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i

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOPAMEAN (MEXICO)

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO

THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS

BY

DORIS AILEEN BARTHOLOMEW

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

DECEMBER 1965

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOPAMEAN (MEXICO)

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO

THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS

BY

DORIS AILEEN BARTHOLOMEW

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

SEPTEMBER, 1965

TABLE OF CONTENTS

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...............................................................................................................................iii PREFACE....................................................................................................................................................... v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................... 1

Previous Contributions to the Reconstruction of Otopamean ..................................................................... 6 Sources of Data ........................................................................................................................................... 7

CHAPTER II FEATURE SURVEY OF THE PHONOLOGIES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES.. 8 Mazahua...................................................................................................................................................... 9

Group 1 ................................................................................................................................................. 13 Group II ................................................................................................................................................ 18 Group III ............................................................................................................................................... 20

Sample Derivations ................................................................................................................................... 22 List of Forms on Which the Analysis Is Based ..................................................................................... 23 Examples with Emphatic Person Markers” ........................................................................................... 25

North Pame ............................................................................................................................................... 28 Phonology of the Other Otopamean Languages........................................................................................ 39

CHAPTER III THE RECONSTRUCTION OF STEM-INITIAL CONSONANTS..................................... 43 POP Developments ................................................................................................................................... 45 North Pame Developments ....................................................................................................................... 45 Chichimeco Developments ....................................................................................................................... 47

Consonant Alternations in North Pame and Chichimeco Kinship Terms............................................. 48 Otomian Developments............................................................................................................................. 50 Mazahua Developments ............................................................................................................................ 52 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Developments................................................................................................. 53 Summary ................................................................................................................................................... 57

CHAPTER IV THE RECONSTRUCTION OF SYLLABLE NUCLEI OF ROOTS.................................. 58 Reflexes of POP Single Vowels................................................................................................................ 61 Reflexes of POP Vowel Clusters .............................................................................................................. 69 Distinctive Feature Rules for the Reflexes of POP Vowels and Vowels Clusters.................................... 81 The Otomian subgroup.............................................................................................................................. 82

Central Otomian.................................................................................................................................... 82 Southern Otomian ................................................................................................................................. 86

The Pamean Subgroup .............................................................................................................................. 92 North Pame ........................................................................................................................................... 92 Chichimeco ........................................................................................................................................... 93

The Glottal Elements of POP Sylable Nuclei ........................................................................................... 95 CHAPTER V THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP STEM-FORMATIVE CONSONANTS..................... 98

Developments in the Otomian Subgroup ................................................................................................ 100 Rules for the Developments in Otomi ................................................................................................. 101 Rules for the Developments in Mazahua............................................................................................. 102 Rules for the Developments in Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ................................................................ 103

Developments in the Pamean Subgroup.................................................................................................. 104 The Second Element of Compounds ....................................................................................................... 109

CHAPTER VI THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PERSON AND NUMBER MORPHEMES .................... 114 CHAPTER VII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP TONE ................................................................... 118

Synchronic Tone Systems ....................................................................................................................... 118 Chichimeco, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco ............................................................................................ 118

North Pame and South Pame............................................................................................................... 119 Otomi and Mazahua ............................................................................................................................ 119

Reconstruction of POP Tone................................................................................................................... 120 Reconstruction of Otomi-Mazahua Tone ................................................................................................ 128

Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco Tone................................................................................................................ 131 Otopamean Tone..................................................................................................................................... 131

Pamean Rules...................................................................................................................................... 134 CHAPTER VIII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP PREFIXES ........................................................... 137

The Noun Prefixes .................................................................................................................................. 138 The Verb Prefixes ................................................................................................................................... 144

CHAPTER IX OTOPAMEAN AND OTOMANGUEAN ......................................................................... 148 Proto-Otopamean and Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan ................................................................................. 150 Otopamean -Popolocan - Mixtecan Cognate Sets ................................................................................... 153

Appendix A NORTH PAME VERB PARADIGMS .................................................................................. 157 Appendix B NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS-ABCD PATTERN .................................................. 161 Appendix C NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS-EFEF PATTERN .................................................... 162 Appendix D CHICHIMECO VERB PARADIGMS................................................................................... 164 Appendix E CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-ABCD PATTERN ................................................... 169 Appendix F CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-EFEF PATTERN ..................................................... 171 Appendix G CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-NO CHANGE.......................................................... 172 Appendix H OCUILTECO AND MAZAHUA NOUN PARADIGMS ...................................................... 173 Appendix I NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO COGNATE SETS FOR NONPARADIGMATIC

MATERIAL................................................................................................................................................ 175 Appendix J OTOMI AND MAZAHUA COGNATE SETS FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION ............. 179 Appendix K COGNATE SETS FOR OTOPAMEAN TONE .................................................................... 187 APPENDIX L LIST OF ALL COGNATE SETS....................................................................................... 198 APPENDIX M LANGUAGES REPRESENTED IN THE COGNATE SETS ......................................... 279

Otomian and Pamean .............................................................................................................................. 279 Otomian .................................................................................................................................................. 279 Otomi and Mazahua ................................................................................................................................ 280 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ...................................................................................................................... 280 Pamean.................................................................................................................................................... 280

BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................................................................................................................... 281 General.................................................................................................................................................... 281 Otomi ...................................................................................................................................................... 283 Mazahua.................................................................................................................................................. 289 Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco ...................................................................................................................... 290 Pame ....................................................................................................................................................... 292 Chichimeco ............................................................................................................................................. 294

PREFACE

v

PREFACE

This study grew out of a curiosity about dialect differences in Otomi, the language which I was studying under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Inc. From there, I did a comparative study of Otomi and Pame (just those two) for my Master’s thesis at the University of Pennsylvania in 1959. Several residual problems in that reconstruction impelled me to expand my study to take in all six languages of the Otopamean family.

I am indebted to many people for their contributions to this study. Chapter I lists those who supplied language data. Published sources are included in the Bibliography. I profited much from my studies at Chicago under Professor Eric P. Hamp. Professor Hamp’s interest in the study, his direction and crucial suggestions, and his constant encouragements have made this dissertation possible. I am indebted to James D. McCawley for an introduction to generative phonology (in spite of my own imperfect grasp of it).

Grateful acknowledgement is made for University of Chicago tuition scholarships for the years 1963-64 and 1964-65. Two colleagues of the Summer Institute of Linguistics helped in the preparation of the final copy: Joyce Goerz with typing and Lucille Schneider with proofreading.

LIST OF TABLES

vii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 DISTRIBUTION AND POPULATION FIGURES FOR THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES 1950

CENSUS ................................................................................................................................................. 1

Table 2 COGNATE PERCENTAGES--Manrique ......................................................................................... 4

Table 3 COGNATE PERCENTAGES--BARTHOLOMEW ......................................................................... 5

Table 4 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMIC SEGMENTS OF

MAZAHUA .......................................................................................................................................... 11

Table 5 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES NONGLOTTAL

CONSONANTS.................................................................................................................................... 27

Table 6 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES GLOTTAL

CONSONANTS.................................................................................................................................... 28

Table 7 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMES OF NORTH PAME ... 29

Table 8 RELATION OF NORTH PAME PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES................................ 38

Table 9 PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES.................................................................. 39

Table 10 PITCH PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES ................................................... 41

Table 11 POP STEM ALTERNANTS ......................................................................................................... 45

Table 12 NORTH PAME STEM ALTERNANTS....................................................................................... 46

Table 13 CHICHIMECO STEM ALTERNANTS........................................................................................ 47

Table 14 OTOMIAN STEM ALTERNANTS.............................................................................................. 51

Table 15 MAZAHUA STEM ALTERNANTS............................................................................................. 52

Table 16 OTOPAMEAN STEM-INITIAL CONSONANT CORRESPONDENCES.................................. 53

Table 17 REFLEXES OF POP SINGLE VOWELS..................................................................................... 61

Table 18 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *a and *o ......................................................... 69

Table 19 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *a and *i.......................................................... 72

Table 20 REFLEXES FOR POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *I, *O, AND *E............................................ 77

Table 21 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR POP VOWELS AND CLUSTERS .................................... 82

Table 22 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR OTOMI AND MAZAHUA VOWELS ............................. 83

Table 23 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR MATLATZINCA AND OCUILTECO VOWELS ........... 87

Table 24 REFLEXES OF POP STEM-FORMATIVE CONSONANTS...................................................... 99

Table 25 OTOPAMEAN PERSON MARKERS........................................................................................ 114

Table 26 OTOPAMEAN NUMBER MARKERS ...................................................................................... 116

Table 27 TONE PATTERNS IN NOUN PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO ....... 126

Table 28 TONE PATTERNS IN VERB PARADIGMS IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO........ 127

Table 29 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO................ 127

Table 30 STEWART’s RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-OTOMI TONE............................................. 128

Table 31 STEWART’s RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOMI-MAZAHUA TONE...................................... 129

Table 32 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMI AND MAZAHUA .................................. 129

Table 33 OTOMI-MAZAHUA TONE RECONSTRUCTION COMPARISON OF THE TWO

RECONSTRUCTIONS ...................................................................................................................... 130

Table 34 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMIAN AND PAMEAN............................... 131

Table 35 OTOPAMEAN TONE RECONSTRUCTIONS.......................................................................... 133

Table 36 NORTH PAME SINGULAR NOUN PREFIXES....................................................................... 139

Table 37 NORTH PAME PLURAL NOUN PREFIXES ........................................................................... 139

Table 38 OTOMI AND MAZAHUA NOUN PREFIXES.......................................................................... 141

Table 39 PREFIXES FOR NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO KINSHIP TERMS............................ 143

Table 40 OTOMIAN POSSESSOR PREFIXES ........................................................................................ 143

Table 41 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIX CORRESPONDENCES...................... 144

Table 42 MATLATZINCA VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER.................................................... 146

Table 43 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER .................. 146

Table 44 SOME VERB PREFIXES IN OTOMI, MAZAHUA, AND MATLATZINCA......................... 147

LIST OF FIGURES

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1. The morphological composition of Mazahua verbs.......................................................................... 12 Fig. 2. Distinctive Feature Matrix of POP Vowels. ...................................................................................... 60 Fig. 3. Distinctive Features Matrix of Chichimeco Vowels. ......................................................................... 60 Fig. 4. Derivation of Otomian Tones .......................................................................................................... 133 Fig. 5. The Derivation of Otomi Tones....................................................................................................... 134 Fig. 6. The derivation of Mazahua Tones ................................................................................................... 134 Fig. 7. The Derivation of Pamean Tones .................................................................................................... 135 Fig. 8. The Derivation of Pame Tones ........................................................................................................ 135 Fig. 9. The Derivation of Chichimeco Tones.............................................................................................. 136 Fig. 10. Phoneme inventories of Popolocan-Mixtecan and Otopamean..................................................... 151

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

The scope of this dissertation is the reconstruction of Proto-Otopamean.1 The Otopamean languages are divided into two subgroups, Otomian and Pamean. Otomian is subdivided into Central Otomian and Southern Otomian. Central Otomian consists of Otomi (with at least three major dialects) and Mazahua (which has much less dialectal diversity). Southern Otomian includes Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco. Pamean consists of North and South Pame and Chichimeco Jonaz.

The Otopamean languages are spoken in Central Mexico, clustered around Mexico City chiefly in the states of México and Hidalgo and extending north to the state of San Luis Potosí and somewhat west to Querétaro and Guanajuato. The locations and population figures for the Otopamean languages according to the 1950 census are given in Table 1.

TABLE 1 DISTRIBUTION AND POPULATION FIGURES

FOR THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES 1950 CENSUS

Language States Where Spoken Number of Speakers

Otomí Guanajuato, Hidalgo,2 México, Puebla, Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, Tlaxcala, Veracruz

185,656

1 Otopamean refers to the same group of languages as those in Jacques Soustelle, “La Famille

Otomi-Pame du Mexique Central,” Travaux et Memoires de l’Institut d’Ethnologie de l’Université de Paris, No. 26 (Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1937), pp. xvi-571.

I am indebted to Morris Swadesh for the term Otopamean which he uses in “The Oto-Manguean Hypothesis and Macro Mixtecan,” IJAL, XXVI (1960), 79-111.

2 Hidalgo has 84,935 speakers; México has 79,077 speakers. The other states account for the remaining 21, 644. The 1960 census (which lists only monolingual speakers) gives 14 for the Federal District, 134 for Guanajuato, 27,856 for Hidalgo, 18, 835 for México, 6 for Morelos, 8 for Nayarit, 2 for Oaxaca, 1,302 for Puebla, 4,437 for Querétaro, and 5,127 for Veracruz. The total of monolingual Otomi speakers is 57,721.

The Reconstruction of Otopamean 2

Mazahua México, Michoacán3 84,125

Matlatzinca México, (Michoacán)4 250

Ocuilteco México 550

North Pame San Luis Potosí 1,1785

South Pame Hidalgo 66

Chichimeco Guanajuato 5017

The subgrouping of Otopamean outlined in the first paragraph is essentially that of Soustelle in 1937.8 On the basis of shared vocabulary he groups the languages into two subdivisions: Otomi-Matlatzinca and Pame-Chichimeco. He notes that Matlatzinca is more closely related to Pame-Chichimeco than is Otomi and that Pame presents more similarities with Otomi than does Chichimeco. He says that Otomi and Chichimeco constitute the two extremities of the chain of languages, those that present the least number of similarities. He is not content to base statements of relationship on vocabulary alone, however, and so he turns to grammatical features such as the stem alternants, use of prefixes or suffixes (typological), occurrence of a distinct form for third person plural (not based on third person singular), and affixation versus juxtaposition. Such considerations confirm the grouping made on the basis of vocabulary, but there are a few contradictory isoglosses. He asserts that the contrastive third person plural form occurs in nouns and verbs in the Northern languages (Pamean) but not in the Southern ones (Otomian). (The form occurs in Otomi and Mazahua verbs but with the function of a pseudo passive, i.e., impersonal subject, rather than third person plural. Soustelle apparantly missed this little feature.) A distinctive third person plural occurs in the independent pronouns of all the languages and thus serves no diagnostic purpose. Matlatzinca shares with Pame the habit of juxtaposing the

3 México has 77,790 speakers; Michoacán has 6,335 speakers. The 1960 census lists 15,721

monolingual Mazahua speakers, all in the state of México. 4 Matlatzinca used to be spoken in Michoacán by a group which had migrated from the state

of México. The population figures for Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco are from the field notes of Juan Hasler.

5 Lorna Gibson reports that by the 1960 census the number of North Pame speakers had risen to 2,000. This figure probably includes bilinguals because the official census books list only 1,022 monolinguals in S.L.P. under the category “otros” (i.e., not Hausteco nor Aztec).

6 Leonardo Manrique lists one speaker for Pacula, Hidalgo, and four or five speakers for Jiliapan, Hidalgo (“Structural Sketch of South Pame [Jiliapan Dialect],” to appear in Handbook of Middle American Indians, ed. N. A. McQuown.)

7 The 1960 monolingual figure for non-Otomí speakers of indigenous languages in Guanajuato is 164.

8 Soustelle, loc. Cit., p. 414.

3 I Introduction

personal pronoun, but this isogloss is considered to be an indication of the essential unity of all of Otopamean rather than a basis for subgrouping.

In 1960, Morris Swadesh9 suggested a rather different subgrouping of Otopamean: A Chichimeco Jonaz, B Pame-Matlatzinca, and C Otomian (Otomi and Mazahua). His subgrouping is based on percentage of cognates in non-cultural basic vocabulary and the lexico-statistic interpretation in minimum centuries of divergence. Swadesh’s innovation is that of grouping Matlatzinca with Pame into a subgroup and the separation of Chichimeco and Pame, thus dissolving the old Pamean subgroup. Leonardo Manrique has computed the internal relationships of Otopamean on the basis of revised lexico-statistic counts (subsequent to Swadesh’s 1960 article) and in a more conservative way groups the languages into five groups: I Otomi-Mazahua, II South Pame, III North Pame, IV Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco, and V Chichimeco.10Although he resists grouping Pame and Matlatzinca in a single sub-group, he sharply distinguishes between North Pame and South Pame (which is probably justified) but he specifically isolates Chichimeco from the other languages.

The somewhat closer relationship in vocabulary between Matlatzinca and North Pame that between other Northern and Southern languages was noted by Soustelle, as we have already seen. His figures for cognate percentages, though not restricted to non-cultural vocabularies, still clearly group Matlatzinca with Otomi rather than with Pame:

Matlatzinca and Otomi……………………………66 per cent

Atzinca (Ocuilteco) and Otomi……………………58 per cent

Matlatzinca and North Pame………………………35 per cent

Matlatzinca and South Pame………………………35 per cent

Atzinca and North Pame…………………………..34 per cent

Atzinca and South Pame…………………………..26 per cent

Matlatzinca and Chichimeco………………………25 per cent

Atzinca and Chichimeco…………………………..20 per cent

Otomi and Pame (NP and SP)…………………….33 per cent

Otomi and Chichimeco……………………………21 per cent

9 Ibid., p. 83. 10 Manrique, Leonardo, “Structural Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect),” to appear in

Handbook of Midddle American Indians, ed. N. A. McQuown, pp. 2 and 3 of manuscript. See also Leonardo Manrique, “Sobre la Classificatión del Otomí-Pame,” Actas del 33o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, II (San Jose, Costa Rica: n.p., 1958), 551-59.


Manrique’s figures, reproduced in Table 2, show Mtz-Oc sharing 40 per cent of the basic vocabulary with SP and 32 per cent with NP as opposed to only 26 per cent with Ot-Maz. My cognate counts, based on substantially the same lists, differ with those of Manrique in several crucial places. My figures are given in Table 3. They show about the same percentage of cognates between Mtz-Oc and NP-SP (39 per cent with SP, 40 per cent with NP), but they show a much higher figure for cognates between Mtz-Oc and Ot-Maz (50 per cent with Otomi and 43 or 49 per cent with Mazahua). Manrique’s figures for cognates between North and South Pame and Chichimeco are low (only 35 per cent for each pairing), 5 per cent less than his figure of 40 per cent cognate between SP and Mtz. My figures, however, show 47 per cent cognate between SP and Ch and 50 per cent cognate between NP and Ch as opposed to 39 per cent cognate between SP and Mtz or 40 per cent between NP and Mtz. Manrique’s figures for cognates between Chichimeco and Ot-Maz and Mtz-Oc are very low (19 per cent), whereas my figures show 39 per cent cognate between Ot and Ch, 37 per cent cognate between Maz and Ch, and 38 per cent cognate between Mtz and Oc.

My figures tend to contradict those of Manrique at those points which are crucial to his subgrouping. To adequately justify my counts would involve reproducing all the lists on which the counts are based and a detailed discussion of each decision as to cognacy. I do not consider it important to do this in this introductory chapter because the criterion for subgrouping is not so much shared retentions (including percentage of cognates) but rather shared innovations.

TABLE 2 COGNATE PERCENTAGES11--MANRIQUE

Ot-Maz Mtz-Oc SP NP Ch

Ot-Maz ----- 26 33 25 19 Mtz-Oc ---- 40 32 19 SP ---- 59 35 NP --- 35

Shared innovations, however, cannot be determined until the proto-structure has been reconstructed on the basis of the testimony of all of the constituent languages. Once the features of the proto-language are determined, then ordered rules can be formulated to specify the developments in each daughter language. The rules specify only the innovations, not the retentions, because they rewrite the input symbol as something else, not itself.

11 In his article, Manrique’s figures are stated in minimum centuries. The cognate

percentages are recovered according to a table for computing minimum centuries from percentages of cognates, prepared by Manrique. The table is published in Evangelina Arana Osnaya, “Relaciones Internas del Mixteco-Trique,” INAH-A, XII (1959-60), 219-273.

5 I Introduction

TABLE 3 COGNATE PERCENTAGES--BARTHOLOMEW

Ot Maz Mtz SP NP Ch

Ot -- 74 50 34 39 39 Maz -- 43/49 37 34 37 Mtz -- 39 40 38 SP -- 65 47 NP -- 50

The point at issue in the subclassification of Otopamean is the place of Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco, whether it belongs with the Northern (Pamean) or with the Southern (Otomian) subgroup. The development of the stem-initial consonants does not tell us much about this because Mtz-Oc have eliminated all alternations of initial consonants within noun and verb paradigms and preserve the B, C, or D form only in nouns derived from verbs, or occasionally in a verb stem where the C form has been generalized. Perhaps Mtz-Oc and Ot-Maz shared the merger of B and C forms before Mtz-Oc proceded to eliminate the ABCD alternations altogether, but duplicate merger may have taken place rather than a shared innovation. Phonetically, Mtz-Oc share with Ot-Maz the palatalization of *s to š and the desyllabification of a C form metathesized *i to y. Mtz-Oc specifically does not share the NP-Ch voicing of a weakened *t in clusters with *R and *h.

Mtz-Oc share with Ot-Maz the centralization of *i and *o to S and ø in the environment of the centralizing element HC and also the coalescence of *io to S. They share the desyllabification of *i and *o to y and w in certain environments. Mtz-Oc and Ch both have rules which delete the second member of a vowel cluster. These rules do not constitute a shared innovation, however, because the rules are similar only in form, not in their placement with respect to the other rules in each language nor in the statement of environments in which the rules operate. The Ch rules for deletion of the second vowel are context-free, for example, whereas the Mtz-Oc rules are context-sensitive.

Mtz-Oc share with Ot-Maz the insertion of the vowel i after the stem-formative consonants. This important innovation is responsible for the greater retention of stem-formative consonants in Otomian and the resultant greater similarities in the forms of Otomian stems in contrast to the Pamean stems.

Mtz-Oc and Ot-Maz share the deletion of glottal stop from root nuclei and from stem-formative suffixes.

Finally, Mtz-Oc and Ot-Maz share the development of the segment w in the dual suffix wi and *i.

Swadesh and Manrique both give an isolated position to Chichimeco whereas the traditional grouping of Chichimeco with Pame is marked by shared innovations


as well as by distinctive retentions. Both Ch and NP voice weakened *t in clusters with *R and *H (Ch has r, NP has l). Both Ch and NP accord full vocalic status to the metathesized *i of C forms.

The rules for stem-formative consonants are almost completely shared between Ch and NP. The Ch deletion of stem-formative U presupposes the mergers whose results are seen in NP U.

