AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF CAREER - CDANZ2)Winter2012.pdf · 2 Australian Journal of Career Development Volume 21, Number 2, Winter 2012 EDITORIAL At the 2012 conference of the Career

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF

CAREERDEVELOPMENT

Winter 2012 • Volume 21 • Number 2

Volume 21, Number 2, Winter 2012

Australian Journal of Career Development

Editor

Dr PETER McILVEENUniversity of Southern Queensland

Editorial advisory Board

James Athanasou James Psychological Consultants

Peter Creed Griffith University

Suzette Dyer University of Waikato

Anna Lichtenberg Deakin University

Col McCowan oam Queensland University of Technology

Mary McMahon University of Queensland

Wendy Patton Queensland University of Technology

Robert Pryor Australian Catholic University

Meredith Shears Consultant

Rob Ware WorkWare Solutions

intErnational advisErs

Norm Gysbers University of Missouri Columbia, USA

Mark Savickas Northeastern Ohio Universities College of Medicine Ohio, USA

Tony Watts National Institute for Careers Education and Counselling Cambridge, UK

Published and distributed by the Australian Council for Educational Research, Private Bag 55, Camberwell, 3124.Copyright © 2012 Australian Council for Educational Research. ISSN 1038-4162

1A u s t r a l i a n J o u r n a l o f C a r e e r D e v e l o p m e n t Vo l u m e 2 1 , N u m b e r 2 , Wi n t e r 2 0 1 2

CONTENTS

Editor ialPeter McIlveen 2

Ar ticlesUpholding equality and social justice: A social constructivist perspective on emancipatory career guidance practice 3Barbara Bassot

An overview of New Zealand career development services 14Dale Furbish

Testing the utility of person–environment correspondence theory with instructional technology students in Turkey 25Serkan Perkmen

Career counselling new and professional immigrants: Theories into practice 36Tara Kennedy and Charles P. Chen

Practice Application Br iefUsing innovative technology to overcome job interview anxiety 46David Rockawin

2 A u s t r a l i a n J o u r n a l o f C a r e e r D e v e l o p m e n t Vo l u m e 2 1 , N u m b e r 2 , Wi n t e r 2 0 1 2

EDITORIAL

At the 2012 conference of the Career Development Association of Australia (CDAA) held in Canberra in March, I had the honour of announcing the winner of CDAA’s prize for the best article published in the Australian Journal of Career Development in 2011. The winners were Shari Walsh and Kelly Tucker for their article ‘The perspectives of students undertaking master’s degrees by coursework on career development’.

This annual prize highlights the fantastic scholarship and practice in the field. The award also highlights the important role that professional associations can play in promoting the importance of research, particularly applied research that informs policy and practice. The article by Walsh and Tucker certainly informs the provision of career counselling and career education.

I’m sure the financial reward of a prize such as this is welcomed by participants. An award also represents a formal acknowledgement by peers. Along with a sense of personal satisfaction, it may also bring secondary institutional benefits and enhanced reputation. For example, an award may improve one’s chances of securing a promotion or a new consulting contract. There may be scope for media attention, commentary on a blog or a social networking site. In effect, an award such as this can do much more than just acknowledge the outstanding work of the recipients: it can raise the profile of the profession of career development and the research that underpins good practice. To that end, CDAA deserves acknowledgement and thanks for its contribution to the field.

This issue of the journal features a perspective on social constructivism. Barbara Bassot presents a view of social constructivism derived from the work of Vygotsky. This approach is differentiated from constructivism and social constructionism, which have been omnipresent in the career development literature in recent years.

Dale Furbish overviews career development services in New Zealand and provides a historical perspective on their evolution over the past century.

Serkan Perkmen reports on a fascinating study based upon the person–environment correspondence theory. This research reveals the preferences of instructional technology students regarding achievement and occupational preferences.

Tara Kennedy and Charles Chen overview some of the important issues faced by new immigrants. Although their article is written in the context of Canada, its themes and application of theory are relevant to similar international settings.

In his Practice Application Brief, David Rockawin demonstrates an intervention to deal with interview anxiety. Career counsellors will appreciate the potential of this innovative approach.

I wish you enjoyable reading.Dr Peter McIlveen, Editor


UPHOLDING EQUALITY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE: A

SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVIST PERSPECTIVE ON

EMANCIPATORY CAREER GUIDANCE PRACTICE

BARBARA BASSOT

Canterbur y Chr ist Church Univer sity, UK

Correspondence concerning this ar ticle should be addressed to: Barbara Bassot, barbara.bassot@canterbur y.ac .uk

After several years of political agendas focused on social inclusion, career guidance practice needs to return to its roots of promoting equality and social justice. This conceptual article argues that for many years there has been an overreliance on theories focused on the individual, and examines the relationship between social structures and individual agency. It presents insights from a social constructivist perspective, built on the application of collectivist interpretations of the zone of proximal development, situated learning and activity theory. Social constructivism asserts that individuals cannot be separated from their social context, and that social context is dynamic and constantly changing. The article concludes with the identification of the zone of proximal development as a useful overarching construct to support progress towards emancipatory career guidance practice.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (2004) international review

highlighted three key goals for career guidance: ‘to improve the efficiency of education systems and labour markets; and to contribute to social equity’

(p. 7). But the task of promoting social equity becomes problematic when studies show that societal factors such as race, gender and social class appear to have a greater impact on young people’s decisions than the desires and aspirations of the individual


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(Cabinet Office, 2009; Roberts, 2005). Irrespective of the aims of individuals, it seems that society’s norms in privileging the white middle class remain dominant. The compelling question regarding how career guidance can promote equality in societies where stereotyping on the grounds of race, gender and disability are prevalent remains unanswered.

Defining TermsIt is important to attempt to define some key terms in relation to concepts of equality. This is a challenging and complex task as many of these terms are contested and can be used interchangeably. In short, a term like equality means different things to different people and it is not possible within the amount of space given here to examine the subtle nuances that are evident. Straw’s (1989) three-level model is helpful in this regard and is used here as a framework for analysis. These three levels, the key terms associated with each of them and their relative merits and weaknesses will now be discussed.

‘Equal chance’ represents the first level of Straw’s model. This is a liberal, individualistic approach where the focus is on sameness and everyone having equality of opportunity. Based on the principles of meritocracy, individuals achieve on the basis of their own hard work and talents through the operation of fair policies and procedures. Margaret Thatcher’s words, ‘I owe nothing to women’s lib.’ are spoken from this standpoint; in other words: I got here on my own merit, if I can do it, in theory anyone can. From this perspective, the responsibility lies with individuals to empower themselves in order to achieve their potential. But equal chance pays no attention to the history of discrimination and the unjustifiable barriers in place that restrict access for some.

‘Equal access’ at the second level is a radical approach that recognises and seeks to counteract the history of discrimination. It focuses on the removal of any unnecessary barriers that restrict access to opportunities and maintain oppressive practices that marginalise people. Equal access recognises and celebrates diversity, arguing for an inclusive society where the talents and skills of all are recognised. In order to achieve this, inequalities have to be dealt with to achieve a ‘level playing field’ towards the achievement of social justice. But equal access focuses on processes and fails to consider issues of outcomes.

‘Equal share’ is the third level of the model; at this level not only is access and representation gained,

but there is representation at every level. Account is taken of the history of particular groups, and society’s structures ensure positive outcomes for all. In relation to employment, the only criteria against which people discriminate in terms of recruitment, selection and promotion are lawful, justifiable and necessary. Here equality is achieved through emancipation, where all citizens are regarded as being equal with one another and society’s structures act to prevent discrimination. A level playing field has been achieved and all people have the freedom to participate in society, are fully aware of opportunities and are able to access them; this forms the basis for emancipatory career guidance practice. Presented as an ideal to work towards, some would argue that equal share is simply idealistic (Roberts, 2005).

from PromoTing equaliTy of oPPorTuniTy To social inclusionFrom the early days of statutory career guidance in the UK, for example, Careers Advisers have been required by successive governments to promote ‘equality of opportunity’ (Department for Education and Employment, 1995; Department of Employment, Welsh Office, 1988). More recently, the focus of career guidance practice in the UK included promoting equality of opportunity (equal chance). In that country the Memorandum of Guidance (1980) laid out ‘requirements’ (activities required by legislation) and ‘guidance’ (examples of good practice that were desirable but not mandatory). Actively promoting ‘equality of opportunity’ was included within the requirements and was, therefore, not optional. Although writers such as Bates and colleagues (1984) were committed to this ideal, they questioned how it could be achieved in the difficult economic conditions of the period.

From the late 1990s, career guidance was ‘refocused’ under New Labour to an emphasis on social inclusion (equal access). In England, where career guidance was subsumed within Connexions Services aimed at supporting young people holistically, this shift was characterised by a move to targeted work with young people on the margins and at risk of social exclusion (those not in employment, education or training). Far from being a move towards a radical approach promoting equality for those on the margins, many practitioners still speak of a shift towards social


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inclusion at all costs, as policy-makers became obsessed by reducing the figures of those not in employment, education or training, and managers felt a compulsion to comply, in order to retain their government funding. The once clear focus of career guidance practice on promoting equality of opportunity was replaced by reducing the figures of those not in employment, education or training, sometimes interpreted as getting young people into any available work or training to achieve targets.

It is not surprising that recent reports therefore show a move backwards during the last 15 years in relation to young people and social mobility, particularly when examining entry into the professions (Cabinet Office, 2009). If progress is to be made in this regard, career guidance practitioners need to reclaim the ground of promoting equality and social justice and return to their ‘long-neglected paths once blazed by their forebears’ (Barley, 1989, p. 41).

unDersTanDing sTrucTure anD agencyIt is important at this point to define the terms structure and agency. Structure refers to social divisions and the power relations that are closely related to them. Thompson (2006) defined structure as ‘the wider level of social forces, the socio-political dimension of interlocking patterns of power and influence’ (p. 28). By contrast, agency focuses on the individual and was defined by Bruner (1996) as ‘the sense that one can initiate and carry out activities on one’s own’ (p. 35).

The ways in which people make their career choices have been the subject of much study and lively debate. The general theoretical terrain of career guidance is broad and interdisciplinary and includes psychology, sociology and education, as well as economics, politics and management. There is a continuing determinist or voluntarist debate in research (Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 2007), which is also played out in literature about career. The degree to which individuals are conditioned by their external circumstances or have the capacity to create their own environment is hotly contested. In such debates individuals and society are sometimes placed somewhat simplistically as polar opposites, and where career is concerned, many approaches give much greater emphasis to

the individual; overall, as Blustein, McWhirter and Perry (2005) asserted, ‘vocational psychology is still dominated by a worldview that implicitly values autonomy and individualism’ (p. 142).

Early theoretical approaches to career and guidance were predominantly psychological in nature, with

their emphasis placed firmly on the individual but this does not mean that sociological approaches were absent from literature during that period. For example, vast amounts of research were carried out by the Chicago School of Sociology in relation to career over a number of years from the 1920s until the 1950s (Barley, 1989). But in the UK, theories about career remained

predominantly psychological in nature until the 1970s, when UK-based sociologists became interested in how people make their career decisions within social structures (Roberts, 1977; Willis, 1977).

The first writers to develop a sophisticated model bringing together psychological, sociological and economic approaches were Blau, Gustad, Jessor, Parnes and Wilcock as early as 1956. Similarly Campbell (1969) developed what he termed ‘vocational ecology’, which also drew together these three academic disciplines in relation to career. Several years later, other writers drew on psychological and sociological perspectives in writing about career; Barley’s (1989) ‘subjective career’ and ‘objective career’ and Bell and Staw’s (1989) ‘internal career’ and ‘external career’ are examples of this. Such approaches view self and society as complementary but separate, with the influences of both being emphasised. More recently, researchers in the field of youth transitions (Evans, 2002) have identified ‘the need to reconsider both structural influences and the sense of agency and control displayed by young people as they move into adulthood’ (p. 246). However, the individualistic nature of American society and culture has served to keep the individual at the centre and society on the periphery (Rogoff, 1990).

In the latter part of the 20th century, the work of Hodkinson, Sparkes and Hodkinson has also attempted to consider the influences of the individual and society in relation to career. Their theory of ‘careership’ (Hodkinson et al., 1996) and in particular their concepts of ‘pragmatic rationality’ and ‘horizons

‘The once clear focus of career guidance practice on promoting equality of opportunity was replaced by reducing the figures of those not in employment, education or training.’


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for action’ are useful in describing how people make decisions. Pragmatic rationality is markedly different from previous models of decision-making and is ‘grounded in the culture and the identities of the young people’, who made their decisions in line with their horizons for action (Hodkinson et al., p. 123). These horizons were formed by notions young people had about themselves combined with knowledge of the opportunities around them, and their perceptions from their life histories regarding what they felt they could achieve. Consideration is given to the individual within their social context, but the data showed that patterns of stereotyping and discrimination were perpetuated. Like Willis (1977), Hodkinson and colleagues found that young people made choices within their social context and generally conformed to—even actively reproduced—society’s norms. No consideration is given to how their ‘horizons for action’ could be expanded or extended; as a result, this study does not offer insights into how inequality can be overcome.

By contrast, the work of Blustein and colleagues (2005) put forward an emancipatory approach to vocational development theory, research and practice, which focused on some of the ways in which vocational psychology could promote and even bring about equality. This emancipatory approach has its roots in the work of Prilleltensky (2003), which assumed an activist social justice agenda (Blustein et al., 2005). The researchers called for an expansion of the work of career practitioners beyond the scope of the individual, in order to influence the systems and structures of society, with the ultimate goal of improving ‘the effects of these systems on the vocational outcomes of the general public’ (Blustein et al., p. 144). This can be done, they suggested, by achieving a balance between self-determination, caring and compassion, collaboration and democratic participation and respect for diversity and distributive justice, which will ‘address the need for liberation among all groups that are dominated in society’ (Blustein et al., p. 150).

While the arguments put forward are compelling, as their paper progresses it becomes somewhat evangelistic in its expression, as Blustein and colleagues (2005) suggest the ways in which vocational psychologists can bring about change in the world at large. Unfortunately this weakens many of the arguments that have been made earlier, particularly in relation to the enormous scale of the task at hand. This is further weakened when the writers themselves

admit that ‘this degree of time commitment is not expected nor is it encouraged as a reflection of balanced or healthy lifestyle’ (Blustein et al., p. 170). Overall, the impression one is left with is that this emancipatory approach is idealistic and not achievable in practice; this mirrors the limitations of career guidance identified by Roberts (1977).

The changing concePT of careerAlongside the determinist or voluntarist debate, a move from notions of a career for life to those of a career constructed by individuals throughout their lives is evident in career development literature (Collin & Young, 2000). Over the last 15 years, the concept of career has been the subject of significant reorientation. During most of the previous century, the words ‘career’ and ‘work’, or more particularly ‘paid work’, were seen within career guidance practice as synonymous. The work of career practitioners involved making an assessment of the individual in relation to occupations in order to seek a good match between the two. This could be seen as falling within the positivist paradigm, where the objective reality of a career for life, to which a person could be matched, was sought. These matching approaches have been criticised heavily in the UK as being out of date and unsuitable for the 21st century (Skills Commission, 2008).

In the later part of the 20th century, the notion of a job for life was called into question in the UK, not least because of economic recessions, when paid work was scarce as the manufacturing base of the UK economy declined. The impact of globalisation and the use of information and communications technology were further factors in creating constant and rapid change in people’s experiences of career. The need for individuals to be able to navigate a career pathway through life grew in prominence. Savickas (2000, p. 59) asserted that people needed to be ‘managers of their own worklives’ and become more ‘self-directed to flourish in the postmodern information age’ (p. 59). For this to happen, McCash (2006) argued that people needed to become ‘career researchers’. But Jacoby (1999) suggested that the view that a career for life no longer existed has been exaggerated and was not supported by sufficient labour market evidence.

Positivist traditions with their emphasis on rational planning, ideally suited to stable environments, began to be rejected at the theoretical level, in favour of


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constructivist approaches, where the client is an active participant in the process of constructing their career, for example through narratives (McMahon & Patton, 2002, 2006). In her evaluation of these approaches, Reid (2006) warned against approaches that failed to move beyond ‘the individual as the sole author of their story’ as they would then fail ‘to resonate with “reality” ’ (p. 32), and argued that there needs to be a focus on the individual and his or her social context. Patton and McMahon’s (2006a) systems theory framework, like Law’s (1996) career learning theory, focused on the continuing interaction between individuals and their environment. In this particular regard, the life-designing paradigm of Savickas and colleagues (2009) is similar.

