BARNISH, Martianus Capella and Rome in the Late Fifth Century

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Martianus Capella and Rome in the Late Fifth Century

Author(s): S. I. B. BarnishSource: Hermes, Vol. 114, No. 1 (1st Qtr., 1986), pp. 98-111Published by: Franz Steiner VerlagStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4476480 .

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98 S. I. B. BARNISH

Ich schliel3emit dem Ausblickauf eineinzigartigesDokument patantiker

Textdiaskeuase: ie Rezensiondes erstenBuchsderLaudesDei und der Satis-factio des Dracontius,die Bischof Eugeniusvon Toledo (Mitte des 7. Jh.)

vornahm26. Denn um a n t i k e j.Tstaypaqo' handelt es sich hierbei, wenn auch

vielleichtwenigerder Zeit ihrerEntstehungnach als aufgrund hres auf3eren

und innerenZusammenhangsmit dem antiken Interpolationswesen. rsatz-

fassungen,darunter uch binneninterpolatorischeiedieeben besprochenen,

treten dort gleichreihenweise uf. Von einer antiken Gelehrtenausgabe nd

den FolgenihrerAuflosungkanndabeinatilrlichnichtdie Redesein. Denn

dem spanischenBischof aus der Zeit des Westgotenreichs ar ein Erfolg be-

schiedenwie sonst kaumeinem antikenRedaktor: eineRezension etztesichungehindert urchund blieb bis zumEnde des 18. Jh. die alleinherrschende.

Erst seitF. AREVALOen echtenDracontius ns Lichthob, konnenwirOrigi-

nal und Diaskeuasevergleichen,was eben diesenganzenFall zu einemSchul-

beispiel nterpolatorischer rbeitmacht.

MQnster . W. CHRISTIAN NILKA

26 Auf sie machtmichW. SCHETTERufmerksam.DerText beiF. VOLLMER,MGHa. a. 14

(1905);dazu jetzt F. SPERANZA,lossiAemili DracontisatisfactiounacumEugenirecensione,Romao. J. (1978). Die Redaktiondes Eugeniusverdientnach der tUchtigenArbeitK. REIN-

WALDS,Die Ausgabedes erstenBuchsder Laudesdei undder Satisfactiodes Dracontiusdurch

Eugenius on Toledo:Progr.z. Jahresber. esK. humanistischen ymnasiumspeyer1912/13,

Speyer 1913 eine erneute Behandlung, deren Hauptziel darin bestehen mtlBte, den Text des Euge-

niusin den Zusammenhanges antikenInterpolationswesensu rticken.

MARTIANUS CAPELLA AND ROME

IN THE LATE FIFTH CENTURY

The author of the 'De Nuptiis Mercuriiet Philologiae', that strange

compoundof encyclopaedia,Platonicmyth,andMenippean atire,hasnever,

sincethe Dark Ages, beenmuchmorethan a nameto his readers.Fromhis

own words, we learnthat he was agedabout fifty, had a son, and was very

possiblya lawyer;from them, and his manuscripts, hat he was a nativeof

Carthagel. The ninth century commentator, Remigius of Auxerre, tells us

thathe dividedhis timebetweenCarthage,Rome,and Italy2.So latea source

canhardlybe reliedon, but we shallsee that the claimhas someplausibility.

I De Nupt.I.2, VI.577,IX.999(J. A. WILLIS'Teubner ext, Stuttgart1983,cited).2 Remigius,Comm.in Mart.Cap. I (ed. C. LUTZ, eiden1962),p. 66.



MartianusCapellaand Romein the Late FifthCentury 99

Martianus'dateis a matter or speculation, hemorerecentof whichhasbeen

tendingtowardsthe later fifth century3.The terminusantequem is givenbyan edititionproduced n 534, the consulshipof Paulinus,in Rome, by Felix,rhetorof the city, and Deuteriushis pupil, working ad Portam Capenam4.Theearliestwriters o knowof, orto use himall belongafter 480. Inthe560s,Cassiodoruswasawareof hiswork,buthadneverreadhim5.Boethius' Con-solatioPhilosophiae' c. 524)showsparallels,verbal,metrical, tructural, ndthematic6; but the same author's 'De Musica' (c. 500) ignores him7.Ennodius' 'Paraenesis Didascalia' (c. 510) has some resemblances8.TheAfrican scholar, Fulgentius,whose 'Mythologiae'may possibly have been

writtenunderkingHilderic 523- 530) cites him in the 'ExpositioSermonumAntiquorum'9.The terminuspost quem is harder to establish. A possiblereference o the sack of Rome, in 410, is ambiguous 0.It can be argued, exsilentiisthatMartianuswaswriting aterthanthe 'Retractationes', r the 'DeCivitateDei' of Augustine but this seems rather enuous. In this article,Ishall try to show that the narrativedetail, and religious content of the 'DeNuptiis' give some support to the late fifth centurydate, and therebyshedlight on its political and culturalcontext, and the audiencefor whichit waswritten.

Whenthe CapitolineTriad debate on the marriageof Mercury,Minervaadvises augustius quoquefieri Ioviale decretum, cum coetu deorum attestante

depromitur, ipsamque (sc. Philologiam) nupturam deo convenire non posse,

nisi superi senatus consulto mortalis esse desineret12. A divine councilon the

3 Cf. J. A. WILLIS, ed. cit., p.V, n. 1, and:MartianusCapellaunddiemittelalterliche chul-bildung,Das Altertum19, 1973, 165; L. LENAZ, Nota a Mart.Cap. I, Latomus39, 1980,735;D. SHANZER,A Philologicaland PhilosophicalComm.on Martianus.. Book I (unpublishedD. Phil. diss.)Oxford1980,1- 25, summarizedn Beitrage urGeschichte erDeutschenSpra-che undLiteratur 04, 1982, 111(review).