Ch and NP clearly group together in the developments from POP tone in contrast to the developments in Ot-Maz.

Previous Contributions to the Reconstruction of Otopamean

Apart from the early collections of material on Mexican languages by people like Pimentel12 and Belmar,13 the most thorough collection of material of Otopamean languages is that of Jacques Soustelle whose good-sized volume contains lots of information and extensive comparison of the Otopamean languages.14

The first attempt at a reconstruction of the parent language was done by Newman and Weitlaner15 in 1950. They reconstructed Proto-Otomi and Proto-Otomi-Mazahua. In 1953, Weitlaner published the reconstruction of Proto-Otomi-Matla-tzinca.16 In 1960, Juan Hasler published the reconstruction of Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco.17 Also in 1960, my revision of Proto-Otomi consonants was published.18

In 1959, I submitted to the University of Pennsylvania a master’s thesis reconstructing Proto-Otomi-Pame, i.e., the language underlying those two specific languages. The present study is the first attempt to reconstruct the parent language of Otopamean as a whole.

12 Francisco Pimental, Obras Completas (5 vols.; México: Tipografía Económica, 1903).

Also, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México, o Tratado de Filología Mexicana (3 vols.; México: Tipografía Isidoro Epstein, 1874).

13 Francisco Belmar, Glotología Indígena Mexicana (México: n.p., 1921) 14 Soustelle, loc. Cit. 15 Stanley Newman and Robert J. Weitlaner, “Central Otomian I: Proto-Otomi

Reconstructions,” IJAL, XVI (1950), 1-19. “Central Otomian II: Primitive Central Otomian Reconstructions,” IJAL, XVI (1950), 73-81

16 Robert J. Weitlaner, “Proto-Otomi-Matlatzinca: Reconstrucciones del Proto-Otomi III,” Memorias del Congreso Científico Mexicano, IV Centenario de la Universidad Autónoma de México, XII (México: n.p., 1953), 199-206.

17 Juan Hasler, “Reconstrucciones Matlatzinca-Ocuiltecas,” INAH-A, XIII (1960), 269-79. 18 Doris Bartholomew, “Some Revisions of Proto-Otomi Consonants,” IJAL, XXVI (1960),

317-29.

7 I Introduction

The reconstruction of Otopamean will provide some of the controls necessary for incorporating it into the reconstruction of Proto-Otomanguean along with Mixtecan, Popolocan, Amuzgo, Chinantecan, Zapotecan, and Chiapanec-Mangue.

Sources of Data

In addition to published sources and unpublished manuscripts, which are listed in the bibliography, I have made use of materials supplied by the following people. A full description of the materials supplied would be prohibitively long. Instead, I simply indicate the language(s) for which material has been contributed with a brief note of the nature of those materials.

Henrietta Andrews: Matlatzinca (a long lexical list), Otomi (a sizable Santa Clara word list). Lorna F. Gibson: North Pame (lexical material, paradigmatic noun and verb forms), Chichimeco (notebook of a short field trip). Vola Griste: Eastern Otomi (ms. Dictionary). Juan Hasler: Matlatzinca, Ocuilteco (word lists). Harwood Hess: Mezquital Otomi (word lists, grammatical notes). Joyce Jenkins: Eastern Otomi (word list, grammatical notes). Leonardo Manrique: South Pame (long Swadesh list). Moisés Romero: Chichimeco (long Swadesh list). Donald and Isabel Sinclair: Mezquital Otomi (word list). Hazel Spotts: Mazahua (word list, grammatical notes). Donald Steward: Mazahua (word list, material on tone and stem-initial consonant alternations). Oscar Uribe: Matlatzinca (short word list, phonemic chart). Katherine Voigtlander: Eastern Otomi (word list). Robert J. Weitlaner: North and South Pame, Otomi, Mazahua, Ocuilteco (word lists).

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CHAPTER II FEATURE SURVEY OF THE PHONOLOGIES

OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES

The purpose of this chapter is to survey the phonological systems of the Otopamean languages in order to provide a basis for interpreting the forms listed in the cognate sets. For some of the languages a listing of the phonemes is adequate. For others, specifically Mazahua and North Pame, it is important to explain the recent phonological developments within the particular language.

The model which lends itself to the specification of phonological rules is that of generative transformational grammar, originated by Noam Chomsky. In this model it is assumed that the best description of a language is in terms of a set of rules that will specify (generate) the set of all the grammatical sentences. The grammar that will do this has several components: the syntactic component, the phonological component,19 and the semantic component. The phonological component builds on the output of the syntactic component, namely on the sequences of morphemes in the surface syntactic structure. Each morpheme is specified by a phonological matrix which consists of the distinctive features of the string of segments which constitute the morpheme. Morphological features which are idiosyncratic for that morpheme are also specified. A set of ordered rules performs various operations on the string of segments produced by the juxtaposition of morphemes and specifies the correct sequence of segments and features for the systematic phonetic representation of the spoken chain. Further rules convert the systematic phonetic representation into the true phonetic features, including various phonetic details.

Certain aspects of a complete generative treatment have of necessity been modified in these brief sketches. The scope has been narrowed to that part of the morphophonemics which reflects relatively recent processes. The older layer of morphophonemics found in the stem alternants is not treated here because those phenomena belong to Otopamean as a whole and will be treated in the chapter on stem-initial consonants. The present sketches begin with the morphophonemic

19 Morris Halle is chiefly responsible for the development of the phonological component:

“Phonology in Generative Grammar,” Word, XVIII (1962), 54-72. See also “On the Bases of Phonology,” The Structure of Language, ed. Jerry A. Fodor and Jerrold J. Katz (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1964), pp. 324-33. Current developments in generative phonology have not yet been widely published. The treatment in this study is based on materials presented in lectures by James D. McCawley at the University of Chicago, 1964-1965.

9 II Feature Survey of Phonologies

segments necessary for distinguishing the stem alternants without attempting to explain the phonological relations between them.

The generative model provides a set of rules which will specify the distributional restrictions of segments and features within the morpheme. The redundant features due to these restrictions are not specified in the phonological matrix assigned to a given morpheme. The matrix contains only the nonredundant information necessary for distinguishing that morpheme from all others. The redundant features are filled in by rules called morpheme structure rules. An example of a morpheme structure rule is the one that specifies that a consonantal segment preceding a stop in an English word is a sibilant. The present sketches will not attempt to state the morpheme structure rules but will start with the complete feature specifications necessary for the operation of the morphophonemic rules. In other words, they will build on the output of the morpheme structure rules.

For various reasons it is infeasible to have generative treatments of all the Otopamean languages at this time. It is desirable, therefore, to have some means of specifying the relationship between the output of the generative morphophonemic rules and the phonemes of Mazahua and North Pame. This will be done via a chart like that devised by Hoenigswald to specify the relationships between the phonemes of the parent language and those of the daughter language. The morphophonemes will be listed across the top of the chart on the analogy of the phonemes of the parent language. The phonemes of the specific language are listed down the left hand side. The number of the rule responsible for a given phoneme “reflex” of the morphophoneme will be specified in the intersecting cells.

Rather than treating the languages in some logical or geographical order, I will first describe Mazahua and North Pame in the generative model and then I will take up the remaining languages. The phoneme inventories of the other languages will be presented along with appropriate comments on specific rules or phenomena parallel to those found in the generative descriptions of the first two languages.

Mazahua

In 1951, Eunice Pike described the tone contrasts in Mazahua and the correlations between them and the intonational contrasts found on stem-final syllables when they were phrase-final.20 In 1953, Hazel Spotts described the vowel harmony which operates in the stem-formative syllables and the consonant clusters which result from the deletion of the stem-formative vowel before certain other suffixes.21 In a footnote, Spotts expressed the intention to publish a paper later

20 Eunice V. Pike, “Tonemic-Intonemic Correlation in Mazahua (Otomi),” IJAL, XVII

(1951), 37-41. 21 Hazel Spotts, “Vowel Harmony and Consonant Sequences in Mazahua (Otomi),” IJAL,

XIX (1953), 253-58.


“describing the rather intricate morphophonemics of Mazahua.”22 Unfortunately, that paper has not yet appeared.

The present sketch of Mazahua phonology in terms of distinctive features and morphophonemic rules is based on data in Spott’s article, supplemented by data supplied by her and her colleagues Donald and Shirley Stewart, all members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.

The phonemes of Mazahua, as listed by Spotts, are as follows: (Phonemes preceded by * are not necessary for specifying the base forms of morphemes.) p, t, k, *kw, *b, *d, *g, *gw, *c, *X, s, š, *z, *Y, m, n, *ñ, w, *r, *l, y, i, e, [, S, ø, a, u, o, ö, ], ^, S_, ã, a, and õ. The phoneme l occurs in Spanish loan words and in onomatopoetic words. The other starred phonemes are the result of phonological rules.

The segments to which generative phonology assigns distinctive features are those which are necessary to distinguish the base forms of morphemes before the application of the morphophonemic rules. The number of contrastive morpho-phonemic segments is often substantially less than the number of segments needed to handle the phonemic contrasts of the language, especially if the morphophonemic rules are at all extensive. Only enough features are specified for the segments to distinguish each segment from every other segment. The acoustic or articulatory properties of the segments are one consideration for assigning features to segments, but equally important is the structural consideration of assigning some common feature to the segments which behave alike in the rules. Thus, the distinctive features make possible a compact statement of the morphophonemic rules.

The features chosen to specify the morphophonemic segments of Mazahua are: consonantal (cns), vocalic (voc), grave (grv), compact (cmp), continuant (cnt), nasal (nas), glottal (gtl), diffuse (dff), and flat (flt). The presence of a feature is marked with a. plus (+); the absence of a feature is marked with a minus (-) The blank cells in the matrix indicate that the specification of that feature is irrelevant for distinguishing the morphophonemes or for stating the rules. Table 4 shows the distinctive features assigned to the specific segments. The segments w and y are marked +consonantal and +vocalic in this treatment. McCawley marks w and y as –consonantal and –vocalic. The w and y belong to the syllable onset in Mazahua, but they are derived from elements of the syllable nucleus of POP.

In stating the rules, segments are specified by the minimum number of features which will unambiguously identify them. The features specified to the right of the arrow are only those which are different from those on the left. The arrow, �, is to be read “rewrite as” or “becomes.” Features belonging to the same segment are enclosed in square brackets [ ]. Optional features or segments are enclosed in parentheses ( ). Reference to a choice between two specifications for the operation of a rule is symbolized by placing those items in curly brackets { }. Zero

22 Ibid., p. 256.


is symbolized by ø. Word juncture is symbolized by #; morpheme juncture is symbolized by &. Degree of morpheme juncture is marked by a subscript, e.g., &2.

TABLE 4 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE MORPHOPHONEMIC

SEGMENTS OF MAZAHUA

p t k s š w y m n 8 h

cns + + + + + + gtl – – – – – – – – – + + cnt – – – + + – + nas – – – – + + grv + – + – + + – + – voc – – + + cmp – +

i e : ; ø a u o ö

voc + + + + + + + + + nas – – – – – – – – – flt – – – + + + grv – – – + + + + + + cmp – – + – – + – – + dff + – + – + –

? @ ;A ã C õ

voc + + + + + + nas + + + + + + flt – – + + grv – – + + + + dff + – + – + –

Greek letters are used instead of + or – in order to mark agreement for stating rules of assimilation or dissimilation. The notation i grave, for instance, means that that segment has the same specifications for graveness as that indicated by i for some other segment in the rule. The notation –i grave means that that segment has the opposite value for graveness from that marked by i elsewhere in the rule.

Mazahua words are composed of a prefix, a stem and certain suffixes. The morphophonemics of the interaction between prefix and stem are not treated in this study nor are the alternations of initial consonants, which belong to an earlier stratum of morphophonemic rules, some of which go back to Otopamean. There are similarities between the rules which must have operated on the stem-initial


consonants and those which account for the combinations of suffix consonants. The difference is that the conditioning environment for the operation of the rules for the suffix consonants is found in the synchronic material whereas it must be reconstructed from comparative evidence for the stem initial consonant alternations.

The stem is made up of a root which consists of an open syllable and usually a stem formative suffix which is a consonant or a consonant cluster involving a glottal element and/or a nasal. Verb stems may be followed by an object suffix or by a benefactive suffix. The latter two suffix classes appear to be mutually exclusive in the data upon which this study is based. The morphemes for the first and second persons are the same for object or benefactive: -k for first person and –kR for second person. Third person is unmarked for the object suffix. It is –p for the benefactive. An object or benefactive suffix entails the insertion of an h between the root vowel and a stem-formative suffix which does not contain a nasal or a continuant. A benefactive suffix entails an extra degree of juncture which impedes palatalization. Three degrees of morpheme juncture are distinguished between the stem and the suffixes. The first degree is between the stem and the object suffix. The second degree is between the stem and the benefactive suffix. Morpheme junctures of the first and second degree entail the insertion of h. The third degree of morpheme juncture is between the stem and the emphatic person suffix. The second and third degree junctures impede palatalization.

Emphatic person markers are in a looser syntactic relationship to the word, as is indicated by the third degree morpheme juncture. They may be suffixed to either nouns or verbs. First person is –kö and second person is –kR[. Note that the person markers here carry their own vowel as opposed to the corresponding suffixes cited above. Presumably, the bound forms were derived by the deletion of the vowel from the fuller forms. There is a further suffix order which marks the categories of number and inclusive/exclusive. Figure 1 shows the morphological composition of Mazahua verbs.

Prefix ROOT Stem-Formative Suffix

&1 Object &2 Benefactive

&3 Emphatic Person

Number Incl./excl.

Fig. 1. The morphological composition of Mazahua verbs

The morphophonemic rules described here are those which handle the modifications resulting from sequences of suffix consonants. Because of insufficient data they will not deal with the last suffix position (i.e., number and inclusive/exclusive). The rules are divided into three groups. The first group applies to the object and benefactive suffixes. The second group applies to the emphatic person suffixes. The third group applies to the word as a whole, whether or not there are any suffixes other than the stem-formative suffix.

The corpus of 86 forms upon which the present study is based was taken from the illustrations of consonant clusters in the article by Spotts. The analysis of the underlying forms is my own, suggested by Otomi cognate forms and confirmed


in most instances by unaffixed Mazahua forms cited in other materials supplied by Spotts and Stewart. The 86 forms are listed at the end of the rules along with the analysis of their underlying forms and their meanings. The meanings are omitted in the examples for the rules. The examples for the rules show the input for the rule in parentheses, followed by the output of the rule. The input incorporates the result of all previous rules.

Group 1

1. If an object or benefactive suffix is added to the stem, an h is inserted before a stem-formative suffix which does not contain a nasal or a continuant. If there is no stem-formative consonant, the h is inserted before the object or benefactive suffix. The h introduced by this rule is subject to the later rules.

Expressed in distinctive features, the rule says that zero (Ø) becomes a segment which is +glottal and +continuant (i.e., h) in the environment of a preceding vowel and a following segment which is neither a nasal nor a continuant or no segment at all and a morpheme juncture of first or second degree.

[ ][ ] 2/1&cnt

nas

___cns

voc env.in

cnt

gtl

∅

−

−

−

+

+

+→∅

Examples: 12 (phöt &2 p) phöht &2 p, 15 (tek &2 p) tehk &2 p, 16 p[t &2 p) p[ht &2 p, 21 (RøtR &2 p) RøhtR &2 p, 22 (h^tR &2 p) h^htR &2 p, 41 (ta &2 p) tah &2 p, 17 (ndek &2 k) ndehk &2 k, 18 (mb[t &2 k) mb[ht &2 k, 29 (mböt &2 kR) mböht &2 kR, 30 (h[k &2 kR) h[hk &2 kR, 31 (h^tR &2 kR) h^htR &2 kR.

2. An h becomes a R if it precedes one or more stops followed by a R. The rule applies to an h inserted by rule 1 as well as to an h of a stem-formative suffix.

[ ]

−

+

−

−−→

+

+

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl ___ env.in cnt

cnt

gtl

0

Examples with inserted h from rule 1: 21 (RøhtR &2 p) RøRtR &2 p, 22 (h^htR &2 p) h^RtR &2 p, 29 (mböht &2 kR) mböRt &2 kR, 30 (h[hk &2 kR) h[Rk &2 kR, 31 (h^htR &2 kR) h^RtR &2 kR. Examples with stem-formative h: 9 (penh &2

kR) penR &2 kR, 28 (tõh &2 kR) tõR &2 kR, 32 (wãmh &2 kR) wãmR &2 kR.

3. A R is inserted after –p if it is preceded by a consonant cluster containing a R. A R is inserted between contiguous stops if a R follows.


−

+

−

−

−

−

+

−

−

+

−

−

+

+→∅

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl ___

cnt

gtl

___cmp

cnt&

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl

env.in cnt

gtl2

Examples after –p: 21 (RøRtR &2 p) RøRtR &2 pR, 22 (h^RtR &2 p) h^RtR &2 pR, 23 (wãntR &2 p) wãntR &2 pR, 24 (w[ntR &2 p) w[ntR &2 pR. Examples between stops: 29 (mböRt &2 kR) mböRtR &2 kR, 30 höRk &2 kR) höRkR &2 kR, 33 (hãnt &2 kR) hãntR &2 kR.

4. Delete R before –k except if the stem begins with a R.

[ ]

+

−−∅→

−

+

cmp

cnt&X___ gtl env.in

cnt

gtl1/2

Examples: 1 (zinR &1 k) zin &1 k, 19 (hñasR &2 k) hñas &2 k, 45 (kRasR &1

k) kRas &1 k, 47 (w[ntR &2 k) w[nt &2 k. Contrast 6 (Ry[nR &1 k) where R is not deleted by this rule.

5. Following a front vowel the consonants t, k, and n are palatalized (add the feature +sharp) to become X, c, and ñ, respectively. If the n is followed by a t or k with no intervening R or juncture of more than the first degree, the stop is palatalized but not the nasal. If there is an intervening R or a juncture of the second degree or greater, then the nasal is palatalized but not the following stop. The palatalizable consonants in a stem-formative suffix are always palatalized; those in an object suffix are palatalized under the conditions just cited; those of a benefactive suffix or of an emphatic person marker are never palatalized. Palatalization does not extend past the first stop.

[ ]

−

+

+

+

−

−

+

+→

−

+

+

+

−

−

cnt

gtl

&

___

___nas

cns

grv

cns

voc

env.in sharp

grv

nas

cns

cmp

grv

cnt

2/3

The morpheme junctures are not necessary for all of the rules. To simplify the notation, the morpheme junctures will be omitted in the output of rule 5 and elsewhere unless they are necessary for the statement of the rule.

Examples: 1 (zin &1 k) zinc, 4 (Rwin &2 p) Rwiñp, 5 (Rwin &1 kR) RwincR, 6 (Ry[nR &1 k) Ry[ñRk, 7 (Ry[nR &1 kR Ry[ñRkR, 9 (penR &2 kR) peñRkR, 15 (tehk &2 p) tehcp, 16 (p[ht &2 p) p[hXp, 17 (ndehk &2 k) ndehck, 18 (mb[ht &2 k)


mb[hXk, 22 (h^RtR &2 pR) h^RXRpR, 24 (w[ntR &2 pR) w[nXRpR, 30 (h[RkR &2

kR) h[RcRkR, 43 (zin &2 k) zink, 47 (w[nt &2 k) w[nXk, 48 (šenk &2 k) šenck.

Numbers 1 and 5 show palatalization of an object suffix because the stem-formative is a nasal and there is no intervening R. The original R in number 1 was deleted by rule 4. Number 43 has the same input as number 1 except for the different morpheme juncture. The suffix in number 1 is an object; that in number 43 is a benefactive. The second degree juncture in 43 impeded palatalization. In numbers 6, 7, and 9, the palatalization is impeded by a R intervening between the nasal and the object suffix. The R in number 9 came from an original h via rule 2.

6. An m preceding a R or h, followed by a stop, loses its nasality completely following an oral vowel (i.e., becomes p) or partially following a nasalized vowel (i.e., becomes mp) if no juncture of more than second degree intervenes.

[ ] [ ]cnt&gtl ___

nas

cns

voc

nas

cns

voc

env.in

cnt

cmp

nas

grv

nas

cns

cnt

cmp

nas

grv

nas

cns

2/1 −+

+

−

+

−

−

+

−

−

−

+

+

+

−

−

−

→

+

+

+

Examples: 20 (tøRmRp) tøRpRp, 27 (ndøRmRkR) ndøRpRkR, 32 (wãmRkR) wãmpRkR, 40 (Xamhk) Xamphk, 38 (wãmhp) wãmphp.

7. Delete p when it is preceded by p and a glottal segment.

[ ] ___ gtl

grv

cmp

cnt

env.in

grv

cmp

cnt

+

+

−

−

∅→

+

−

−

Examples: 20 (tøRpRp) tøRpR, 38 (wãmphp) wãmph.

8. Delete a R between a nasal and a stop if the stem begins with a R or h.

[ ] cnt

gtl ___

nas

cns X gtl env.in

cnt

gtl

−

−

+

++∅→

−

+

Examples: 6 (Ry[ñRk) Ry[ñk, 7 (Ry[ñRkR) Ry[ñkR, 42 (honRp) honp.

9. A predictable vowel is inserted after the suffix consonant(s) and before word boundary. The five ordered rules which specify the predictable features of the inserted vowels are grouped together under the same rule number. The first rule


generates a R as a stem-final consonant where none existed before. The remaining rules share certain specifications of environment and may be considered parts of the same rule.

(a) Insert a R before word boundary if there is no suffix consonant.

# ___ cns

voc env.in

cnt

gtl

−

+

−

+→∅

Examples: (ta) taR, cf. number 2; (pö) pöR, cf.number 11.

(b) Insert a copy of the root vowel before word boundary if the suffix consonant is R or h. Note that (b) operates on the output of (a). Part (a) produces an intermediate stage which does not appear in a terminal string as such.

[ ]

3 121321

#gtlcns

voc

→

+

−

+

Examples: (taR) taRa, cf. number 2; (pöR) pöRö, cf. number 11; (tõh), tõhõ, cf. number 10.

(c) Insert a copy of the root vowel after the suffix consonant(s) if the root vowel is –diffuse, -compact, and –flat (i.e., e, ø, ^, and ã).