But constructivist approaches to career so far have failed to examine the dynamic between agency and structure. Overall, the individual remains at centre stage and the reconceptualisation of guidance as being part of lifelong learning places the onus squarely on the shoulders of the individual, who has to manage their career and adapt to change, yet the extent to which anyone can navigate their own pathway through life and manage their own career is highly contestable. Career management implies a degree of control on the part of the individual, when the decisions of employers and the state of the labour market also play a key part in the process. The notion of career management can be alien to many who feel they have no career to manage as a result of social exclusion.

from consTrucTivism To social consTrucTivism In describing constructivism, Patton and McMahon (2006b) asserted that ‘Constructivism is directly derived from the contextualist worldview; the “reality” of world events is constructed “from the inside out” through the individual’s own thinking and processing’ (p. 4). But individuals are described as open systems that interact constantly with their environment. In their introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Vocational Behavior, Young and Collin (2004) analysed the ambiguity caused by the often interchangeable use of the terms ‘constructivism’ and ‘social constructionism’. They offered the following definitions for clarity. Constructivism ‘focuses on meaning making and the constructing of the social

and psychological worlds through individual, cognitive processes’ and social constructionism ‘emphasizes that the social and psychological worlds are made real (constructed) through social processes and interaction’ (Young & Collin, 2004, p. 375). Patton and McMahon (2006) accepted Young and Collin’s suggestion that the terms constructivism and social constructionism be combined under the term ‘constructivisms’.

But Colley (2007, p. 481), in her review of McMahon and Patton’s (2006) book, stated that its ‘exclusive reliance on psychology as the underpinning discipline’ was problematic, as it failed to consider the contributions of critical theory (which draws on social constructivism) and sociological studies related to career choice and development. Young and Collin (2004), in their outline of the various branches of

constructivism, included a short discussion of the potential of social constructivism in relation to career. They argued that it differs from social constructionism because of its dualist assumptions; that is, its focus on the individual mind in society (Vygotsky, 1978) as distinct from the more singular social focus of social

constructionism. They stated that the perceived failure of constructivism’s focus on the individual and its neglect in considering issues of social interactions and context is being dealt with by social constructivist approaches, but make only passing reference to them. Such dualist considerations, they argued, ‘make self-reflection, meaning-making, autobiography, and hence career, possible’ (Young & Collin, 2004, p. 376). Clearly, it is now time for social constructivist approaches to enter the career theory arena.

The work of Vygotsky (1978) and the subsequent work of writers who have based some of their ideas on his work (for example, Engeström, 1995; Lave & Wenger, 1991) fall within the paradigm of social constructivism. From this perspective it is argued that knowledge is constructed through participation in activity rather than acquired purely cognitively. The word ‘social’, when linked with the term constructivism, is important in two different ways. Firstly, it highlights the interpersonal nature of learning, where people construct knowledge and meaning through interactions with others. Secondly, it emphasises the social and cultural context of learners, characterised by the norms and values passed on

‘The notion of career management can be alien to many who feel they have no career to manage as a result

of social exclusion.’


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through generations. Language performs a central role in both instances, as it is the means by which people interact and pass on culture and traditions (Gergen, 1995). With its roots in phenomenology and symbolic interactionism, social constructivism argues that people develop in society, and are immersed in, and inseparable from, their culture. Culture is not static but is dynamic and has a capacity for change.

In contrast to constructivist perspectives, social constructivism argues that knowledge is constructed ‘from the outside in’ through activity and interactions with others, in a changing cultural context. Social constructivism offers a means to explore the dynamic between agency and structure, and hence the scope for change in the power relations within society’s structures. This suggests a new perspective where equality and social justice can be promoted and the possibility of emancipation becomes evident. Given the potential of social constructivism to achieve all this, it is surprising that this has not been studied before.

vygoTskian anD neo-vygoTskian aPProachesThe emergence of social constructivist approaches to career is evident in the work of Bloomer and Hodkinson (2000), who drew on situated approaches to learning (Lave & Wenger, 1991) to construct their notion of the learning career. Bloomer (2001) also argued that activity theory warrants closer attention in relation to career.

Very few references can be found in literature about career and guidance to either Vygotsky or to the work of those who follow him. Exceptions are the work of Young, Valach & Collin (1995) and their contextual explanation of career; Peavy’s (2000) work on socio-dynamic counselling; the work of Bloomer and Hodkinson (2000) and Bloomer (2001); a reader published by the Department for Education and Skills (2001) for people participating in Understanding Connexions courses, where Vygotsky’s work is included in a chapter on learning theories; the work of Young and Collin (2004); Bassot (2006, 2009, in press) and the work of Barnes, Bassot and Chant (2011). Sultana (2010) called for an opening of ‘the door to an engagement with Vygotsky’s socio-historical views of the relation between culture and cognition’ in order to make ‘the conceptual link with the theoretical framework inspiring many of the chapters in the volume – constructivism’ (p. 124).

Similarly, there is a lack of reference to Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development in career and guidance literature. From his research with children, Vygotsky (1978) defined the zone of proximal development as ‘the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers’ (p. 86). Learners are supported in the process and this support is gradually reduced until the learner becomes independent; what learners can do with help today, they will be able to do alone tomorrow. Gillen’s (2000) work argued that the zone of proximal development was not central to Vygotsky’s thought, but many have treated it as such, particularly in education where it has come to prominence. She also highlighted some controversies in relation to the translation of Vygotsky’s work from Russian into English, which, while making the work more accessible internationally, also involved interpretation. But at the heart of Vygotsky’s interests was ‘the influence of society on the way we think and speak’ (Gillen, 2000, p. 196) and the dynamic between society and self.

Since Vygotsky’s death, writers have taken some of his ideas and have inevitably interpreted them in different ways. As a result, the following three groups of interpretations of the zone of proximal development can be found in the literature (Lave & Wenger, 1991). The first group is termed a ‘scaffolding interpretation’, which focuses on the relationship between a learner and a more experienced individual in the social construction of knowledge (Wood, 1998). The second group is termed a ‘cultural’ interpretation, which focuses on the difference between knowledge passed on through instruction, and knowledge generated by everyday experience (Davydov & Markova, 1983). The third group is termed a ‘collectivist’ interpretation, which views the zone of proximal development more broadly as the difference between what an individual can achieve by everyday actions and what can be achieved by individuals within collectives, and the collectives themselves. Here, situated perspectives on learning are prominent, where learners are viewed as individual agents integrated within their social world, learning by participation in communities of practice, coupled with activity theory, where activity systems interact with one another to bring about change from within. In all three interpretations, two facets of the


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zone of proximal development must be noted: firstly, that people learn best those things that are within their zone of proximal development (or proximal to them) rather than outside (or at a distance); secondly, that interactions with others enable the individual to achieve more than they could achieve alone. Living in a complex world, where change is constant and the future of career becomes ever more difficult to predict (Bloch, 2005), a model that focuses on what people can achieve next with support is vital for career guidance practice.

It is important to emphasise at this point that the focus of this article is on the third group, ‘collectivist’ interpretations, because of their capacity to bring about change in relation to issues of equality. It is also important to recognise that focusing on either the first group of interpretations of the zone of proximal development (scaffolding) or the second (cultural) appears to imply more of an advisory role for career guidance practitioners, where knowledge is passed on to the client. This might suggest a fundamental challenge to client-centred practice (Rogers, 1965) but Wood’s (1998) description of scaffolding shows it to be activity based, where the teacher keeps ‘the child involved in task activity long enough to figure out how to do it for themselves’ (p. 99). This could be described as the co-construction of knowledge, where the aim of the teacher (or career guidance practitioner) is to work with the client in order to arm them with the relevant cultural tools to enable them to make progress. An examination of a scaffolding approach to career guidance practice may be worthwhile, but is not the subject of this article.

Writing from a collectivist view of the zone of proximal development and a situated approach to learning, Lave and Wenger (1991, p. 15) argued that ‘Learning is a process that takes place in a participation framework, not in an individual mind’. Within this framework, individuals learn by participating with others in activities that are culturally situated and as a result of experiences gained, discover meanings and construct knowledge through negotiation with others. Within the framework of participation, ‘understanding and experience are in constant interaction—indeed are mutually constitutive’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991, p. 15). The individual agent, his or her experiences and the social world are all brought together and are interdependent. The individual is viewed as person-in-the-world and cannot be separated from the social

context; the individual and society ‘are mutually involved to an extent that precludes regarding them as independently definable’ (Rogoff, 1990, p. 28). The nature of social practice is described as ‘conflictual’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991) and such conflicts within the community of practice act as catalysts for change.

Where self and society merge, and learning happens via participation, two other key aspects are worthy of note. Firstly, learning happens through activity and by participation. This involves the whole person, and, as a result, people change. Here, ‘Learning … implies becoming a different person’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991, p. 53). Secondly, as people participate in communities, so the community itself is transformed over time; cultural practices adapt and change as new meanings and knowledge are generated through conflicts and contradictions. Communities of practice are not static but change in the light of the experiences of those participating within them.

The issue of how individuals can learn about career when they cannot yet participate in the relevant community of practice remains elusive. Access to such communities (such as employment, training, further and higher education) can be open or restricted through the exercise of power. Situated approaches to learning cannot deal with issues of transfer from one community of practice to another (Tuomi-Gröhn, Engeström & Young, 2003) but activity theory’s (Engeström, 1995, 2001) potential to explain changes within systems, along with its consideration of issues of access, transfer and boundary-crossing between systems, has much to offer in relation to questions of career choice and the promotion of equality and social justice.

Activity systems are described by Cole, Engeström and Vasquez (1997):

[as] not short-lived events or actions that have a

temporally clear-cut beginning and end. They are

systems that produce events and actions and evolve

over lengthy periods of sociohistorical time … The

activity system incessantly reconstructs itself through

actions and discourse. (p. 4)

Activity systems often take the form of organisations and institutions, and activity here is defined more broadly as the way things are done, embedded in culture, which slowly changes and realigns itself over time. Employment, education and training are examples of activity systems, as are the individual


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institutions (employing organisations, schools and colleges) within them. These activity systems do not exist in isolation but interact with one another; a key feature is a system’s capacity to change as a result of contradictions, due to ‘historically accumulating structural tensions within and between activity systems’ (Engeström, 2001, p. 137). As open systems, tensions within them are often initiated from outside, which can facilitate change within the system itself.

reTurning To equaliTy anD social JusTice Having examined some key concepts offered by social constructivism, it is now important to examine whether or not they have anything new to offer to career guidance practice, particularly in relation to issues of equality and social justice. Much could be said here about such things as the need for career guidance practice to be active and interactive, the vital role that career professionals play in facilitating client participation in a range of relevant activities and that client involvement is crucial and must be facilitated by suitably qualified and experienced staff. All of this has been said before.

Two key facets of the zone of proximal development are worthy of note. First, activities and discussion must be focused on what the client can do next, in order to challenge them and to enable them to gain experience and understanding beyond their current position and perspective. Such experience must be within the zone of proximal development, so within the reach of the client and not beyond it. At every opportunity there must be opportunities for discussion to enable clients to learn more through interactions with others than they can alone. This will foster a culture of participation on the part of clients, so that they can construct new knowledge about career. Career guidance interviews offer space for reflection, to enable clients to think through various aspects of their future lives that they cannot yet experience directly.

Second, while support is vital in enabling clients to make progress in their thinking, it is important to remember that over time this support should be reduced in order to enable clients to become independent. In particular, clients need to learn

career-related research skills that they will be able to apply when they inevitably experience change in the future and may not have easy access to support from a professional practitioner.

Activity theory (Engeström, 1995, 2001) acts as a reminder that it is vital for career guidance practitioners to enable clients to gain access to new and different communities of practice to facilitate participation, in order to promote equality and social justice. In particular it is important that clients gain experience in non-traditional areas, so that their perspectives (and those of employers) can be broadened beyond the usual stereotypes. This will enable clients to challenge their own thinking and may encourage them to begin to see themselves differently. At the same time, employers will also be challenged to see their workforces differently.

Career guidance practice from a social constructivist perspective assumes that cultural context is not static, but has the capacity for change. Such change is brought about by conflicts and contradictions that act as catalysts. It is important that professional practitioners are dissatisfied with the status quo and view conflict as an opportunity rather than a threat. Career guidance operates at the interface between the activity systems of schools, colleges, universities and employers and

needs to enable these systems to work together to the benefit of clients. In facilitating client participation within a range of activity systems, change can happen from within and equality and social justice can be promoted.

It is important to remember that in spite of the UK government’s preoccupation with young people who are not employed, in education or training, the majority of young

people are well motivated, succeed in education and have high aspirations for their futures (Cabinet Office, 2009). But a high level of agency on the part of young people will not be enough to deal with the systemic structural inequalities evident in society. Young people need opportunities to participate so that activity systems can be changed from within. When young people exercise agency, and society’s structures in the form of activity systems are open to change, proximity within the zone of proximal development is maximised, participation will be widened and the status quo will be changed from within.

‘It is important that professional practitioners are

dissatisfied with the status quo and view conflict as an opportunity rather than a

threat.’


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None of this is meant to imply that large-scale structural change will happen overnight or that every individual will want to participate. Indeed, the story of the trainee butchers in Lave and Wenger’s Situated learning (1991) provides a cautionary tale regarding the ways in which learning can be restricted when power within the community of practice is used in order to deny access. But, through both the enthusiasm and the commitment of individual agents, together with the commitment of activity systems to become proximal to the lives of a wider range of people by giving them opportunities to participate, change can happen.

conclusionsIn a globalised world where change is endemic, it becomes impossible to predict labour market trends accurately. With rapid technological advances, the future of career and the nature of work itself are also difficult to foresee. In such a complex and unpredictable environment, perhaps career guidance can only focus on what clients can do next within the zone of proximal development, as they construct career throughout their life course. This points to the zone as a valuable overarching construct for career guidance theory and practice.

Career guidance needs to make space for practice in the zone of proximal development, in order to fulfil its requirement to promote equality and social justice. Without individual agents from non-traditional backgrounds being encouraged to participate in areas outside their current perspectives, the status quo will remain. Individual agency alone is not enough. Those who lead activity systems also have decisions to make. Activity theory shows how activity systems can be open to transformatory change from within. Such systems can become proximal to clients in their localities by positively encouraging participation, or they can remain distant by discouraging it. Many young people have high levels of individual agency and are keen to participate but they need opportunities to engage actively in such participation, which only the relevant activity systems can provide.

Careers advisers are ideally placed within a framework of client-centred guidance practice to foster a culture of individual agency in their work, but alone this is not enough to promote equality and social justice effectively. Activity systems have to play their part too, in being open and encouraging participation, thereby becoming proximal to the lives

of people in their communities. When career guidance practitioners encourage and support individual agents to take up opportunities to participate in activity systems, change can begin to come about from within. Such emancipatory career guidance practice enables equality and social justice to move towards becoming a reality, not simply an ideal.

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AN OVERVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND CAREER

DEVELOPMENT SERVICES

DALE FURBISH

Auckland Univer sity of Technology

Correspondence concerning this ar ticle should be addressed to: Dale Furbish, dale [email protected] .nz

Career development services have existed in New Zealand since the early part of the 20th century. In many aspects, the profession has developed in New Zealand parallel to the development of career guidance and counselling in other Western countries but New Zealand also represents a unique context. In acknowledgement of the distinctive characteristics of New Zealand career services, this article will provide an overview by reviewing the history of New Zealand career services, discussing theoretical influences over time, providing the context for career development in New Zealand, examining some of the unique influences on career services and identifying current challenges for the delivery of career services in New Zealand.

New Zealand’s remote location, economic base, social milieu and political environment

have combined to produce a unique combination of influences on career development services in this country. This article will examine the history of career services in New Zealand as well as identify the contexts, training, theoretical influences, special characteristics and current issues within the profession.

A variety of terms have been used to refer to the services intended to assist New Zealanders with career issues. Among these are career counselling, career guidance, career advice, career management, career practice and career coaching. Each term reflects a somewhat different theoretical philosophy, goals for the service and training of the career practitioner.

For the sake of consistency and ease, the term ‘career services’ will be used throughout this article to refer to the range of career assistance and ‘career practitioners’ will be used to refer to career specialists who assist individuals with their careers. Not all will agree with this convention but to separate each different career service is beyond the scope of the current discussion.

hisToryNew Zealand is a small country (current population 4.3 million) located in the South Pacific, south-east of Australia. Historically it has been a colony and dominion of the British empire and today is affiliated with the UK as a commonwealth realm. New Zealand has a multicultural population which is 67.6%


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European, 14.6% Maori, 9.2% Asian and 6.9% Pacific Peoples (Pasifika) (Statistics New Zealand, 2006).

The founding political document of New Zealand is the Treaty of Waitangi, which was signed in 1840 between the British Crown and various leaders of Maori, the indigenous people of New Zealand. The Treaty provided for British sovereignty and included principles of protection, participation and partnership between the Crown and Maori. Maori believed that the Treaty provided protection by the British Crown but that they reserved the right to manage their own affairs and retained ownership of the land. The British interpretation of sovereignty granted to them by the Treaty was much more expansive. The application of the Treaty largely ignored Maori rights granted by the Treaty until the 1960s when Maori activism contributed to the creation of processes to deal with grievances (Spoonley, 1993).

career services in new ZealanDWinterbourn (1974) traced the origin of New Zealand career services to programs initiated by the Christchurch Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in 1913. Assistance provided by the YMCA was largely advisory in nature, targeting undecided primary school leavers with information about opportunities to continue their education at secondary school. Services were limited and available primarily to males of European heritage in an urban area. Career services focused on educational decisions, often with the intent of directing boys into technical or trades education. These nascent career services had little relevance for most students during this era. Agriculture was the most important occupation in the New Zealand economy, with few other occupational options (Prichard, 1970). The natural course for children of agricultural families was to continue to work in agriculture. Little need for career guidance was necessary.