4 On thissubscription, ivenby WILLIS, ed. cit., p. 28, cf. J. PRtAUX, SecUrusMeliorFelix,Instrumenta atrist.11, 1975, 101 121.Justpossibly,Paulinuswas the consulof 498 (cf. DERossi, Inscr.Christ.Urb. Rom.L.L.,p. 475f.), butFelix s also attested n 527.

s Institutiones II.ii.17, iii.20.6 Cf. J. GRUBER, Komm.zu Boethius De Cons. Phil. (Berlin1978),17f.; H. Chadwick,

Boethius,Oxford1981,22,224,232,235,297; HANZER,Op.cit. 11,35f., 42.7 Cf. SHANZER, p. cit. 11f.8 Cf. ibid. 12.9 Expos.45;cf. J. MARTINDALE,Prosopography f the LaterRomanEmpire I, Cambridge

1980,488, on Myth.,praef. ButR. HELM, DerBischofFulgentiusundderMythograph,Rhein.Mus.54, 1899, 117- 26, argues trongly or a date underGunthamund484-96).

10 Cf. WILLIS, art.cit. 165,SHANZER,op. cit. 7, againstM. CAPPUYNS,inDict.d'Hist.et Geog. Ecclesiastique l (Paris1947),483,on DeNupt.VI.637, psacaputgentiumRoma .. quam-diu viguit, caeli vestri (DICK readcaeliferis) laudibus conferenda.

I Thus,SHANZER,Op. Cit. 14- 18.12 De Nupt.I.40.

7.



100 S. I. B. BARNISH

admissionor status of a new deity was no literarynovelty. Lucianhad used it

in the 'ConciliumDeorum',and Julian n his 'Caesares'3. More mportantly,

Seneca, n the 'Apocolocyntosis',andApuleius, a fellow African, n the 'Me-

tamorphoses',had given it the form of a meeting of the Roman Senate4.

However, the use which Martianusmakes of the theme is notably updated,

andhas no clear parallel n lateantiquity' . The SenecanSenatehad debated

thequestion n order,and voted on it by division pedibus),under he discreet,

and not always effortless presidencyof Jupiter, in a manner familiar to

readersof Tacitus. In Martianus,Jupiteralone puts a sententia, in a single

speech, censendum, superi; and they immediatelydo so (in suffragiumconcitatur), ombiningvote and opinions n anacclamation,withthe additionthat other distinguishedmortals should be named designati caelites, to

become deorum curialesafter death. With Jove's consent, Philosophiais

commanded o publishthesenatusconsultumon bronzetablets,per urbeset

compita'6.So too, new senators,adlectedby theemperor,probablyhad to be

voted in by the Senateitself 7. So too, in 438, the 'TheodosianCode' was

put for confirmationby a representative f the emperor,and acceptedby

senatorial acclamations. These added riders on its preservation and

distribution,which were in turn accepted by the emperors18. The second

meetingof Martianus'Senate, held the following day, to receivethe bride,does have some debate:first, on whetherproceedings an be shortenedby

admittingany of Philologia's dowryof attendantsunexamined; econd, on

whether the scrutinyof the dowrywhich she herselfbringscan legally be

deferreduntil the day after the marriage.Jupiterrefersthe latterpoint to

Saturn, for an expert juristic opinion19. The late Roman Senate was

sometimesusedasa court,andmightwellbeexpected o assist heemperorby

discussing egal questions20.

13 Cf. SHANZER, p. cit. 36-8.

14 Cf. ibid. NoticehowbothSenecaand Martianusmakecomicplaywiththesenatorialecre-

taries Apocol.ix.2, De Nupt. 1.65,89).Apuleius' oetuscoelestium Met.VI.23) s a contioheld

incaelesti heatro;but Jupiter ddresseshe assembly s Dei conscriptiMusarum lbo.Note Psy-

che, in De Nupt. I.6f.Is Cf. Claudian, De Raptu Pros. III.1 -66. This council has some parallels with the De

Nupt., butis notpresented s senatorial.Cf., also, Sidonius,Carm.vii (Pan. Aviti),17 f., 598 f.16 De Nupt. 1.91 6.

17 Cf. A. H. M. JONES,TheLaterRomanEmpire,Oxford1973,531 ., 541;Cassiodorus,Or-

do GenerisCassiodororum, .7f. (ed. MOMMSEN,MGH,Auct. Ant. XII, p. Vf.), thoughthisindicatesa commendatorypeechby a senator,perhapsas the ruler'srepresentative.18 GestaSenatus,Cod. Theod.(ed. MOMMSEN/MEYER,Berlin 1905), pp. 1 -4.

19 De Nupt. IX.888 - 98.20 Cf. below S. 103, JONES, Op. cit. 331f., 506f., J. B. BURY, History of the Later Roman

Empire , London 1923,21 f.



MartianusCapellaand Romein the LateFifthCentury 101

Martianus'narrative, hen, seemsto be generally onsistentwith theprac-tice of the later empire. It may even serve as evidence for the procedurewhen a senatorialmeetingwasheldin theimperialpresence,ourknowledgeofwhich s rather canty. Totalconsistency,however, s too muchto expect.Forinstance,Jupiterpublica et quae senatum contracturus ssumitindumenta.

These garments,though, are impossible for mortals, and are inventedasreligious and cosmological symbols21.Hence, we cannot deduce that theemperorwore a specialdress n the Senate.Again,amonghumans,at least, asenatorial debate on apotheosis was a remote anachronism;and, in thisrespect,the 'De Nuptiis'had no immediate elevance o contemporaryife22.