[ ]

3121321

#cns

grv

flt

cmp

dff

cns

voc

0

→

+

−

−

−

−

−

+

Examples: (peñh) peñhe, cf. number 9; (RøtR) RøtRø, cf. number 21; (h^XR) h^XR^, cf. number 31; (wãntR) wãntRã, cf. number 23.

(d) Insert a diffuse front vowel after the suffix consonant(s) and before word boundary if the root is a front vowel (i.e., the vowels i and ] follow i, [, and ], respectively). The ordering of part (d) after part (c) makes it unnecessary to specify the root vowel by any more than –grave because the –diffuse, -compact front vowel no longer occurs in this environment.


[ ] # ___ cns

nas

grv

cns

voc

env.in

nas

grv

dff

cns

voc

0+

∝

−

−

+

∝

−

+

−

+

→∅

Examples: (siñR) siñRi, cf. number 1; (R[ñR) R[ñRi, cf. number 6; no example of root ] in the corpus.

(e) Insert a diffuse central vowel (+diffuse, +grave, -flat) if the root vowel is a nonfront vowel (+grave). The inserted vowel agrees in nasality with the root vowel: the vowel S follows S, u, o, ö and a; S_ follows S_, a and õ.

[ ] # ___ cns

nas

grv

cns

voc

env.in

nas

flt

grv

dff

cns

voc

0+

∝

+

−

+

∝

−

+

+

−

+

→∅

Examples: (thSht) thShtS, cf. number 14; no example of oral u; (ponR) ponRS, cf. number 8; (ph[t) ph[tS, cf. number 12; (wasR) wasRS, cf. number 36; (hñS_hp) hñS_hpS_, cf.number 13; (hñasR) hñasRS_, cf. number 19; (tõhp) tõhpS_, number 10.

10. An h and a following stop are transposed if the h is preceded by a nasal and if the stop is followed by a vowel.

42314321

cns

voc

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl

nas

cns

→

−

+

−

−

+

+

+

+

Examples: 25 (kSnhpS) kSnphS, 26 (kSnhkS) kSnkhS.

11. Insert an h after a stop if the stop is preceded by a stop and an h.

423214321

cns

voc

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl

→

−

+

−

−

+

+

−

−

Examples: 40 (XamphkS_) XamphkhS_.


Group II

The rules in Group II resemble in part some of the rules in Group I, but there are important differences conditioned by the different morpheme juncture. The first group of rules dealt with the object and benefactive suffixes where the differences between first and second person pivoted around the presence of R in the second person form. The rules for adjusting the glottal elements in the suffixes never permitted the contrast between –k and –kR to be disturbed. The second group of rules deals with the emphatic person markers which are distinguished by different vowels as well as by the glottal element. The morphophonemic rules of Group II permit the modification of the glottal element of the suffixes because the vowels maintain the contrast between first and second person.

12. A glottal segment and the following stop are transposed if a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel precedes the glottal segment and if a third degree juncture intervenes between the glottal segment and the stop. This rule differs from rule 10 in Group I in that a R may be transposed with a k of a first person marker whereas rule 10 permitted only an h to be transposed.

[ ] [ ] [ ]

42314321

gtlcnt

gtl &gtlnas 3

→

−

−

−++

Examples: 58 (kiñh &3 kö) kiñkhö, 65 (tamh &3 kö) tamkhö, 69 (kSnh &3 kö) kSnkhö, 70 (peñh &3 kö) peñkhö, 74 (tøRmR &3 kö) tøRmkRö, 76 (šimR &3 kö) šimkRö, 79 (pønR &3 kö) pønkRö, 80 (RonR &3 kö,) 81 (RomR &3 kö) RomkRö,23 82 (R[ñR &3 kö) R[ñkR[, 83 (pSnR &3 kö) pSnkRö, 84 (hS_mR &3 kö) hS_mkRö, 85 (tømR &3 kö) tømkRö.

13. Delete R after s and before –kö if a third degree juncture intervenes and if a nonnasal segment precedes the sR.

[ ] [ ]gtl

cmp

cnt

gtl

& ___

grv

cnt

gtl

nas env.in cnt

gtl3 −

+

−

−

−

+

−

−∅→

−

+

Example: 62 (wasR &3 kö) waskö.

14. A sibilant preceding a stop which is not followed by a R is not specified for graveness and may be preceded or followed by a glottal continuant. This means that there is a neutralization of the point of articulation of sibilants in this environment and that there may be an extra segment of glottal aspiration preceding or following the sibilant.

23 The nasal before the k is phonetically a velar but is considered by Spotts as an allophone of

the bilabial nasal because it contrasts with n as in number 80 and because it is etymologically an m.


[ ]gtl cnt

gtl ___ env.in

cnt

gtl

cnt

gtl

voc

cnt

gtl

OPT

grv

cnt

gtl

voc

−

−

−

+

+

+

−

−

+

+

→

∝

+

−

−

Examples: 19 (hñas &2 kS_) hñahskS_, 45 (kRas &1 kS) kRaška, 63 (paš &3

kö) pašh &3 kö.

15. A copy of the preceding glottal segment is inserted after a stop if the preceding glottal element is preceded by a nonnasal consonant and if a third degree juncture intervenes between the glottal segment and the stop.

[ ] [ ]

423214321

gtlcnt

gtl &gtl

voc

gtl3

→

−

−

−+

−

−

Examples: 55 (oph &3 kö) ophkhö, 56 (bath &3 kö) bathkhö, 63 (pašh &3 kö) pašhkhö, 71 (hicR &3 kö hicRkRö, 75 (paRtR &3 kö) paRtRkRö, 77 pSnsR &3 kö) pSnsRkRö, 78 (matR &3 kö) matRkRö.

16. The R is deleted from –kR[ if preceded by ht and if a third degree juncture intervenes. Contrast rule 2 in Group I where the juncture is of first or second degree and the preceding h becomes a R.

___ cmp

cnt &

grv

cnt

cnt

gtl env.in

cnt

gtl3

+

−

−

−

+

+∅→

−

+

Example: 51 (kwaht &3 kR[) kwahtk[.

17. The geminate cluster kk is simplified. Probably the rule could be generalized to eliminate all geminate clusters, but only the simplification of kk is found in the present corpus.

___ cmp

cnt env.in

cmp

cnt

+

−∅→

+

−

Example: 24 (tShk &3 kö) tShkö.

The rule must be ordered after the palatalization rule as is seen in numbers 48 and 60 where the first in the sequence of two k’s is palatalized and the cluster is not simplified: 48 (šenk &2 k) šenck, 60 (tek &3 kö) teckö.


Group III

The rules in Group III are later rules. They are not conditioned by the specific suffix classes or degrees of juncture.

18. After a vowel or a nasal, a stop (or sequence of stops) is voiced if followed by a vowel with no intervening glottal segment. The segments X and c participate in this rule because they are specified as –continuant.

[ ]

−

+

+

+

−

+

+→

−

−

cns

voc ___

nas

cns

cns

voc

env.in vcd cnt

gtl

0

Examples: 4 (Rwiñpi) Rwiñbi, 3 (hñãntkã) hñãndgã, 6 (Ry[ñki) Ry[ñgi, 43 (zinki) zingi, 1 (zinci) zinki, 47 (w[nXki) w[nlgi, 48 (šencke) šenkge, 59 (cheXkö) chelgö, 60 (teckö) tekgö, 61 (phötkö) phödgö.

19. A voiced consonant becomes a continuant if it is +sharp or if it occurs after a vowel.

[ ]

−

+

+

+→

+

+

____ cns

voc

_____

sharp

env.in cnt vcd

cns

Examples: (h[ki) h[zi, cf. 30; (p[li) p[Yi, cf. 16; 47 (w[nlgi) w[nYgi; 60 (tekgö) tezgö; 61 (phödgö) phörgö; (phödS) phörS, cf. 61. There are no examples in the corpus of b or g in this position.

20. An h and the preceding nasal are metathesized if a vowel follows the h.

312321

cns

voc

cnt

gtl

nas

cns

→

−

+

+

+

+

−

Examples: (peñhe) pehñe, cf. 9; (kSnhS) kShnS, cf.26; (wãmhã) wãhmã, cf. 32; (tamhS_) tahmS_, cf. 40; (kiñhi) kihñi, cf. 58.

21. A nasal consonant preceding R loses its nasality and is specified as +voiced if the cluster occurs between oral vowels.


−

−

+

−

+

−

−

+

+

−

−

→

+

+

nas

cns

voc

cnt

gtl ___

nas

cns

voc

env.in

vcd

cnt

nas

nas

cns

Examples: (ponRS) podRS, cf. 8; (tømRø, tøbRø, cf. 20; (siñRi) sidyRi, cf. 1; (R[ñRi) R[dyRi, cf. 6; (šimRi) šibRi, cf. 76; (tøRmRø) tøRbRø, cf. 74.

22. Optionally, delete h after a nasalized vowel and before a stop.

−

−

+

+∅

→

+

+

cnt

gtl ___

nas

voc env.in

OPT

cnt

gtl

Examples: 2 (tahkS_) takS_, 41 (tahpS_) tapS_. Contrast 54 tõkhö, where the h was metathesized by rule 12.

23. Optionally insert an n after a nasalized vowel and before a stop.

−

−

+

+

−

+

+

→∅

cnt

gtl ___

nas

voc env.in

grv

nas

cns

OPT

Examples: 2 (takS_) tankS_, 41 (tapS_) tanpS_. Again, contrast 54 tõkhö, where no n is inserted.

The ordering of this rule after the voicing rule explains the fact that k and p are not voiced after the n in numbers 2 and 41.

24. Optionally, a sequence of an oral vowel plus a nasal is re-written as the corresponding nasalized vowel.

−

−

+

−

+

→

+

+

−

−

+

cnt

gtl ___ env.in

nas

cns

voc

OPT

nas

cns

nas

cns

voc

Example: (tøRmRkRö) tS_RkRö.

In this case there is no nasalized vowel specified as both –compact and –diffuse as is the oral ø. The corresponding nasal vowel is the one marked +diffuse with redundant –compact, i.e., S_.


Sample Derivations

Three sample derivations show how the ordered rules operate on the morphophonemic input. The form in parentheses gives the basic string of morphophonemes. Rules that do not apply are marked --. When a rule applies, the resultant form is written in and the rule is identified briefly. The input for a rule is the form that precedes it. Following the sample derivations is the list of the 86 forms on which the present study is based. For each form, the rule numbers are given which apply to the derivation of that form.

1. (zinR &1 k) “he took me”

-- Rules 1, 2, and 3 do not apply.

zin &1k Rule 4, delete R before k.

zinc Rule 5, palatalization.

-- Rules 6, 7, and 8 do not apply.

zinci Rule 9, vowel insertion.

-- Rules 10 through 17 do not apply.

zinki Rule 18, voicing.

zinzi Rule 19, -cont > +cont.


30. (h[k &2 kR) “I left it for you”

h[hk &2 kR Rule 1, insert h.

h[Rk &2 kR Rule 2, h >R before cR.

h[RkR &2 kR Rule 3, insert R between stops.

-- Rule 4 does not apply.

h[RcRkR Rule 5, palatalization.

-- Rules 6, 7 and 8 do not apply.

h[RcRkRi Rule 9, vowel insertion.


38. (wãmh &2 p) “I plowed for him”


wãmph &2 p Rule 6, m > mp.

wãmph Rule 7, delete p.


-- Rule 8 does not apply.

wãmphã Rule 9, vowel insertion


List of Forms on Which the Analysis Is Based

The form in parentheses gives the basic string of morphophonemes. The form immediately following is the phonemic form of the terminal string. The third form is that of the stem without suffixes. Following that are the meaning of the form with suffixes and the numbers of the rules which belong to the derivation of that form. Prefixes and tone marks have been omitted as they are not essential to the present study. Stem-initial consonants are cited in phonemic form and not further broken down into morphophonemes.

1. (zinR &1 k) zinzi, sidyRi, “he took me,” 4,5,9,18,19.

2. (ta &1 k) tankS_, taRa, “he owes me,” 1,9,22,23.

3. (hñãnt &1 k) hñãndgã, hãndã, “he saw me,” 9, 18.

4. (Rwin &2 p) Rwiñbi, Rwiñi, “I fed hers,” 5,9,18.

5. (Rwin &1 kR) RwincRi, Rwiñi, “I fed you,” 5,9.

6. (Ry[nR &1 k) Ry[ñgi, “he guided me,” 5,8,9.

7. (Ry[nR &1 kR) Ry[ñkRi, R[dyRi, “he guided you,” 5,8,9.

8. (ponR &2 kR) ponRkRS, podRS, “I sowed for you,” 9.

9. (penh &2 kR) peñRkRe, pehñe, “I sent to you,” 2,5,9.

10. (tõh &2 p) tõhpS, tõhõ, “I beat him,” 9.

11. (mbö &2 k) mböhkS, pöRö, “he sold to me,” 1,9.

12. (phöt &2 p) phöhtpS, phörS, “I guarded it for him,” 1,9.

13. (hñS_hp &2 k) hñS_hpkS_, hS_hpS_, “he removed it for me,” 9.

14. (XhSht &2 k) XhShtkS, thShtS, “you lighted it for me,” 9.

15. (tek &2 p) tehcpe, teze, “he finished his,” 1,5,9.

16. (p[t &2 p) p[hXpi, p[Yi, “I gathered for him,” 1,5,9.

17. (ndek &2 k) ndehcke, teze, “he finished mine,” 1,5,9.


18. (mb[t &2 k) mb[hXki, p[Yi, “he gathered for me,” 1,5,9.

19. (hñasR &2 k) hñahskS_, hasRS_ “add to it for me,” 4,9,14.

20. (tøRmR &2 p) tøRpRø, tøbRø, “I nailed it for him,” 6,7,9.

21. (RøtR &2 p) RøRtRpRø, RøtRø, “I made it for him,” 1,2,3,9.

22. (h^tR &2 p) h^RXRpR^, h^XR^, “I spun for him,” 1,2,3,5,9.

23. (wãntR &2 p) wãntRpRã, wãntRã, “I will mix it for him,” 3,9.

24. (w[ntR &2 p) w[nXRpRi, w[ntRi, “I scolded him for him,” 3,5,9.

25. (kSnh &2 p) kSnphS, kShnS, “I grind for him,” 9,10.

26. (kSnh &2 k) kSnkhS, “you are grinding for me,” 9,10.

27. (ndøRmR &2 kR) ndøRpRkRø, tøRbRø, “he sewed for you,” 6,9.

28. (tõh &1 kR) tõRkRS_, tõhõ, “I beat you,” 2,9.

29. (mböt &2 kR) mböRtRkRS, mbörS, “he will exchange with you,” 1,2,3,9.

30. (h[k &2 kR) h[RcRkRi, h[zi, “I left it for you,” 1,2,3,5,9.

31. (h^tR &2 kR) h^RXRkR^, h^XR^, “I spun it for you,” 1,2,3,5,9.

32. (wãmh &2 kR) wãmpRkRã, wãhmã, “he plowed for you,” 2,6,9.

33. (hãnt &1 kR) hãntRkRã, hãndã, “I see you,” 2,3,9.

34. (w[ntR &1 kR) w[nXRkRi, w[nXRi, “he scolded you,” 5,9.

35. (paš &2 kR) paškRS, pašS, “I swept for you,” 9.

36. (wasR &2 kR) wasRkRS, wasRS, “he watered it for you,” 9.

37. (ndöm &2 p) ndömbS, tömS, “he bought it for him,” 9,18.

38. (wãmh &2 p) wãmphã, wãhmã, “I plowed for him,” 6,7,9.

39. (mãmp &1 k) mãmbgã, mãmbã, “he accused me,” 9,18.

40. (Xamh &2 k) XamphkhS_, tahmS_,”sow it for me,” 6,9,11.

41. (ta &2 p) tanpS_, “I owe him,” 1,9,22,23.

42. (honR &2 p) honbS, hodRS, “I will look for him,” 7,9,18.


43. (zinR &2 k) zingi, sidyRi, “he took him for me,” 4,5,18.

44. (hãnt &2 p) hãndbã, hãndã, “I saw for him,” 9,18.

45. (kRasR &1 k) kRaškS, kRasRS, “he is disturbing me,” 4,9,14.

46. (paš &2 p) pašpS, pašS, “he sweeps for him,” 9.

47. (w[ntR &2 k) w[nYgi, w[nXRi, “scold him for me,” 4,5,9,18,19.

48. (šenk &2 k) šenzge, šenze, “shell it for me,” 5,9,18,19.

Examples with Emphatic Person Markers”

49. (tShk &3 kö) tShkö, tShkS, “I see,” 17.

50. (t[hp &3 kö) t[hpkö, t[hpi, “I follow a path,” none.

51. (kwaht &3 kR[) kwahtk[, kwahti, “finish it (you),” 16.

52. (šihk &3 kö) šihckö, šihci, “tell me (emphatic),” 5.

53. (p[ht &3 kö) p[hXkö, p[Yi, “I (emphatic) gathered,” 5.

54. (tõh &3 kö) tõkhö, tõhõ, “I (emphatic) won,” 12.

55. (oph &3 kö) ophkhö, ophS, “I wrote,” 12.

56. (bath &3 kö) bathkhö, bRathS, “my pasture,” 12.

57. (kin &3 kö) kiñgö, kiñi, “I darned,” 5,18.

58. (kinh &3 kö) kiñkhö, kihñi, “I think,” 5,12.

59. (chet &3 kö) cheYgö, kheYe, “my skirt,” 5,18,19.

60. (tek &3 kö) tezgö, teze, “I finished,” 5,18,19.

61. (phöt &3 kö) phörgö, phörS, “I guarded,” 18,19.

62. (wasR &3 kö) waskö, wasRS, “I sprinkled,” 13.

63. (paš &3 kö) paškhö, pašS, “I swept,” 14,15.

64. (töm &3 kö) tömgö, tömS, “I bought,” 18.

65. (tamh &3 kö) tamkhö, tahmS_, “I will plant,” 12.

66. (RanR &3 kö) Rangö, RanRS_, “I gave,” 8,18.


67. (hãnt &3 kö) hãndgö, hãndã, “I looked,” 18.

68. (sinR &1 k &3 kö) sinzgö, sidyRi, “take me with you,” 4,5,18,19.

69. (kSnh &3 kö) kSnkhS, kShnS, “I will grind,” 12.

70. (penR &3 kö) peñkRö, pedyRe, “I will wash clothes,” 5,12.

71. (hi &1 kR &3 kö) hicRkRö, hihXi, “I teach you,” 5,15.

72. (hw^tR &3 kR[) hw^XRkR[, hw^XR^, “you will fan,” 5.

73. (chSsR &3 kR[) chSsRkR[, khSsRS, “you will draw water,” none.

74. (tøRmR &3 kö) tS_RkRö, tøRbRø, “I sewed,” 12,24.

75. (paRtR &3 kö) paRtRkRö, paRtRS, “I heated it,” 15.

76. (šimR &3 kö) šimkRö, šibRi, “I will wash dishes,” 12.

77. (pS_nsR &3 kö) pS_nsRkRö, pS_nsRS_, “I will smell it,” 15.

78. (matR &3 kö) matRkRö, matRS, “I called,” 15.

79. (pønR &3 kö) pønkRö, pødRø, “I threw it away,” 12.

80. (RonR &3 kö) RonkRö, RodRS, “I cut,” 12.

81. (RomR &3 kö) RomkRö, RobRS, “I lie down,” 12.

82. (R[nR &3 kö) R[ñkRö, R[dyRi, “I led,” 5,12.

83. (pSnR &3 kö) pSnkRö, pSnS, “I turned it over,” 12.

84. (hS_mR &3 kö) hS_mkRö, hS_mRS_, “I take,” 12.

85. (tømR &3 kö) tømkRö, tøbRø, “I nailed,” 12.

86. (pSm &3 kö) pSmgö, pSmS, “I turned around,” 18.

The relation of Mazahua phonemes to the morphophonemes is presented by means of a Hoenigswald-like chart, as indicated earlier in the chapter. Table 5 presents the non-glottal consonants; Table 6 presents the glottal consonants. Derivation from the morphophoneme with the same symbol is marked by an x in the intersecting cell. Hyphens indicate a phoneme is derived from a cluster of morpho-phonemes, e.g., k*w from kw is marked by x- under k and –x under w. Other sources of phonemes are marked by rule number. If a phoneme is derived by a sequence of rules, the rules are separated by a hyphen, e.g., r is derived from t by voicing (18) and becoming continuant (19), marked by 18-19 in the intersecting cell.


This study has dealt with the morphophonemics of suffixation. However, the stem-initial consonantisms have probably shared some of the same rules. Because of linguistic change it is not as easy to reconstruct the morphophonemics of the stem-initials. The conditioning environments have disappeared in many cases. It does seem reasonable, however, to assume that rules such as palatalization and voicing also operated on stem-initials. In Table 5 a rule has been placed in parentheses to indicate that there are no examples in the corpus, but the rule is needed to account for observed relationships in the stem-initials.

The rules referred to in Table 5 are briefly summarized as follows:

5. palatalization

6. m becomes mp or p

7. delete p after preceding p

14. sibilant preceding stop may be either s or š

18. voice stop(s) after vowel or nasal and before vowel

19. a voiced noncontinuant becomes continuant

21. nasal loses nasality before R intervocalically

23. insert n after nasalized vowel before stop

24. oral vowel and following nasal may become nasalized vowel.

TABLE 5 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES

NONGLOTTAL CONSONANTS

Mphms.

p t k m n s š w y ø

P p x 6 h o t x n e k x m e kw (x-) (-x) s

b 18 21 d 18 21 g 18 gw (18-) (-x) m x n x 23 ñ 5,x- -x c 5 L 5 s x š 14 x


z 5-18-19 M 5-18-19 w 18-19 x r 18-19 y 5-21 x ø 7 18 24 24

TABLE 6 RELATION OF MAZAHUA PHONEMES TO MORPHOPHONEMES

GLOTTAL CONSONANTS

Mphms. 8 h Ø

P h 8 x 2 3,15 o n h x 11,15 e m Ø 4,8 22 e 13,16 s


2. h becomes glottal before cR

3. insert R after p; insert R between stops

4. delete R before k, except if stem begins with R

8. delete R between nasal and stop if stem begins with R or h

11. insert an h after a stop

13. delete R after s

15. insert copy of R or h after stop

16. delete R From –kR[

22. delete h after nasalized vowel and before a stop

North Pame

The phonemics and morphophonemics of North Pame were described by Lorna Gibson in 1956.24 She lists the following phonemes: (Phonemes preceded by * are not necessary for specifying the underlying forms.) p, t, k, *q, b, d, *g, c, X,

24 Lorna F. Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics,” IJAL, XXII (1956),

242-65.