World War I stimulated great changes in New Zealand’s economy. Significant numbers of New Zealand males were diverted from civilian work to military service in Europe and the Middle East. At the same time, New Zealand was called upon by the UK, of which it was a colony at that time, to increase its production of meat, dairy and other agricultural products for export to the UK. Manufacturing became an increasingly important sector during this era;

again, largely in response to the need to supply the UK with materials necessary for its war economy. Although the war years saw increased diversification of occupational options in New Zealand, the nation continued to rely on agriculture as its economic base. Returning servicemen were allocated plots of land in recognition of their military service. The primacy of agriculture continued to belie the need for extensive career guidance services.

The New Zealand government began to become systematically involved in career services during the 1920s. Indeed, since this period, government policies and funding have shaped much of New Zealand career assistance. An early government career initiative was the Apprenticeship Act (1923), which contributed to the need for advice and guidance for school students as entry into apprenticeships. Other occupationally relevant training became more available.

The Great Depression exacerbated the difficulties associated with the task of making occupational decisions and generated additional career initiatives. In 1929, the Labour Department held meetings in seventeen New Zealand cities and towns to investigate youth unemployment, with the resulting formation of citizen committees to alleviate the problem by strategies such as encouraging each employer to hire at least one new boy (Winterbourn, 1974). As evidenced by this program, career services were directed mostly to young males of European background. Females were not considered to be in need of career services, nor were Maori of either gender. During this era, the government career programs were focused towards students. Although the Depression created tremendous issues for adult careers, government vocational support for adults was limited to work relief schemes.

Career guidance clinics were established at some New Zealand universities during the 1920s. These clinics were not intended for university students, but rather for secondary school students with mental health or mental development concerns. The structure of these services was greatly influenced by psychological models developed in the USA during this period and the services were to assist these students with special needs to make occupational or educational choices. The services were located within university psychology departments and were structured as psychological laboratories. The approaches heavily reflected psychological models developed from ‘trait and factor’ theories, aimed at


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matching individuals with suitable occupations, and were based on the psychometric assessment of abilities and personality.

Widespread career services were not generally available to school students until the early 1930s. Winterbourn (1974) identified exemplary programs in Auckland and in Wanganui. As was often the case in this era, these innovative services were the product of the efforts of individual educational leaders rather than systemic approaches in the schools.

The first New Zealand Labour government was elected in 1935. As an outcome, the government introduced a range of welfare policies to expand government-supported social services and deal with the needs created by economic depression and growing numbers of unemployed people. As part of this initiative, free guidance counselling was made available for school pupils in targeted schools and the Vocational Guidance Service was brought under the control of the Department of Education. Specific training for those who delivered career guidance was not in-depth. The labour department provided office and clerical resources while the education department provided part-time vocational guidance officers (usually teachers who expressed an interest in assisting students either find employment or enter further education). This arrangement continued until 1943, when government priorities shifted in response to World War II. The labour department then became more focused on manpower issues to support the war effort. Vocational guidance became the responsibility of the Department of Education alone.

In the postwar era, Vocational Guidance Service was a small division within the large education system. In many ways, career services were not a priority in New Zealand during the postwar years. During this period, full employment was realised and New Zealand’s economy boomed. The country had a guaranteed market for its products in the UK since New Zealand was a key exporter to the UK while the British economy recovered from the war years (Easton, 1997). In this environment, young people had less motivation to plan for careers, as they were virtually assured of employment or funding to attend tertiary education.

The New Zealand economy began to contract in the late 1960s. For the first time in many years, career concerns became more salient for New Zealanders as employment opportunities lessened. An indicator of

this shift is evidenced in the initiation of expanded services whereby adults, as well as youth, became eligible to receive vocational guidance from the Vocational Guidance Service.

The 1970s saw another shift of responsibility within the government for providing career services. The labour department was designated as the responsible governmental department for providing vocational assistance and the newly formed Employment and Vocational Guidance Service became the umbrella agency for services. Due to its mandate, career services under the Department of Labour emphasised services to the unemployed.

The 1980s proved to be one of the most difficult economic eras in New Zealand’s history. In 1984, the government set economic policies to a ‘user pays’ philosophy. Government subsidies and payments to New Zealanders were greatly reduced. Policies contributed initially to an economic boom but the share market crash of 1987 resulted in the bubble bursting, with greatly diminished government-supported career services available to the public. Employment services became a priority in order to assist the large number of workers displaced by the economic downturn. Global economic factors and internal changes brought about by government legislation such as the Employment Contract Act (1991) (Morrison, 2003) resulted in significantly modified employment and education environments that necessitated a government response to assist with the career issues of New Zealanders.

A change in government-sponsored career services occurred in 1990, when the Vocational Guidance Service became the Career Development and Transition Education Service under the Ministry of Education. The service was split into an employment service (ACCESS) and the division that was responsible for career guidance to schools was renamed Quest rapuara (rapuara meaning to ‘seek out’ in Maori language). In addition to its general career services to schools mandate, Quest rapuara developed information resources in Maori language in an attempt to better serve Maori, as well as developing guidance services that specifically targeted Maori youth. The Ministry of Education has continued to be responsible for vocational services since 1990. The current government career organisation, now named Careers New Zealand, remains under the Ministry of Education. Careers New Zealand provides resources


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and support to career activities in secondary schools. It also offers career services to clients of other government agencies and fee-paid career services to the public.

Careers New Zealand has become a model government-funded career services provider. Besides extensive career information available on its website—www.careers.govt.nz—it has developed innovative delivery modes such as telephone and online career information. Watts (2007) asserted that the New Zealand government–funded career agency was ‘the most fully-integrated version of a national multi-channel all-age service in the world that is dedicated to career planning support’ (p. 9).

Currently, Careers New Zealand has reduced the focus on face-to-face career services in favour of online and telephone delivery of career assistance. The shift away from face-to-face career services formats has been prompted in part by a desire to use technology to reach more New Zealanders, some of whom may be geographically isolated. But increased competition among government agencies for funding has also resulted in the adoption of strategies that appear more efficient and less costly.

oTher new ZealanD career servicesAlongside Careers New Zealand, other career services exist in New Zealand. Survey results from a sample of New Zealand career practitioners who were members of the Career Practitioners Association of New Zealand (CPANZ) revealed that 28.6% reported to be self-employed, 20.9% were employed by secondary schools, 18.1% were employed in government agencies, 13.7% worked in private agencies, and 10.4% were employed by tertiary institutions (Furbish, 2002). Each of these settings tends to serve different client groups, and career practitioners working in the settings provide different types of career services. This situation is not unlike career guidance in England, where services are provided by career practitioners who use a variety of titles, are employed by a variety of organisations and have a variety of service goals (Nathan & Hill, 2006).

Secondary schools are mandated:

to provide appropriate career education and guidance

for all students in year 7 and above, with a particular

emphasis on specific career guidance for those

students who have been identified by the school as

being at risk of leaving school unprepared for the

transition to the workplace or further education/

training. (Ministry of Education, 2010)

But the scope, resources and quality of career guidance vary greatly from school to school.

Importantly, the Ministry of Education (2009) guidelines on career advocate a whole-school approach to career guidance and education. Importantly, the ministry acknowledges that career encompasses the

variety of paid and unpaid work roles throughout life. The guidelines also recognise that career extends beyond employment and educational decisions, embracing life roles in the home and community and including leisure activities. Under the guidelines, schools are charged

with providing career education as a classroom-based career development strategy, providing career guidance as an individualised interaction provided by staff with specialist training (although deans and teachers are included) and developing career management competencies in students.

Another significant environment for New Zealand career services is the Accident Compensation Corporation (ACC). ACC is the government-funded accident insurance and rehabilitation agency. ACC contracts vocational services for its clients rather than employing career professionals directly. ACC-contracted services are often limited to occupational assessments and therefore provide specific and limited briefs for the contracted career practitioners. Careers NZ has been a major provider of contracted services but a number of private career agencies also receive ACC contracts. ACC contracts account for a significant proportion of income for a number of private career service agencies and private-practice career practitioners.

Many New Zealand universities and polytechnics provide career services to their students. Typically, career services are offered to assist students with planning careers and seeking employment after graduation.

Private practices have also been established to provide career services to fee-paying clients. Often these practices specialise in particular career issues, such as women returning to the workforce, services to adolescents, career coaching, outplacement support

‘Careers New Zealand has become a model

government-funded career services provider.’


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and employee assistance programs. Private practices often rely on multiple income streams including private clients and contracted services to government agencies and corporate clients.

Some employers make career services available to their employees through in-house career development programs. A notable example is that of District Heath Boards, which have adopted specialised approaches to assist their employees with career concerns. These programs often focus on work–life balance issues and have been successful for retaining employees in high turnover positions, such as mental health workers, and assisting other employees achieve career goals.

Training for career PracTiTionersDespite the long history of career services in New Zealand, tertiary qualifications for career practitioners did not exist until relatively recently. Until the mid-1990s, career services were delivered by individuals who often had backgrounds in education, social work, human resources or psychology but not specific qualifications in a career specialty. The first tertiary program to specifically prepare career practitioners came into being in 1996, when the Auckland Institute of Technology (now Auckland University of Technology) developed the Graduate Certificate in Career Development. The graduate certificate was expanded to a Graduate Diploma in Career Development in 2000. In 2005, a Master of Career Development commenced as the only postgraduate career counselling–specific qualification available in New Zealand. Each of these qualifications uses a multidisciplinary approach, drawing from psychology, sociology, management and education. The curriculum is built on training standards developed by international professional associations such as the National Career Development Association (USA), the Institute of Career Guidance (UK) and the Career Industry Council of Australia. Besides establishing the credibility of Auckland University of Technology’s career counselling qualifications, the additional advantage of benchmarking the curriculum to international standards is that the university’s qualifications are accepted by professional associations in the USA, the UK and Australia for meeting the educational requirements for membership.

Before the commencement of the Auckland University of Technology career qualifications,

postgraduate programs in educational guidance and counselling were the sole New Zealand qualifications that dealt with career guidance but these programs usually offered only one paper on career topics, as career was not the primary focus of the qualification. Educational guidance and counselling programs continue to include career topics in their curriculum but do not emphasise career theory or have a career practice focus.

Business management departments have also contributed to the study of career in New Zealand. Although not considering careers in the same way that education and the social sciences disciplines do, academics and students in departments of business management have been interested in career management concepts, especially in corporate environments. Typically, the interests of individual academics in departments of business management have provided the impetus for career topics and concepts being an area of study and research rather than career topics being routinely included in the curriculum.

TheoreTical influences on new ZealanD career servicesOverseas career guidance movements have provided the foundations of New Zealand career practice for many years. Psychology-influenced career practice models, such as the assessment of individual differences, were common in New Zealand. In New Zealand career practice today, the trait factor (person –environment fit) writings of Holland (1997) continue to be widely accepted and applied.

More recent international literature has been influential on current New Zealand career practice. Today, postmodern theories of career provide direction for many New Zealand career practices. Writers such as Savickas (2005) provided models that New Zealand career practitioners have embraced for recognising the holistic nature of career. Constructivist approaches (McMahon & Patton, 2006) that acknowledge the subjective meaning of career are widely employed. These approaches affirm that individuals are understood to build their careers ‘by using life themes to integrate the self-organization of personality and the self-extension of career adaptability into a self-defining whole that animates work, directs occupational choice, and shapes vocational adjustment’ (Savickas, 2005, p. 42).


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Bright and Pryor’s (2011) chaos theory of career also influences contemporary New Zealand career practice. They recognised that modern careers are non-linear and subject to unforeseen (and sometimes unrecognised) complex factors. Chaos theory has assisted New Zealand career practitioners to conceptualise the intricate nature of modern careers. Bright and Pryor’s model has shifted the goals of career guidance from predicting the future to assisting clients to cope and better understand modern careers and to better manage them.

The systems theory framework (Patton & McMahon, 1999) of career development has been similarly useful for assisting New Zealand career practitioners understand the multiple and complex influences on career. The systems theory framework acknowledges that both factors originating at the individual level (personal traits) and those factors residing in the environment (social, political and governmental) all contribute to a person’s career. Conceptualising career development as the product of individual and environmental features is useful for assisting clients in better understanding the holistic nature of their careers.

Career management theories have also been an influence on career practice in New Zealand. Widely read by New Zealand career practitioners is the Arthur, Inkson and Pringle (1999) study of careers in New Zealand. Applying Arthur and Rosseau’s (1996) concepts of boundaryless career, Arthur and colleagues reported on 75 case studies. The authors demonstrated the viability of ‘new paradigm’ models for conceptualising modern New Zealand career patterns and dispelling myths such as linear careers in contemporary organisations. Career management theories have contributed especially to understanding employment and career patterns in corporate environments.

sPecial characTerisTics of new ZealanD career PracTiceAlthough many aspects of New Zealand career practice parallel practices in other Western countries, there are some unique features in the New Zealand environment. One of the most distinctive elements of New Zealand career practice is providing culturally appropriate services to Maori. Maori are the indigenous

people of New Zealand and represent about 14.6% of the population. While providing culturally appropriate career services is an ethical obligation in other counties, in New Zealand it is recognised as a legal one.

Despite this obligation, careers for Maori have been characterised by disadvantages and by higher unemployment rates, especially for Maori youth. A number of writers (for example, Korndorffer, 1991; Locke, 2007; Sultana, 1990) have noted the disenfranchisement of Maori in the labour market and in training programs. Government-funded programs—such as the Young Persons Training Programme in the early 1990s—that were intended

to tackle youth unemployment, according to these critics, perpetuated Maori entry into unskilled occupations and created the scenario for future patterns of unemployment brought on by the vulnerability of the occupations being entered during economic downturns. Career guidance has been held culpable for

not best serving Maori youth. Specific models for career services to Maori have

been developed. These models emerged from concepts of Maori holistic health and wellness (Durie, 1994). One model, Te Whare Tapa Wha, has been widely applied to Maori physical and psychological well-being services. Four dimensions representing basic Maori beliefs of life underpin Te Whare Tapa Wha: psychological health, spiritual health, physical health and family health. Career services to Maori have been directed by these principles so as to attend to culturally appropriate concepts for Maori.

Although acknowledging that Maori career development needs may be different, the New Zealand career literature has only recently begun to specifically study Maori career influences and patterns. Furbish and Reid (2003) examined a Maori world view in relationship to career. They suggested that Maori concepts of interconnectedness within the world, relationships among people (especially family and extended family), spirituality (meaning making), connection to the land, and connection to ancestors are import tenets of Maori career development. Reid (2010) identified three career patterns for Maori, based on 22 Maori career stories. This typology provides career practitioners with a better understanding of Maori career forms.

‘One of the most distinctive elements of New Zealand career practice is providing

culturally appropriate services to Maori.’


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Of special significance to Maori and many New Zealanders is a consideration of the spiritual dimension within career. Spirituality, not defined in a religious sense, is derived from a perceived purpose and meaning in career. Lips-Wiersma (2002) interviewed New Zealanders from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. She concluded that spirituality was an important element in all the career stories she collected. Spirituality was found embedded in careers for the purpose of developing and becoming self, unity with others, expressing self and serving others.

Although recent career practices have acknowledged the need for culturally appropriate career services, writers such as McNicholas and Humphries (2005) pointed out that career services to Maori have been inadequate throughout much of New Zealand’s history. Humphries and Dyer (2001) highlighted the inequities in Maori opportunities in comparison to European New Zealanders. Although some consideration of the issues has occurred, clearly career services to Maori remain an unmet challenge.

South Pacific (Pasifika) cultures comprise a numerically significant sector of the New Zealand population. Large numbers of Pasifika immigrated to New Zealand in the 1950s when demand for labour was high but the jobs taken by Pasifika were often unskilled. Pasifika remain an underclass within New Zealand, experiencing high unemployment and lower educational attainment.

Despite the number of New Zealanders with Pasifika heritage, little career theory has been developed for use with this group. A confounding element for developing Pasifika career theory is the variety of specific cultures subsumed under Pasifika. Pasifika cultures are not homogenous, adding additional complexity when considering culturally appropriate career service approaches. One of the few studies that has been conducted on the careers of Pasifika people in New Zealand was Parker (2005). She focused on Pasifika professionals working for the ministries of Health and Pacific Islander Affairs. She identified that the interdependence of motivation, skills and knowledge, and relationships strongly influenced the leadership behaviour of these Pasifika professionals. Culturally appropriate models for Pasifika peoples have not been systematically developed or applied.

An iconic and significant event in the career development of many New Zealanders is the overseas

experience (OE). Since New Zealand is geographically isolated, the OE is an opportunity for New Zealanders to travel, work in other counties and experience other cultures. Australia, the UK and Europe are common destinations for the OE. Although those on OE often seek employment, the work is often casual and is undertaken to support travel and basic living expenses. The OE is often undertaken by New Zealanders in their late teens and early twenties, a significant stage of career development. Career practitioners in secondary or tertiary education therefore often have contact with those on OE before or after the OE. In order to better understand the dynamics of the OE, Inkson and Myers (2003) interviewed 50 New Zealanders who had completed their OE. They concluded that the OE provided an opportunity for personal growth as well as acquisition of useful skills such as independence, decision-making and self-reliance.