The authoris moreinterested n the divinethanin the terrestrialworld.Nonetheless, we may be able to find some independent estimonyto the

functions and observancesof the Senate, and thus, with due caution, tonarrow down the date at which he wrote. First, the place of senatorialassembly.In the 'De Nuptiis',unlikethe Curiaof the 'Apocolocyntosis', hisis the palaceof Jupiter23. imilarly, n thetime of JohnLydus,theConstanti-nopolitanSenatemet in the imperialpalace,and not, as once, in a hall of itsown24.Evenunder he Ostrogoths,however, ts Romancounterpart tillmet,as a rule,in theCuriaof Diocletian25.Privatehousesmightalso, perhaps,be

used,as earliern the tTheodosianCode'session;andit is possible hat, whena king,or a lateemperorvisitedthecity, he sometimes onvened heSenate none of hispalaces.But, whenTheodericarrived n 500, heprobablyaddressedit in the Curia26.Moreover,as we shall see, Martianus s far moreconcernedwith the western, hanwith theeastern,capital. All the same, the locationhegives s some slight ndicationof a date in thelate fifth, oreven theearlysixth,century.

The divine Senate of the 'De Nuptiis' seems a particularly arge andcomprehensive ody. It has its seniormembers- the Dei Consentes,whose

namesare one of Jupiter's tate secrets, andthe twelve Enniandeities of theRoman pantheon - but it includes omnis ... populus potestatum. Their

names are announcedby Fama, as herald, and they are seated in order of

21 De Nupt. I.66;cf. S~ANzER, p.cit. 185ff.22 Butnote thatdeademperorswerestill formallydivi. Sidoniuscould evenshowthem as

increasing he divorumnumerum Carm. 11.317f.,cf. 210); while, in Africa and elsewhere,vestigesof theimperialprovincial ultsurvived mongtheChristian entryevenintothe6th.c.(cf. A. CHASTAGNOL/N.UVAL,n: M6langes ffertsAW. Seston,Paris1974,pp. 87- 118).

23

De Nupt.I.63,97,11.208;Apocol.viii.l, ix.l.24 De Magistratibus.9.25 Cf. CILVI.1794,L. TRAUBE,ndex o MGH,Auct.Ant. XII, p. 507, s. v. Libertatis tria

etc.26 AnonymusValesianus 6: he addressed he people ad Palmamnearby,aftervisiting he

Senate.




rank27. n his accountof the secondsenatorialmeeting,Martianusmay some-timesrefer to the minor deitiesas if they were an equivalentof the people,

assisting at a major imperialceremony28.However, in the debate on the

examination f the dowry,ruricolaeomnescunctiquefluctigenae, uamplures

etiamassensereastrilucidivi to the insinuatioof Venus29.Now, during the

fifth century, the earthlySenates declined in numbers.By laws of c. 450,

attendancewasdiscouraged,houghnot forbidden, ospectabilesandclarissi-

mi, while those living in the provinceswere excluded from the praetorship.

UnderJustinianandtheOstrogoths,only illustresmightenterthe Senateand

sententiamdicere,a changewhichmay go backwellintothefifthcentury30.fMartianuss herereflecting omething ikecontemporary ractice,we should

bewareof datinghim too many yearsafter 450.

Yet, we should also notice that spectabilescontinued to be allowed

membershipof the consistorium31.While Martianus almost always uses

senatorialterminology or his assembly,he twice calls it a consistorium32*

This may give another indicationof date. During the fifth century, that

imperialcouncil ost someof its distinction; ts functionsand topicsof debate

cameto overlapwiththoseof theSenate;and,eventually,meetingsof thetwo

bodieswere sometimescombined,on occasion for imperial levations,or the

hearing of law-suits, or appeals 3. But our first clear evidence for this

procedure omesfrom thereignof Anastasius 491- 518), although t may go

back earlier34.UnderTheodosiusII, they appearstill to havemetseparately;

and, evenin the 470s, we hearof formal sessionsof the council in whichthe

Senate seems to have had no part35. If Martianus' use of the word

27 De Nupt. I.42 - 4,62,90.

28 De Nupt. V.425f., vulgusqueminorum caelicolum .. terrestrium lebs deorum;cf.

Ammianus Marc., XVI.10.5. f., Anon. Val. 65, Constantine Porph., De Caerimoniis 1.92, P. 423

(ed. REISKE,Bonn1829).29 De Nupt. IX.889f.30 Cf. Cod. Iust. XII.I.15, 2.1, Digest I.ix.12.1; JoNEs, op. cit., pp. 529, 1221f. (n. 16),

BURY,OP.cit., I, p. 21. For an estimate of consequent western senatorial numbers, see A. CHA-

STAGNOL, Le Stnat Romain sous le regne d'Odoacre, Bonn 1966, 46f. But, on the epigraphy, cf.

A. CAMERON/D. SCHAUER, J.R.S. 72, 1982, 144f.

31 Cf. JoNEs, op. cit. 1222 (n. 16), on Cassiodorus, Variae VI.12.

32 De Nupt. 1.64,89.

33 Cf. Const. Porph. De Caer. I.92, p. 422, 95, p. 433, Nov. Iust. 62.1, 124.1, JONES, Op.cit.

338,BURY, Op. cit. I p. 24.

34 Marcian (Nov. 5, a.455) heard an appeal in presence of the Senate - perhaps therefore of

the consistorium too. Cf. JoNEs,op. cit. p. 507. The practice may even go back to Arcadius. Cf.

John Lydus, De Mag. I11.60,CH. LtCRIVAIN, Le Senat Romain depuis Dioclitien, Paris 1888,

225.