*f, s, *š, m, n, U, l, *ly, r, w, y, i, *e, [, a, o; suprasegmental nasalization; high, falling, and low tone-stress phonemes. The *f is found only in Spanish loan words.

The morphophonemic information given by Gibson can be more economically stated by (1) assuming different base forms in certain instances, (2) setting up a set of morphophonemes specified by distinctive features, and (3) ordering the rules with respect to one another.

The rules stated here take the contrastive forms of the stem alternants as a threshold, not attempting to state rules for them.

North Pame words consist of a prefix, a stem and certain suffixes. In addition to the stem alternants inherited from POP there are several morphophonemic rules which need to be stated for the interaction of prefix and stem. The bulk of the rules, however, deal with the interaction between stem and suffixes and that between the suffixes themselves. The stem-formative suffixes of NP are parallel to those of Mazahua, although fewer in number as a result of sound change. They consist of a consonant or a consonant cluster containing R. (There is no h in NP suffixes.) Stem-formative nasals are alveolar if in a cluster with R. They are velar otherwise. The person markers are cognate with Mazahua: -k first person, -kR second person, and –p third person.

Whereas the morphemes marking number and exclusive/inclusive were not included in the morphophonemic rules of Mazahua because of insufficient date, they figure prominently in the morphophonemic rules of NP. Some of these morphemes are also cognate with Mazahua: -mR exclusive (Maz –mRe), -i dual (Maz –wi). There are two plural markers, -n and –t. The –n may occur after –k or –kR. The –t may occur after –p.

The distinctive features for North Pame morphophonemes are shown in Table 7.

The set of rules in this study is built on the morphophonemic statements in Gibson’s article. The examples are taken from there with the exception of the examples for the first two rules where I have referred to the cognate sets. I have modified her formulation of the base forms to eliminate the effect of any of the rules. Gibson’s base forms are phonemic, forms that actually occur. Generative phonology does not operate with this constraint, however. Rather, base forms are specified in morphophonemic segments which will be adequate input for the set of rules, whether or not they occur as such in an actual form.

TABLE 7 DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR THE

MORPHOPHONEMES OF NORTH PAME


p t k b d c s w l m n 8 h

Cns + + + + + + + + + + + + + Voc - - - - - - - + + - - - - Gtl - - - - - - - - - - - + + Nas - - - - - - - - - + + Str - - - - - + + Cnt - - - - - - + + + - + Grv + - + + - + - + - Cmp - - + Vcd - - - + + i o a : ? õ ã :A Cns - - - - - - - - Voc + + + + + + + + Grv - + + - - + + - Cmp - - + + - - + + Nas - - - - + + + +

The rules have been restated in accordance with the modified base forms and the concept of ordered rules.

The first two rules are not strictly synchronic because they are not formulated on the basis of NP morphophonemic alternations but rather on evidence from forms in cognate languages.25 They are included here, however, because they account for the distributional peculiarities of nasals in the stem-formatives: only nR and U occur. They also account for the segment U which is deleted before the dual –i whereas nR or n (with the R deleted) undergo metathesis with the –i like the other consonants.

1. A stem-final nasal not in a cluster with R is velar. Examples: sãoU “night” (Maz šõmS_, Mtz šømi); taogU “to buy” (Maz tömS, Mtz tami); togU “flower” (Maz ndøhnø, Mtz tøni); kheigU “metate” (Maz khShnS, Mtz khSni).

[ ] # ___ V env.in cmp nas

cns+→

+

+

This rule does not apply to morphemes marking number and exclusive/ inclusive, e.g., -n plural and –mR exclusive. These morphemes would be marked in the underlying forms by a preceding morpheme juncture, &, thus: CV &n # and CV &mR #. There is, of course, a morpheme boundary before the stem-formative, but it is unmarked because it does not have these junctural features.

2. The glottal stop is deleted from the stem-formative if the nucleus of the root contains a glottal stop. The evidence for this rule is inconsistent. It appears that the R is not deleted from the cluster-cR. It is deleted from –lR in several instances, but

25 But see under rule 7 where there is a vestige of a distinction between *m and *n in the

stem-formatives.


not in coRolR “to bite.” It seems to operate on all cases of –nR. The inconsistencies may reflect dialect differences (of which Gibson cites several instances) or an optional quality of the rule. The rule is necessary to account for stem-formative –n (R deleted) which does not participate in rule 1. Compare t[h[dnR “to laugh” and kkeRedn “to pull.”

# ___s

cns V?V env.in

c

gtl

−

+∅→

−

+

trnt

3. Stem-formative U (from rule 1) is deleted before the dual –i. Examples: (talón26-i) talói “chickens (du.);” (snahhéon-i) snahhéoi “balance scales (du.);” (kywãn-i) kywãi “men (du.).”

#

cmp

grv

cns

voc

___ env.in

cmp

nas

cns

−

−

−

+

∅→

+

+

+

4. The dual suffix –i is metathesized with the preceding consonant. (Note that this rule is ordered after the rule which deletes U before –i.) Examples: (skam][lR-i) skam][ilyR “leeches (du.);” (stakRóahanR-i) stakRóahigUR “our planes (du. incl.);” snanh[_R[nR-i) snanh[_R[iU “their pet names (du.).”

[ ]

312321

#

cmp

grv

cns

voc

cns

→

−

−

−

+

+

5. Nasalization extends to all vowels in the word which follow a nasalized vowel. This rule accounts for the nasalization of the dual –i after nasalized vowels, e.g., (kywãn-i) kywãi “men (du.).” Nasalization of vowels is considered suprasegmental by Gibson precisely because of this rule. Accordingly, she writes nasalization only on the first nasalized vowel in the word.

[ ] (X)

nas

cns

voc

env.in nas cns

voc

+

−

+

+→

−

+

26 I write n as the underlying nasal because the contrast between n and m is neutralized and

the n (rather than m) is more parallel to the nR base form.


6. The affricate c becomes the plain sibilant s before a suffix beginning with a stop or a nasal, i.e., any consonant which is not strident nor glottal. Examples: (nlhocR-pt) nlhospt “their sandals;” (sikaicR-k) šikyaisky “my crackers.”

[ ]

−

−

−

+

+→

−

+

gtl

str

voc

cns

___ env.in cnt cnt

str

7. Nasals assimilate to the adjacent non-glottal non-nasal consonant whether or not a glottal consonant intervenes. The nasal may be either a stem-formative or the exclusive suffix –mR or the plural suffix –n. Examples: (skiwéhecR-n) skiwyéhesnR “your umbrellas;” (stawéhecR-mR) stawéhesnR or stawéhesRn “our umbrellas;” (talódn-t) talódnt Xhickens;” (mad`õn-k) mand`õUk “my elbow;” (nkhwín-pt) Ukhwébmpt “their saliva.”

/ ___

βcmp

grv

gtl-

nas

cns

___/ env.in βcmp

grv nas

cns

∝

−

+

∝→

+

+27

The nasal in the exclusive suffix –mR assimilates to the stem-formative nasal. This assimilation appears to have preceded the operation of rule 1 which neutralizes the point of articulation of stem-formative nasals. Compare the following examples: (tóttõin-mR) tóttõemR “we surrendered ourselves (excl.),” where the stem-final was probably *m; (stattáon-mR) stattábmR “our purchase (excl.),” where the stem-final was *m (comparative evidence); (tímh[_n-mR) tímhy[_nR or tímhy[_nRn “we played a game (excl.),” where the stem-final was probably *n; and (wánR]n-mR) wánR]UR “we are sick (excl.),” where the stem final was probably *n and the U is due to the palatalization rule which comes later.

The nasal in the plural suffix –n does not assimilate to the stem-formative nasal. Examples: (tiháin-n) tihyáigUn “we remain (pl. incl.);” (ndanR]n-nn) ndanR/]Un “we got sick (pl. incl.);” (pinkw/ãn-n) piUgyw/ãUn or piUgyw/ãUU “our skeletons (pl. incl.);” (skittáon-n) skikkyáodn “your purchases (pl.),” where the stem-final is *m on comparative evidence.

27 The slash at the end of the dash indicates that there is a choice of either-or, but not both.


[ ] # gtl ___

βcmp

grv

nas

cns

env.in βcmp

grv

grv

nas

cns

+

∝

+

+

∝→

+

+

+

8. A t is deleted before –p. A R is deleted before –p if it is preceded by n or l. Examples: (silhèit-pt) šilyhept “their fans;” (silR`^heRt-pt) šilyR`^heRpt “their spurs;” (randR/[h[nR-pt) randR`[h[bmpt “their money.”

The statement of this rule in distinctive features is more bulky than the statement in terms of phonemes. Compare the following:

[ ][ ]

−

+

−

−

−

+

+

+

−

+∅→

−

+

−

−

−

−

−

+

cmp

grv

vcd

nas

voc

cns

___

nas

voc

grv

cns

___

env.in

cnt

gtl

str

vcd

grv

nas

cnt

cns

{t R} > p in env. {qqq {n l} } –p

9. The rules grouped under this number reduce the number of glottals in a cluster to one and specify the placing of the glottal with respect to the other consonants.

(a) Delete the glottal from the stem-formative if there is a glottal in the suffix.

[ ] # cnt

gtl cns & ___ env.in

cnt

gtl

−

++∅→

−

+

Examples: (nímbãiR-kRn) nímbyãikRU “your (pl.) music;” (stáncohoR-mR) stáncohobmR “our chair (excl.).”

(b) Move the stem-formative R to the end of the word if it is followed by the plural suffix –n. Examples: (skiwéhecR-n) skiwyéhesnR “your umbrella (pl.);” (skíncohoR-n) skínXohodnR “your chair (pl.).”


312321

#

grv

nas

cns

cnt

gtl

→

−

+

+

−

+

(c) The consonants in the exclusive suffix –mR may be metathesized following a stem-formative consonant. If the preceding consonant is p or a nonpalatalized t (i.e., a t not preceded by i), the transformation is obligatory. Otherwise the transformation reflects different speech varieties. Examples: (tin/^Rep-mR) tiUy/^RepRm “we appease him (excl.);” (tokkéRet-mR) tokkwéRetRn “we defend him (excl.);” (stakéhelR-mR) stakéhelRn or stakéhelnR “our belt (excl.);” (stahèit-mR) stahèikRU or stahèikUR “our fan (excl.);” (stawéhecR-mR) stawéhesnR or stawéhesRn “our umbrella (excl.);” (stawáRailR-mR) stawáRailyRn or stawáRailynR “our curing ceremony.”

231321

cnt

gtl

grv

nas

cns

&

cmp

str

cnt

nas

cns

→

−

+

+

+

+

−

−

−

−

+

231321

OPTcnt

gtl

grv

nas

cns

&nas

cns

→

−

+

+

+

+

−

+

10. An o which is the first member of a vowel cluster is deleted if the preceding syllable does not contain an o. Compare (no-s”oilR) nosw”ilyR “I washed it” and (la-s[oilR) lasR[ilyR “I wash it.” Note that this rule involves interaction between prefix and stem.

[ ][ ]

[ ]

−

++

−

+

−

+

∅→

−

+

−

+

cns

voc ___ cns

grv

cmp

cns

voc

env.in

cmp

grv

cns

voc

11. The rules grouped under this number deal with the changes in the syllable nucleus before a bilabial suffix (-p or –mR).


(a) The vowel cluster ai becomes [ before a bilabial suffix. Examples: (Ugobái-p) Ugob/[pt “their messengers;” (nambái-mR) namb/[bmR “our messengers;” (nímbãiR-p) nímby[_Rp “his song.”28

1

cmp

grv

cns

___ env.in

grv

cmp

cns

voc

grvgrv

cmpcmp

cnscns

vocvoc

−

+

+

−

+

−

+

→

−+

−+

−−

++

(b) Delete the second vowel of other vowel clusters whether or not they are interrupted by R or h. Examples: (kattào-mR) kattàbmR “our faces (excl.);” (taR/[Ro-mR) taR/[R-bmR “we see how it is (excl.).”

[ ]( )

+

+

+

+

−

+∅→

−

+

cmp

grv

cns

___ gtl cns

voc env.in

cns

voc

(c) Insert after a R a duplicate of the vowel which precedes it if a bilabial suffix follows. Example: (taR/[-bmR) taR/[R[bmR “we see how it is (excl.).”

[ ]

−

+

+

+

∝

−

+

∝

−

+

→∅

cmp

grv

cns

___ gtl

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

env.in

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

12. The second in a sequence of identical vowels interrupted by R or h is deleted before the dual suffix –i.

There is no deletion of the second in a sequence of nonidentical vowels. Examples: (ndohwáRa-i) ndohwáRi “they brought it (du.);” but (ndowáhoR-i) ndowáhoiR “they looked (du.).”

[ ]

−

−

−

+

+

∝

−

+

∅→

∝

−

+

cmp

grv

cns

voc

___ gtl

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

env.in

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

28 McCawley suggests that part (a) say that the vowel a becomes [ in the environment before i

and a bilabial suffix. The i will then be deleted by part (b). I choose to keep my own version of part (a) largely because coalescence rules like this are needed at several other places in the dissertation. To use McCawley’s suggestion here would involve an intermediate stage which never occurs in an actual form, i.e. [i. This is permissable in generative grammar, but I would like to avoid it at this point.


13. Stops not in a cluster with h are voiced after the noun prefix n-.29 This rule also involves interaction between prefix and stem. It does not apply to suffixes. It is restricted to noun prefixes; it does not apply to the interaction between a nasal verb prefix and the stem. Examples: (n-tón) ndógU “flowers;” (m-R-póho) mbRóho “seats.”

[ ]

−

+

+

+

+→

−

−

−

−

+

cnt

gtl ___

prefix

noun

nas

cns

env.in vcd

gtl

nas

str

voc

cns

14. Insert a homorganic stop before a nasal when it is preceded by an oral vowel. Examples: (tolléhiR-mR) tolléhebmR “we remove it (excl.);” (talón) talógU Xhicken;” (tohhóRo-n) tohhóRodn “you are able (pl.).”

∝

+

+

−

−

+

+

−

∝

−

+

→∅

βcmp

grv

nas

cns

___

nas

cns

voc

env.in

vcd

cnt

βcmp

grv

nas

cns

15. Insert a y after a consonant which is preceded by the vowel i. Examples: (ski-t/ãhanR skiky/ãhanR “your (sg.) soap;” (ki-n[ã) kiU`ã “your tongue;” (ni-s[ãs) niš[ãs “you played (sg.);” (ndóhw^Roik), from (ndóhw^Rok-i) by metathesis of the dual –i, ndóhw^Roiky “they paid me (du.).” This rule introduces a new segment, y. Further rules will convert sequences of consonant plus y to the proper phonemic representation.

[ ]

−

+

+

−

−

−

+

+

−

+

+

→∅

#

cns

voc

___ cns

cmp

grv

cnt

voc

env.in

cnt

grv

voc

cns

16. Insert a w after a k or a R or h when it is preceded by the vowel o. The situation which results from this rule is identical with that resulting from rule 10 when the consonants k, R, or h are involved. The correct underlying form cannot be

29 There are other sources of voiced stops in NP. The segments b and d must be distinguished for the stem alternants. There is a voiced g in the very common noun prefix Ugo which may have developed from *no. It is not always possible to determine if a Pame voiced stop goes back to one of the voiced stops or to an original voiceless one.


reconstructed on the basis of information from NP alone. The evidence comes from cognate forms in the related languages. Examples: NP Ugohw[aogU “earth” (Maz hömS, Mtz hami); NP hwà “wing” (Maz hwaha, Mtz nho). NP has an inserted w in the first instance but an inherited o in the second instance.

[ ]

−

+

+

+

−

+

+

−

+

−

+

+

+

+

→∅cns

voc ___

cmp

grv

voc

gtl

cns

cmp

grv

cns

voc

env.in

grv

voc

cns

The preceding rules account for most of the phonemic contrasts of North Pame which are not directly derived from the morphophonemic segments. There are a few things still to be explained: (1) the contrast between q and k, (2) the contrast of i and e, and (3) the occurrence of b, d, g, and r in the prefixes.

The contrast between NP q and k is limited to the position before e or [, according to Gibson. The back q occurs only before those vowels. The contrast between these segments may be explained within the framework of the foregoing rules. First, we assume some base forms of the shapes (ki), (k[), (koi), and (ko[). Rule 10 says that o is deleted unless supported by an o in the preceding syllable if it is the first member in a vowel cluster. Rule 16 inserts w after l if the preceding syllable contains an o. The result of the two rules is the loss of contrast between the (ki), (k[), (koi), and (ko[) with respect to the syllable nuclei. It appears that the contrast between the morphemes was preserved via a rule which operated before the o deletion rule. The rule would state that k was backed before the front vowels i and [. The rule would not affect the k or the (koi and (ko[) morphemes. After the o-deletion rule takes effect, the q and the k are in contrast.

There is some evidence for such an hypothesis in cognate sets with other POP languages, but there is also come contradictory evidence. NP nakèigU, (-koi-) “metate” (Maz khShnS); NP maqèi (-ki-) “fragrant” (Maz k]hmi); but NP khwéR (-koi-) “beans” (Maz khSRS); NP waqqéRedn (-ki-) “pull” (Maz khSRbRS). I would have expected Maz khiRbRi in the last case. Probably the conditioning factors are more complex than our present knowledge permits us to formulate.

The contrast between the phonemes i and e is problematic on the synchronic level. Gibson calls the phoneme /i/ “unstable, having a tendency to fluctuate from [i] to [ei] and on to /ei/, whenever there is no /i/ in the preceding syllable of the word.”30 Also, by one of her rules, i becomes e before a bilabial suffix. It is impossible at this point to specify the rules responsible for the phonemic contrast of i and e in NP, but it seems unnecessary to postulate both of them as morphophonemes.

30 Gibson, loc. cit., p. 254.


The occurrence of b, d, g, and r in the prefixes is difficult to explain, but since r occurs only in the prefixes and g is unexplained only there, it is likely that the whole group is derived from other morphophonemes by rules peculiar to the prefixes.

Table 8 shows the relation of North Pame phonemes to mprphophonemes by rule number. One further note may be necessary. The phonemic product of ty and ky (rule 15) is /ky/; that of dy and gy is /gy/; and that of ny and Uy is /Uy/. Cy, sy, and ly give /X/, /š/, and /ly/, respectively.

TABLE 8 RELATION OF NORTH PAME PHONEMES

TO MORPHOPHONEMES

Mphms. p t k b d m n c s

P p x h t x o k 15 x n q H e b 13 x 14 m d 13 x 14 e g 13-15 13 15 1-

14 1-14 14-15

s m x 7 n 7 x T 1,7 1,7 c x L 15 s 6 x š 6-15 15

Mphms. w l 8 h Ø i : a o

P w x 16 h y 15 o l x n lU 15 e 8 x m h x e i x s e F : 11 x 11 a x o x


1. *m and *n become n(R) or U in stem-formatives

7. nasals assimilate to nonnasal consonants

6. c becomes s before stops


11. ai becomes [ before bilabial suffix

13. stops are voiced after noun prefix n-

14. Transition between oral vowel and nasal

15. palatalization after i

16. labialization of k, R, and h after o

H. hypothesis for the development of q

F. phonetic range of i.

Phonology of the Other Otopamean Languages

The morphophonemic rules for the rest of the languages are negligible for the purpose of interpreting the forms cited in the cognate sets. A listing of the phonemes is sufficient. Proto-Otomi phonemes were reconstructed by Newman and Weitlaner (1950)31 with revision of the consonant reconstructions by Bartholomew (1960).32 Matlatzinca phonemes are my own analysis, based on a preliminary phonemic statement by Andrews and Shell.33 No analysis of Ocuilteco phonemes is available to me, but the transcription has been normalized in line with the analysis of Matlatzinca. South Pame phonemes are those listed by Manrique.34 Chichimeco phonemes are those described by Romero (1957-58).35

Table 9 displays the phonemes of the Otopamean languages. Abbreviations for the languages are: Otomi (Ot), Mazahua (Maz), Matlatzinca (Mtz), Ocuilteco (Oc), North Pame (NP), South Pame (SP), and Chichimeco (Ch).

TABLE 9 PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES

p t k kw q b d g gw c L s š

Ot + + + + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + +

31 Stanley Newman and Robert J. Weitlaner, Central Otomian I: Proto-Otomi

Reconstructions.” 32 Doris Bartholomew, loc. cit. 33 Henrietta Andrews and Olive Shell, “A Tentative Statement and Description of Matlatzinca

Phonemes with Their Distribution,” (Unpublished manuscript, 1945) A recent thesis on Matlatzinca at the School of Anthropology in Mexico City by Daniel Cazés includes a study of the phonology. This thesis was not available to me when I was working on the present reconstruction.

34 Leonardo Manrique Castañeda, “A Descriptive Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect).” 35 Moisés Romero Castillo, “Los Fonemas del Chichimeco Jonaz,” Anales del Instituto

Nacional de Antropología e Historia, XI (1957-58), 289-99.


NP + + + + + + + + + + + SP + + + + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + + + +


m n ñ T r w y l lU z M 8 h

Ot + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + NP + + + + + + + + + + SP + + + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + + + +

i e : ; ø a u o ö V ü

Ot + + + + + + + + + Maz + + + + + + + + + Mtz + + + + + + + Oc + + + + + + + NP + + + + + SP + + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + +

? @ :A ;A ã C õ VA üA

Ot + + + + Maz + + + + + + Mtz Oc NP + + + + + SP + + + + + + Ch + + + + + + +

Table 10 displays the pitch phonemes. In the table they are symbolized by H for high, L for low, F for falling, and R for rising. When written on words they are symbolized by marks over the vowels, thus: á high, à low, [a falling, and ]a rising. (If the vowel already has a diacritic / is used for high tone and ` for low tone.) The synchronic pitch systems are discussed in more detail in the chapter on the reconstruction of tone.