New Zealand is largely a nation of immigrants. Significant numbers of immigrants from Asia and the Indian subcontinent have arrived in New Zealand, especially in the past 20 years, to pursue desirable lifestyle and career opportunities. But, frequently, language and cultural differences can interfere with the achievement of desired career goals in New Zealand. Moreover, immigrants are often not familiar with New Zealand practices for obtaining employment and other career protocols. Although there have been a number of reports that provide employment statistics for immigrants, there have been few studies of the broader career experiences of immigrants. Two studies do provide some insight on career issues for immigrants. Pio (2005) investigated career issues for female Indian immigrants while Tharmaseelan (2005) studied career issues for female immigrants from Sri Lanka. Both these studies documented the complex factors facing immigrants, and women immigrants in particular, as they adapt careers begun in other countries. More investigation is needed to build models and design services that specifically consider the career needs of immigrants to New Zealand.

currenT issuesA professional identity for New Zealand career practitioners has only recently begun to develop. The chartering of the Career Practitioners Association of New Zealand (CPANZ) in 1997 was a pivotal event for advancing the professionalisation of New Zealand career practice. CPANZ underwent a name change in


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2008 to the Career Development Association of New Zealand (CDANZ), which better reflects the nature of the association and conforms to the terminology of career professional associations in other countries.

CDANZ has been successful in bringing together career practitioners working in a variety of settings and providing an identity, yet the mere existence of a professional association does not validate career practice as profession. Commonly accepted standards of a profession (Professions Australia, 1997) require that a profession mandate that its members possess specialised higher education reflecting international standards and research, adhere to ethical principles and high standards of behaviour and conduct their activities for the good of others. New Zealand career practice is working towards these professional criteria but has not yet fully achieved them. Furbish (2004) provided suggestions for the development of professional status for the New Zealand career practice industry. The proposed model parallelled strategies used by other helping professions in New Zealand, such as personal or social counsellor, but these suggestions have not yet been fully implemented. Professionalisation of New Zealand career practice is still a work in progress.

Douglas (2010a) has further investigated the professional identity of New Zealand career practitioners. She confirmed the lack of a professional identity among career practitioners, especially when practitioners in diverse practice settings are considered. Her analysis suggested that some New Zealand career practitioners identified with a ‘new professionalism’ that builds on personal characteristics rather than the traditional professional qualities that are externally defined by bodies such as professional associations and governments (Douglas, 2010b). While such findings confirm the complexities of professional identification, concepts of professionalism that do not include verifiable competencies are likely to neither consolidate professional identity nor increase the status of career practitioners.

Implications of the absence of verifiable standards for career practitioners can be seen in the secondary school sector. Although Ministry of Education (2009) career education and guidance guidelines state that career programs in schools are to be led by staff with specialised training, school career advisers are often

teachers who have received only two to three days’ training in career issues (Elkin & Sutton, 2000). Vaughan and Gardiner (2007) concluded from an extensive study of New Zealand school career advisers that few valued or possessed a theoretical grounding for their work. Furbish (2011) found significant

variation between school career advisers and career practitioners working in other settings in both the acceptance of professional career practice competencies and their self-perceived ability to implement the

standards in their practices. It would seem reasonable that school career advisers, who are entrusted with leading career education and guidance in schools, be required to hold a career specific qualification or otherwise demonstrate competencies and knowledge expected within a professional environment.

Recently, Careers New Zealand (2011b) has developed career education benchmarks for use in secondary school career programs. The benchmarks have been derived from international standards for career guidance and education. They are an important resource in New Zealand schools. Although the benchmarks are non-binding, they provide clear goals to guide the work of career advisers in school settings.

An important step towards the professionalisation of New Zealand career practice occurred in 2008 when CDANZ began requiring professional members of the association to possess a career specific tertiary qualification. CDANZ also established competencies derived from international standards that are to be met by professional members. But CDANZ accepts all academic qualifications with a career-specific focus as fulfilling the established standards for professional membership without monitoring or endorsing the qualifications. This practice contrasts with procedures in Australia, where the Career Industry Council of Australia reviews and endorses academic qualifications for meeting its professional standards (Career Industry Council of Australia, 2011). Another variation for ensuring professional standards within academic qualifications exists in the UK where the Institute of Career Guidance has developed the qualification in career guidance and the qualification in career guidance and development (Institute of Career Guidance, 2011). Embedding a professional qualification within an academic program allows the professional body to accredit training and monitor

‘Professionalisation of New Zealand career practice is still a work in progress.’


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quality assurance. The New Zealand career guidance profession would be well served by following the examples of Australia and the UK.

Perhaps the greatest impediment for the advancement of New Zealand career practitioners towards professionalisation is that there is no restriction on who can claim to be a career practitioner in New Zealand. Membership in CDANZ is voluntary for career practitioners. As a result, there is little assurance that all who claim to be career professionals in New Zealand possess the necessary knowledge and competencies.

Although many helping professions require supervision of practitioners, it is a grey area for New Zealand career practice. Currently, CDANZ recommends supervision, but does not require it. McMahon (2003) identified the benefits of supervision for career practitioners and suggested that it supported the personal and professional development of those who receive supervision. Reid and Gooder’s (2010) survey of supervisors in the New Zealand career industry further supported the benefits of supervision for career practitioners. The debate over required supervision for career practitioners is likely to continue.

A frequent lament has been that there is a paucity of New Zealand–based career research. Prideaux and Creed (2002) reviewed published Australian and New Zealand career research and identified few articles written from the New Zealand context. Significant improvement has occurred over the past few years in both the amount of New Zealand career research and the number of journal articles written by New Zealand career researchers. One contributing impetus to the increase in New Zealand career literature has been an annual research symposium sponsored by CDANZ. The symposium brings together career researchers from a variety of academic disciplines and settings, and has stimulated greater interest in formal research to support career practice. Ongoing efforts to conduct and support New Zealand career research will both assist to advance the status of career practice in New Zealand as well as provide valuable literature for New Zealand career practitioners.

Unlike Australia (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs, n.d.) and Canada (National Life Work Centre, n.d.), New Zealand has not developed national guidelines for career development. The career development blueprints written in Australia and Canada outline the career development competencies, tasks and strategies

throughout an individual’s lifespan. New Zealand, in contrast, has developed career guidelines for use only in secondary schools and these are much less comprehensive than the overseas documents. For New Zealand to deal with the career development needs of its citizens and residents better, a document that reflects the government’s commitment to supporting lifelong career development is necessary.

conclusionsNew Zealand career services have undergone many changes since they were first introduced in the early 20th century. The field has borrowed heavily from theories and practices originating in other countries but has also developed unique characteristics, owing to the distinctive context of New Zealand. Challenges will continue to face the New Zealand career profession as it continues to evolve in response to both internal and external forces. Internally, the credentials and competencies of career practitioners still need to be identified and used to validate career services. As Irving (2011) found, career personnel in New Zealand secondary schools are frequently selected for the role because of extraneous reasons, not for knowledge of career theory and practice, while school career practitioners are not required to obtain formal, or even informal, training in the field even after they are selected into it. The status and credibility and quality of school career programs are not likely to increase until there are defined skills, knowledge and credentials used to select those who are responsible for them.

Career services are increasingly being recruited to deal with the significant problem of youth unemployment in New Zealand. A number of career programs and strategies tackle the relatively high unemployment rates, especially for Maori and Pasifika youth (Boven, Harland & Grace, 2011). Regardless of the specific strategy, career services are being looked to in order to provide essential assistance to young people. In response, a case has been made, detailing how career services contribute to the economic growth of New Zealand as well as the individual needs of New Zealanders (Careers New Zealand, 2011a).

As New Zealand career services continue to evolve, they will undoubtedly be further influenced by international practices and standards. But they will also need to adapt overseas models to the New Zealand context and innovate practices that are unique to New Zealand for meeting the career needs of New Zealanders.


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TESTING THE UTILITY OF PERSON–ENVIRONMENT

CORRESPONDENCE THEORY WITH INSTRUCTIONAL

TECHNOLOGY STUDENTS IN TURKEY

SERKAN PERKMEN

Balikesir Univer sity, Turkey

Correspondence concerning this ar ticle should be addressed to: Serkan Perkmen, [email protected]

The main objective of this study was to examine the validity and usefulness of the person–environment correspondence theory with instructional technology students in Turkey. The participants included 211 students and three teachers. Results revealed that instructional technology students value achievement most and that they believe that entering a career in computer teaching will probably not enable them to make use of their abilities and give a sense of accomplishment. This lack of correspondence was found to be related to their predicted vocational satisfaction. Based on these findings, it appears that person–environment correspondence theory offers a useful framework for understanding instructional technology students’ satisfaction.

Person–environment fit is one of the approaches used in vocational psychology to examine people’s

satisfaction and success in the workplace. According to this approach, if there is a fit (correspondence) between person and environment, employees are likely to be satisfied with their job and show high

productivity. Holland’s theory of personalities in work environments (Holland, 1959) and person–environment correspondence theory (Dawis, 2002) are two popular vocational theories based on the person–environment fit approach.

According to Holland’s theory, there are six


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personality types (realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising and conventional) and six types of work environments known by the same names. People’s job satisfaction and vocational success largely depends on congruence between their personality and work environment. For example, the teaching profession possesses the characteristics of social work environments. Individuals with social personality traits therefore tend to be successful and feel satisfied in this profession. According to this theory, instructional technology reflects the characteristics of realistic, conventional and social work environments (Gottfredson & Holland, 1996). Those who are realistic (who have good mechanical abilities), conventional

(orderly, systematic) and social (who have good social and interpersonal skills) tend to be successful in this profession. Perkmen and Sahin (2012) examined the utility of Holland’s theory for instructional technology students in Turkey and found that those high in realistic and conventional but low in artistic traits are more likely to be satisfied with becoming a computer teacher in the future. These three types of vocational personality (realistic, artistic and conventional) accounted for 19% of variation in satisfaction.

Although the correspondence between personality traits and work environment plays an important role in vocational satisfaction, correspondence between individual values and rewards available in the

Table 1: Items in the Original Minnesota Importance Questionnaire

Value Category

Achievement Ability utilisation: I could do something that makes use of my abilities

Achievement: the job could give me a feeling of accomplishment

Comfort Activity: I could be busy all the time

Independence: I could work alone on the job

Variety: I could do something different every day

Compensation: my pay would compare well with that of other workers

Security: the job would provide for steady employment

Working conditions: the job would have good working conditions

Status Advancement: the job would provide an opportunity for advancement

Recognition: I could get recognition for the work I do

Authority: I could tell people what to do

Social status: I could be ‘somebody’ in the community

Altruism Co-workers: my co-workers would be easy to make friends with

Social service: I could do things for other people

Moral values: I could do the work without feeling that it is morally wrong

Safety Company policies: the company would administer its policies fairly

Supervision—human relations: my boss would back up the workers

Supervision—technical: my boss would train the workers well

Autonomy Creativity: I could try out some of my own ideas

Responsibility: I could make decisions on my own

Autonomy: I could plan my work with little supervision

Note: Five items written in italic did not heavily load in their respective factor in the current study. Thus, only 16 items in Minnesota Importance Questionnaire were used for the data analysis.


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environment is important as well. According to the person–environment correspondence theory (Dawis, 2002) there are two important variables: person (P) and environment (E). These two variables interact with each other. P has certain needs and values and the environment has a mechanism to meet the P’s needs and values (which is called the reinforcer pattern). The result of this interaction plays a major role in vocational satisfaction. Satisfaction, by definition, is ‘an affect-feeling that is produced when one perceives a need to be filled’ (Dawis, England & Lofquist, 1964, p. 11). It is the main objective of this interaction and is ‘predicted from the correspondence between an individual’s values and the rewards available in the environment’ (Swanson & Fouad, 1999, p. 65).

Correspondence is defined as a ‘harmonious relationship between the individual and the environment’ (Lofquist & Dawis, 1991, p. 22). High correspondence results in satisfaction whereas low correspondence leads to dissatisfaction. For example, if a person values making use of his or her abilities, and the work environment enables this (reinforcer pattern), the person would probably be satisfied with his or her job as a result of the high correspondence between P and E.

According to this theory, people’s needs could be examined in 21 categories (see Table 1) organised as six types of values:

• achievement—the importance of using one’s abilities and having a feeling of accomplishment

• comfort—the importance of feeling comfortable and not being stressed

• status—the importance of recognition and being in a dominant position

• altruism—the importance of harmony with, and being of service to, others

• safety—the importance of stability, order and predictability

• autonomy—the importance of being independent and having a sense of control (Dawis, 2002, p. 440).

Research supported the predictive utility of this theory (Dawis, 2002). One study revealed that person–environment correspondence positively predicts tenure and job satisfaction and exerts a main effect on indicators of career success (for example, salary level,

job level) (Bretz & Judge, 1994). Another study conducted with supported employees with mental retardation and able co-workers revealed that correspondence–satisfaction relation was found for supported employees but not for their co-workers (Melchiori & Church, 1997). There are also case studies conducted in the US based on this theory (Degges-White & Shoffner, 2002; Harper & Shoffner, 2004). In addition, some propositions of person–

environment correspondence theory have been tested in a number of international studies. In a study conducted with Israeli military officers, extroverted

‘Although the person–environment correspondence theory has been extensively tested in the workplace, it can also be used to guide

students to help them make a wise career choice.’

Values Predicted reinforcer pattern

Predicted vocational satisfaction

OCCUPATION

Correspondence Compare

PERSON

Figure 1: Hypothetical Model of Satisfaction


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personality style and correspondence were found to be related to the level of job performance (Tziner, Meir & Segal, 2002). Another study in Denmark supported the relationship between correspondence and vocational satisfaction (Feij, van der Velde, Taris & Taris, 1999).

Although the person–environment correspondence theory has been extensively tested in the workplace, it can also be used to guide students to help them make a wise career choice (Dawis, 1996). According to the theory, those who want to make a career choice should compare their values and value pattern of the occupation they would like to choose, as depicted in Figure 1. Predicted value patterns of 185 occupations are available (Dawis, 2002). In one study conducted with music pre-service teachers in Turkey, Perkmen, Cevik and Alkan (2012) found that status correspondence and comfort correspondence accounted for 48% of variation in their satisfaction with becoming a music teacher in the future. In other words, students who believe that becoming a music teacher provides an opportunity for advancement and steady employment are more likely to believe that they will be a satisfied music teacher.

Based on the study by Perkmen, Cevik and Alkan (2012), it seems that person–environment correspondence theory offers a useful framework for understanding music pre-service teachers’ satisfaction with their future profession and can be used as a guide to those who wish to become a music teacher. Inspired by this study, the current study was conducted with computer education and instructional technology students in Turkey who are training to become computer teachers in the future. As indicated earlier, vocational personality tapped by Holland’s theory accounted for 19% of variation in satisfaction of instructional technology students. Value correspondence accounted for much more variance in music pre-service teachers’ satisfaction. The present study was conducted to examine the predictive utility of the construct of correspondence in the context of instructional technology. If the current study supports person–environment correspondence theory’s predictions, it will further extend the findings of Perkmen and colleagues (2012) and provide other empirical evidence that it can be used as a vocational guidance in career choice.

Three research questions were considered in the current study.• Which types of values and needs are important to

computer education and instructional technology students?

• What is the relationship between correspondence and predicted vocational satisfaction?

• Does person–environment correspondence theory offer a useful framework for understanding instructional technology students’ satisfaction with becoming a computer teacher in the future?

meThoD

ParticipantsThe participants in this study included 211 pre-service teachers (74 female, 137 male) enrolled in the department of computer education and instructional technology in a university in western Turkey; 34% of the participants were freshmen (n = 71), 23% sophomores (n = 48), 26% juniors (n = 55), and 17% seniors (n = 37). The participants were asked to complete a survey during a regular class session in the final week of the spring semester. Participation was voluntary. Those who were willing to participate read a consent form and filled out the survey. The response rate was 90%. The researcher also interviewed 17 students enrolled in an elective course, ‘Career Planning and Management’, offered by the author of this study and three computer teachers working in public schools.

InstrumentsThe scale used in the current study consists of four parts:• demographic information• faces scale (Kunin, 1955)• Turkish version of Minnesota Importance

Questionnaire (TVOMIQ) (Perkmen, Cevik & Alkan, 2012)

• predicted reinforcer pattern questionnaire (PRPQ) (Perkmen, Cevik & Alkan, 2012).

Participants indicated their grade level and gender in the demographic section. In the faces scale, the participants were asked to check the box under the face that best expressed their predicted satisfaction if they were employed as a computer teacher in a public school. Scores on this scale ranged from 0 to 5 with higher scores reflecting higher predicted vocational satisfaction.

TVOMIQ was prepared by the author based on the items listed in the Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ) (Rounds, Henley, Dawis, Lofquist & Weiss, 1981). The original MIQ scale


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consists of 21 ‘needs’ items, which make up six types of values or dimensions (see Table 1).