35 Cf. Cod. Iust. 1.14.8, Acta Conc. Oec. (ed. SCHWARTZ) I,i.3, p. 37, iv.1, p. 63, Const.

Porph., De Caer. I.87f.




consistorium is deliberate36 - and he is a careful stylist - it would seem to

push his date well forward in the fifth century. No doubt, the combined

assembly of the east was partly due to the permanent residence of the emperor

and his advisers in Constantinople. But only when the monarch was at Rome

could the sessions of the western consistorium have been joined with those of

the Senate. Valentinian III, Petronius Maximus, Avitus, Libius Severus,

Anthemius, Olybrius, Glycerius, and Iulius Nepos spent all or part of their

reigns at Rome, a result of the Vandal threat. Not so the rulers before or after.

During this period, the emperors may sometimes have consulted Senate and

consistorium together, and have summoned them, on occasion, to the

imperial palace37.This would help to date the 'De Nuptiis' between the fall of

Carthage, in 439, and 47538,or at least not many years later.

As noticed, in 438, the Senate voted, without debate, by acclamation, on

an imperial proposal. Acclamations had long played a part in senatorial pro-

cedure39;but, about 405, Prudentius could still representanother such vote as

carried out pedibus, a division of the house, like that of the 'Apocolocynto-

sis'40. The 'Historia Augusta', however, in its accounts, largely imaginary,

and probably late fourth century, of senatorial meetings, sometimes shows

vote and acclamations combined, and perhaps following the expressed

sententiae of leading senators41. In 384, Senate and emperor together restoredthe traditional order in which these sententiae were given42. Evidently,

procedure in this respect was rather fluid, and cannot be used to give the 'De

Nuptiis' a precise date in late antiquity.

The final pointer to the date is prosopographical. The lictor of Rhetorica

carries a staff topped by a crow; and, of his mistress quamplures deorum eam

quidem nobilissimam feminam, sed aut Apoilinis cognatam credidere, si

Graia est, aut, si Romulea, de gente Corvini43.The immediate reference may

be to the famous Augustan orator, Messala Corvinus; but we may also see in

it a probable compliment to Gennadius Avienus, consul in 450, and one of themost influential senators under Anthemius (467 -472), whose descent from

36 We shouldpossiblytranslate>>council-chamber<(;ut senatorialmeetings n consistorio

themselvesndicate he near dentityof theassembliesnthe late5th.- early6th. c. Cf. BURY, Op.

cit., I, p. 24.37 ButnotethatNov. Val. 1 waspublished t Rome, butreadto theSenatebytheex-consul

(?) Postumianus.38 Cf. below,S. 106,and noteNov. Val.4, datedJan., 440, at Rome.

39Cf. Suetonius,Domitian33, Pliny,Pan. 73 f.40 ContraOr. Symmachi .608- 15.41 Cf., especially,TacitusIV.l -VII.l, ProbusXI.5-XII.8. Theacclamations f Commo-

dusXVIII-XX,allegedlycitedfromMariusMaximus,merelyrequesta vote.42 Cf. Symmachus,Ep. X.8.43 De Nupt.V.433 f. (DickreadCorvina.)




the Corvini is mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris44.He is the only

representativeof his family45 to be directly associated with the nameCorvinus;but, c. 527, Cassiodorus ould complimenta novus homo enteringthe Senate by comparinghim to the Decii and Corviniof old46. The Senate

was then almost filled with supposedmembers f the former ens47 and, sixty

yearsearlier, heirhead, CaecinaBasilius,hadrivalledGennadius n power4'.

Rhetorica'sGreekand Latin distinctionsare both emphasized.According o

their kinsman, Ennodius, perhaps the first user of the 'De Nuptiis',

Gennadius'son and grandson, Faustus Niger and Avienus,werefamedfor

their learning and eloquence in the two languages49.

All this suggestsnot just a late fifth centurydate, but a context n the cityof Rome, for the 'De Nuptiis'. While a member of the provincialupper-

classes may have been adequatelyinformed on senatorial procedure,we

shouldnotice, again,thattheauthor'suse of it is exceptional.EvenSidonius,

who actually served as prefect of Rome, cannot be compared. Martianus,

moreover,may have been writingat a timewhen few provincialnoblescould

expectto enter the Senate.Most of his earlyreadersalso indicatea Roman

and senatorialaudience50.Howconsistent s thiswith hisAfricanorigins,and

his use by Fulgentius he mythographer?WhenGeiseric ook Carthage,many

of its nobleswere banished o Italy, if they did not, like the grandfather fbishop Fulgentius,choose freedom, as voluntaryemigr6s51.His sons later

returned,and recoveredpartof theirestates roma Vandalmonarch52.n the

earlysixthcentury,at leastone Roman senatorretainedconnections n Afri-

ca53.Althoughthe Vandalsshowedsome suspicionof overseascontacts,ar-

chaeologyand numismatics uggest hat Africantradespreadwidelythrough

theMediterraneannder heirrule54.MovementbyMartianus etweenRome

and Carthage,and the circulationof his workin bothcities, seemthen to be

44 Ep. 1.9.4.

4s He was connected with the Valerii Messalae - one of his grandsons was a Messala. They

had long claimed descent from the Valerii of the Republic and early principate. Cf. M. ARNHEim,

The Senatorial Aristocracy in the Later Roman Empire, Oxford 1972, p. 139f.

46 Var. VIII.22; cf. X.1l.47 Var. IX.22.

48 Cf. Sidon., Ep. I.9.2.

49 Ep. 1.5, Carm. 1}.3, Opusc. 6 (the Martianian 'Paraenesis').

50 Note his editor Felix's collaboration on the 'Epodes', with the great senator Vettius Agori-

us Basilius Mavortius (PRAAux,art. cit., 105).

51 Victor Vitensis, Hist. Persecutionis I.15, Ferrandus, Vita Fulgentii 1.

32 Ibid. MARTINDALE, op. cit., p. 300, conjectures Geiseric; but cf. below.

S3 Opilio (Ennod., Ep. IV.18); perhaps also Agnellus (cf. Cassiod., Var. 1.15).