TABLE 10 PITCH PHONEMES OF THE OTOPAMEAN LANGUAGES

H L F R

Ot + + + Maz + + + + Mtz + + Oc + + NP + + + Ch + +


Regrettably, forms cited in the cognate sets are not always phonemic. The diverse sources, including several phonetic word lists and some transcriptions from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, make a complete phonemicization of the forms a major undertaking. The phonemic framework outlined here should, however, provide a control.

Some Matlatzinca forms are cited from transcriptions by early Catholic missionaries: Castro (1557),36 Guevara (1638),37 and Basalenque (1640).38 Their transcriptions were based on Spanish orthography. Some of the most frequent and most important equivalences between the phonemes and their transcriptions are: /c/ tz, z, c; /š/ x, j; /w/ hu, v, u; /X/ ch; /k/ c(a/o/u), qu(i/e); /g/ g(a/o/u), gu(i/e); /y/ i, y; /tR/, etc., tt by Castro, unmarked by Guevara; /th/, etc., th by Castro, unmarked by Guevara; /S/ !u (slanted line under the vowel) or u by Castro, i by Guevara; /ø/ !a (slanted line under the vowel) or a by Castro, e or oe/ue by Guevara; /h/ h or gh by Castro, h, inconsistently, by Guevara; /i/ i or y. The transcriptions of Guevara and Basalenque abound in double letters, most of which can be safely interpreted as single sounds. Double stops in Castro’s transcription usually mark clusters with R.

36 Andrés de Castro, Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinca. (1557 manuscript handwritten in

the margins of Molina’s Vocabulario de la Lengua Castellaño y Mexicana, México, 1555. Ms. in the Library of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundatin, New York.)

37 Miguel Guevara, “Arte Doctrinal y Modo Para Aprender la Lengua Matlatzinca,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, IX (1862), 197-260.

38 Diego Basalenque, Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinca. (Three known manuscripts, 1640-46, (1) the library of the Museo Nacional de México, (2) the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R.I., and (3) the library of the Colegio del Estado de Puebla, México. The third manuscript may in fact be the one listed in the catalogue of the private library of Salvador Ugarte in Monterrey, N.L., México. The location in Puebla is according to García Payón in 1936. The 1954 Ugarte catalogue lists the Basalenque manuscript as number X of their collection.)

6/9/2010 43

CHAPTER III THE RECONSTRUCTION OF STEM-INITIAL

CONSONANTS

The reconstruction of Otopamean stem-initial consonants must account for the systems of consonant alternation of noun and verb stems which are found in most of the daughter languages. This involves the reconstruction of the morphological segments of the underlying forms and the specification of the appropriate sets of morphophonemic rules for POP and for each of the daughter languages. In addition to the morphophonemic rules which state regular sound change (both conditioned and unconditioned), it is necessary to specify the analogical change, syncretism, etc., in order to account for the patterns of consonant alternation in the present day paradigms. Sometimes it is necessary to resort to some plausible but otherwise unexplained phenomenon.

In the present day languages the alternations of stem-initial consonants occur in various places in the noun or verb paradigm. The alternations may be accounted for by the postulation of certain prefixes in the paradigms of the proto-language. The morphophonemic interaction of prefix and root-initial consonant produced modifications of the stem-initial consonant. Later sound change eliminated the prefixes as sequentially preposed phonetic elements.

The prefixes postulated for POP probably expressed certain grammatical categories similar to those found in the daughter languages. When the POP prefixes signaling these categories were obscured by phonetic and morphophonemic change, new forms of expressing these categories developed (also prefixes in most instances), but vestiges of the old system remain as redundant markers of the categories.

Working back from the categories of the present day languages, we can infer something about the grammatical categories expressed by the old prefixes. Nouns today are inflected to express possession and person of the possessor. Verbs are inflected for person and aspect. Nouns and verbs may also be marked for number. In Chichimeco and North Pame, four stem alternants must be distinguished for nouns in paradigms making maximum distinctions. The forms correlate with (1) first person possessor, (2) second person possessor, (3) third person singular possessor, and (4) third person plural possessor or generalized nonpossessed. There are at least two formal patterns. The first is labeled ABCD, the letters correlating with the numbers 1234. The second pattern is labeled EFEF. In the second pattern, the F form is derived from the ABCD pattern, the F being usually a D or a B form.


The E form bears a relation to the F form which is very parallel to the relation the A form bears to the B form. The EFEF pattern is well exemplified in North Pame; it is less obvious in the Chichimeco material.

It is more difficult to assign specific grammatical functions to the four forms which must be distinguished for NP and Ch verb stems. A larger number of categories is involved with a commensurate number of prefixes. Only one pattern of alternations has to be distinguished, fortunately. We make the assumption that prefixes having a similar morphophonemic shape in the proto-language had similar effects on the root-initial consonant. The fact that only four stem alternants need to be distinguished may reflect a phonemic typology of prefix syllables which had simple consonant-vowel patterns and a restricted inventory of phonemes. This is true of the preset day languages where only three vowels and a restricted list of consonants occur in the prefixes.

The ABCD forms for verbs cannot be neatly matched in NP and Ch with respect to the grammatical categories expressed by the diagnostic forms. In Chichimeco, ABCD forms occur in the anterior past aspect as follows: A first person, B second person, C third person singular, and D third person plural. The other aspects have different distributions of the ABCD forms with respect to the persons. In contrast to Chichimeco, the diagnostic forms of North Pame are found in the third person forms of the various aspects: A in the present progressive aspect, B in the past or completive aspect, C in the future or incompletive aspect, and D in the third person plural form of any of the aspects. The regularity with which the Ch and NP forms match is justification for considering them cognate in spite of the disparity of the present day grammatical categories expressed.

A horizon somewhat earlier than POP is involved when the stem alternants are explained as the effect of old prefixes. By POP times the prefixes postulated here had probably been severely truncated. There are enough correlations between the present day prefixes to place their origin at the POP level. The advantage of postulating underlying forms with a prefix is that the stem-initial consonant alternations may then be accounted for with the most economical inventory of segments. Morphophonemic rules account for the segments and distinctive features which must be recognized for POP and for each of the daughter languages.

The segments necessary for specifying root-initial consonants are: p, t, k, m, n, c, s, R, and h. The A forms had no prefix. The B forms had a prefix specified as a vowel (V). The C forms had a prefix specified as a nasal consonant and a vowel (NV). D forms are chronologically later. They may be built on A, B, or C forms. The prefix for the D form has the allomorphic variants R, h, and t. The allomorph t occurs with root-initial R or h. The allomorphs R and h occur in paradigms having root-initial consonants other than R or h. The R occurs in paradigms with word-initial p or t when the root vowel is oral. It also occurs in the paradigm for root-initial c. The h occurs in the other paradigms.

45 III Stem Initial Consonants

POP Developments

The following rules specify the morphophonemic developments common to Otopamean:

1. Consonants are weakened following the prefix vowel.

2. The prefix vowel i metathesizes with root-initial R or h.

3. The prefix vowel is deleted elsewhere.

4. Clusters of prefix nasal and weakened stop consonant become nasals at the point of articulation of the stop when they occur before oral vowels.

5. Weakened stop consonants become continuants when they occur before oral vowels.

6. The s is replaced by c in the cluster *sh.

7. The paradigm for k before oral vowels is replaced by the paradigm for k before nasalized vowels.

TABLE 11 POP STEM ALTERNANTS

A B C D

pV p w m mR39 tV t l n nR p,V p tp Ntp tph t,V t tt Ntt tth k k tk Ntk tkh c c tc Ntc tcR s s ts Nts tch m m tm Ntm tmh n n tn Ntn tnh 8 R tR NtRi ttR h h th Nthi tth

North Pame Developments

The developments in North Pame are specified in the next set of rules. This set will account for the morphophonemic segments for North Pame. The recent morphophonemic rules have been specified in Chapter II.

1. The nasal prefix is deleted except before R or h.

2. The D affix h becomes R by dissimilation to an h in the syllable nucleus of the root.

39 The segmental placement of the glottal element of the D affix varies considerably in the present day languages. Its ordering as an infix in the above chart reflects a dominant pattern.


3. The t nasalV paradigm is substituted for the POP t oralV paradigm. (The POP t oralV paradigm is preserved in the word for “mouth.”

4. Weakened t becomes the continuant l in clusters with R or h. D form t also becomes l.

5. Nonweakened consonants are geminated.

6. Before an oral vowel *mR becomes b and *nR becomes d.

Table 12 shows the results of the NP rules.

TABLE 12 NORTH PAME STEM ALTERNANTS

A B C D

p oral V pp w m b (t oral V tt l n d)40 p nasal V pp p p ph/pR41 t tt t t lh/lR k kk k k kh/kR cc cc c c cR s ss s s ch m mm m m mh n nn n n nh 8 oral V RR R di lR 8 nasal V RR R nRi lR h hh h nhi lh

Appendix A gives a list of 93 NP verb paradigms which illustrate the predominant ABCD pattern.

Some of the noun paradigms of North Pame follow the ABCD pattern with slight modifications. There is a preposed m before initial p in the A form if the root vowel is oral. Appendix B gives a list of noun paradigms which illustrate the ABCD pattern.

In addition to the ABCD pattern, another pattern is very frequently in NP noun paradigms-the EFEF pattern. The F form is the base. It may match any of the derived forms of the ABCD pattern. The E form is built on the F form. The relations between the E form and the F form parallel the relations between the A form and the B form in ABCD noun paradigms. An E form which corresponds to a p, t, or k in the F form has a preposed nasal. An E form which corresponds to an m,

40 There are no examples in the NP corpus of a D form of a basic t paradigm before an oral

vowel. A d is the expected form. 41 A R is substituted for an h if the root nucleus contains an h.


b, d, or s in the F form is a geminate. An E form which corresponds to an lh, lR, ll or ww in the F form shows the corresponding nonweakened stop. Appendix C gives a list of noun paradigms which illustrate the EFEF pattern.

Chichimeco Developments

The following rules specify the morphophonemic segments for the stem alternants of Chichimeco.

1. A g is inserted before w.

2. The nasal prefix is deleted from C forms unless the root-initial consonant is R or h.

3. The cluster *mR becomes mb; *nR becomes nd.

4. Weakened t becomes r in clusters with R and h.

5. Stem-initial weakened stops, including c, become voiced continuants.

6. A nasal prefix is inserted before B forms unless the root begins with m, n, or s.

7. The cluster nR becomes t. (Note that this rule affects only the nR cluster resulting from rule 6.)

8. The t nasalV paradigm is substituted for the t oralV paradigm. (A partial t oralV paradigm survives in the word for “mouth” and in the kinship terms “parents-in-law” and “older brother.” The t in the B form for “mouth” is probably due to analogy with the A form and, perhaps, with the t in the B form of root-initial R paradigms. The B form r in the kinship terms is the expected reflex, paralleling the ngw B form.

9. The cR in the D form for root-initial c paradigms becomes ch by analogy with the ch of the root-initial s paradigms and the predominant h in other D forms.

Table 13 shows the results of the Ch rules.

TABLE 13 CHICHIMECO STEM ALTERNANTS

A B C D

P oral V p ngw m mb (t oral V t t/r n nd)42 P nasal V p mb v ph t t nd r rh

42 There are no examples in the Ch corpus of a D form of a basic t paradigm before an oral

vowel. An nd is the expected form.


k k k/ng43 g kh c c c/nz43 z ch s s s s ch m m m m mh n n n n nh 8 R t ndi rR h h nhi44 nhi rh

Appendix D gives a list of verb paradigms which illustrate the ABCD forms. Appendix E presents a list of nouns which illustrate the ABCD pattern; Appendix F presents a list of nouns which illustrate the EFEF pattern; and Appendix G presents a list of nouns which have the same form throughout the paradigm.

Consonant Alternations in North Pame and Chichimeco Kinship Terms

Special mention should be made of the consonant alternations in the kinship terminology. The patterns displayed in the paradigms for kinship terms cannot be identified as ABCD or EFEF although the phonological relations present little that is new. The different patterns are probably correlated with the fact that kinship terms are obligatorily possessed and form a natural subclass for prefix allomorphs. The kinship terms are more conservative in resisting the collapsing of t oralV and t nasal V paradigms. It is interesting to note how closely the paradigms match in North Pame and Chichimeco.

The following paragraphs present the cognate sets between North Pame and Chichimeco for the kinship terms. The North Pame paradigms are from Lorna Gibson45 and the Chichimeco paradigms are from Moisés Romero.46

The first three sets, cited below, show patterns similar to the POP tV and pV paradigms but with the A form replaced by the B form; or, perhaps better said that the A form must have had the same type of prefix as the B form.

“parents-in-law” t Q (Romero-Driver)

NP lugU ly`[gU wanugU Ch úrí ùrí uní bùrí

43 The ng and nz forms are rare. The more common k and c forms are probably analogic

extensions of A forms. 44 The vowel i is probably an analogic extension from the C form. It does not occur in all the

paradigms. 45 Lorna Gibson, “El Sistema de Parentesco Pame,” Yan, II (1954), 77-84. 46 Romero collaborated with Harold and Wilhelmine Driver in the section on kinship in their

“Ethnography of the Chichimeco-Jonaz of Northeast Mexico,” Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, Pub. 26; IJAL, XXIX (1963), No. 2, Part II, pp. x-265.


“older brother, etc.” t G (Romero-Driver)

NP láiR lyài wan[ai Ch úru ùru unu

“father” t B (Romero-Driver)

NP rawuR wíy[oR wúmm[oR Ch (tata) ùnkwuR umuR

The next two sets show A and B forms alike, this time looking like the nonprefixed A forms. The C form looks like the ordinary C form of POP k nasalV and t nasalV paradigms, but nasalized vowels show up only in the Chichimeco forms of set F.

“wife’s brother, etc.” t O (Romero-Driver)

NP akkóaR, ekkoáR

ekkoáR, akkoáR

wakoáR

Ch úkúR úkùR ugúR bùkúR

“grandmother” t D (Romero-Driver)

NP rattòi attòi watòi Ch (n[aluR) ùt/ü `[luR èr/ü `[luR bùt/ü `[luRr

“grandmother” tF (Romero-Driver)

Ch nàt/ü_ ùt/ü_ `[r/ü_ bàt/ü_

The next two sets show B and C forms alike. The A form in the first case is suppletive for both languages. In the second case, the A form is that expected in ABCD patterns.

“mother” t E (Romero-Driver)

NP (rawí) ácRõ, écRõ wacR`õ Ch (n/ãn/ã) úcRà `[cR/a búcRàn

“wife’s sister, etc.” t P (Romero-Driver)

NP kommò kimò kamò Ch kàm/a kámà ínó kàm/a ígór kàm/ar

The next three sets show initial R in the A form. B and C forms are alike in their consonantisms, implying that they shared a common prefix type. Ch has a suppletive A form in the paradigm for “wife.” In the paradigm for “child,” Ch has suppletive forms for A, B, and C. The C form listed here is actually a special reference form.

“wife” t N (Romero-Driver)

NP RíaRa nRíaRa wánRia Ch (mas/a) ùníRí úníRì bùníRín


“husband” t M (Romero-Driver)

NP Ryo/ãU nRo/ãU wanRo/ãU Ch náR/a ùnR/a únR/a bùrR/a

“child” t L (Romero-Driver)

NP naR[i Ugodòi Ugod[oi UgolRwép Ch út[ü bùrR/ü_

The last two sets show root-initial h. The set for “grandfather” looks like an ABCD pattern except for the m in the Ch B form. The set for “woman’s sister” looks like an EFEF pattern in which the E form looks like an old C form with metathesized *i.

“grandfather, etc.” t C (Romero-Driver)

NP rah/]U wah/]U wanh/]U Ch náhu_ ùmhu_ `[nhu_ bùmhu_Rr

“woman’s sister, etc.” t J (Romero-Driver)

NP hoèo nh[o nhèo Ch nàhí únhò `[_nhí búnhò

Otomian Developments

The Otomian subgroup (Otomi, Mazahua, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco) had considerably simplified the old system of stem alternants. The consonant alternation in noun paradigms was eliminated, most commonly by generalizing the D form. In verb paradigms, the B forms were replaced by C forms. Mazahua has developed a palatalized stem alternant for second person forms of the same aspects which show a C form in the third person. The palatalized alternant also occurs in second person forms of noun paradigms. The development of the palatalized stem alternant was early in the development of Mazahua because subsequent sound change has obscured the conditioning environment. The D form of the t nasalV paradigm has been replaced by the D form of the t oralV paradigm. Then, the old t oralV paradigm was replaced by the new t nasalV paradigm. The D form of the original t oralV paradigm is still preserved in nouns derived from verbs. There it has been extended to include both oral and nasalized syllable nuclei.

Matlatzinca has eliminated altogether the consonant alternation in paradigms. There is a remnant of the old system, however, in the derivation of nouns from verbs. Such nouns have a C or D form from the otherwise eliminated verb paradigms. Preliminary data from Ocuilteco suggest that the consonant alternations have been eliminated from verb paradigms. There are some consonant alternations in noun paradigms, but they do not especially match the POP alternations. There are parallels in Mazahua, however, where some of the consonant alternations have been


preserved in names for body parts. See Appendix H for the Oc and Maz noun paradigms.

The following rules appear to be common to Otomian:

1. The D form of noun paradigms is generalized throughout the paradigms (except, perhaps, for names of body parts and kinship terms).

2. The B forms have been replaced by the C forms.

3. The D forms of t nasalV paradigms have been replaced by the D forms of the t oralV paradigms.

4. The D form of the old t nasalV paradigm in noun derivatives has been extended to both oral and nasal root nuclei.

5. The old t oralV paradigm has been replaced by the new t nasalV paradigm.

Table 14 shows the results of the Otomian rules.

TABLE 14 OTOMIAN STEM ALTERNANTS

A C D N47

P oral V p M mR mR P nasal V p N-p ph ph T t N-t nR th K k N-k kh kh C c N-c cR cR S š48 N-š ch ch M m N-m mh mh N n N-n nh nh 8 R N-Ri tR tR H h N-hi th th

Otomi adds one rule to the Otomian rules. It deletes the nasal prefix from the C forms. Because of this rather simple modification of the Otomian chart, the Otomi chart has been omitted. Otomi has certain internal morphophonemic rules:

1. Before oral vowels *mR becomes Rb; *nR becomes Rd.

2. Before nasal vowels the C form *i becomes ñ in the Western Otomi dealects. Elsewhere, *i becomes Otomi y.

3. A form stops are pre-aspirated in the Eastern Otomi dialect and A form nasals are geminated under certain conditions.

47 N stands for noun derivative. 48 In Otomian *s has become š


4. C form stops are voiced in the Western dialects.

Mazahua Developments

Mazahua has several rules in addition to the Otomian rules:

1. The nasal prefix is deleted from C forms except before stops and c.

2. The D form of the p nasalV paradigm is replaced by the D form of the p oralV paradigm.

3. The D form of the old p nasalV paradigm is extended in noun derivatives to some words with oral syllable nuclei.

4. The oral pV paradigm is replaced by the new p nasalV paradigm.

5. A R is substituted for h in the D form of the k paradigm by analogy with the D forms of p and t paradigms.

6. A palatalized alternant for second person is developed for verb forms in aspects where third person is a C form. The palatalization is based on the A form.

Table 15 shows the results of the Mazahua rules.

TABLE 15 MAZAHUA STEM ALTERNANTS

A P49 C D N

p p p mb mR ph/mR t t X nd nR th/nR k k c ng kR kh c s s z sR sR s š š š sh sh m m m m mh mh n n ñ n nh nh 8 R Ry Ry tR tR h h hy hy th th

The chart assumes the application of certain phonetic and morphophonemic rules within Mazahua;

POP *c becomes s.

Consonants following N are voiced.

The N is deleted preceding z.

The *i of C forms becomes y.

Palatalized t, k, n, R, and h become c, X, ñ, Ry, and hy, respectively.

49 P stands for the palatalized alternant.


Further context-sensitive rules specify phonemic forms not on the chart:

Before nasal vowels, y becomes ñ.

Before oral vowels mR becomes bR; nR becomes dR; and ñR becomes dyR. The sequence Ry, which occurs before oral vowels, also becomes Rdy.

Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco Developments

Matlatzinca shows D forms in noun derivatives. The following list of verbs and their noun derivatives is compiled from entries in Castro’s 1557 Matlatzinca dictionary manuscript.50 Castro’s orthography is retained. The morpheme breaks are those inserted by Rudolph Schuller in 1930.51

pachi “lavar” pi-bachi “lugar de lavar” paxi “barrer” yni-baxi “escoba” pevi “hurtar” yni-phe-neeta “hurto” tøvy “cantar” yn-thøvy “canción” tami “comprar” yni-than-neeta “compra” cuni “moler” ni-cunchhuni “masa” ximhii “orinar” in-zhibi “orina” xooqui “abrir” ni-zhooqui “llave” nomi “arar” yni-nhoo-pahary “arado” ury “vender” ttury “mercado” yoxi “cenar” ini-ttoxi “cena” yøø “hablar” in-yhøø “habla” hagtii “hilar” ini-thati-neeta “hilar”

The relations between the consonantisms fit the Otomian pattern for A and N forms: p:b (from *mR), p:ph, t:th, k:Xh (X from *k), s:ch, n:nh, R:tR, h:th, Ry(from C form):tR, y(from C form):yh.

Table 16 displays the Otopamean stem-initial consonant correspondences. It includes the Otomi and Matlatzinca correspondences, which have not been previously displayed. Ocuilteco correspondences are not included because they are basically the same as the Matlatzinca correspondences.

TABLE 16 OTOPAMEAN STEM-INITIAL CONSONANT CORRESPONDENCES

50 Andrés de Castro, op. cit. 51 Schuller planned to publish the Castro manuscript. In 1930, shortly before his death, he

prepared a transcription of the manuscript indicating morpheme breaks where he could identify them. Now plans are again underway to publish this important document. The author has undertaken to prepare a commentary on Matlatzinca phonology and Castro’s mode of transcription and also a study of the derivation of nouns and verbs, based on the Castro dictionary.