Needs items in the MIQ were translated into Turkish by considering the linguistic structure of the Turkish language and pilot-tested with 30 instructional technology students enrolled in a career planning and management course. Some items were revised slightly in response to issues raised by students concerning phraseology and clarity. Questionnaire items were then reviewed by two experts in the area of vocational psychology to establish content validity. Expert reviewers agreed that items were consistent with the constructs they were intended to measure and the instrument was linguistically appropriate.

The stem for each item was ‘my future work should …’ Some of the items were ‘provide steady employment’ (security need, comfort value); ‘provide an opportunity for advancement’ (advancement need, status value); ‘enable me to make use of my abilities’ (ability utilisation need, achievement value); ‘allow me to do things for other people’ (social service need, altruism value); and ‘enable me to try out some of my own ideas’ (creativity need, autonomy value). Participants indicated their level of importance with each item on a five-point scale from 0 (not important at all) to 4 (very important). Items were added up and divided by the number of items in the respective dimension to calculate the total score for each dimension. Scores on each dimension ranged from 0 to 4. Higher scores indicated higher values.

Since there is no predicted reinforcer pattern scale for the profession of computer teaching, the author created the PRPQ. The purpose of this scale was to identify students’ perceived probability that their needs and expectations would be met if they were employed as computer teachers in public schools. The scale consisted of 21 items. The stem in the TVOMIQ was changed from ‘my future work should’ to ‘I believe that becoming a computer teacher in a public school’ in the PRPQ. Participants indicated their level of agreement with each item on a 5-point range from 0 (do not agree at all) to 4 (totally agree). Items were added up and divided by the number of items in the respective dimension to calculate the total score for each dimension. Scores on each dimension ranged from 0 to 4. Higher scores indicated a more positive perceived reinforcer pattern.

Correspondence in the current study is defined as the discrepancy between students’ values and their perceived reinforcer pattern. The researcher thus

calculated correspondence scores by subtracting the value scores from their associated perceived reinforcer pattern scores. For example, if a participant’s achievement value score in the TVOMIQ scale was 4 and his or her predicted achievement score in the PRPQ was 2, the correspondence achievement score was found to be –2 (2 minus 4). Lower negative scores indicated lower correspondence. A correspondence score of 0 indicated perfect correspondence. Positive correspondence scores indicated that the participant’s predicted reinforcer pattern score was higher than his or her associated value score.

To shed more light to the findings, the researcher interviewed 17 senior students and asked a number of questions, including the following:• how satisfied are you with studying in computer

education and instructional technology and becoming a computer teacher in the future?

• has your satisfaction changed since you started studying in this department?

• what can be done to increase your satisfaction with studying in computer education and instructional technology, and working as a computer teacher in public schools?

In addition, the author interviewed three computer teachers working in public schools to investigate their motivation and satisfaction in the workplace.

Data AnalysisThe data analysis consisted of five steps. In the first step, validity and reliability analyses on the MIQ and PRP scales were conducted to examine the construct validity of the scales and internal consistency of participants’ responses to the scales’ items. In the second step, descriptive statistics were calculated for each item in the scales and presented in graphical form. The third step involved correlating the correspondence scores with the predicted satisfaction scores. In the fourth step, a stepwise regression analysis was conducted to examine the relative contribution of correspondence scores to predicting vocational satisfaction. In the last step, participants’ responses to the interview questions were analysed.

finDings

Validity and Reliability AnalysisAs predicted by the theory, principal component analysis on the TVOMIQ resulted in a six-factor solution, which


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accounted for 60% of the variance among the scale items. Three comfort items (activity, independence and variety), one safety item (company policies) and one autonomy item (creativity) did not heavily load in their respective factor. These items were thus excluded from the analysis, resulting in a questionnaire with 16 items. Factor loadings for the other items ranged from 0.67 to 0.77 for the achievement, 0.53 to 0.74 for the comfort, 0.50 to 0.70 for the status, 0.65 to 0.82 for the altruism, 0.76 to 0.86 for the safety and 0.67 to 0.68 for the autonomy value subscales.

Principal component analysis on the PRPQ resulted in a six-factor solution, which accounted for 73% of the variance among the scale items. Five items that did not load on their respective factor in the TVOMIQ had also low factor loadings in their respective factor in the PRPQ. These items were thus excluded from the PRPQ. Factor loadings for the other items ranged from 0.81 to 0.85 for the achievement, 0.50 to 0.85 for the comfort, 0.67 to 0.75 for the status, 0.69 to 0.80 for the altruism, 0.74 to 0.78 for the safety and 0.71 to 0.78 for the autonomy value subscales.

After establishing the construct validity of the TVOMIQ and PRPQ, internal consistency analyses were performed. Cronbach’s alpha for the 16-item TVOMIQ was 0.84; with 0.76 for the achievement subscale, 0.70 for the comfort subscale, 0.77 for the status subscale, 0.79

for the altruism subscale, 0.74 for the safety subscale and 0.72 for the autonomy subscale. Cronbach’s alpha for the 16-item PRPQ was 0.92; with 0.89 for the achievement subscale, 0.75 for the comfort subscale, 0.80 for the status subscale, 0.78 for the altruism subscale, 0.86 for the safety subscale and 0.81 for the autonomy subscale. These coefficients showed the internal consistency of both TVOMIQ and PRPQ and their associated subscales.

Descriptive StatisticsScores on the faces scale were found to be normally distributed with a mean of 2.89 (SD = 1.16), which indicated that instructional technology students were, in general, moderately satisfied with the prospect of working as a computer teacher in the future. Their

responses to TVOMIQ items revealed that they valued achievement (M = 3.45, SD = 0.65) most, followed by autonomy (M = 3.29, SD = 0.64). This means that the majority of computer education and instructional technology students highly value making use of their abilities and making their decisions on their own in their future job. Their highest score in the PRPQ was for altruism

(M = 2.86, SD = 0.76) and their lowest score was for achievement (M = 2.11, SD = 1.09). This suggests that if they become computer teachers, they believe that they will probably do things for other people but not

‘Instructional technology students were, in general, moderately satisfied with the prospect of working as a computer teacher in

the future.’

Reinforcer pattern

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Figure 2: Students’ Values and Their Predicted Reinforcer Pattern for Each Type of Value


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be involved in vocational activities that enable them to make full use of their abilities.

Figure 2 shows the students’ values and their predicted reinforcer pattern for each type of value. A close examination of this figure reveals that there is a remarkable discrepancy between their achievement value scores and their predicted reinforcer pattern score for the achievement value. The achievement correspondence score was found to be –1.31 (SD = 1.21), but a very small discrepancy existed between their altruism value scores and their predicted reinforcer pattern score for the altruism value. The altruism correspondence score was found to be –0.23 (SD = 0.73).

Figure 3 shows the computer education and instructional technology students’ needs and their predicted reinforcer pattern for each type of need. A close examination of this figure revealed that there was a small discrepancy between the students’ security needs (under comfort value) and their predicted reinforcer pattern for this type of need. The security correspondence score was found to be –0.18 (SD = 1.14), which indicated a very good correspondence. However, the ability utilisation correspondence was found to be very low (M = –1.37, SD = 1.34), which indicated a very low correspondence.

Correlation and Regression AnalysisAfter examining the correspondence scores for each type of value, a correlation analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between values and predicted vocational satisfaction. The results presented in Table 2 revealed that all of the correspondence scores were significantly related to each other and to predicted vocational satisfaction. The achievement correspondence (r = 0.41, p < 0.01) had the highest correlation with predicted vocational satisfaction, followed by status correspondence (r = 0.35, p < 0.01). Comfort-correspondence (r = 0.28, p < 0.01), safety correspondence (r = 0.18, p < 0.01), autonomy-correspondence (r = 0.29, p < 0.01) and altruism correspondence (r = 0.21, p < 0.01) had smaller but significant correlations with predicted vocational satisfaction.

After the correlation analysis, a stepwise regression analysis was conducted to examine the relative contribution of correspondence scores for each type of value to predicting satisfaction. In order to understand if the assumptions of regression analysis were met, error terms (residuals) were examined. Results revealed that the residuals were normally distributed with a mean of 0. Multicollinarity among the predictor variables was not a problem, since all of

Reinforcer pattern

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Figure 3: Students’ Needs and Their Predicted Reinforcer Pattern for Each Type of Need


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the variance inflation factors (VIF) for the individual beta parameters were less than 10. No outliers were detected, since all of the Cook’s D values were less than 1. Together, these results provided evidence that assumptions of the regression analysis were met.

The results of stepwise regression analysis revealed that only achievement correspondence (ß = 0.30, 95% CI [0.14, 0.43] , p < 0.01) and status correspondence (ß = 0.17, 95% CI [0.03, 0.39] , p < 0.05) made a significant contribution to the equation predicting satisfaction. Achievement correspondence accounted for 16% of variation in satisfaction alone. Status correspondence accounted for an additional 2% of variance above and beyond achievement correspondence. These two variables, collectively, accounted for 18% of variation in the vocational satisfaction.

Interviews All of the three computer teachers the researcher interviewed indicated that their schools required them to solve hardware problems and to teach basic computer programs to students. In terms of values and attitudes, they stated that they are expected to like helping other teachers and enjoy teaching. Computer teacher A indicated:

I am the only computer teacher in my school. I

am expected to help other teachers to meet their

technological needs in and out of the classroom and

solve their computer problems. I like helping other

teachers when they have hardware and software

problems. I have good hardware knowledge and

mechanical skills. As I solve teachers’ computer

problems, their respect towards me increases. This

social recognition makes me more satisfied with my

job. Overall, I am satisfied with my job. I can use

what I learned in my four-year study in my profession.

Computer teacher B, who sees himself as practical, skilful and helpful, on the other hand, was not happy with his job. He believes that he does not receive enough social recognition from his co-workers when he helps them to solve their computer problems. He said:

Other teachers and the principal in my school do not

respect me and my computer class. Sometimes, they

knock on the door in the middle of my computer

class and want me to solve their computer problems.

If I solve their problem, they do not appreciate me.

If I do not, they believe that my computer skills are

not sufficient and I am a bad computer teacher. They

think that I should know everything about computers

and I have to solve every single computer problem.

I graduated from the Department of Computer

Education. I took a lot of pedagogy courses to learn

how to teach. Unfortunately, my main duty is not

teaching here. I am busy with computer problems.

My colleagues’ attitudes towards me and computer

classes lowered my job satisfaction remarkably.

Computer teacher C was also not happy with her job. She sees herself as an energetic, dynamic person who does not like routine activities. She believes that the career of computer teaching involves a lot of routine activities. She stated:

Becoming a computer teacher means you teach and

go out. Tomorrow you come back and teach again.

I want energy and action. I wish I was a journalist.

Table 2: Correlations among Variables

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1 Achievement—correspondence – 0.59 0.60 0.31 0.40 0.50 0.41

2 Comfort—correspondence – 0.61 0.43 0.38 0.48 0.28

3 Status—correspondence – 0.43 0.43 0.52 0.35

4 Altruism—correspondence – 0.26 0.42 0.21

5 Safety—correspondence – 0.46 0.18

6 Autonomy—correspondence – 0.29

7 Satisfaction –

Note: All of the correlations were significant at the 0.01 level.


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An event will take place in Taksim, Istanbul. I will

go there, take pictures, and write a story about it. It

seems I do not fit the profession of teaching

The majority of the 17 students the author interviewed indicated that they were happy with studying in computer education and instructional technology but not happy with entering a career in computer teaching. One student stated:

My satisfaction with studying computer education

and instructional technology has increased year by

year. I thought four years ago that I could only become

a computer teacher. I realised that there are different

career paths for us. I do not want to become a teacher.

I want to become a computer programmer because I

have good programming skills and knowledge

But the majority of the students indicated that they would like to work as a computer teacher in a public school in the future, since this profession offered them a secure position, although it would probably not enable them to make use of their abilities and give them a sense of accomplishment. One student said:

In our last year, as part of the school

experience class, we go to elementary

schools to do our internship. I found a very big

discrepancy between what we learned in our

university and what we will teach in schools. We

learned computers at an advanced level. We took

many difficult computer courses including C++,

PhP, Photoshop. However, we will teach basic-level

computer courses in schools. Realising this fact in the

last year made me dissatisfied with my department.

My view of computer teaching was different four

years ago.

Another student said:

We learned a lot of vocational theories in our career

planning and management course. These theories

helped me to better understand who I am, what

my personality is and what I value most. I wish I

could have taken this course in the first year. Why

do you offer this class just for senior students? Every

freshman should take this course.

In terms of increasing satisfaction with studying in computer education and instructional technology and working as a computer teacher, the students put forth

many ideas. Some of the ideas included these:• advanced level computer courses (e.g., C++ and

PhP) should be elective. Those who would like to become computer programmers should take such courses.

• the ‘Career Planning and Management’ class should be offered in the first year. Students should make their career plan based on what they learned in this class and with the help of their advisers.

• the computer teachers should not be seen as a ‘computer repairman’ in the workplace.

• courses on hardware and networking offered in the Department of Computer Education and Instructional Technology should not be taught just at the theoretical level. Students should apply their theoretical knowledge in real-life situations (for example, establishing a network system, fixing real computer problems).

DiscussionThe current study was guided by the person–environment correspondence theory (Dawis, 2002), which suggested that a matching of one’s values to one’s work environment increases congruence between the person and work environment and results

in job satisfaction. This theory focuses on six types of values measured by the Minnesota Importance Questionnaire. The findings revealed that value correspondence accounted for 18% of variation in satisfaction. Personality correspondence tapped by Holland’s theory in another study with instructional technology students accounted for almost the same variation in satisfaction (Perkmen & Sahin, 2012). It seems that predictive ability of the constructs of these two theories is similar in the context of instructional technology. It seems that the construct of correspondence has much more predictive utility in the context of music education (Perkmen, Cevik & Alkan, 2012) since it accounted for much more than in pre-service music teachers’ satisfaction.

It is important to note that any theory offers a limited perspective to understand people’s vocational satisfaction (Gottfredson & Johnstun, 2009). It would thus be helpful for counsellors to examine their clients’ vocational satisfaction in light of more than one theory. Person–environment correspondence theory and Holland’s theory each offer a different

‘It seems that predictive ability of the constructs of these two theories is

similar in the context of instructional technology.’


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point of view to examine satisfaction. Holland’s theory focuses on personality–environment correspondence while person–environment correspondence theory emphasises the importance of value–environment correspondence. According to Holland’s theory, instructional technology possesses the characteristics of social and realistic work environments. Those who are sociable, helpful, devoted and like to help others (social type) and have good mechanical abilities (realistic type) tend to be successful in this profession and feel satisfied with their careers. Both computer teachers A and B seemed to have the realistic and social personality traits since they like helping others and possess good mechanical abilities. From the theoretical point of view, these two teachers should be happy with their job. But while computer teacher A was happy with his job, B was not. A was happy not only because his personality fits the profession but also because he receives social recognition from his co-workers and principal. B was unhappy because he is not appreciated and not seen as a good teacher by his co-workers and principal. The experiences of these two teachers in the workplace indicate the importance of social recognition and co-workers in job satisfaction. ‘Social recognition’ and ‘co-workers’ are needs items in the MIQ. In addition, computer teacher C indicated that because she does not like routine activities, she does not like her job. ‘Variety’ is a need item in the MIQ. These findings provide evidence that these three items are useful needs items that help examine people’s satisfaction in the workplace.

Consistent with another study conducted in the USA (Lofquist & Dawis, 1978), factor analysis in the current study supported the construct validity of MIQ. But some needs items (especially a number of comfort value items) did not load heavily in their respective factor. This result might be explained by cultural differences. What people understand from comfort might be different in Turkey. If comfort has different meanings in different cultures, counsellors should take into account cultural differences when they measure their clients’ values through the MIQ.

Analysis of students’ responses to needs items also supported the predictive ability of person–environment correspondence theory and the utility of the MIQ in understanding satisfaction. The students’ achievement value scores were high but their predicted value pattern scores for this value were low. This suggests that they would like to do something

that makes use of their abilities and have a sense of accomplishment in their future job. They believe that becoming a computer teacher will probably not give them these opportunities. More importantly, this lack of correspondence was found to be the best predictor of vocational satisfaction. It seems to be important for counsellors to examine the degree to which their clients value achievement in the workplace and analyse if their profession provides them with an environment that enables them to make full use of their abilities and give a sense of accomplishment.

Another noteworthy finding of the current study was that there was high correspondence between security needs and predicted pattern for this need was noteworthy. The teaching profession in Turkish public schools offers teachers a secure position. In the first year of the position, teachers are considered as ‘interns’ undergoing supervised practical training. If they successfully finish their first year, they are assigned as a teacher and are offered a secure position. It is important to note that the students interviewed indicated that they would like to become a computer teacher because this profession offered them a secure position, although it would most probably not enable them to make use of their abilities fully or give them a sense of accomplishment. Based on this finding, satisfying security needs seems to be more important than satisfying achievement needs in career choice. Future researchers might examine which type of values play a prominent role in career choice and vocational satisfaction. The current study provided evidence that achievement correspondence was the best predictor of vocational satisfaction but comfort correspondence seems to play a more important role in career choice.