54 Cf. Victor, Hist. Pers. 1.23, III.19, Procopius, Bell. Vand. 1.20.5; M. lFULFORD, Carthage,

Overseas Trade, and the Political Economy, Reading Mediaeval Studies 6, 1980, 68- 80.




verypossible. We shouldcompareMacrobius,an African,perhapswriting nAfrica, for Romanaristocrats,who had fled from Italyin 41055.

As forthe actualdeities,and thereligiouscontentof the 'De Nuptiis', theyare, at least,consistentwitha Roman-Italian rientation,and with a late fifthcenturydate.But, as evidence orthelatter,they areverydoubtful. TheCapi-toline Triad, the Dei Consentes, the minor Italian deities, marshalledaccording o an Etruscanplanof theheavens56, nd theevident nterestof theauthor in theurgy, and neo-Platonicmysteries57, ould well belong to themilieuof VettiusAgoriusPraetextatus.Weshouldrecall he restoration f the

imagesof the Dei Consentes, n 367/8, and the laterconsultationof Etruscandiviners,duringAlaric'ssiegeof Rome, in 408/0958.The 'Saturnalia'of Ma-crobius,notnecessarily paganwork, showshow these nterestspersistednawesternsenatorialcontext, linkedboth with Africa and Italy, well into thefifth century59.Again, possibleallusions to the Ariancontroversyalso suit

60Italy,and the late fourthcenturyTheselast, however, are no less appropriate o an African, writingafter

the Vandalconquest.Dr. SHANZER,urthermore,hasargued hat the openlytheurgicalelements of the 'De Nuptiis' - Philologia is portrayed,in the

secondbook, asan expert n charmsandarithmology couldnot safely havebeenpublishedafter thecampaigns gainstsorceryof Valentinian ndValens,orat any timebeforethemid fifthcentury,whensuchartsenjoyedsomethingof a revival,associatedwithProclus61.TheemperorValentinian II(425- 55)acquiredat least a posthumousreputationfor magic and astrology62.She,though, wouldplace the 'De Nuptiis' later, in the reignof Anthemius,who,according to Damascius, plotted to restore pagan worship63,and wasdistinguished or his philosophical earning64.One of his leadingsupporterswas MessiusPhoebusSeverus.Damasciusalso tells us that this great noble

SS Cf. T. D. BARNES,Aspectsof theBackground f theCityof God,in:L'AfriqueRomaine,ed. C. WELLES(VanierLectures),Ottawa1982,69 - 85.

56 Cf. S. WEINSTOCK,MartianusCapellaand theCosmicSystemof theEtruscans, .R.S. 34,1944,100-29.

57 Cf. SHANZER,Op. cit., 17ff., CHADWICK,OP. cit. 21, P. COURCELLE,LateLatinWritersandtheirGreekSources,Cambridge,Mass. 1969,214- 19.

58 Inscr.Lat.Select.(DESSAU), no. 4003;Zosimus,Hist. Nova V.40.59 Cf. A. CAMERON,The Date and Identityof Macrobius,J.R.S. 56, 1966,25- 38; J. F.

MATTHEws, WesternAristocracies nd ImperialCourt,Oxford1975,369- 72, BARNES, above,n. 55.

60Cf. LENAZ, art. cit., p. 732, on De Nupt. II.206. He also notes (pp. 727-31) possibleallusions o another4th. c. Christian ontroversy.

61 Op. cit., p. 21 f.

62 Procop., Bell.Vand.1.3.11.63 VitaIsidoried. C. ZINTZEN,Hildesheim1967,p. 148.64 Cf. SidoniusApoll., Carm.I.156- 81.




had withdrawn o Alexandria,out of dislike for Romanpubliclife, andhadthere attackedthe emperorsand people. He returned n the hope that An-

themiuswould restoreRome, andachieved he consulshipand city prefecture

in 47065.Egypt, at this time, was particularlyassociatedwith magic and

idolatry66, nd Severussharedthe plans of Anthemius.Anotherpagansup-

porterwas CountMarcellinus, killed in divination67.The Lupercaliawere

celebratedduringAnthemius'residence n Rome. We shouldalso note that

the emperor s said to havefavoured he semi-ArianMacedonianheretics,at

that time68.

This Anthemiandate would sort well with those pointerswhichwe dis-coveredearlier. There is, however,a seriousobjection. Could the kind of

movementwhichwe have envisaged or Martianushave takenplacebefore

475/76, when theVandalsmade peacewithOrestesandOdoacer69? recon-

ciliationhad followedthe defeatof Majorian n 46070,but it had been very

short-lived.Anthemiusand Marcellinus ided Leo's great expeditionagainst

Geiseric, n 468. Martianus,moreover, n praisingCarthage,describes t as

nuncfelicitate reverenda71.The phraseseems unnaturalwhen applied by a

traditionallymindedRomanAfrican,at a timewhen thecitywasthe baseof

Rome's enemies. But, under Huneric(477-484), and Hilderic(523 530),

Felix Karthagoappearsas a legendon Vandal coins72.PerhapsMartianus

beganhis long andcomplexwork at Rome,underAnthemius,and finished t

severalyears ater,at Carthage,as a returned migr673. elix, editingthe 'De

Nuptiis' ex mendosissimis xemplaribusperhapsgot no furtherthan Book

II74.Thismayindicate hattheearlier,most Romanpartof the workhadlong

beenin separatecirculation,andhad originallybeenpublishedon its own75.