A Form

*p *t *k *c *s *m *n *8 *h Ot p t k c š m n R h Maz p t k s š m n R h Mtz p t k/X c š m n R h NP pp tt kk cc ss mm nn RR hh Ch p t k c s m n R h

B Form

NP w/p l/t k c s m n R h Ch ngw/nb r/nd k c nz m n t nhi

C Form

Ot m/b d g z š m n Ry hy Maz mb nd ng z š m n Ry hy NP m/p n/t k c s m n di nhi Ch m/v n/r k/g z s m n ndi nhi

D Form

Ot Rm/ph Rn/th kh cR ch hm hn tR th Maz mR/ph nR/th kR/kh sR sh hm hm tR th Mtz b/ph (r)/th kh/Xh cR ch mh nh tR th NP b/ph lh kh cR ch mh nh lR lh Ch mb/ph rh kh ch ch mh nh rR rh

The following cognate sets illustrate the consonant alternations in Otomi, Mazahua, North Pame, and Chichimeco. Illustrations of Matlatzinca A and D forms (i.e., the nouns derived from verbs) were given above. The cognate sets below were chosen for fullest representation from each of the constituent languages. Sometimes the alternations in a particular language are not the simplest illustration of the basic reflex cited in the above chart.

“Contar-count” *peR-t/nR Ot A pede - C m D Rm Maz A peYe - C mb D bR NP A pp[R[dn B w C m D b Ch A pin B ngw C m D mb “Robar-Steal” *p^ Ot A p^ - C b D ph Maz A p^ - C mb D mR NP A pp^ B p C p D ph Ch A ppi B nb C v D ph “Decir-say” *mã-m


Ot A mã - C m D hm Maz A mãmã - C m D hm NP A mmãU B m C m D mh Ch A mã B m C m D mh


“Comprar-buy” *tao-m Ot A töi - C d D Rn Maz A tömS - C nd D dR NP A ttaogU B t C t D lh Ch A ta B nd C r D rh “Sembrar-plant” *tõR-mh Ot A taha - C d D Rn Maz A tahmS_ - C nd D nR NP A ttõRo B t C t D lh Ch A tu B nd C r D rh “mirar-look” *nõR Ot A na - C n D hn Maz A naRa - C n D hn NP A nõRo B n C n D nh Ch A nu B n C n D nh “Negar-deny” *koHC-nR Ot A køni - C g D kh Maz A kødRø - C ng D kR NP A kko B k C k D kh Ch A ko B k C k D kh “Sentir-feel” *cao-R Ot A cö - C z D cR Maz A söRö - C z D sR NP A ccaoR B c C c D cR “Morder-bite” *coR-nR Ot A coni - Maz A zodRS - NP A ccoRol B c C c D cR Ch A con B nz C z D zh (tch) “decir-say *si-p Ot A šiphi - C š D ch Maz A šiphi - D š D sh NP A sep B s C s D ch Ch A se B s C s D ch “Alzar-raise” *hõ-cR Ot A hacRi - C hy D th NP A hõsp B h C nhi D lh Ch A hu B nhi C nhi D rh


“Dejar-leave” *hai-k/mR Ot A h[gi - C hy D th Maz A h[zi - C hy D th NP A haigU B nhi C nhi D lh Ch A he B nhi C nhi D rh “Preguntar-ask a question”

*Raoh-nR

Ot A Röni - C Ry D tR Maz A RönS - C dyR D tR NP A RahodnR B d C d D lR Ch A R-an B t C nd D rR

Summary

The reconstruction of stem-initial consonants for POP assumes a small inventory of underlying consonants: p, t, k, c, s, m, n, R, and h. The much larger inventory of consonant phonemes and consonant clusters in the present day languages is explained as the result of morphophonemic rules, diachronic sound change, syncretism, etc. Specifically, four basic alternants have been identified for all of Otopamean. The alternants are labeled A, B. C, and D. The B form shows the weakening effect of a vocalic prefix with further modifications in some of the daughter languages. The C form shows the effect of a prefix with both a nasal and a vowel, again with further developments in the individual languages. The D form contains a glottal element or a *t, according to the phonological characteristics of the root-initial consonant. The pattern EFEF in NP and Ch and the N form in Otomian are derived from the ABCD forms by further rules. In principle, the nine underlying consonants are sufficient to handle all the forms and correspondences found in the Otopamean languages. Many details are not yet clear, of course. Further study should illuminate more of the processes and rules which will more specifically account for these details.

6/9/2010 58

CHAPTER IV THE RECONSTRUCTION

OF SYLLABLE NUCLEI OF ROOTS

The syllable nucleus of a POP root contained a vocalic element consisting of a vowel or a cluster of two vowels. It might also have a glottal element (R or h) which belonged to the vocalic element as a whole. If the vocalic element was a single vowel, the vowel was geminated with the glottal element between the two vowels. If it was a vowel cluster, the glottal element was inserted after the first vowel. The POP underlying form is written with the glottal element immediately following the vocalic element: V(V)(R/h).

The single vowels were *i, *e, *a, and *o and their nasalized counterparts *], *^, *ã, and *õ. The vowel clusters display certain restrictions. There were no geminates and no sequences of vowels that were non-grave (i and e) or compact (e and a). Clusters were homogeneous with respect to nasality. There is no attestation for *õe or *ô as distinct from *õi and *]o. The clusters which are reconstructed, then, are: *ao, *oa, *ão, *õa, *ai, *ia, *ãi, *]a, *io, *oi, *]o, *õi, *oe, and *eo.

The metathesized *i in C forms (from the old prefix in R and h paradigms) must also be considered as part of the syllable nucleus of the root, although it needs to be distinguished from an original root *i because of its behavior in the reflexes. In the Pamean languages the metathesized *i does not occur in the C forms of all R and h paradigms. In the Otomian languages the pattern is much more pervasive. It is not clear whether Pamean lost the metathesized *i in some instances or whether an Otomian innovation extended a more restricted POP phenomenon.

Except for North Pame, and to some extent South Pame, the vowel systems of the present day languages have eliminated the POP vowel clusters. North Pame is the most conservative language with respect to the POP vowel system, but even there some POP clusters are reduced by morphophonemic rules and some new clusters are introduced aby other morphophonemic rules. Otomi has vowel clusters with i as second member. Such clusters are not reflexes of POP clusters but result from the loss of *m from the stem formative suffix.

The process of eliminating vowel clusters is an important part of the development of the POP vowel system. One count of the cognate sets showed approximately equal numbers of sets reflecting vowel clusters as those reflecting single vowels, (240 for clusters and 239 for single vowels). Another indication of the importance of the POP clusters is their influence on the vowel inventories of the

59 IV Syllable Nuclei of Roots

daughter languages. They are responsible for most of the additional segments in the more complex present day inventories. Also, whereas the development of the single vowels is relatively straightforward, the development of the vowel clusters presents many intricacies as seen in divergent sets of correspondences and obscure conditions for sound change.

Hoenigswald’s formalization of patterns of sound change52 focuses almost exclusively on the development of the phoneme-sized segment. He mentions, of course, cases of phonologization of former clusters as single phonemes and converse cases of phoneme clusters developing from former single phonemes. But in formalizing the change from a cluster to a single segment he considers one segment to have been replaced by some phoneme of the daughter language and the other segment to have been replaced by zero. He admits53 that it is often physically arbitrary to decide which member has been replaced by zero. The importance of the development of vowel clusters in Otopamean requires certain modifications and refinements of the formalization of this aspect of sound change, The focus musts be changed to the cluster. Hoenigswald recognizes the possibility of a focus on a segment larger than the phoneme but does not develop that possibility.

In the Otopamean languages, the elimination of vowel clusters has taken various courses. One course has been that under certain conditions an i or o vowel which was the first member of the cluster has become consonantal y or w, leaving the second vowel as the nucleus of the syllable. For example, POP *io results in Ot yo and POP *oa results in Ot wa. A second course for the elimination of vowel clusters has been that of the simple deletion of one of the members with no effect on the remaining member as in POP *ao resulting in Ch a. The third course taken has been the coalescence of the segments in a cluster such that the resulting vowel shows the influence of both members of the cluster. The result may or may not coincide with a segment already in the inventory of segments. It may resemble one of the members of the original cluster but still be distinct from the normal reflex of that sound which would be expected if simple deletion had taken place. For example, POP *eo results in Ch e which resembles the first member of the cluster, but the normal development of *e in ch is i. The resulting segment may not resemble either member of the original cluster but still not introduce any new segment to the inventory. This is the case in Mtz where POP *ai has resulted in Mtz e. Finally, of course, the resulting segment may be distinct from any item already in the inventory as when POP *oi resulted in Ch ü. In such a case a new segment is added to the inventory and often a new distinctive feature must be introduced.

The relationships between the original clusters and their reflexes show certain changes in distinctive features. It would be desirable to formalize the development of clusters in ordered rules utilizing distinctive features. Such a formalization is not

52 Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language Change and Linguistic Reconstruction, (Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1960), viii-168. 53 Ibid., p. 92.


without problems, however. It has been pointed out that the phonemes of the daughter language cannot be equated with those of the proto-language because different sets of oppositions are involved. By the same token, the statement of sound change in terms of distinctive features involves different systems of distinctive features for the two stages and sometimes different assignments of features to the same phonetic segment. If the segment resulting from the elimination of a cluster is stated in the distinctive features of the daughter language, the phoenic relations between the earlier and later stages are obscured by the structural features. If the resulting segment is stated in terms of the distinctive features of the earlier stage, the phonetic features are in focus but the structural status of the resulting segment in the daughter language is obscured.

Chichimeco affords an example of a shift in distinctive features between the parent and the daughter language. The distinctive features of the POP vowels are shown in Figure 2; those of Chichimeco vowels are shown in Figure 3. (All segments are +vocalic and –consonantal.)

*i *e *a *o

Grv - - + +

Cmp - + + -

Fig. 2. Distinctive Feature Matrix of POP Vowels.

i e ü a o u

Grv - - - + + +

Cmp - + - + + -

Flt - - + - + +

Fig. 3. Distinctive Features Matrix of Chichimeco Vowels.

POP *oe results in Chichimeco u; POP *oi results in Chichimeco ü. This can be envisaged in three stages.54 In the first stage, the POP o is raised before front vowels: oe, oi > ue, ui.

[ ]

−

−

+

+→

−

−

+

grv

cns

voc

___ env.in dff

cmp

cns

voc

In the second stage, the u becomes fronted before the vowel i; u > ü.

54 The three stages were suggested by McCawley.


[ ]

+

−

+

−→

+

−

+

dff

cns

voc

___ env.in grv

dff

cns

voc

The third stage deletes the second vowel, leaving u and ü.

___ V env.in V ∅→

The reflexes of the POP vowels and vowel clusters are presented in the following sections. The conditioning environments for the reflexes will be specified as fully as possible within the limits of the present data. Phonological enviroments will be stated where possible. Where conditions are obscure and the data are limited, the environments will be stated by listing the Spanish glosses of the cognate sets where they are found. It should be made explicit that the reconstruction of POP and the statement of the rules accounting for the reflexes in the daughter languages is not final. The goal has been to reconstruct a reasonable and self-consistent system for POP and to acount for the reflexes in sets of rules that are also reasonable and self-consistent. There are still many problems and apparent contradictions which await further data and more research. The illustrative cognate sets were chosen on the basis of fullness of attestation from both the Otomian and the Pamean sub-groups. The statement of environments for the reflexes is based on the larger corpus of cognate sets and on internal reconstruction of the separate languages.

Following the presentation of the reflexes the development of the vowel systems of the daughter languages will be siscussed in terms of the feature modifications of the segments of the parent language and the re-arrangement of the features to account for the segments in the inventories of the present day languages.

Reflexes of POP Single Vowels

The reflexes of POP single vowels are presented in table 17.

TABLE 17 REFLEXES OF POP SINGLE VOWELS

*i *o *e *a *? *õ *@ *ã

Ot i/S o/ø e a ] a [_ ã

Maz i/S o/ø e a ] a ^ ã

Mtz i/S o/ø e/a a i u e ø

Oc i/S o/ø e/a a i/in u/un e/en ø/øn

NP i/ei o [ a ]/î õ [_ ã

Ch eí o I a ^ a ] ã


The pop non-compact vowels, i and o, were centralized in Otomian to S and ø, repectively, in the environment of a centralizing element which has subsequently disappeared. The North Pame reflexes of this centralizing element do not show a vowel cluster. The cognate sets showing the S in the Otomian languages corresponding to North Pame i and Chichimeco e all have initial k and postposed R except for one set which has initial p and postposed R. The cognate sets showing S, in the Otomian languages and o in Pamean havae more varied initials and postposed elements.

The North Pame reflex of POP *i varies from i to ei or e. The i is usually found when there is an i in the prefix. After a or o in the prefix the vowel tends to be lowered although there are different idiolects in this respect.55 Chichimeco regularly has the reflex e. It has the reflex i, however, for the metathesized *i of C forms. The reflexes for the nasalized *] are parallel to the oral reflexes in the Pamean languages.56

The Mtz and Oc reflex e for POP *e is restricted to the environment following a y from a C form metathesized *i. Elsewhere the reflex a is found, whichis a specifically South Otomian (i.e., Mtz-Oc) innovation.

The NP reflex of *e is [, still preserving the relative height distinction with respect to its reflex of *i. the Chichimeco reflex i has reversed the relative height relationship. Again, the oral and nasal reflexes are parallel in the Pamean languages.

The Otomi reflex [_ for POP *^ is a matter of reshuffling the distinctive features and the choice of symbols for the particular bundles of distinctive features. This is also case for the reflexes of POP *õ in the various languages. For languages which distinguish o and u, the reflex for nasalized *õ is the higher vowel whereas the reflex for the oral *o is the lower vowel.

The Ocuilteco reflexes of vowel plus nasal consonant for the POP nasalized vowels occurs when there is a stop immediately following.

The Mtz-Oc reflexes e and ø for *^ and *ã, respectively, are distinguished from the reflexes of oral *e and *a. The fact that the e reflex of *^ did not become a indicates that the loss of nasalization was later than the change of oral *e to Mtz-Oc a (except when preceded by *i).

55 See the discussion of the North Pame vowels in Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and

Morphophonemics,” p. 255. 56 The Pamean subgroup is composed of North Pame, South Pame, and Chichimeco Jonaz.

The south Pame reflexes are not given here because of the limited data.


Illustrations for POP *i (Ot i/;, Maz i/ ;, Mtz i/;, Oc i/;, NP i/ei, Ch e/i)

“ácido”

Ot Riši Maz Riši “*Ri-s Mtz tRiši Oc tRiš NP Reiš SP cuš Ch Res “chile” Ot Ri Maz RiRi *Ri Mtz mi Oc mi NP Rei SP Ri Ch Re “saliva” Ot khihni Maz kR]hñ] *ki-hn Mtz Xini Oc Xi NP kkigU SP ki Ch kke “sangre” Ot khi Maz khiRi *khi Mtz Xi-hyabi Oc ndYi-hya NP kkhi SP khi Ch khe “ardilla” Ot minã Maz miñi (K) *mi-nã Mtz mini Oc mi NP meigU SP -- Ch -- “decir” Ot šiphi Maz šiphi *si-p Mtz ši Oc -- NP sep SP -- Ch se “gordo” Ot -- Maz piRi *pi Mtz pi Oc nbi Np mbi SP -- Ch mbe “jalar” Ot khSRmi Maz khSbRS *kiRHC-mR57 Mtz -- Oc ngSbi NP qqRedn SP kuin Ch keRenR “barbas” Ot khSni Maz kRSdRS *khiHC-nR Mtz nXSri Oc nYSli NP khwelR SP -- Ch -- “frijol” Ot khS Maz khSRS *khiHC-R Mtz XhS Oc XhS NP nkhweR SP -- Ch kheR

57 The HC symbolizes the centralizing element which has disappeared from the reflexes.


“cintura” Ot ngStRi Maz nzSntRi *kihHC- Mtz XSti Oc -- -tR/nR NP kRihilR SP gwihin Ch -- “hormiga” Ot (šã-)khS Maz (šãn)khã58 *khiHC Mtz

XhSXhSwi Oc --

NP -- SP -- Ch khe “espuma” Ot ph[ugi Maz phSgS *phiHC-R Mtz phø NP ppheR SP phwi Ch pheR

Illustrations for POP *o (Ot o/ø, Maz o/ø, mtz o/ø, Oc o/ø, NP o, Ch o)

“negro” Ot pothi Maz pothS *po Mtz bo Oc -- NP mbo SP mpu Ch mbo “piojo” Ot tRoni Maz tRoRo *tRo Mtz tRo Oc tRo NP lRo SP ntRu Ch rRo “morder” Ot coni Maz zodRS *coR-nR NP coRol SP ca Ch con “casa” Ot tRoši Maz tRošS “cama” “nido” *tRo-š Mtz tRoši Oc -- “cena” NP lRos SP ntRus Ch rRos “piedra” Ot do Maz ndo *tto59 Mtz nto Oc ndo NP to SP du Ch ro “flor” Ot døni Maz ndøhnø *ttoHC-n Mtz tøni Oc ndø NP togU SP to Ch ro

58 The Maz vowel has been modified to fit the rules of vowel harmony because it is in the

second syllable of the word. 59 The t marks a weakened consonant at the POP stage.


“gallina” Ot Røni Maz Røhnø *RoHC-n Mtz Røni Oc Rø NP RogU SP Ru Ch -- guajolote “ir” Ot Røde Maz Rørø *RoHC-t Mtz Røti Oc Røti NP RoR SP Ru Ch Ro “negar” Ot køni Maz kørø *koHC-nR NP kko SP -- Ch ko

Illustrations for POP *e (Ot e, Maz e, Maz e/a, Oc e/a, NP :, Ch i)

“agua” Ot dehe Maz ndehe *tteh Mtz tawi Oc nda NP t[ SP -- Ch ri “contar” Ot pede Maz peYe *pe-t/n Mtz -- Oc mbati NP pp[R[dn SP -- Ch pin “tejer” Ot pe Maz peRe *pe Mtz pa Oc mba NP pp[ SP we Ch pi “araña” Ot meše Maz meše *me-s Mtz maši Oc maši NP m[s SP -- Ch -- “reirse” Ot thede Maz theYe *the-t/n Mtz tati Oc tahti NP tt[h[dnR SP tehe Ch teheRr “reir” “boca” Ot ne Maz neRe *ne Mtz na Oc -- NP n[ SP ne Ch ni “gente” Ot te Maz teRe *te Mtz -- Oc ta NP l[ SP de Ch ri


“toser; Ot hehe Maz hehe *hyeh60 Mtz hyewi Oc he61 “catarro” NP hh[e SP thye Ch --

Illustrations for POP *a (Ot a, Maz a, Mtz a, Oc a, NP a, Ch a)

“uno” Ot Rna Maz daha *nRa Mtz dawi Oc la NP nda SP Rna Ch ntRa “tierra plana”

Ot Rmatha Maz bRathS

Mtz bati Oc bati NP (ni-)bia SP -- Ch -- “caballo” Ot phani Maz phadRS Mtz pari Oc bali NP wahalR SP mphal Ch -- “calentar” Ot paRtRi Maz paRtRS MTz pati Oc pati NP ppalR SP -- Ch pan “plato” Ot mada Maz ma- Mtz mati Oc mahti NP mmahagU SP -- Ch maha

Illustrations for POP *? (Ot ?, Maz ?, Mtz i, Oc i/in, NP ?/@i, Ch @)

“petate” Ot š]-mph] Maz phi-ngwa *p]h-R Mtz mphiwi Oc phi NP pp^hiR SP -- Ch -- “hacer” NP Rî SP -- Ch R^ *R]

60 The y represents the *i of the C form. Only the forms for Mtz and Oc are C forms, however.

61 Oc appears to have subsequently lost the y.


“abrir” NP s]U SP nsi Ch sempf *s]-n “puerco” NP koz] SP -- Ch kuz^R *ko-z] “borracho” Ot nt] Maz t]Ri *t/n] Mtz nimi Oc ni

Illustrations for POP *õ (Ot C, Maz C, Mtz u, Oc uún, NP õ, Ch C)

“correr” Ot kai Maz -- *kõ-mR Mtz kubi Oc komu (R) NP kkõR SP -- Ch kan “mirar” Ot na Maz naRu *nõ Mtz nu Oc -- NP nnõRo SP -- “atar” Ot tatRi Maz tantRi *tõ-tR/cR Mtz tuncRi Oc tuncRi “nudo” NP ttocR62 SP -- Ch tucR “nudo” “nudo” “nombre” Ot thahu Maz thahu *thõ-R Mtz šu, hyo63 Oc -lšu NP lhõR SP nhnu Ch rhu “dueño” Ot hma Maz hmaRa *mhõ Mtz mhu Oc mhu NP -mhiõR SP -- Ch mha “morir” Ot ta Maz taRa *tõ Mtz tuwi Oc tu NP ttõ SP da Ch ra “sembrar” Ot taha Maz tahmS_ *tõ-mh Mtz tumi Oc -- NP ttõRo SP -- Ch taRun

62 The vowel in the NP and Ch forms is oral. This is one of the few cases where cognates do

not match with respect to nasality of the vowel. 63 The Mtz and Oc forms are C forms of a root initial h. The other languages havae D forms.


Illustrations for POP *@ (Ot :A, Maz e, Mtz e, Oc e/en, NP :A, Ch ?)

“robar” Ot p[_ Maz p^ *p^ Mtz pewi Oc pe NP pp[_ SP -- Ch pp] “tortilla” Ot hm[_ Maz -- *mh^ Mtz mhewi Oc mhe NP mh[_ SP mh^ Ch - “tamale” Ot th[_di Maz th^Y^ *th^-t Mtz theti Oc thenti64 NP lh[_R[_ SP nth^R^ Ch rR]h] “atole” Ot tR[_i Maz tR^hm^ *tR^-m Mtz tRemi Oc tRe NP lR[_U SP tR^R Ch rR]

Illustrations for POP *ã (Ot ã, Maz a, Mtz ø, Oc ø/øn, NP ã, Ch ã)

“asar” Ot hãši Maz hãša *hã-s Mtz høši Oc høši NP hãs SP hwãš “grano” Ot chãši Maz šaša “sarna” *chã-s Mtz -- Oc cøši NP chast SP ncãs Ch cãs “comezón” “viruela” “viruela” “decir” Ot mã Maz mãmã *mã-m Mtz mømi Oc mø NP mmãU SP -- Ch mã “saber” Ot pãdi Maz pãra *pã- Mtz pøya Oc mbøya NP ppã SP pã Ch pã “visitar” “ver” “bajar” Ot kãi Maz -- *kã-mR Mtz Xãbi Oc -- NP kãRt SP gwahat Ch --

64 This is an instance where Oc has vowel plus nasal before a stop as the reflex of a nasalized vowel.


Reflexes of POP Vowel Clusters

The reflexes of POP vowel clusters involving *a and *c are presented in Table 18.