It is important to note that the current study was conducted in one institution and vocational satisfaction of instructional technology teachers was measured with only one item. Thus, strong conclusions regarding the role of correspondence on satisfaction are not easy to draw. Despite these limitations, the current study has a number of implications for counsellors and curriculum designers. Based on person–environment correspondence theory, counsellors can administer the MIQ to clients who are having difficulty deciding which career to choose. After learning what they value most, the counsellors should help them choose a career that is most likely to satisfy their needs and meet their values. Curriculum designers in teacher education programs may make some courses (like computer


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programming courses) elective. Students who believe that they can use what they learn in such courses in their future profession should take them. Including courses on career planning and management in curriculum are also important. Such courses may help students to have a clearer understanding of themselves, their values and personality, which in turn enables them to make their career plans better.

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CAREER COUNSELLING NEW AND PROFESSIONAL

IMMIGRANTS: THEORIES INTO PRACTICE

TARA KENNEDY and CHARLES P. CHEN

Univer sity of Toronto

Correspondence concerning this ar ticle should be addressed to: Char les P. Chen, [email protected]

New and professional immigrants encounter extreme hardships and difficulties in their career experience after arriving in Canada. In addition to underemployment or unemployment concerns, new and professional immigrants endure many cross-cultural barriers. This article attempts to examine the application of career development theories in the context of career development and counselling for new and professional immigrants. It begins with a discussion of some of the barriers that affect new and professional immigrants’ career development. Subsequently, it reviews some of the key facets of social cognitive career theory, as well a narrative career counselling approach, and how they specifically relate to new and professional immigrants’ career development. The article concludes with intervention strategies, implications and support strategies aimed at dealing with the career development and career counselling needs of new and professional immigrants in Canada. The problems, concepts and solutions will also apply in other settings.

inTroDucTionNew and professional immigrants can be recognised as individuals who have immigrated to Canada within the last 10 years, and who hold at minimum a university bachelor’s degree in their respected field. Due to the increasing number of new and professional immigrants arriving in Canada, and difficulties associated with their career experience, it is critical that research considers particular difficulties

for new and professional immigrants (Chen, 2008; Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2007, 2009). In addition to experiencing cross-cultural difficulties (Mak, Westwood and Ishiyama, 1994), research has shown that new minority immigrants are at risk of unemployment, underemployment or being locked into jobs in their own ethnic community (Basavarajappa & Verma, 1985; Chen, 2008; Mak et al., 1994; Miller, 1987; Mitchell, Tait & Castles, 1990). In


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order for new and professional immigrants to receive career equality as well as ideal and advantageous career counselling, career development theories must consider this growing concern. Although there are many apparent challenges that new and professional immigrants experience, a lack of empirical knowledge and theory severely limits counsellors’ abilities to support them. As an increasing number of highly educated immigrants move to Canada, the importance in understanding and providing support for their career development needs is crucial.

The objective of this article is to consider new and professional immigrants’ career needs through the application of several career development theories. In particular, it will begin with a discussion of difficulties associated with immigrants’ transition experiences and career development needs, including cross-cultural difficulties and underemployment and unemployment concerns. It will discuss principles from two career development theories: Lent, Brown and Hackett’s (2002) social cognitive career theory, as well as Cochran’s (1997) narrative career counselling approach, as they relate specifically to new and professional immigrants’ career needs. This article concludes with professional helping strategies to prepare and educate counsellors dealing with the career development needs of new and professional immigrants.

Ultimately, counsellors will gain a more in-depth understanding of immigrants’ career development process and can implement appropriate support strategies. This research intention appears to correspond well to the current need and challenges of Canadian society, which depends on immigration as a major strategy for nation building and development.

Cross-Cultural Difficulties: From a Collectivist to an Individualist SocietyThere is a misconception that, in particular, new and professional immigrants experience an easier transition process than other immigrants, due to their higher education and professional abilities. While recent and professional immigrants may be considered fluent in English and may even hold recognisable credentials, the existing hardships of cross-cultural differences remain (Mak et al., 1994). Cross-cultural differences regarding effective communication, interpersonal and presentational skills can cause extreme anxiety (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988; Westwood & Ishiyama, 1991) and self-doubt (Zaharna, 1989) in many

new minorities, as people are unfamiliar with the host cultural code, both socially and in their work environment (Mak et al., 1994).

While not all immigrants arriving in Canada come from a non-Western collectivist to an individualist society, the vast majority do undergo this transition. For instance, China, the People’s Republic of Philippines and India are the top three countries, overwhelmingly surpassing others, in the number of emigrants to Canada (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2009). As these countries are predominantly collectivist societies, this article will briefly discuss some of the challenges that immigrants from non-Western collectivist societies undergo.

It is evident in society that much conflict arises when individuals come from different cultures and backgrounds, and thus hold different views and opinions in both schools and organisations. For instance, in individualist societies, people value setting and achieving personal goals and being self-reliant, and put high importance on individual rights and opportunities (Black, Mrasek & Ballinger, 2003). On the other hand, collectivist societies focus on the group, which can include one’s family, tribe or neighbourhood (Black et al., 2003). As opposed to individualism valuing self-success and triumph, collectivism places more emphasis on group success and interdependence (Black et al., 2003). Because both societies generalise these factors from their family to their career, it is evident that there is often conflict for new immigrants in organisations. In particular, people from collectivist societies value their organisation as a whole, and feel a sense of belonging to their workplace, whereas individualists value freedom, control and their own benefits (Mak et al., 1994). While collectivists seem to always have their team and organisation’s overall goal and benefit in mind, individualists tend to think of how their actions will influence and benefit their personal outcomes and achievements. Research (Bond, 1990; King & Bond, 1985) indicates that because the collectivistic culture values traits such as self-restraint and agreeableness with others, immigrants from such societies often find the transition to an individualist society difficult and irritating, and that individuals are overtly self-serving and outspoken.

Western societies, in particular, value a small power distance—that inequality should be minimised—whereas non-Western societies are often characterised by a large power distance, where individuals accept a


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sense of hierarchy and recognise those in supervisory positions as being superior (Mak et al., 1994). Because of this order of hierarchy, and the belief in inequality, new immigrants are often seen as submissive to their superiors. In an individualist society, this can be easily interpreted as having a lack of initiative or independence. Consequently, new immigrants who come from a culture with a large power distance may not have a deserving chance of being promoted, despite their dedication to their career (Mak et al., 1994). This power distance poses particular difficulty when new and professional immigrants from a high-power-distance background are appointed to a managerial level in a low-power-distance host culture (Hofstede, 1980). In such circumstances, these newly appointed managerial individuals often report their subordinates as challenging and interrupting their supervisors in meetings, concluding that tasks do not get done as efficiently as in their native, mainly collectivist country (Mak et al., 1994).

Underemployment and UnemploymentA result of increased cross-cultural difficulties for new immigrants is often underemployment or unemployment. An additional misconception is that professional immigrants do not experience these issues, due to their high levels of education. In reality, professional immigrants experience the same hardships as non-professional immigrants. In fact, recent research has confirmed that professional immigrants experience dangerous levels of stress due to the transition process, particularly as a result of under- or unemployment (Dean & Wilson, 2009). The majority of immigrants are accepted into Canada under the Skilled Worker Program, to fill employment shortages in the labour market (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2007). Despite the intentions of the Skilled Worker Program, much research suggests that new and professional immigrants entering Canada under this program face an extremely arduous process to find a career in their trained field. Consequently, they may face many years of unemployment in search of their desired career or may resort to accepting a job that is well below their qualifications. In fact, many immigrants report extreme difficulty finding employment that matches their skills and education,

often being told that, despite the similarity of their credentials, they are not qualified to work in their profession but are overqualified for entry-level jobs

(Jafari, Baharlou & Mathias, 2010). Moreover, a longitudinal survey of immigrants to Canada reports that between two and four years after arrival, 54% of immigrants are still looking for work (Statistics Canada, 2007), while 60% of those who do find employment settle in careers for which they are overqualified. In fact, 90% of the Canadian-born population who studied medicine are working

as physicians, while only 55% of the internationally educated work as doctors. Unfortunately, 33% are employed in occupations that are completely unrelated to medicine or health care (Statistics Canada, 2008).

As a result of this unreasonable difficulty to attain a job in their profession, many immigrants feel obligated to accept any job offer as a means to support their families and avoid financial difficulties, even if it is well below their skill level (Jafari et al., 2010). In fact, in a recent study, immigrants identified employment as being one of the main concerns among their families and friends, while women reported that their husbands were more unstable and aggressive after immigration (Jafari et al., 2010). Women attributed unemployment and an unclear future as being major contributors to their husbands’ behaviour (Jafari et al., 2010).

The effects of underemployment and unemployment have a great impact; individuals feel loss of one’s skills and social status, a deterioration of mental and physical health and pressures from family members who also carry the burden of these stressors (Dean & Wilson, 2009). The prevalence of depression and poor health among unemployed immigrants is most elevated under high unemployment and low job availability (Blake Turner, 1995), which appears to be an ongoing circumstance. Furthermore, immigrant unemployment has been positively related to poor self-perceived health (Blake Turner, 1995). As a result of the stressors accompanying employment difficulties, many new and professional immigrants develop a loss of hope and motivation, and remain underemployed and unemployed, or attempt to make ends meet by self-employment in their own ethnic community.

‘In fact, 90% of the Canadian-born population who studied medicine are

working as physicians, while only 55% of the

internationally educated work as doctors.’


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aPPlying career DeveloPmenT TheoriesAs outlined above, new and professional immigrants are at a major disadvantage in terms of employment opportunities and face many career development issues in Canada. Cross-cultural differences and the existing difficulties of underemployment and unemployment result in many stressors for these individuals. Consequently, many new and professional immigrants turn to career counselling as a means of ameliorating their transition process and overall career development experience. Tackling these diverse issues may be particularly challenging to career counsellors. The subsequent section will discuss two appropriate career development theories that can be of particular help to career counsellors, researchers, scholars and, ultimately, new and professional immigrants themselves.

Social Cognitive Career Theory Research has supported the use of social cognitive career theory as a career development approach to understanding diverse cultural groups (Adachi, 2001; Chang, 2006; Gushue, 2006). Social cognitive career theory is based on Bandura’s (1986, 1997) social cognitive theory, which focuses on a triadic interaction between the regulation of an individual’s cognitive functions (self-efficacy, outcome expectations, goals), their interaction on the environment (that is, ethnicity, cultural barriers, social support) and their resulting influence on the individual’s career development process (Sharf, 2010).

The cognitive concepts of self-efficacy, outcome expectation and goal selection play a significant role in career decision-making (Sharf, 2010). Self-efficacy, in particular, is a key cognitive concept that affects one’s career development, and is described by Bandura (1986) as individuals’ beliefs and judgements of their capabilities to organize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances and tasks. When applying this to career development, self-efficacy plays an influential role in determining one’s career choices and success. Individuals with a high sense of self-efficacy may persist through challenging tasks, will be likely to maintain a positive attitude and will be more apt to continue to set goals throughout their career. Individuals with low self-efficacy may not persist through difficult tasks, will be likely to feel as

though they cannot successfully fulfil the task and may feel overwhelmed by the task (Sharf, 2010). It is unlikely that an individual has either a high or a low sense of self-efficacy for every endeavour, but typically has a generalised sense of efficacy across a range of activities perceived as functionally related (Williams & Cervone, 1998). The flexibility or variation of one’s efficacy thus depends largely on the context of the situation, including the task, the people and surroundings, and the person’s feelings of competence on similar tasks (Sharf, 2010).

Many factors affect one’s cognitive functioning and components, such as the person’s social and contextual environment. Background contextual factors and influences proximal to choice behaviour affect an individual’s cognitive functioning (Sharf, 2010). Background contextual factors occur when individuals learn about and interact with their own cultures, ultimately learning about particular expectations, while proximal influences include environmental factors that influence the individual’s particular

career development issues, such as job opportunities in a desired field or financial support for education (Sharf, 2010). It is indeed evident that new and professional immigrants experience more barriers and restraints with career development. These barriers, although not solely exclusive to immigrants, are an increasing issue

for immigrants that must be challenged. It is evident after the discussion of these issues that this theory is applicable to new and professional immigrants, as there is a clear triadic interaction of their personal and environmental influences on their key career issues.

Interestingly, Lent, Brown and Hackett (2000) suggested that the effects and stresses one experiences from barriers diminish as our ability to cope with them increases. This offers particular coping implications and importance for counsellors dealing with new and professional immigrants, which will be elaborated upon in the application section (Coogan & Chen, 2007).

Narrative Career Counselling Theory‘Postmodernism reflects a multiculturally diverse world in which psychologists, counselors, philosophers, and others have recognized that different individuals can have their own construct or view of what is real for them’ (Sharf, 2010, p. 315). There has been a recent

‘It is indeed evident that new and professional

immigrants experience more barriers and restraints with

career development.’


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increase in the acceptance and use of postmodern and qualitative approaches as a means of counselling diverse groups (Guindon & Richmond, 2005; Stebleton, 2007). Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach to career counselling falls within the realm of a postmodern constructivist approach. This approach portrays how clients can understand their own career experience and subsequently apply this understanding and meaning to actively constructing the future of their careers. More specifically to this article’s target population, new and professional immigrants would narrate their past and present career development, ultimately constructing their future career (Sharf, 2010). This method of counselling allows for a more in-depth approach that will give the counsellor insight into the client’s background, community and sociocultural events, which was not necessarily available in previously used narrow approaches (Stebleton, 2007).

Cochran (1997) poses a seven-episode counselling method using a narrative point of view. These episodes include elaborating a career problem, composing a life history, eliciting a future narrative, reality construction, changing a life structure, enacting a role and crystallising a decision. Evidently, the first three episodes revolve around deciphering the meaning of the career narrative, while episodes four to six focus on being active within one’s career issues, and episode seven is the final step, making a career decision (Sharf, 2010). This seven-episode guide has a natural fit with new and professional immigrants, as it allows for a more qualitative approach. Because a counsellor may potentially be less familiar in counselling new and professional immigrants as compared to other clients, this approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of the immigrant’s career and personal experience. By implementing Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach, counsellors can use his seven-episode guide to help new and professional immigrants overcome cross-cultural difficulties and underemployment and unemployment issues.

If immigrants are in a position where they are having difficulty generating their career life narrative, there are several options that counsellors can provide. Some of these techniques include success experiences, lifelines, the Career-O-Gram and life chapters (Sharf, 2010). These techniques will be briefly outlined in the following section, which discusses the particular application of these theories to new and professional immigrants, as well as potential helping strategies for this target population.

Career Counselling Considerations and Intervention Strategies It is evident from a review of the literature that new and professional immigrants experience increased barriers and stressors within the workplace. Some key concepts from social cognitive career theory and Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach to career development have been discussed, and can serve as a foundation to improve the career development process for new and professional immigrants. Therefore, the context of these considerations will be discussed in terms of a counsellor–client relationship. These considerations will also include potential helping strategies and interventions that will ease the transition and career development experience for new and professional immigrants.

First, the counsellor’s background and skills will be briefly discussed, as the counsellor is of cardinal importance to the effectiveness of the client’s progress. Second, discussion of the two career development theories will be applied to the client’s particular circumstance, as well as helping strategies that could be applicable to this population—to be referred to as clients.

The Counsellor The counsellor is a key component in the effectiveness of the client’s progress throughout his or her career development. Counsellors should familiarise themselves with research on culturally diverse workforces, particularly new and professional immigrants, and the unique barriers they face. Because many clients come from different ethnicities and backgrounds, they are likely to be experiencing racism, discrimination and other forms of stereotyping in society, as well as within their career. It is extremely important that the counsellor recognises and discusses these realities, including the client’s cross-cultural difficulties and underemployment or unemployment challenges that generally go hand-in-hand with stereotyping. Pope and colleagues (2004) suggested that if the clients themselves do not first acknowledge these issues, they should be brought up in discussion by the counsellor. When a counsellor abides by this strategy, clients will be likely to see that their counsellor is sensitive and knowledgeable about their current transition and empathises with the stress that accompanies this experience (Stebleton, 2007). In addition to discussing these barriers, counsellors must be aware of any


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potential biases or stereotypes they may have in regards to immigrants from particular ethnic groups. It is necessary that the counsellor deal with these personal issues before counselling the client.

A further recommendation is for counsellors to provide useful resources that will serve as helping strategies for new and professional immigrants. Information on interview techniques, acceptable dress code and other issues related to employment in Canada are important technical aspects that should be covered by counsellors (Stebleton, 2007). These technical aspects play an important part in the client’s career experience and should not be overlooked, and specific helping interventions and counselling strategies are extremely significant to the client’s current situation. For that reason, support strategies branching from social cognitive career theory and Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach will be discussed in the following section.