65 V. Isidori, pp. 94- 98, 148.

66 Cf. SHANZER,op. cit. 23.

67 V. Isidori, p. 132f., Chron. Com. Marcellini, a.468.

68 Gelasius, Tract. VI.5,10, Epist. Romanorum Pontificum Genuinae, ed. A. ThIEL,

Brunswick 1868, 601, 605; Ep. 26.11, ibid., p. 408.

69 Cf. Victor, Hist. Pers. I.14, Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Romanorum XV.7. Peace had been

made with the eastern empire in 474; cf. C. COURTOIS,es Vandales et l'Afrique, Paris 1955, 204.

70 Cf. COURTOIS,p.cit. 199f.

71 De Nupt. VI.669.

72 Cf. W. WROTH,Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, etc., in the British Museum, Lon-

don 1911, xxvii ff., 5- 14. For comparable praise of Vandal Carthage, cf. Florentius, Anthologia

Latina, 371 BAILEY379RIESE).73 Cf. BARNES, 'Afrique, p. 84, on Macrobius' composition of the 'De Somnio' in Africa,

publication of the'Saturnalia' in Italy.

74Cf. PR Aux, art. cit., 109, n. 2.

75 SHANZER,P.cit. 62, also notes the lack of major reference (I.30 a minor exception) to the

sobriae disciplinae until the end of II.



MartianusCapellaandRomein the LateFifthCentury 107

All thesame,such a date canbe nomorethan an attractivepossibility.The'De Nuptiis' certainlyseems to fit best in a late fifth centurycontext, but itmay still have been started twenty years before or after the death of

Anthemius. We should notice how the western Senate flourished under

Odoacerand Theoderic76. am also inclined o doubtSHANZER'Snterpreta-tionof theworkas a pieceof crypto-pagan ropaganda77. heChristianity f

upper-classcircles at this time had room for a wide variety of religious

attitudes.At an earlierdate, thepossibly,but far fromcertainly,paganClau-

dian hadpraisedStilicho,whoburnt heSibyllineOracles,witha Gnosticizing

allegorywhichmay have influencedMartianus78.He also wrotea poem ofsome meriton the Incarnation79. alvianof Marseilles omplainedof those

Carthaginians,many of them nobles, who worshippedequally Christ, and

luno Caelestis80.Anthemiushimself hadtheological nterests,and foundeda

churchat Constantinople81.Andromachus,who supportedthe LupercaliaunderOdoacer,probablyalso servedas a papal envoyto Zeno82.Traditionsof sorcery urvived,anditspractice ould provedangerous, venfor senators,as is shownby the casesof BasiliusandPraetextatus,andof Boethius,under

Theoderic83. uttherewill, I suspect,havebeen manywhose interest n pagan

cult, and evenin pagan magic, was either conventionalor academic84. uchinterestmay have been stimulatedby Anthemiusand his circle, and it is tosuch an audiencethat the 'De Nuptiis' may have been addressed.Its early

users were all Christians:Ennodius, Boethius, Fulgentius, very possiblyidenticalwith the saintly bishop of Ruspe, and, following their founder'sre-

commendation, hemonksof Vivarium85. oethiusexploited t in thewritingof the 'Consolatio', while indignantlyrebutting he chargeof sorceryunderwhichhe then lay86.Such men evidentlysaw nothingsinister n the work. If

propaganda, t was rather a failure. We should, once again, comparethe

76 Cf. JoNFs, op. cit., 253 f., CHASTAGNOL,OP. cit., 52-6.

77 Op. cit. 17- 24; cf. 172f. She does not see Martianus as ))tryingto convert the masses((

(private letter). Note, also, her remarks in Beitrage, p. 112f.

78 De Cons. Stil. II.424 ff.; cf. SHANZER,Op. cit., 203. On Claudian's religion, cf. A. CAME-

RON, Claudian, Oxford 1970, cap. 8, very illuminating. For Stilicho and the Oracles, see Rutilius

Namatianus, De Reditu Suo I1.51 ff.

79 Carm. Min. xxxii.

80 De Gubernatione Dei VIII.2.9- 17; cf. De Nupt. 1.58,168, for luno Caelestis.81 Cf. L. VASSILI, La Cultura di Antemio, Athenaeum 16, 1938, 38-45.82 Gelasius, Ep. 10.7 (Thiel, op. cit., p. 346).83 Cf. Cassiod., Var. IV.22- 3, Gregorius Magnus, Dial. 1.4; Boethius, Cons. Phil. 1, pr.

4,37 -42.

84 Cf. CHASTAGNOL,p. cit. 51.

8S Note Christo adiuvante in Felix's subscription. On Vivarium's probable acquisition of the

'De Nuptiis', see P. COURCELLE,Histoire d'un Brouillon Cassiodorien, R.E.A. 44, 1942, 45.

86 Cons. Phil. loc. cit.



108 S. 1. B. BARNISH

writingsof Macrobius.His neo-Platonistcommentary n the 'SomniumSci-pionis' was edited, about this time, by a descendant,and by Symmachus, a-

ther-in-lawof Boethius, and another learnedand pious Christian87. agan

polytheismoften gets a rathersatirical reatmentn the 'De Nuptiis'88. This,

however, was traditional n the genre, and the neo-Platonic,and still pagan

mysticismof Philologia'sascentto the heavens eemsmoreseriouslymeant89.

It was the age both of Proclus, and of his follower,Dionysius he Areopagite,

one in which it is not always easy to identify the religioussympathiesof the

intellectuals.Boethius, and even Cassiodorus,have sometimesbeen taken as

pagans. The defectus oraculorumpassage of the 'De Nuptiis', on whichSHANZERays much stress, certainly shows a kind of sentimentalpagan

nostalgia, but it could, I feel, have been the work of an at least occasional

church-goer9.