The coalescence of POP *ao to ö is a central Otomian innovation. It introduces a new segment to the inventory of vowel phonemes and involves additional distinctive features.

TABLE 18 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *A AND *O

*ao *oa *ão *õa

Ot ö wa/a a wã/ã Maz ö wa/ö õ wã/õ Mtz a/o wa/o ø u Oc a/o wa/o ø u Np ao/a oa ão/ã õa Ch a u ã a

The wa reflex of *oa in Ot-Maz is found after root initial *h, *R, *k, and *n. In other positions the Otomi reflex shows the deletion of the first member of the cluster.

The Maz reflex ö for *oa shows the same coalescence of the vowels as has taken place in the reflex of *ao where the vowels are in the other order.

The Ot-Maz reflexes for nasalized *õa parallel the reflexes for the oral cluster.

The Ot-Maz reflexes for POP *ão are coalescences of the cluster with subsquent assignment of the resulting segment to a in Otomi and to õ in Mazahua.

The Mtz-Oc reflex o for *ao is found after *c and in the words “parar” and “pararse” which have initial b (from *mR). The reflex a occurs elsewhere.

The Mtz-Oc reflex wa for *oa is found after *k. The reflex o is found elsewhere.

The Mtz-Oc reflexes ø and u for *ão and *õa respectively, show loss of the second member of the cluster and the regular development for *ã and *õ.

The North Pame reflexes of the clusters show retentions in all cases. A NP morphophonemic rule deletes the second vowel of *ao and *ão before bilabial suffixes.


The Chichimeco reflexes show simple deletion of the second member of the cluster for *ao, *ão, and *õa. The reflex u for the oral *oa shows the influence of the second member in the clster. The normal development of *o is chichimeco o.

Illustrations for POP *ao (Ot-Maz ö, Mtz a/o, NP ao/a, Ch a)

“comprar” Ot tö Maz tömS *tao-m Mtz tami Oc ta NP ttaogU SP ntaw Ch ta “moco” Ot Rmöši Maz bRöši *mRao-s Mtz maši Oc maši “nariz” “nariz” NP mbaos SP mbaw Ch -- “ojo” Ot dö Maz ndöRö *ttao Mtz nta Oc ta NP tao SP ntaw Ch ra “probar” Ot cö Maz söRö Mtz copi Oc co NP ccaoR SP -- Ch ndza “aguacate” Ot cRöni Maz sRöhnS *cRao-n Mtz cRoni Oc cRo NP cRaogU SP ncRawn Ch -- “ombligo” Ot cRöi Maz sRönRS65 *cao-m Mtz cómi65 Oc nzó&& NP caogU SP -- Ch -- “pararse” Ot Rmöi Maz bRöbRS *mRao-mR Mtz -- Oc nbohobi “preguntar” Ot Röni Maz RönS *Rao-nR Mtz Rari Oc Ratki NP RahodnR Sp -- Ch R-an “enterrar” Ot Rögi Maz RögS *Rao-k Mtz Raki Oc Raki NP RRaogU Sp -- Ch Ra

65 The iregular correspondences for this word in Mazahua and in Mtz-Oc may be due to an

association between the avocado seed and the baby’s umbilical cord. Babies wear avocado seeds around their necks as charms. The Maz stem formative nasal is the same for “ombligo” and aguacate”. The Mtz-Oc vowel ó in “ombligo” looks like a reflex of a nasalized cluster *ão.


“tierra” Ot höi Maz hömS *hao-m Mtz hami Oc ha NP haogU SP (i-)hyaw Ch ha

Illustrations for POP *oa (Ot wa/a, Maz wa/ö, Mtz-Oc wa/o, NP oa, Ch u)

“murciélago” Ot cacRi Maz -- *coa-cR Mtz cocRi Oc cocRi NP XoacR SP nXuac Ch -- “blanco” Ot tRaši Maz tRöšS *tRoa-s Mtz tRoši Oc -- *nRoa NP doa SP ndoa Ch nuRu “arado” Ot tRabi Maz tRöbi *tRoa-p Mtz tRopi Oc tRopi NP -- SP ntRoa Ch rRu “ala” Ot hwa Maz hwaRa *hoa Mtz nhowi Oc (li)nho NP hwa SP nhnoa Ch -- “pie” Ot gwa Maz ngwaRa *-koa Mtz kwahtu Oc -- “pierna” NP koa SP gwa Ch gu “maguey” Ot Rwada Maz RwarS *nRoa Mtz -- Oc -- NP ddoa SP (si)ndyoa Ch nRu

Illustrations for POP *ão (Ot C, Maz õ, Mtz-Oc ø, NP ão/ã, Ch ã)

“amargo” Ot kha Maz khõRo *khão Mtz Xhø Oc Xhø NP khão SP -- Ch khã “cantar” Ot tahu Maz tõho *tãoh Mtz tøwi Oc tø NP ndão SP -- Ch -- “mes” Mtz mbø Oc bø *mRão-R NP mRãoR SP mRmõ Ch mRãR


“noche” Ot šai Maz šõmS *são-m Mtz šømi Oc -lšu NP são SP sãw Ch sã “sombra” Ot šadi Maz šõrS *são-t/mR Mtz šubi66 Oc Xhubi66 NP sãot SP -- Ch -- “oreja” Ot ga Maz ngõRo *-kão Mtz nXø Oc ndYø NP (Xi)kyão SP (ši)giãw Ch (si)gã

Illustrations for POP *õa (Ot wã/ã, Maz wã/õ, Mtz-Oc u, NP õa, Ch C)

“maiz” Ot thã Maz thõRo *thõa Mtz thuwi Oc thu NP lhõa SP ntha Ch -- “milpa” Ot hwãhi Maz hwãhma *nhõa-hm Mtz nomi Oc nu NP nhwã SP nhna Ch nha “confesar” Ot khwãni Maz khwãRma *kõah-mV67 Mtz kunya Oc ku/keyungya NP kkwãho SP -- Ch -- “camote” Ot bøkRwã Maz ngwãRma *kRõa-mR Mtz -- Oc bønXu NP -- SP pikhwã Ch --

The reflexes of POP vowel clusters involving *a and *i are presented in Table 19.

TABLE 19 REFLEXES OF POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *A AND *I

*ai *ia *ãi *?a

Ot [ ya [_ yã/ã Maz [ ya [_ yã/]/S_ Mtz e/a -- ø u/ø/S Oc e/a -- ø i/u/ø/S Np ai/[/a ia ãi ]a/^ Ch e -- ^ ]/^

66 The Mtz-Oc reflex u parallels their o reflex for the oral cluster *ao. Here the difference in

sffix distinguishes “sombra” from closely related “noche”. 67

The reconstruction of the stem formative syllable is obscure.


The Otmi reflex yã for POP *]a occurs after *R, *h, and *n. The reflex ã occurs elsewhere. The Mazahua reflex yã occurs in the word “tijeras” which has initial R. The phonetic conditions are obscure for the occurrence of the other reflexes. The reflex i (or ]) occurs in the words “caro”, “cabeza”, and “dormir”. The reflex S_ occurs elsewhere.

The Mtz-Oc reflex e for *ai occurs in C forms after y from metathesized *i. The reflex a occurs elsewere. The distribution of the reflexes of *ai parallels that of the reflexes of *e. It is possible that the early reflex of *ai was Mtz-Oc e and that it merged with the early reflex of *e and participated in the subsequent split to e (after y and w) and a (elsewhere).

The Mtz-Oc reflex ø for *ãi shows deletion of the second member and the regular development of *ã.

The Matlatzinca reflex of *]a is u in the words “cabeza”, “caro”, “lengua”, “oler”, and “ixtle”. It is ø in the words “dormir”, hilo”, and “metate”. The phonological conditions are not clear although there seems to be some connection between the u reflex and the preceding palatalized consonants.

The Ocuilteco reflex of *]a is i in the word “ lengua”. It is u (as it is in Mtz) in the words “caro”, and “oler”, and “ixtle”. It is ø in “contestar”. It is S in “dormir”, “hilo”, “metate”.

North Pame has the reflexes ai and ãi for POP *ai and *ãi. A NP morphophonemic rule accounts for the coalescence of ai to [ before a bilabial suffix. The reflex a occurs when the cluster is preceded by a metathesized *i of a C form. It occurs in some B forms also, although not preceded by i. Presumably this is due to analogy with C forms.

North Pame shows a conservative reflex for the rare cluster *ia. It has the conservative reflex ]a for nasalised *]a in “tijeras”. elsewhere the reflex for *]a is ^, showing a coalescence of the cluster.

Chichimeco has a reflex i for *]a in “tijers” as if it were a C form with metathesized *i. Elsewhere the Ch reflex is ^. The Chichimeco reflexes e and ^ for *ai and *ãi show a coalescence of the clusters and a merger with the reflexes of *i and *], repectively.


Illustrations for POP *ai (Ot-Maz :, Mtz-Oc e/a, NP ai/:/a, Ch e)

“mandar” Ot p[hni Maz pehñe68 *pai-hn Mtz pan-ta Oc -- NP ppai SP -- Ch pe “dejar” Ot h[gi Maz h[zi *hai-k/mR Mtz habi Oc habi NP haigU SP -- Ch he “dejar” Ot hy[gi Maz hy[zi (C form) Mtz heXi Oc heXi *hiai-k NP nhiagU SP -- Ch nhi “perder” Ot Rm[di Maz bR[zi *mRai-t Mtz bati Oc bati “golpear” Ot ph[Rmi Maz -- *paih-R Mtz papi Oc -- NP ppahiR SP -- Ch pe “tocar musica”

Ot p[i Maz ph[bRi

*pai-mR Mtz papi Oc mbapi NP -- SP -- Ch pen

Illustrations for POP *ia (Ot-Maz ya, NP ia)

“amanecer” Ot hyacRi Maz hyãsRS (C form) Mtz hyabi Oc hya “oriente” *hia-cR NP nhãs “higado” Ot ya Maz -- *nia Mtz ya Oc ya “corazon” “corazon” NP nia SP nkRia Ch -- “podrido” Ot Rya Maz dyRaRa *Ria Mtz ya Oc ya NP yyã69 SP Ch --

68 The Maz e is due to stem formative suffix.


“mano” Ot Ry[ Maz dyR[R[ (C form Mtz ye Oc ye *Riai NP Rai (A) SP -- Ch Ra (A) nRa (B) nRa (B) nRia (C) nRi (C)

Illustrations for *ãi (Ot :A, Maz @, Mtz-Oc ø, NP ãi, Ch @)

“bailar” Ot n[_i Maz n^Rm^ *nãih-mR Mtz nøbi Oc nøhøbi NP nnãhiR SP nãha Ch n^heR “duro” Ot m[_ Maz m^Re “mãi Mtz mø Oc mø NP -- SP mmã Ch -- “hilar” Ot h[_tRi Maz h^RXR^ *hãi-tR/m Mtz høti Oc høndi NP hãiU SP hwã Ch rh^

Illustrations for POP *?a (Ot yã/ã, Maz yã/?/;A, Mtz u/ø/;, Oc iú/ø/;, NP ?a/@, Ch ?/@)

“mecate” Ot nthãhi Maz thS_hmS *th]ai-mh70 Mtz thSmi Oc thS NP lhw^ SP nth^ Ch nth^ “dormir” Ot Rãha Maz R]hi *Rãh-71 Mtz RSwi Oc RS NP R^hilR SP -- Ch RS_hunR “casarse” Ot thãhti Maz XhS_htS *t]ah-72 Mtz tønye Oc -- NP tt^heRt SP t^heR Ch t^her

69 The NP form is divergent in not having a ?/ and in having a nasalized vowel instead of an

oral vowel. It may not be cognate at all. 70 “Mecate” is a D form of “hilar” with respect to the initial consonants. It has a different

stem formative suffix, however, which may be responsible for the difference in the syllable nucleus. It looks like there has been a metathesis of vowels.

71 The Pamean forms seem to derive from *õi. If the forms are cognate with Otomian, perhaps a three vowel cluster should be postulated, *õia, with Pamean insertion of o and deletion of a.

72 There is no trace of inserted o here.


“tijeras” Ot Ryãši Maz Rñãša *R]a-s73 NP lRãs SP -- Ch rR]s “zorrillo” Ot Rãi Maz RS_hmS *nR]a Mtz nRøbi Oc mRøli NP nõaRã SP nuRã Ch rRã “cabeza” Ot yã Maz ñ] *n]a Mtz nu Oc nu NP nãoU SP nyão Ch --

“caro” Ot mãdi Maz miYi *m]a Mtz mu Oc -- NP -- SP -- Ch m^he “lengua” Ot khãhne Maz kR]hni *kh]a-hn Mtz nXuni Oc ndYi “oler” Ot nšã Maz š]Ri *s]a Mtz šuti Oc šunti “ixtle” Ot šãhi Maz š]Rmi *s]a-hm Mtz šumi Oc šu

The reflexes of POP clusters involving *i, *o, and *e are presented in Table 20.

The Otomian reflex S for POP *io is a common Otomian innovation.

Otomi and Mazahua share the reflex ø for the cluster *eo in contrast to the Mtz-Oc reflex e. The Mtz-Oc e is distinct from the normal reflex of *e because it does not become a. The rule stated earlier that *e is retained after y from C form *i should be modified to include the environment before and after *o.

Otomi has the reflexes S and ø for *oi and *oe in contrast to the Mazahua reflexes i and e. Both Otomi and Maxhua have the reflex wi for *oi after *h in “soplar”.

The Mtz-Oc reflex e for *oe shows the loss of the first member of the cluster in contrast to the usual loss of the second member. The loss of the first member is shared with Mazahua where the first member is lost from the reflexes of both *oi and *oe. This may be an instance of the spread of rules through contact since the geographical areas overlap.

73 The NP form keeps the y even when there is no i in the prefix, indicating an original POP *]a.


The set of correspondence in which Ot-Maz w[/[ corresponds to Mtz-Oc we/e has been assigned to *oe. The existing phonological environments overlap to some extent the environments for the correspondence of Ot ø to Maz and Mtz-Oc e. The difference in these reflexes is ascribed to the centralizing element (HC) which was postulated to account for the centralized reflexes of POP *i and *o (S and ø, respectively). The centralizing element is the conditioning environment for the reflexex Ot ø, Maz e and Mtz-Oc e for POP *oe. It is absent in the reflexes Ot-Maz w[/[ and Mtz-Oc we/e. The w is kept after *R, *h, *k, Nd *n. It is deleted elsewhere.

TABLE 20 REFLEXES FOR POP CLUSTERS INVOLVING *I, *O, AND *E

*io *oi *eo *oe *?o *õi

Ot S wi/S ø w[/[/ø ya/a w[_/a Maz S wií ø w[/[/e ] w[/]/a Mtz S u e we/e yuú u Oc S wiú e we/e yuú wiú Np io oi/ei o o[/[ ô/^ õi/î Ch e u/ü e u/ü ] a/^

The Ocuilteco reflex wi for *oi occurs after *h in “soplar” and after *k in the prefix of “cinco”. the u reflex occurs elsewhere in Oc and is the general reflex in Mtz. Theu shows loss of the second voel and raising of the c to u.

The Otomi, Mazahua, and Ocuilteco reflexes w[_, w[, and wi, respectively, for *oi in “mosca” show retention of the first vowel as the consonant w. Elsewhere, Otomi has the reflex u, which shows loss of the second vowel. Mazahua has the reflex u after *m in “calabaza” and the reflex i (or ]) elsewhere. The loss of the second member in the Maz reflex i parallels the loss of the first member from the oral clusters *oi Nd *oe. Other than the reflex wi after R in “mosca”, Ocuilteco has the reflex u for *oi, as does Matlatzinca throughout.

The Otomi reflex a for *]o occurs after *m in “arena”. The reflex ya occurs in the other cognate sets. Mazahua has the reflex i. Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco have the reflex yu after *h and the reflex u elsewhere.

The North Pame reflexes ei, [, and î for POP *oi, oe, and õi are due to the rule which deletes *o if there is no o in the preceding syllable. The reflex ^ for POP *]o is due to the rule which deletes the second member of the cluster before bilabial suffixes.

The Chichimeco reflex u for POP *oi, *oe, and *õi is a coalescence of the members of the cluster as is the reflex e for POP *io and *eo. The reflex ^ for POP *õi in “mosca” matches NP î. Otomian reflexes in the set for “mosca” show w from the first member of the cluster although the first member of the cluster has been lost in Pamean. The condition for the loss of the o is obscure. The Chichimeco reflex i for *io is that expected if the *i were from a C form metathesis.


Illustrations for POP *io (Otomian ;, NP io, Ch e)

“chiflar” Ot hSši Maz hSšS Mtz hSši Oc hSši NP nheos SP his Ch nes (nhes) “agujerear” Ot ncShki Maz -- *cio- NP cwelR, celR SP nc] Ch cenR “dos” Ot yoho Maz yehe *nioh Mtz nowewi Oc no NP noi74 SP -- Ch nehenR “caña” Ot Ryo Maz dyReRe *nRio Mtz ro Oc lo NP -- -- Ch rRuhu “chupar” Ot cStRi Maz sStRS *cioói75 Mtz -- Oc cuti NP cciolR SP -- Ch cuRun “metlapil” Ot RyS Maz dyRiRi *Rio/oi76 Mtz di Oc li NP -- SP -- Ch tRu

Illustrations for POP *oi (Ot-Maz wi/;, Mtz u, Oc wiú, NP oi/ei, Ch ü, u)

“soplar” Ot hwiphi Maz hwiphi *hoi-p/t Mtz hupi Oc hwipti NP heiky SP -- Ch hür “bañar” Ot šShki Maz ši(-ndyR[) *soi-k/-mR Mtz šuti Oc Xhubi NP sigU SP šin Ch -- “mamar” Ot cS Maz siRi *coi Mtz XuRu Oc ci NP ciR/cwiR SP -- Ch tšüR

74 The dual suffix i is responsible for the deletion of the initial i from the vowel cluster in NP

and Mtz-Oc. 75 The Ot-Maz forms require *io; the others require *oi. 76 Perhaps a three vowel cluster *ioi should be reconstructed with loss of the first i in Ch.


“niño” Ot tRS Maz tRiRi *tRoi Mtz tRu Oc tRu NP doi/Ri SP -- Ch tRu “sabroso” Ot kShi Maz kihmi *koi-hm NP qei SP -- Ch -- “terminar” *toi NP ttwi SP -- Ch tu “tabaco” Ot RySi77 Maz -- *nRoi-m Mtz rumi Oc -- NP ndoehigU SP -- Ch ndühu

Illustrations for POP *eo (Ot-Maz ø, Mtz-Oc e, NP o, Ch e)

“olla” Ot cRøe Maz sRøbRø *cReo NP cceR/cReoR/ cRweR78 SP cRe Ch cReR “montar aballo”

Ot tøge Maz Xøgø *teo-k Mtz -- Oc nde

NP ll[eogU SP -- Ch -- “macho” Ot me Maz -- *meo-R Mtz ma Oc -- NP mm[oR/m[R79 SP -- Ch me “arder” Ot nzø Maz zørø *ceo Mtz ceti Oc --

Illustrations for POP *oe (Ot w:/:/ø, Maz w:/:/e, Mtz-Oc we/e, NP o[e/:, Ch u/ü/i)

“carne” Ot ngø Maz nge *nkoeHC NP Ugw[R SP gi Ch gu “cerro” Ot tRøhø Maz tRehe *tRoehHC NP lRw[ SP tRue

77 The Ot appears to be a C form with *i. 78 There are certain situations in NP where vowel clusters are reversed in the

morphophonemics but the conditions are not clear. 79 The o is deleted in the first person form


“enaguas” Ot khøde Maz kheze *khoeHC-R/t NP kkhoiR SP kweR Ch khu “estrella” Ot cø Maz shehe *coeHC Mtz nceRe Oc ce “frio” Ot c[ Maz s[R[ *coe Mtz ce Oc ce NP c[ SP ce Ch Xi “rajar leña” Ot c[ni Maz -- *coe-nR Mtz seri Oc celi NP cc[R[dn SP ceRen Ch Xin “encender” Ot nd[ Maz nd[R[ *toe NP ndw[ SP nte Ch ndü “cenizas” “cenizas” “cenizas”

Illustrations for POP *oi (Ot w:A/C, Maz w:/?/C, Mtz u, Oc wi/u, NP õi/@i, Ch C/@)

“mosca” Ot Rw[_ Maz Rw[ *Rõi Mtz Ru Oc ngwi NP Rî SP -- Ch ^ “hambre” Ot thahu Maz th]hmi *thõi Mtz -- Oc thu NP lhõi SP -- Ch -- “calabaza” Ot ma Maz maRu *mõih-R Mtz muhu Oc muhli NP mõhiR SP mahiR Ch mahuR

Illustrations for POP *?o (Ot yC/C, Maz ?, Mtz-Oc yu/u, NP @/@, Ch ?)

“arena” Ot (Rmo-)ma Maz -- *m]o-m Mtz mumi Oc mu NP mmôU SP mai Ch -- “lleno” Ot yadi Maz ñiYi *n]o-t Mtz nuti Oc nuti NP n[_80 SP nne Ch --

80The loss of the second vowel in NP is parallel to that found in the A form of “macho”

above. (The NP paradigm is actually that for “father”.)


“tres” Ot hya mz hñiRi *nh]o81 Mtz hyu Oc hyu NP nhõR SP hn]uR

Illustrations for POP C forms with metathesized *i

“comer” Ot yani Maz ñõRnS *nião-nR NP nãoU SP nyã Ch nã “nombre” Ot hyaRtRi Maz thahu “nombrar” *nh]o- Mtz hyu Oc šu NP nhôR SP -- Ch nhi “medicina” Ot Ry[_thi Maz ñ^Xh^ *nR]ai- Mtz yeti Oc yendi NP lR[82 SP tRe Ch -- “curandero” Ot nRy[_i Maz -- *nR]ai-m Mtz Rimi Oc Ri NP d[82 SP nde Ch teheR “andar” Ot Ryo Maz ndyRodRS *nRioa Mtz tru Oc -- NP doa SP doa Ch ndu “camino” Ot Rya Maz Rñihi *nR]o(a) Mtz ru Oc ndluhu

Distinctive Feature Rules for the Reflexes of POP Vowels and Vowels Clusters

The preceding paragraphs have presented the specific relexes for each POP vowel and vowel cluster. In this section, the focus will be on the more general rules which may be formulated for the development of the POP vowel system in each of the subgroups and languages.