Helping interventionsAttend to meaning of client’s career experience Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach to career counselling has particular applicability for new and professional immigrants. As previously acknowledged, this narrative approach is a particularly helpful approach to this population, as the client can engage in storytelling. Throughout this process, the client can discuss his or her past and present career development, which will aid in the construction of his or her future career (Sharf, 2010). As formerly mentioned, if the client is having a difficult time opening up about their new experience and transition in Canada, there are several techniques that can be integrated into the counselling. These techniques (success experiences, lifelines, the Career-O-Gram and life chapters) provide a set task for the client, potentially enabling a more comfortable and open setting, while identifying key concepts within the approach.

A specific key concept within this theory is the emphasis on the meaning of the client’s career experience. The helping process therefore aims to assist the client by attending to what is important in the client’s description of his or her life and career. The counsellor therefore gains an in-depth understanding

of the client’s cultural background, career experience and other detailed information that otherwise may not have been mentioned. By integrating a narrative approach to career counselling, the counsellor is therefore ensuring that any important details in the client’s life are discussed in the client’s narrative. This is particularly meaningful information for the counsellor with a new and professional immigrant client, as specific details of the client’s host country and career life before coming to Canada can be emphasised. Emphasis and meaning can also be directed at particular issues the client may be currently facing in his or her career life, such as underemployment, unemployment or discrimination issues. By attending to meaningful issues, the counsellor will gain knowledge about current barriers that the client is struggling with, ultimately increasing the possibility of effectively coping with these difficulties.

After attending to the meaning of particular events and cultural experiences, the counsellor should identify a pattern that is present among these circumstances (Sharf, 2010). For instance, by identifying a pattern of discrimination, the counsellor can focus on

particular coping strategies for this barrier throughout future counselling sessions. Additionally, the counsellor and client should form a sense of the client’s identity throughout the assessment. Formation of the client’s identity can be construed from both the client’s story itself, as well as the client’s approach to his or her story (Sharf, 2010). As a result of these objectives, the counsellor can learn about the client’s career goals for the future. To aid the development of future career goals, the counsellor

can help by clarifying choices that are available to the client (Sharf, 2010). For instance, new and professional immigrants in particular may not have as many realistic career opportunities as compared to a Caucasian professional. The counsellor can help these clients realise what appropriate future career goals are through having the client write his or her future biography, and writing down an obituary. By emphasising particular attention to the meaning of the client’s experience, the counsellor is better able to successfully guide the client through the development and construction of the client’s future career.

‘By attending to meaningful issues, the counsellor will gain

knowledge about current barriers that the client is

struggling with, ultimately increasing the possibility of effectively coping with these

difficulties.’


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Approach stereotypes and discrimination Stereotypes and discrimination issues are recurring barriers for immigrants in Canada. For instance, visible minority immigrants with a foreign degree have been found to have the lowest annual earnings, while white immigrants with a foreign degree earn relatively the same as visible minority Canadians with a Canadian degree (Chetan, 2010). This example of discrimination can have a significant influence on immigrants’ career development outcomes, and can potentially result in chronic unemployment for immigrants, especially if particular organisations are portraying discriminatory behaviour. A key technique in helping clients deal with discrimination issues lies within Cochran’s (1997) ‘success experience’ technique, where clients develop a list of their strengths and past successful experiences. While this may not necessarily change an organisation’s discriminatory behaviour, it will focus on the client’s positive experiences, which can help to improve the client’s confidence in regard to their career development process. Counsellors can also use key concepts from social cognitive career theory as a means of developing a client’s self-efficacy through the implementation of outcome expectations and goals. More particularly, clients can work from their success experience list to develop career goals, which can potentially increase their outcome expectations and self-efficacy. For example, if a particular success experience is a successful interview process, clients can focus on this positive experience and develop a goal that is specific to a future interview. Integrating key concepts from these career development theories can help clients confront particular stereotypes they may be facing by focusing on their strengths and what they have to offer to Canadian organisations. This will ultimately empower the client to move beyond stereotypes that are present within the Canadian society (Coogan & Chen, 2007), which can improve the client’s sense of efficacy in career development.Acknowledge different beliefs and cultures Many therapists may find counselling immigrants to be a challenge, due to differing beliefs, cultures, methods of coping with stress and differing views on counselling. For instance, in many cultures, it is not acceptable to reveal private matters to a ‘stranger’, which makes counselling an extreme hardship for therapists (Nikelly, 1997). Furthermore, it is forbidden for women to make eye contact or

initiate conversation with males in some cultures, while males tend to converse in very close proximity (Nikelly, 1997). It is therefore an advantage to both parties when counsellors educate themselves in clients’ cultures and belief systems. This education can enhance a counsellor’s ability to provide recommendations and help strategies that are congruent with a client’s background and culture. It is also comforting from the client’s perspective, as the client does not feel forced to engage in uncomfortable strategies and coping mechanisms that are foreign concepts. For instance, a concept as simple as individual therapy in Canada can cause great discomfort to some immigrants. Those from a collectivist background prefer to integrate their family into their therapy sessions. It is helpful for counsellors to be prepared and educated for similar instances when dealing with immigrants and individuals of different cultures. Finally, as a means of easing the transition from one’s host country to Canada, it is recommended that counsellors use an approach that integrates concepts from their client’s host culture, as well as concepts and helping strategies that are commonly used in Canada. This integrative approach will serve as a balance between the individualist Canadian and collectivist host culture approaches. Consequently, it will create a comfortable transition into Canada, and a satisfying progression into one’s career development. Introduce training programs Training programs are an ideal helping strategy that can improve different aspects of the client’s skills, ultimately enhancing his or her career development. More specifically, training programs can ameliorate a client’s education, knowledge and language skills, can prepare the client for career development experiences in Canada and can potentially increase the client’s employment opportunities. Training programs seem to be a favoured method of learning and improving one’s skills shortly after migrating to Canada. In fact, 45% of new immigrants had already pursued some type of training just six months after arriving in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2003). The various training programs have been well received and provide new immigrants with more knowledge in the specified domain, as well as a greater understanding of Canadian society. In fact, Korean immigrants in a recent training program described the strategies of the program as being very effective, making the transition to their new society


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easier and more comfortable (Eunjung, Hyung Sung & Webster-Stratton, 2010).

Clients typically enter a training program that is designed to meet their specific needs, which are often congruent with their career interests. Consequently, they can gain many abilities and experiences that can aid throughout their career development. Additionally, clients may have the opportunity to form new friendships or mentorships that can provide a great deal of support throughout their transition experience. Although the latter idea presumably wasn’t the client’s purpose in entering the program, it may provide just as much, and possibly a greater, advantage to the client’s current position. Improve client’s self-efficacy It is essential in counselling interventions that the counsellor discusses the importance of understanding the client’s self-efficacy beliefs within interpersonal and intrapersonal, familial, environmental and societal contexts (Coogan & Chen, 2007). Throughout this process, the client can understand that their efficacy is not simply their judgement of their ability to pursue and accomplish career tasks but a complex interaction between various contextual internal and external influence (Coogan & Chen, 2007). The client will thus presumably realise that their efficacy can have a significant influence on their career development process. Improved self-efficacy results in the ability to confront underemployment and unemployment issues as a potential result of discrimination. This counselling process will aid the client in feeling more capable in considering and confronting discrimination and underemployment and unemployment issues, and will ultimately improve his or her self-efficacy. Finally, this stronger sense of self-efficacy will enable the client to challenge the psychological barriers caused by discrimination, cross-cultural issues and their resulting consequences (Coogan & Chen, 2007).

The counsellor also has to consider that immigrants experience more contextual barriers than the typical Caucasian, Western individual, and will therefore typically have lower self-efficacy. This can potentially result in a more difficult counselling process for both the counsellor and the client. In fact, ethnic minorities reported having lower levels of self-efficacy for coping with career-related barriers than did European Americans (Luzzo & McWhirter, 2001). Additionally, the greater the perceived likelihood of career barriers, the lower the

career decision-making self-efficacy among ethnic minorities (Weiss, 2001). It is plausible that new and professional immigrants potentially experience even lower levels of efficacy than ethnic minorities, as their transition to Canada is relatively new, thus increasing the amount of barriers and stressors. It is therefore likely that the typical career counsellor’s client will have lower career self-efficacy when from an immigrant population. Consequently, it is vital that the counsellor and client work to improve the client’s efficacy as a means of coping with underemployment and unemployment issues, as well as cross-cultural barriers that have been discussed. An additional coping strategy that can aid the client in dealing with these issues includes building and expanding the client’s social support networks (Chae, 2002; Coogan & Chen, 2007; Cook, Heppner & O’Brien, 2002; Krakauer & Chen, 2003; Lent et al., 2000), something that can be done through enrolment in a training program, as previously discussed. As formerly mentioned, Lent et al. (2000) suggested that the effects and stresses one experiences from barriers diminish as our ability to cope with them increases. The fundamental goal is therefore to improve the client’s self-efficacy, which will decrease their psychological and physical stresses, and improve their ability to cope with potential barriers.

conclusionResearch reveals the increased difficulties that new and professional immigrants face in their career development when transitioning to Canada. Several key concepts from social cognitive career theory and Cochran’s (1997) narrative approach seem to be applicable in confronting some of the barriers this group is facing. Although the application of key concepts from these theories does not meet every need of new and professional immigrants, they provide the research with a solid foundation to demonstrate the applicability of career development theories in an area that demands more attention from vocational psychology (Coogan & Chen, 2007). Guided by these theoretical models, this article also discussed some considerations for career counsellors dealing with this population (Coogan & Chen, 2007). The purpose of discussing these considerations was to integrate theories with the practice of career counselling in the context of new and professional immigrants’ career development process.


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acknowleDgemenTThis article was supported in part by a Research Grant awarded to Charles P. Chen from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Standard Grant Program. Award No. 410-2009-2394.

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USING INNOVATIVE TECHNOLOGY TO

OVERCOME JOB INTERVIEW ANXIETY

DAVID ROCKAWIN

Austral ian National Univer sity

Correspondence concerning this ar ticle should be addressed to: David Rockawin, [email protected]

University career counsellors invest a lot of time and effort in the development of the skills and knowledge associated with self-reliance in job interviews. The resource-intensive nature of this approach needs to be reconsidered in the context of overall careers service delivery. More specifically, the key barriers to achieving a competent degree of self-reliance in job interviews need to be identified. When considering the benefits and weaknesses of existing interventions in overcoming job interview anxiety, it is important to consider emerging technological tools for career development and whether or not they can contribute to or ultimately replace current practices. The proposed introduction of InterviewStream will be analysed in this context, and its likely impact on career service delivery at the Australian National University (ANU) will be used to form the basis of discussion.

Job interviews are frequently used by employers as an integral part of their selection and recruitment

processes, yet the job interview is one of the biggest causes of angst amongst students. To understand if there is a particular factor or a combination that cause this anxiety, it is necessary to differentiate ‘interview anxiety’ from anxiety.

Tross and Maurer (2008) supplied a description of anxiety based around the notion of a person thinking that something may go wrong and, as a result, possibly being unsuccessful in achieving the desired

outcomes. They then reshape this definition to assist in differentiating between anxiety and job interview anxiety. The specific nature of the situation itself becomes the key element. This factor has also been identified by Tanveer (2007) and McCarthy and Goffin (2004) when comparing the categories of anxiety.

TyPes of anxieTyIt is critical to further break down the causality and typology of interview anxiety, especially when considering the validity of potential intervention


Practice Application Brief

measures. Examination of the relevant literature tends to reveal four main forms of interview anxiety:• fear of not having control of the situation• fear of not achieving the desired outcome• fear of being evaluated by others• communication anxiety.

Fear of Not Having Control of the SituationSome factors may contribute to this condition more than others or in varying combinations, depending on the individual as well as the circumstance. McCarthy and Goffin (2004) hypothesised that interviews can lead to heightened feelings of anxiety due to an applicant’s perception of not having control over the situation.

Fear of Not Achieving Desired OutcomesExtending on this reasoning, Tross and Maurer (2008) highlighted the underlying reasons for the interviewee’s presence in the first place. That is, the degree of anxiety experienced through the conditions in an interview can be exacerbated by the candidate’s thoughts and emotional weightings on the end result or ‘desired outcomes’. In fact, McCarthy and Goffin (2004) have noted that these feelings of anxiety can start to build before the interview, due to the competitive nature of the interview.

Fear of Being Evaluated by OthersGiven the highly evaluative purpose of a job interview, candidates are aware that others are making judgements of them based on their interview performance. Crawford (2004), when discussing the physical manifestations resulting from interview anxiety, suggested that some candidates perceive the interviewer as being personally critical of them.

While the extent of this fear-induced anxiety is likely to vary according to the individual’s personality and previous experiences, it could be deduced that familiarising an interviewee with knowledge of the interview process would serve to temper the levels of anxiety and creation of negative self-thoughts.

Communication AnxietyAnother form of job interview anxiety that is identified in the literature is that caused by communication anxiety, or what Ayres, Keereetaweep, Chen and Edwards (1998) referred to as communication apprehension. Available research suggests that the fear that people attribute to being evaluated is also related

to anxiety derived from having to communicate with others. Ayres et al. (1998) suggested that this is heightened by the thought of having to communicate with strangers.

When acknowledging communication anxiety as a key contributing factor to job interview anxiety, it is important to point out that this is likely to further affect a growing demographic within Australian university student populations—students from non-English-speaking backgrounds.

There is some existing research on the role that language anxiety plays in fears associated with communicating and, ultimately, being evaluated in interviews. In a recent research investigation, Woodrow and Chapman (2009) concluded that foreign language anxiety is one of the strongest predictors of foreign language performance. Horwitz (cited in Tanveer, 2007) went further by stating that this fear associated with language anxiety can transcend into other evaluative situations such as interviewing for a job.

Lack of confidence due to fear can instil negative thoughts of likely interview performance. This observation is supported by a number of researchers, who refer to it in terms of an individual’s self-efficacy. Tross and Maurer (2008) discussed interviewee self-efficacy as being situation specific. This formation of personal judgements by an individual regarding their interviewing capabilities is similarly defined by Tay, Ang and Van Dyne (2006) as well as Stumpf, Brief and Hartman (1987) and is reflected in the findings of Heinberg, Keller and Peca-Baker (cited in Ayres et al., 1998). While Stumpf, Brief and Hartman (1987) suggested that perceptions of previous success can reduce anxiety, it seems more likely that reduced anxiety results from prior success in a very similar context or situation.

When Bandura, Gist and Mitchell (cited in Tay et al., 2006) raised discussion on how people revise their efficacy beliefs based on new information, they also acknowledged the role of experiences. Stumpf, Brief and Hartman (1987) were more explicit when differentiating between knowledge and experience. They placed less emphasis on the development of positive efficacy expectations based on verbal persuasion, and instead highlighted the importance of the development of an individual’s coping mechanisms derived through experience. The development of positive self-efficacy expectations based on a model of intervention incorporating interview



experience-based success is therefore critical in countering job interview anxiety. Achieving this success would involve adopting a strategy of engagement, involving extensive interview practice.

currenT PracTicesVarious types of interventions, often in combination with each other, are used by university careers counsellors. Stumpf, Brief and Hartman (1987) argued that counselling activities should be used in a way that serves to direct the interviewee’s thoughts away from their growing anxiety. In doing so, they emphasised the importance of focusing on performance success and encouraging interventions that create perceived successes. Hackett and Betz (cited in Stumpf, Brief & Hartman, 1987) speak of the need to increase career-related efficacy expectations. This is supported by McCarthy and Goffin (2004) who proposed that using techniques aimed at lowering anxiety levels in a potential interviewee might actually cause an increase in a candidate’s comfort level, thus resulting in an increase in interview performance.

While interventions can lead to an improvement in interview performance, it is imperative that the most appropriate modes are used for this purpose. When resourcing issues are also factored in, it becomes a case of needing to know which types of intervention tools will produce the most effective outcome within specific budget and time constraints.

At present, the Australian National University (ANU) Careers Centre uses one-to-one careers counselling sessions, job interview seminars and workshops, library resource materials and mock interviews—all in various combinations to deal with job interview anxiety. This approach reflects current practice in numerous Australian and overseas universities and is incorporating a framework that is recommended in various research findings (Arvey & Campion, 1982), with the ultimate aim of developing self-reliance for individuals, when preparing for and performing in interviews.

At ANU, mock interviews and role-plays have received the highest scores in evaluation ratings of interventions by students. The key advantages of mock interviews relative to some of the other traditional approaches is that you can prepare by observing

others, which Maurer and Solaman’s research results linked with higher performance (cited in Hansen, Oliphant, Oliphant & Hansen, 2009). Furthermore, it is a relatively comfortable and supportive environment in which the candidate receives instant feedback. The mock interview process can also give an interviewee the opportunity to get feedback pertaining to more specific areas for improvement than they may get from an employer interview.

Careers practitioners working at ANU have also found this particular advantage of mock interviews to be highly conducive to assisting students from non-English-speaking backgrounds because it allows the students to practise conversing with native speakers in a supportive environment. The performance feedback has served to bolster interview self-efficacy and it has proven to be a significant empowerment strategy for these students.

currenT use of innovaTive TechnologyOver the last decade, there have been a number of interview simulation products developed for various careers-related markets. These products have developed

in line with the rapid progression of web-based technology. There has already been considerable attention given to the advantages inherent in these new modes. For example, Hooley, Hutchinson and Watts (2010) highlighted the promotion of ‘user-control’ as well as self-reliance.