Indeed, it is doubtfulhow far Martianus ould have given Christian orm

to his treatisewithoutreducingt to a merehand-book, ikethe 'Institutiones'

of Cassiodorus, Philology, the liberal arts, and the divine patronageof

learningcould scarcelyhave been adaptedto the mythologyof the new reli-

gion91.The 'De Nuptiis' also hasmuchin commonwiththeepithalamium92,

a form in which highly Christianpoets, Sidonius, Dracontius, Ennodius,foundthemselves,willy-nilly,givinga pagantone to their work. Paulinusof

Nola is the solitary exception93.Sidonius, moreover,substitutingPallas for

Venus, once combineshis marriageverseswitha didacticmessagesimilar o

that of the 'De Nuptiis'9. We should also compare the mythological

apparatusof his panegyrics,which includesdivinecouncils,and paganora-

cles95. One scholarhas recentlyseen Martianusas the implicitand lonely

advocatenot just of pagan religious,but of modernsexualtolerance96.Yet

87 The Subscription, not mentioning Symmachus' consulship, may be pre-485.

88 Cf. De Nupt. L.5,7 ad fin., 65,88f., IV.331f., V.425f., VI.589, VII.725ff., VIII.804ff.,

IX.888 ff.89 Cf. De Nupt. 11.185 f., 202 ff. But 185 has another possible allusion to Christian doctrine

(LENAZ, art.cit. 732f.).90 Op. cit. 18, on De Nupt. I.8 - 10. Note that, despite Stilicho, Sibylline Oracles, at least,

might be acceptable to Christians (CAMERON,Op. cit. 220f.). They are mentioned at De Nupt.

I.10, 11.159.91 But was the didactic element of the De Nupt. originally intended? Cf. SHANZER, cited

above 8, n. 11. Philologia is far more than a symbol of scholarship (cf. SHANZER, 80- 3).

92 Cf. SHANZER, op. cit. 89ff. For a comparison between the allegory of the late epithala-

mium and that of Martianus, see C. S. LEWiS, The Allegory of Love, Oxford 1958, pp. 74ff.

93 Cf. Cameron op. cit. 193 ff.

94 Carm. XV. 36- 125, a philosopher's wedding.95 Cf. Carm. V.259-266, VII.17-612; CAMERON,Op. cit. 163.

96 E. BROWN, Jr., Epicurus and Voluptas in Late Antiquity: the Curious Case of Martianus

Capella, Traditio 38, 1982, 75- 106. I am unconvinced by his detection of a jibe at Prudentius'



Martianus Capella and Rome in the Late Fifth Century 109

Dracontius at times surpasseshis fellow African in the erotic97; whileEnnodiusshowsVenusandCupiddeploring he effectwhichthe cult of frigi-

da .. . virginitas s having on their realm. The victim whom they choose toredress hebalance s referred o asfidei monumentum98. othEnnodiusand

Sidoniusalso show somethingof Martianus'nostalgiafor the old gods9.If the 'De Nuptiis'does indeed reflectsomethingof the religious nterests

of Anthemius' reign, it may also tell us somethingabout its politics. Did

nobles such as Severus,or GennadiusAvienus, hope for anequivalent o that

close and harmonious working relationshipwhich Martianus describes

betweenJupiterandhis Senate?And, if so, werethey disappointed?Severushad evidentlycometo Italywithhighexpectations,buthis earliercriticismof

the emperors uggests he archaicand exactingquasi-republicandealswhich

we can detectin Boethius?. It would be interesting o know what part the

Senateplayed in the marriageof Anthemius'daughterto Ricimer101; lsowhether,as JoNEsconjectured,Anthemiuswas responsible or reducing he

sizeof the westernSenate 02. Inthe Arvandus ase, he threwa heavypoliticalburdenon thatassembly103;ut, unlikesomeotheremperors,he seemsneverto have referredhis legislationto it, for consultation,or confirmation.The

one lawwhichhe is known to have submitted or confirmationwent, instead,to Leo in Constantinople 4. In his geographical ection, Martianushonours

both Rome and Carthage, but gives the eastern capital a bare mention,derivedfrom Solinus, as Byzantium 05.Sidonius' 'Panegyric' may show a

certaindefensivenessn its eulogyof Anthemius'easternorigins 06; while En-nodiusremembered imas a Graeculus,and a Galatusconcitatus107. ome issaid to have beendivided over his civil war with Ricimer108,and the Senate

eventuallybetrayedhim in favour of a candidateof its own stock, Anicius

morality pp. 88ff.), andwouldput smallweighton it, even if genuine.Apartfromthis, as heremarks,>)in De Nuptiis',anti-Christianolemic s not easyto find&p. 101).

97 Cf. RomuleaVI.47ff., VII.Slff., the latteraddressed o the childrenof two Christianpriests.

98 Carm.I.4.19,53 122.

99 Ibid.; Sidon.Ap., Carm.XI, especially 7ff.100Onthese,cf. J. F. MAITHEWS, in: Boethius, ed. M. GIBSON,Oxford 1981, 37f.101 This was celebrated at Rome; cf. Sidon. Ap., Ep. I.5.lOf.102 Op. cit., p. 529. He also suggests Theoderic.103 Cf. Sidon.Ap., Ep. I.7.

104

Nov. Anth.3. Leosimilarly otAnthemius o confirmone of his laws(Nov.Anth.2), butthe phrasing uggests hatthis wasmuch moreof a formality.105 De Nupt. VI. 637,669,657.

106Carm.II.30ff., 437ff. On jealousybetween he capitals,cf. M. A. WES,Das Ende desKaisertumsm Westendes rdmischenReiches,TheHague1967,cap. 1.

