31, 123sedentarism, 23, 23, 25, 27, 42,

    75, 153Seed, Patricia, 33sensory memory, 89Sert, Deniz Senol, 89settlement, 50shops (in London), 49, 50, 111,

    134, 140social capital, 7, 20, 119, 120, 123,

    130133, 134, 147, 149, 155bridging and bonding, 131, 140, 148

    social capitalists (refugees as), 139, 154social disarticulation, 119, 131, 148,

    150, 155social networks, 20, 51, 75, 118, 119,

    120, 123, 130, 154loss of, 118119, 120, 136, 137,

    138, 155rebuilding, 139142, 148women and, 137139

    Softades, 165soil, 4, 6, 8889, 90, 9699, 157

    in national discourse, 97symbolic importance of for refugees,

    97, 157Srensen, Birgitte Refslund, 5, 55space, 21, 2526, 27, see also place

    connection to, 26, 41, 53, 156as constructed, 2728, 51, 5253fluidity of, 26, 156

    spatial knowledge, 37, 47, 48, 53, 156Spitzer, 56, 67state narratives, 16, 27, 68, 69, 158

    Greek Cypriot, 10, 35, 45, 68, 69, 7172, 126, 147

    Turkish Cypriot, 10, 35, 45, 7172, 74, 126127, 147

  • 188 Index

    statist bias, 23strong ties, 131, 148Strongylos, 162Sutton, David E., 4, 89, 104, 105, 106,

    107, 110, 111

    Taksim, 8, see also partitionTera, 166throwntogetherness, 28, 40, 154Tilley, Christopher, 100, 101TMT (Trk Mukavemet Teskilati), 8Tolia-Kelly, Divya P., 4, 89, 101,

    122, 148Tonkin, Elizabeth, 5657transnationalism, 2, 5, 23, 80,

    149150, 154trees, 6, 8889, 90, 9396, 157

    felling of, 94, 9596as symbol of nation, 90, 9394, 96

    TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus), 10, 126127, 147

    constitution of, 126127Turkey, 8, 41, 45, 125, 152Turkish Cypriot villages

    destruction of, 31, 83evacuation of, 8

    Turkish Cypriotsmarginalisation of (in Cyprus),

    35, 36, 126, 129, 136, 158violence against, 8, 12, 65, 69, 71,

    77, 126, 158Turkish language, 50, 124Turkish military action, 9, 43, 65,

    6971, 73, 125, 145Turkish peace operation,

    126127

    Turkish settlers, 76, 82, 95, 124, 144, 170

    Turton, David, 2, 10, 22, 27, 41, 43, 44, 46, 118

    United Nations, 4, 37buffer zone, 37, 38durable solutions, 4, 74, 154, 170

    United States of America (USA), 152

    Varosha, 37, 39village committees, 35, 146147villages (in Cyprus), 31, 3435, 36, 41,

    42, 82, 9192, 108, 120naming of, 45, 57, 169perceived beauty of, 91symbolic importance in exile,

    35, 41, 49, 72, 84Vroisha, 31, 32, 40, 105, 147, 165, 167

    Warner, Daniel, 66, 75weak ties, 6, 131, 148wealth, loss of, 132Wimmer, Andreas and Glick Schiller,

    Nina, 2223, 24, 25women, 29, 36, 78, 106, 109, 112,

    116, 122, 123, 131, 134, 137139, 169

    world city (of London), 53, 153, 156

    Yashin, Mehmet, 40, 170Yuval-Davis, Nira, 5, 18, 121, 124

    Zetter, Roger, 12, 29, 30, 33, 55, 79, 85, 98, 99, 108, 118

    Zionism, 26, 93