Before 2010, the uptake of purpose-designed web-based interview

simulators was virtually non-existent in Australian universities. Many products on the market have been developed in the USA and the UK, and therefore the marketing has largely centred on their large domestic markets: for example, Perfect Interview (Hansen et al. 2009; Perfect Interview, 2010) and InterviewGOLD—a UK product being used in the UK by universities such as Aston (Aston University Careers and Employability Centre, 2010).

In terms of web-based interview simulations in Australian higher education, Bond University’s Career Service has incorporated this new mode of intervention into its careers service delivery. Bond University used YouTube to conduct its online interview practice, using a competition-type format, where students can

‘While interventions can lead to an improvement in interview performance, it is imperative that the most appropriate modes are used

for this purpose.’



vote on different interviews. By providing students with the opportunity to practise and to receive real feedback, the careers counsellors used observational learning to increase self-efficacy. In their approach, the careers counsellors used measures testing for resulting improvements in self-efficacy and job interview anxiety for both the participants and the voters.

Other web-based interview simulators have been developed largely in-house or in partnership with a company and have been further refined over time. Examples of this include The Interviewer used by the University of Bradford (University of Bradford, 2010) and Intervisual, used by Brunel University (UK Council for International Student Affairs, 2010). Many university career centres in Australia would struggle to develop their own specific interview simulation software due to the time, money and expertise required.

Application of InterviewStreamAfter reviewing the available products, the ANU Careers Centre has opted for an American-developed product called InterviewStream. InterviewStream is essentially software that provides the web technology platform to allow individuals to record a practice interview, review their own performance, comment on it and then send it to others via a web link to request feedback. Through the use of a webcam, the program records the user’s responses to a set of interview questions. The recording is then stored on the web servers of InterviewStream.

Using the web as a platform for delivery of the software means that InterviewStream is highly accessible. Given the increasing proportion of international students as a percentage of student enrolments at ANU, this program would allow students and alumni to use InterviewStream when in their home countries during teaching breaks or after graduation. The accessibility potential of the product fits in well with one of the key phases that has been identified by Watts (cited in Hooley et al., 2010) in the development of ICT in career guidance.

InterviewStream is marketed as a practice tool and the product developers are explicit in letting licensed providers know that they do not tell the user how to answer particular questions. Instead, the focus is on allowing users to hear and see themselves in the same way that potential employers would (InterviewStream, 2010b). This approach is consistent with that used by similar products such as The Interviewer. One of the

dangers that this approach therefore avoids is that some users will focus their energies on memorising answers, rather than further developing the way in which they communicate and interact during an interview. This was one of the key concerns of Ayres and colleagues (Ayres et al., 1998) when pointing out that apprehensive communicators have been found to focus on the message and not the audience.

The feedback component associated with the simulated interviews is one of the most influential factors in developing interview skills; InterviewStream has therefore devised a feedback template (based on 18 criteria) for administrators to customise categories for assessment.

Once the user has completed the process, they can then distribute the recorded interview to friends, family or careers counsellors for additional feedback. These comments are saved to the user’s account for viewing at any stage, meaning that more than one careers counsellor is able to provide written feedback and subsequently track the progress of a user’s development (InterviewStream, 2010b).

The inclusion of a database of more than 3000 interview questions (InterviewStream, 2010a) is appealing compared with the prospect of the Careers Centre staff having to develop their own from the outset. The large volume of available questions creates a significant number of possible combinations that can make up a single interview, thus ensuring that most individual interview experiences will be different.

In reviewing the database of questions, ANU career advisers have identified one potential weakness. The interviewers are primarily from one country of origin. One way in which the ANU can reduce the probability of each interview question being asked by a person from one country of origin is by contributing content to the database. This can be done by engaging employers, alumni, academics, HR personnel and possibly drama students in recording interview sessions.

The ProPoseD moDelThe staff of the ANU Careers Centre have decided to initially opt for a ‘controlled physical environment’ model with a view to opening up the remote web access functionality soon afterwards. A primary reason for this decision is that such a model offers a lot of scope to trial and evaluate the implementation of InterviewStream in a controlled environment. This would assist the Centre in further refining associated



administrative processes, and technical aspects, and enable student and career counsellor feedback to be incorporated before moving to a more open model. While the ‘web access only’ model is relatively cost effective, the envisaged benefits associated with broader functionalities, such as self-marketing for the Careers Centre, employer participation, possible curriculum incorporation and quality of feedback, are all seen as significant considerations in spite of possible resource implications.

The proposed model will bring together two important elements: web-based interview simulation software as well as a simulated corporate interview room. The Careers Centre has converted one of its rooms into a simulated corporate office. The purpose of this is to replicate the physical environment commonly associated with job interviews in order to provide a more authentic experience for those who want to practise their interview techniques.

In keeping with the idea of providing a simulated experience, the interview room consists of a large office chair, as well as a large LCD screen to display the interviewer. The choice of interior for the room is important for creating an authentic and supportive environment. In their study on stuttering during virtual reality job interviews, Brundage, Graap, Gibbons, Ferrer and Brooks (2006) found that in the use of a virtual reality space in the treatment of social phobia, users ‘perceived virtual audiences as similar to real audiences’ (p. 327).

The new model of interview practice would still incorporate the successful elements of existing interventions in that it would allow students to watch and read pre-practice hints and tips, as well as watch from a large supply of footage of exemplar modelling.

Despite the decision to use InterviewStream primarily as an educative tool, the proposed model also allows for a significant degree of employer engagement. In the first instance, employers can work with the Careers Centre to use InterviewStream as a recruitment tool. It would provide employers with a cost-effective way of conducting off-campus interviews, with the added ability of being able to conduct the interview live (in real time). By encouraging greater

access to international employers through a cheaper alternative to on-campus interviews, the volume of organisations that form a closer working relationship with the Careers Centre and, ultimately, the university is likely to increase.

A distinct advantage of this new mode of career service delivery is that InterviewStream could be used within courses to provide positive simulated interview experiences. Numerous business schools in the US already incorporate graded mock interviews within their curriculums (Hansen et al., 2009). In addition, it is envisaged that academics could play an important role in contributing to the database of available questions in their specialised area.

The Implications for ResourcesOne of the most significant implications for adopting the new model is the potential impact on resource usage and allocation. The new model would have a

very real impact on the time spent on providing interview preparation advice and strategies. Until web access outside of the controlled environment is opened up, the limitations on accessibility are likely to lead to the interview room becoming heavily booked. The consequence of this is that it could involve diverting staff away from other aspects of careers development in order to meet the demand for the provision of feedback on recorded interviews.

Increasing access beyond the interview room would eventually alleviate the need for the process to

depend on feedback for which the careers counsellor is the primary source. It is not likely that all of the users will be seeking individualised in-person feedback from the careers counsellor. Rather, they may opt to use it solely as a practice tool or choose to seek feedback from other sources such as friends and family members.

conclusionIn Australia and abroad, university career services have attempted to reduce the potential impact of job interview anxiety by increasing people’s knowledge of the process. This has been implemented through a range of mediums, often in conjunction with each other. While the available literature on job interview

‘The envisaged benefits associated with broader functionalities, such as self-marketing for the

Careers Centre, employer participation, possible

curriculum incorporation and quality of feedback, are all seen as significant

considerations.’



anxiety is limited when exploring the impact and effectiveness of each individual strategy, a few of the key findings appear to support the multi-interventional approach. Even when looking at one of the more successful strategies currently used by the ANU Careers Centre—mock interviews—some researchers (Hansen et al., 2009) recommend such an intervention should also supplement other activities as a part of a broader range. The findings of Arvey and Campion (1982) also support the need for multiple interventions in dealing with job interview anxiety. Ayres and colleagues (1998) found that inappropriate preparation activities were actually significantly responsible for causing difficulties in job interviews amongst those with high communication apprehension. Their emphasis on the need to rehearse with others is one of the primary areas where InterviewStream can add value.

InterviewStream provides a technological platform that encourages engagement through its interactive interface, giving students multiple opportunities to record, review and reflect on practice interviews as well as share with others for feedback purposes. Its use in the proposed strategy forms a part of what has been identified as ‘new guidance pedagogy’—one that actively seeks to engage others (for example, employers and peers) in playing a role in guidance and career decision-making (Hooley et al., 2010). The ANU Careers Centre acknowledges the importance of a supportive environment in the development of a student’s job interview skills and is also keen to combine this with a degree of authenticity, both in terms of the content of questions as well as through the simulated interview room.

InterviewStream will assist in alleviating some of the fear of not having control of the situation by providing students with knowledge of the process through experiential learning. The feedback component of the software will provide users with experience performing in an evaluative situation. Furthermore, by facilitating an experience that can lead to success in a replicated situation, InterviewStream can contribute to the development of positive self-efficacy beliefs around job interview performance.

Even though InterviewStream will, to varying degrees, tackle the four identified key causes of job interview anxiety and become an integrated tool, the proposed model of career service delivery will still be underpinned by a number of intervention measures. In doing so, the model recognises the main causes,

and that each individual user will have different needs in terms of intervention. While InterviewStream and similar products promote themselves as allowing a more efficient use of resources, the overall impact on resources will form an important part of the ongoing evaluation of the proposed model once it is introduced.

referencesArvey, R. D., & Campion, J. (1982). The employment interview:

A summary and review of recent research. Personnel

Psychology, 35, 304–310.

Aston University Careers & Employability Centre (2010) Success

at interviews. Retrieved from http://viewer.zmags.com/

publication/a5479338#/a5479338/32

Ayres, J., Keereetaweep, T., Chen, P., & Edwards, P. A. (1998).

Communication apprehension and employment interviews

[Electronic version]. Communication Education, 47, 1–16.

Bond University Career Development Centre (2010). National

interview challenge—project overview. Retrieved from

http://www.bond.edu.au/student-resources/career-

development-centre/national-interview-challenge/

project-overview/index.htm

Brundage, S. B., Graap, K., Gibbons, K. F., Ferrer, M., & Brooks,

J. (2006). Frequency of stuttering during challenging and

supportive virtual reality job interviews [Electronic version].

Journal of Fluency Disorders, 31, 326–327.

Crawford, B. (2004). Roadblock to success: Interview anxiety—

August 2004. Retrieved from http://dev.fireengineering.com/

articles/print.html?id=211506&bPool=pennnet.com

Hansen, K., Oliphant, G. C., Oliphant, B. J., & Hansen, R.

S. (2009). Best practices in preparing students for mock

interviews [Electronic version]. Business Communication

Quarterly, 72, 322–325.

Hooley, T., Hutchinson, J., & Watts, A. G. (2010). Careering

through the web: The potential of web 2.0 and 3.0 technologies

for career development and career support services. UK

Commission for Employment & Skills. Retrieved from http://

www.ukces.org.uk/publications/careering-through-the-web

Hughes, A. (2009). Higher education in a web 2.0 world.

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generalpublications/2009/heweb2.aspx

InterviewStream. (2010a). Enterprise question management system.

Retrieved from http://www.interviewstream.com/Features/

PracticeInterview/InterviewQuestions

InterviewStream FAQs. (2010b). Best practices (supplement). In

author’s possession.

McCarthy, J., & Goffin, R. (2004). Measuring job interview

anxiety: Beyond weak knees and sweaty palms [Electronic

version]. Personnel Psychology, 57, 607–632.



Middleton, D. (2010, 23 February). Non-campus recruiting:

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article/SB10001424052748704454304575081612301346960.html

Perfect Interview. (2010). Perfect Interview—preparing for

tomorrow’s interview today! Retrieved from http://www.

perfectinterview.com

Stumpf, S. A., Brief, A. P., & Hartman, K. (1987). Self efficacy

expectations and coping with career-related events [Electronic

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Tanveer, M. (2007). Investigation of the factors that cause language

anxiety for ESL/EFL learners in learning speaking skills and

the influence it casts on communication in the target language.

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Tay, C., Ang, S., & Van Dyne, L. (2006). Personality, biographical

characteristics, and job interview success: A longitudinal study

of the mediating effects of interviewing self-efficacy and the

moderating effects of internal locus of causality [Electronic

version]. Journal of Applied Psychology, 91(2), 446–448.

Tross, S. A., & Maurer, T. J. (2008). The effect of coaching

interviews on subsequent interview performance in

structured experience-based interviews [Electronic version].

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Woodrow, L., & Chapman, E. (2002). Second language speaking

anxiety of learners of English for academic purposes in

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notEs For ContriBUtors

The Australian Journal of Career Development is a refereed journal which focuses on current theory, practice and policy relating to the professional field of career development and practices. These areas include career counselling, career education, guidance, work-integrated learning, and related academic disciplines such as vocational psychology, education and human resources. The journal provides a forum for sharing, disseminating and debating current careers research, practice and policy.

The journal’s audience includes professionals, educators and researchers in educational institutions, community and government agencies, business and industrial settings. Topics should be presented with implications for practice. The journal welcomes international submissions, particularly those that have global implications for career development theory and practice.

General Principles A manuscript will be considered in terms of the following criteria:• it expands the body of knowledge of the field career

development• itinformsinamannerthatwilldevelopreaders’professional

understanding or help in their understanding of career development

• itprovidesguidanceforprofessionalpractice• itraisesphilosophicalandconceptualquestionsrelatedtothe

field• it opens a new frontier of knowledge and ideas related to

professional practice.

Peer-reviewed submissions—double masked

1 Case Studies Case studies concerning innovative programs may be submitted. They should be both descriptive and analytical, providing the merits and shortcomings of the situation. Manuscripts should be between 3000 and 5000 words in length, including References section.

2 Articles Research articles should present relevant literature and concepts, methodology, results and discussion in terms of theory and practices. They should be between 4500 and 6000 words in length, including References section.

3 Research Reports Shorter research reports and initial dissemination of findings and outcomes of research projects and theses are welcome. Manuscripts should be between 2000 and 3000 words in length, including References section.

Editor-reviewed submissions to the Journal

1 Practice Application Brief This section comprises a review and summary of practical applications and techniques in the area of career development, guidance, placement or counselling services. It offers a concise, coherent and easy-to-read summary of a relevant topic for practitioners. Manuscripts should be between 1500 and 2000 words in length, including References section.

2 Reviews Books, reports, packages, computer programs or any other material relevant to career practitioners are reviewed in this section.

3 Careers Forum This is the place in the Journal for news, trends and comments on relevant issues to stimulate discussion and debate. Comments may relate to material in earlier editions of the Journal or to contemporary issues in the field. Brief reports of relevant conferences, seminars and events may also be included. Ordinarily, manuscripts should be no longer than 1000 words, however longer opinion pieces will be considered.

Manuscript standardsAll submissions are required in MS Word format (.doc or docx) and should comply with the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.). Manuscripts should be typed and double-spaced. Submission as an email attachment is preferred and will expedite the review process. Case Study, Article and Research Report submissions should be preceded by an abstract of 100–150 words. Tables should be typed on separate pages with approximate location indicated in the text. References are given at the end of the text and only references cited in the text should appear in the reference list. Spelling should conform to the Macquarie Dictionary and language should be gender inclusive. If you have any queries, contact the Editor.

Peer review of Case studies, articles and research reportsManuscripts are evaluated by a double masked reviewing system in which the author’s identity is anonymous to the referees and vice versa. Therefore there should be a separate cover page showing the title of the manuscript, author/s names, their academic position or employment title, the address of institution/s and the date the manuscript is submitted. The first page of the manuscript should be anonymous, including the title of the manuscript but omitting the authors’ names and affiliations.

artworkMaterials need to be of high quality with good resolution to allow for reproduction in printing. JPG file format is preferred.

Manuscript submissionManuscripts may be submitted by e-mail as an attachment to the Editor:

Dr PETER McILVEENUniversity of Southern QueenslandTOOWOOMBA QLD 4350AUSTRALIATel: (07) 4631 2375 Fax: (07) 4631 2828Email: [email protected]

indexingThe Australian Journal of Career Development is indexed in ERIC (Educational Resources Information Center), Australian Education Index (AEI) and Australian Public Affairs Information Service (APAIS).

disclaimer The opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the individual authors and are not necessarily those of the Editor, or of the Australian Council for Educational Research or the University of Southern Queensland.



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Choosing a medical career? Make an informed decision

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Winter 2012 • Volume 21 • Number 2

ARTICLES

★ Upholding equality and social justice: A social constructivist perspective on emancipatory career guidance practiceBarbara Bassot

★ An overview of New Zealand career development servicesDale Furbish

★ Testing the utility of person–environment correspondence theory with instructional technology students in Turkey Serkan Perkmen

★ Career counselling new and professional immigrants: Theories into practiceTara Kennedy and Charles P. Chen

PRACTICE APPLICATION BRIEF

★ Using innovative technology to overcome job interview anxietyDavid Rockawin

Australian Council for Educational Research

e-ISSN 1038-4162

Documents

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF CAREER - CDANZ2)Winter2012.pdf · 2 Australian Journal of Career Development Volume 21, Number 2, Winter 2012 EDITORIAL At the 2012 conference of the Career