107 VitaEpiphanii 3f.; cf. Sidon.Ap., Ep. I.7.5.108PaulusDiac., Hist. Rom. XV.3.



110 S. I. B. BARNISH: Martianus Capella and Rome in the Late Fifth Century

Olybrius 09. Cassiodorus seems to have blamed him for that war1 O. Again,Odoacer,while favouring he senatorialclass, and honouring he Senate,is

not known to have consulted it. He too may have been betrayedby a

senatorialdecree11. The senatorialmeetingsof the 'De Nuptiis'may, then,be

morean echo of a pious hope,or nostalgicmemory, hananimageof an ideal

achieved.Indeed, neitherthe gods, nor theirSenate, are alwaystaken very

seriously.

Not only political,but also cultural ensionbetweenthe easternand the

westernRome may alsobe reflected n the 'De Nuptiis'.An invocation o Pal-

las endsinspiransnobis GraiasLatiariter rtes21. Rhetorica,aswe haveseen,is portrayedas both Greekand Latin. Grammatica,despiteher Greekand

Egyptianorigins, tamenritu Romuleo propterLatiarenumenet Oli caput

propterqueMartiamgentem Venerisqueropaginem enatumdeumingressa

estpaenulata 3. Dialectica,on the otherhand, orderedby Jupiter,posteram

RomuleisviribusGraiamevitatemaestimans, o speak n Latin, s hardlyable

to obey' 4. Geometriahas to decideto translateEuclidand ArchimedesRo-

muleis ... vocibus 5.Of Philosophia,and herpredilection or uncouthand

ascetic sages, it is said denique,si MarcumTerentium aucosqueRomuleos

excipiasconsulares,nullusprorsus rit,cuius sta limen ntrarit'6 Martianus'Greekwas possibly imited117;but some of this language, n its light-hearted

way, suggestsBoethius'early sixth centuryprogrammeof translations,his

wish, as a consul, to follow up the politicalwith the literaryconquestof the

east, to transferthe wealthof Greek letters to the Roman treasury'8. We

should remember, oo, the religious ranslationswhich Cassiodorusmadeor

sponsoredat Vivarium.Some of the more narrow-mindedwesternersmay

haveresentedeventhis kindof approach o eastern earning119;and the 'De

Nuptiis',likewise,sometimesdisplaysa traditionallyRomancontempt or sly

anddisputatiousGreek ntellectuals'20*

109John of Antioch, fr.209.1, Frag. Hist. Graec. IV, ed. C. MOLLER,Paris 1851, 617; cf.

Malchus, fr. 10, ibid. 119.

110 Cf. Jordanes, Getica 239; but contrast Cassiodorus' Chron., a.472.

M Cf. John Malalas, Chron. XV. 0 94.

112 VI.574.

113 II1.223; cf. 229.

114 IV.333 ff.

115VI.587f.

116 VI.578. The implication seems to be not a shortage of philosophers, but of respectable,

Roman ones.117 Cf. COURCELLE,op. cit. 212ff.; but this is strongly denied by SHANZER,Op. cit. Sf.

118 Cf. Patr. Lat. 64, p. 201, 63, p. 1079.

119 Cf. COURCELLE,Op. cit. 322ff.; but contrast H. KIRKBY, n Boethius, ed. GIBSON, P. 57.

120 Cf. II.213, IV.328-34,423.



WESLEY E. THOMPSON: The Battleof the Bagradas i11

Martianus' work, then, fits well into the setting of Roman high society in

the last years of the western empire. It was probably directed at a learned and

aristocratic audience, and it certainly reached that mark. Its readers, I feel,

enjoyed it less because it advocated their religious and political interests than

because it laughed at them, in a gentle and sympathetic way. Those areas of

the book where a serious intention is longest, and most clearly, sustained are

the dry, academic lectures of the seven arts and sciences. It was as a laborious

encyclopaedia, rather than as a piece of topical humour, that the 'De Nuptiis'

was to reach and serve posterity.

Bangor S. I. B. BARNISH

Postscript: must thankDr. DANUTA HANZERor many valuable comments and criticisms on

thispaper.She is not, of course,responsibleor any of its errors.On deification, cf. G. HERZOG-HAUSER,ESupp.IV, 852, on ILS 1277;on the locationof

senatorial meetings, cf. Zosimus V. 29.5 f., John of Antioch, fr. 201.4; on Anthemius and magic,

cf. John of Antioch, fr. 207.

THE BATTLE OF THE BAGRADAS

Hamilcar's actics at the BagradasRiverduringthe MercenaryWar haveseldombeendiscussedand neveradequately xplained . Themercenaries ndLibyans were besieging Utica with some fifteen thousand men and hadanother enthousand omewhere o thesouth,guarding heonlybridgeacrosstheriver2.HamilcarmarchedwestfromCarthageandfordedtheBagradas tits mouth. Then he turned left and marchedup along the rivertoward the

bridge,with the elephants n the van, the cavalryand light infantryin thecenter,and theheavy nfantry n therear.Bothdivisionsof theenemycametomeet him en masse, trapping him in the middle (Andsi&' i'g auvdanov ilxov

&1Xfx0oL, VojtioaVTts ?V g TOU; KapXf8oviou4 s7riX@pFVat ...

ThereuponHamilcarordered his entire force to about-face(&vaotporp&v

7rap1pyy&lXEdai toiS tautoi), commanded he mobile forces to withdraw

1 For a summary of earlier views cf. F. W. WALBANK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius

I, Oxford 1957, 142f.2 Our sole source for this episode is Polyb. 1, 75, 1- 76, 9. Some scholars dispute Polybius'

estimate of the rebel numbers; cf. WALBANK, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 142. Polybius gives Hamilcar's

strength as ten thousand, with seventy elephants. WALBANK, 141, also has a useful discussion of

the possible location of the bridge.

3 The emendation, ?i5 c6voncov, will be discussed later.

Documents

BARNISH, Martianus Capella and Rome in the Late Fifth Century