The feature specifications for the POP single vowels and vowel clusters are presented in Table 21.

81 The initial i which appears in the Otomian forms may be innovatios by analogy with the

initial i of “dos”. Another possibility is that they are C forms of initial *h whereas the Pamean forms are B forms without the metathesized *i.

82 The Pamean forms show oral vowels-one of the few cases where reflexes do not match for nasality. The Pamean forms are not C forms.


TABLE 21 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR POP VOWELS AND CLUSTERS

i e a o ao oa ai ia io oi eo oe

grv - - + + ++ ++ 1- -1 -1 1- -1 1- cmp - + + - +2 2+ +2 2+ -- -- +2 2+ nas - - - - - - - - - - - -

? @ ã õ ão õa ãi ?a ?o oi

grv - - + + ++ ++ 1- -1 -1 1- cmp - + + - +2 2+ +2 2+ 3- -3 nas + + + + + + + + + +

The vowels all have the features plus vocalic (+voc) and minus consonantal (-cns). The features grave and compact specify the points of articulation. the features of nasality distinguises the nasal from the oral vowels. The redundant features for the vowel clusters are supported by three rules: (1) A segment which is adjacent to a minus grave segment is plus grave. (2) A segment which is adjacent to a plus compact segment is minus compact. (3) In a cluster marked plus nasal, a minus grave segment need not be specified for compactness.

The Otomian subgroup

The Otomian subgroup shares the centralization of POP *i nd *o in the environment of the centralizing element HC. The segments *i and *o are specified by their shared feature, minus compact; the graveness is marked by “i”. the centralization is indicated by the features plus grave and minus flat. The diffuseness of the resulting segment is the opposite value to that of the original segment for graveness. It is marked by –“i”.

HC ___ env.in

dff

flt

grv

grv

cmp

∝−

−

+

→

∝

−

Central Otomian.

The smaller subgroup, Central Otomian (Otomi and Mazahua) shares further rules. The vowel inventories are very similar (identical for oral vowels) and are identified by the same set of distinctive features. The feature specifications for Otomi and Mazahua vowels are presented in Table 22.

There are five rules which fill in the redundant features in the distinctive feature matrix: (1) An Otomi nasalized, plus flat vowel is plus diffuse. (2) A plus diffuse vowel is minus compact. (3) a plus compact vowel is minus diffuse. (4) a


minus grave vowel is minus flat. (5) A plus flat vowel is plus grave. Rule 1 is ordered before the rest because the diffuseness specified there is input for rule 2.

TABLE 22 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR OTOMI AND MAZAHUA VOWELS

i e : ; ø a u o ö

flt 4 4 4 - - - + + + grv - - - + + + 5 5 5 cmp 2 - + 2 - + 2 - + dff + - 3 + - 3 + - 3 nas - - - - - - - - -

OTOMI MAZAHUA

? :A ã C ? @ ;A ã C õ

flt 4 4 - + 4 4 - - + + grv - - + 5 - - + + 5 5 cmp 2 + + 2 2 - 2 - 2 - dff + 3 3 1 + - + - + - nas + + + + + + + + + +

Otomi-Mazhua vowels require the specification of the features of flatness and diffuseness in addition to those features specified for POP vowels. The dvelopment of Ot-Maz vowels from the POP vowels and vowel clusters is described by rules which specify flatness and diffuseness and which change, in some cases, the specification for graveness or compactness. Other rules specify the deletion of some segments and the desyllabification of *o and *i in certain environments. The specification minus consonantal and plus vocalic is to be understood with every segment unless otherwise indicated.

1. The first rule says that the front vowels *i and *e become Ot-Maz S and ø, respectively, if they precede the vowel *o (and if they follow *o in Otomi) and if they are in the environment of the centralizing element HC. The segments S and ø are specified as plus grave, minus flat, i.e., central. Their specification for diffuseness has the opposite value to the specification for compactness in the original segment. (Both resulting segments are specified as minus compact.) The *o which served as environment for the first part of the rule is deleted by the second part of the rule. The deletion also handles the Mazahua reflexes i and e for *oi and *oe, respectively, where the *o is deleted without centralizing the *i and *e.


1. (a) HC___/ cmp

grv___/ env.in

dff

flt

grv

nas

cmp

grv

−

+

∝−

−

+

→

−

∝

−

(b)

[ ]Maz

___/grv

HCOt

___/

cmp

flt

grv

___/ env.in cmp

grv

+−

+

−

−

+

∅→

−

+

2. A POP *e after an *o (not in the environment HC) is lowered to Ot-Maz [. The resulting vowel happens to have the same specifications for graveness and compactness as the POP vowel, but it must be further specified as minus flat and minus diffuse. The environmental *o is not deleted until later because it is needed as input for rule 3.

___ cmp

grv env.in

dff

flt

cmp

grv

−

+

−

−→

+

−

3. A POP *o or *i becomes Ot-Maz w or y, respectively, after a Rm, or h, or n and before a vowel. The *o and *i are identified as minus consonantal. The resulting segment is identified as plus consonantal. The resulting segment is identified as plus consonantal. A POP *o becomes Ot-Maz w after a *k and before a vowel. (Rule 1 has eliminated instances of *o which do not participate in this rule.)

[ ] [ ]

[ ]

+

−

+

+

−

+

−

−

+

+

+

+→−

voc

cns

___

grv

flt

cnt

voc

cns___

grv

nas

cns

gtl

env.in cns cmp

4. A POP *i or *o becomes Ot-Maz [ or ö, respectively, following the vowel *a. In Mazahua, and *o becomes ö before the vowel *a. Part (b) deletes *a in the environment of Ot-Maz [ or ö.

(a)

+

+

+

+

+

+

∝

+→

∝

−

cmp

grv

Maz

grv

___

___cmp

grv

env.in flt

cmp

grv

cns


(b) [ ] ___/ cmp___/ env.in cmp

grv+∅→

+

+

5. POP *] becomes Maz S_ before *ã under obscure conditions. The centralization of the resulting segment is indicated by plus grave and minus flat. The segment is further specified as plus diffuse. Part (b) deletes *ã in the environment following S_.

(a)

Obscure

cmp

grv

Maz

___

env.in

dff

flt

grv

nas

cmp

grv

+

+

+

+

+

−

+

→

+

−

−

(b) ___

nas

cmp

dff

flt

grv

env.in cmp

grv

+

−

+

−

+

∅→

+

+

6. POP *o is deleted after *c or *t and preceding a vowel. This rule rmoves the

environmental *o of rule 2 as well as other instances of *o which fit the analysis of the

rule. It also accounts for the Otomi reflex a for POP *a in this environment.

+

−

−

−∅→

−

+

voc

cns ___

grv

cnt env.in

cmp

grv

7. POP *] is deleted in Otomi before *ã or *õ. POP *ã or *õ is deleted in Mazahua after *], except in the environment specified above in rule 5.

(a) [ ]grv Ot

___ env.in

nas

cmp

grv

+

+→

+

−

−

(b)

+

+

−

−

∅→

+

+

Maz

_____

nas

cmp

grv

env.in nas

grv

8. The Ot-Maz reflexes of POP *a and *o have the same specification for graveness and compactness as in POP but they have a specification for flatness with the opposite value to that which the segment has for compactness. The rule specifies flatness, but does not apply to any segment already specified for flatness.


[ ]flt cmp

grv∝−→

∝

−

9. A vowel which is minus grave is further specified as minus flat; a vowel which is minus compact is further specified as plus diffuse.

[ ][ ]

[ ][ ]

+

−→

−

−

dff

flt

cmp

grv

10. The Ot-Maz reflexes of POP *e and *o are represented by the letters e and o, but the Ot-Maz vowels are mid, rather than high or low. The rule says that the POP vowels which have different values for graveness and compactness (i.e., *e and *o) become minus compact and minus diffuse.

dff

cmp

cmp

grv

−

−→

∝−

∝

11. A Mazahua nasalized vowel is specified as minus compact.

[ ]

+−→

+

+

−

Maz

_____ env.in cmp

nas

voc

cns

The feature redundancy rules, specified earlier, take care of the other necessary adjustments for arriving at the feature specifications as given above in Table 22.

Southern Otomian

The Southern Otomian languages (Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco) share the Otomian centralization of *i and*o to S and ø in the environment of the centralizing element HC. In addition, the two languages share most of their rules for the derivation of vowels from POP root nuclei.

The vowel inventories for the two languages are identical. The slight differences in the derivation rules do not affect the inventories. Both languages have eliminated nasalized vowels. The distinctive feature matrix for Mtz-Oc vowels is given in Table 23.

The three feature redundancy rules for the matrix in Table 23 are: (1) Plus flat segments are also plus grave. (2) Minus grave segments are also minus flat. (3) The plus compact segment is also minus diffuse.

Unfortunately, our knowledge at present of Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco is not nearly as full as it is for the other Otpamean languages. Consequently, the statement


of environments for the operation of context sensitive rules is imprecise and must often be stated in terms of specific cognate sets instead of more general principles.

TABLE 23 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR MATLATZINCA

AND OCUILTECO VOWELS

i e ; ø a u o

flt 1 1 - - - + + grv - - + + + 2 2 cmp + dff + - + - 3 + -

The first rule desyllabifies the initial *i or *o of a POP cluster. This rule resembles but does not operate in the same environments as the Central Otomian rules. The C form *i, however, becomes y whenever the C form is preserved. this feature is shared with Central Otomian, of course, except that C forms are not an active alternation in Mtz-Oc. They occur in nouns derived from verbs and in a few verb stems where the C form has been generalized rather than the A form. Other than in C forms, Mtz-Oc have y corresponding to Ot-Maz y in some words, but they have i or o corresponding to Ot-Maz y in other words. Similarly, Mtz-Oc have w corresponding to Ot-Maz w in some words, but they have o or u corresponding to Ot-Maz w in other words. The conditioning environment is obscure. For example, contrast the numeral “three” where Mtz-Oc y occurs with the numeral “two” where Mtz-Oc o occurs. Note that NP does not show initial *i in either cluster.

“tres-three Ot hya Maz hñ]R] Mtz hyu, šu Oc phyu NP ranhõR “dos-two” Ot yoho Maz yehe Mtz nowi Oc no NP noi

Contrast “caja” where Mtz-Oc w corresponds to Ot-Maz w with “ala” where Mtz-Oc correponds to Ot-Maz w.

“caja-box” Ot hwada Maz hwarS Mtz wati Oc hwati “ala-wing” Ot hwa Maz hwa Mtz nhowi Oc nho NP nhwa

The Mtz word “conejo” has two forms, one with a w and one with o.

“conejo-rabbit” Ot khwa Maz khwaRa Mtz khwa, Xho NP khwa


Although the environment must be stated as obscure, the rule for desyllabification is farily simple in form:

−

+

+→

−

+

cns

voc Obscure ___ env.in

cns

cmp

cns

The rule states that a minus compact vowel preceding another vowel may lose its syllabicity, becoming plus consonantal.

Although attemps to state the environment for desyllabification have met with difficulties, there are certain observations which may be made:

(1) There is a restriction with respect to the preceding consonant. Desyllabification never occurs after bilabial consonants. The y occurs after R and h (and perhaps after n). The w occurs after R and h. It also occurs from the cluster *oa after k. A w occurs as a reflex from clusters *oi and *oe after t and c.

(2) There is a restriction with respect to the segment which follows the cluster: *oa goes to wa if a non-nasal consonant follows.

(3) The desyllabification of *o to w before *i or *] is restricted to Ocuilteco.

The effect of the desyllabification rule is to convert *ia to ya. *io to yo, *]o to yu, oa to wa, *oe to we, and *oi and *õi to Oc wi.

2. POP *io becomes Mtz-Oc S; POP *oi, *]o, and *õi become Mtz-Oc u. The first part of the rule says that an oral, minus compact vowel (in the environment of a following minus compact vowel) becomes plus grave and plus diffuse and is specified for flatness according to the value of the specification for graveness in the original segment. This takes care of the change of *io to S and of *oi to S. The second part of the rule says that a nasalized, minus compact vowel a before an *o a becomes plus grave, plus diffuse, and plus flat. This takes care of the change from *]o to u. The development of *õi will be taken care of by a later rule.

(a) [ ]cmp ___ env.in

flt

dff

grv

nas

cmp

grv

−

∝

+

+

→

−

−

∝

(b) [ ]cmp ___ env.in

flt

dff

grv

nas

cmp

grv

−

+

+

+

→

+

−

−


3. The third rule deletes the *a from *ao in the environment following Mtz-Oc segments c or b (true of the present limited corpus). Nasality need not be specified because the nasal clusters follow the same rules. Resulting nasalized segments are subject to the later rules for nasalized vowels.

−

+

∅→

+

+

cmp

grv ___

b

c env.in

cmp

grv

4. POP *a is fronted to Mtz-Oc e before *i. The *i is deleted by a later rule.

[ ]

−

−−→

+

+

cmp

grv ___ env.in grv

cmp

grv

5. POP *e and the e resulting from *ai via rule 4 becomes Mtz-Oc a if the e is not preceded by a semivowel and if it is not part of a vowel cluster. The environment is stated by requiring a nonvocalic segment before and a nonvocalic segment or a word boundary following. The input is specified as minus nasal because nasalized ^ is not affected by this rule.

[ ] [ ] [ ]

−

−+→

−

+

#

voc ___ voc env.in grv

nas

cmp

6. POP *oe and *eo result in Mtz-Oc e. This rule deletes *o in the environment of a preceding or following e. The rule is ordered after rule 5 because the e segment resulting here does not participate in rule 5.

___/ cmp

grv___/ env.in

cmp

grv

+

−∅→

−

+

7. Before *ã POP *] becomes Mtz-Oc u in certain environments and S in other environments. The phonological environment is obscure, so the environment is stated in terms of specific cognate sets. The reflex u occurs in “obey”, “ixtle”, and “caro”. The reflex S occurs in “dormir”, “hilo”, “mecate” , and “izquierdo”. (The first group of words shows initial s and m and final t, mh, and #; the second group of words shows initial R, h, and k and final # and mh. No clear phonological environment emerges from the present data).


+

+

+

+

−

+

+

+

+

→

+

−

−

nas

cmp

grv

________

izquierdo""

mecate""

hilo""

dormir""

____

caro""

ixtle""

oler""

env.in

dff

flt

grv

nas

dff

flt

nas

cmp

grv

8. POP *] is deleted before or after *ã in the environments not covered by rule 7. The cognate sets illustrating the rule are “zorrillo”, “contestar”, “tener”, and “casarse”. They show initial nR, t, and h and final mR or nR, nt, #, and ny. The initial and final consonants overlap to some extent those of the words illustrating the development of *] to u and S (rule 7, above) but three of the four words illstrating rule 8 show consonant clusters following the syllable nucleus. The environment is still not clear, however, because the cluster mh occurs in each of the two sets of words illustrating rule 7. The environment is not stated in the formalization of rule 8 because all other instances of *]a have been covered by rule 7.

___/

nas

cmp

grv

___/ env.in

nas

cmp

grv

+

+

+

∅→

+

−

−

9. The second vowel of a vowel cluster is deleted. This rule eliminates the vowels which served as environment for rules 2, 4, and 7, as well as the second vowel of other clusters.

___ voc

cns env.in

voc

cns

+

−∅→

+

−

10. POP plus grave nazalized vowels *ã and *õ become Mtz-Oc ø_ and a, respectively. The resulting segment is minus compact and has the opposite plus-minus values for diffuseness and flatness to the value for compactness of the original segment.

∝−

∝−

−

→

+

∝

+

flt

dff

cmp

nas

cmp

grv


11. An n is inserted after a nasalized vowel in Ocuilteco if a stop follows.

−

−

+

+

+

−

+

−

+

+

→∅

gtl

cnt

cns

Oc

___

nas

cns

voc

env.in

grv

nas

cns

12. Nasalized vowels lose their nasalization in both Mtz and Oc. This is expressed by saying that any vowel becomes minus nasal. The effect is to remove nasalization as a distinctive feature of Mtz-Oc vowels.

[ ]nas voc

cns−→

+

−

13. The segments w and y are deleted under certain conditions. The w is deleted after t, c, and nh and before i and e. The y is deleted in certain instances after h. The crucial case is where *oi has produced Oc wi and Mtz u by rules 1 and 2. The deletion of w after t and h results in the correspondence Oc i to Mtz u. E.g., “cal” Oc thindo (via *thwuindo), Mtz thuto; “apagar” Oc hñinYi (via *hnwin]i), Mtz huRuXi. Compare the following sets where w is not deleted: “cinco” Oc kwitRa, Mtz kutRa; “vender” Oc wili, Mtz uri; “soplar” Oc hwipti, Mtz hupi. The nasal preceding the h seems to be responsible for the deletion of w in “apagar” in contrast to its retention in “soplar”. Note the Oc word for “norte”, nimhnupi from the same root underlying “soplar” (i.e. *hoi-), where Oc did not preserve the *oi as wi. Further examples of the deletion of w are “rajar” Mtz seri, Oc seli; “machucar” Mtz cebi; “frio” Mtz-Oc ce; “capulin” Mtz ce, Oc che; and “relámpago” Mtz heXi, Oc mheXi. An example of the deletion of y is “dejar” Oc heXi as opposed to Mtz (Gu)83 yechi or (Cas)84 ihechi which show y. Another example of the deletion of y is “toser” Oc he, where a POP *e would have become a, but a C form would have been ye from *i-e. The w and y deletion rule may be stated as follows.

−

−

∅→

grv

cns____

____(obscure)h

nhc,t,

env.in y

w

The above thirteen rules account for the developments in Southern Otomian.

83 Guevara, op. cit. Written in 1638. 84 Castro, op. cit. Written in 1557.


The Pamean Subgroup

North Pame and Chichimeco share the rule that a C form *i becomes the first member of a vowel cluster, subject to later rules for reducing clusters. For instance, in NP the C form *i is retained when rule 11 (as given in Chapter II) deletes the second member of a cluster before a bilabial suffix: C form dd]io from the root Ro (maRó “dry”) means “dryness”. When the suffix –mR “first person, dual-plural exclusive” is added, the result is ro-dd]ebmR (with lowering of i to e before the bilabial) “our dryness”. Chichimeco retains the C form *i where the rule would delete the second member of the cluster: A form he, “dejar;” B and C forms nhi. Chichimeco, however, treats a C form *i differently from an original cluster-initial *i. The original cluster-initial *i is lowered to Ch e, but the C form *i is not lowered.

North Pame

North Pame has been very conservative with respect to the POP vowel system. If the fluctuation between i and ei or e is considered subhonemic (as was suggested in Chapter II), the POP vowel inventory is identical with that of POP. A phonetic rule would rewrite POP *e as NP [ (IPA æ), showing a lowering which is not surprising, given the extended phonetic range of NP i.

All of the POP clusters are preserved in some environments in NP. Most of the rules for the modification of the clusters are recoverable from NP morpho-phonemic alternations. Rule 11 of the NP morophophonemic rules, given in Chapter II, specifies the cluster reductions before a bilabial suffix. The morphophonemic rules also take care on the change of ai to [ and the loss of the second member from the clusters.

NP rule 15 of Chapter II palatalizes consonants following the vowel i, but this recent palatalization does not become part of the syllable nucleus as the earlier palatalization did in the case of the metathesized *i of the C forms, discussed in Chapter III.

Rule 10 of Chapter II deletes cluster initial *o if there is no o in the preceding syllable. Rule 16 labializes k, R, and h after the vowel o. An original cluster-initial o is sometimes desyllabified to w in those situations where it has been retained. In that case it is indistinguishable on synchronic grounds from the w resulting from the labialization rule if the preceding consonant is k, R, or h. After other consonants, e.g., t, s, and c, only an original cluster initial *o appears after the vowel o because the labialization rule does not operate in that environment.

There are instances of other NP modifications of POP vowel clusters, but there are no clear general rules. E.g., in the paradigm for “father” (“macho-male” in the cognate sets), NP [ occurs in the first person possessor form, but [o occurs in the second and third person forms: raw[R “my father”, but wi[oR “your father” (with metathesis of a prefix i) and wamm[oR “his father”. In the paradigm for “hand”


(“mano” in the cognate sets), the third person form shows deletion of the second member of *ai after the C form *i. The second person form shows the same deletion although not preceded by i, presumably by analogy with the C form: skaRai “my hand”, skanRa “your hand”, skanRia “his hand”.

Chichimeco

Chichineco, in contrast to North Pame, has eliminated all POP vowel clusters and has modified its inventory of vowel segments. The Chichimeco vowels and their feature specifications are shown in Table 24.

TABLE 24 FEATURE SPECIFICATIONS FOR CHICHIMECO VOWELS

i e a o u ü

flt - - - + + + grv - - + + + - cmp - + 1 + - 2

The feature redundancy rules are: (1) A minus flat and plus grave segment is also plus compact. (2) A plus flat and minus grave segment is also minus compact.

There are seven rules for the development of the POP vowel system in Chichimeco.

1. Rule 1 deletes the second member from the clusters *ao, *oa, *ia, and io. The rule applies also to the nasalized clusters. (there happens not to be an example of oral *ia nor of nasalized *]o). The clusters *ao and *oa can be characterized by labeling both segments plus grave and giving opposite plus-minus values (i and –i) to the segments for compactness. The clusters *ia and *io can be characterized by labeling the first memmber by its proper features (minus grave, minus compact) and by specifying the second segment as plus grave.

___ cmp

grv env.in

cmp

grv

∝

+∅→

∝−

+

[ ] ___ cmp

grv env.in grv

−

−∅→+

2. The Chichimeco reflex of *i is e: the reflex of *e is i. This rule specifies the reversal of the features of compactness in the Chichimeco reflexes. I.e., i and e interchange.The rule also specifies that the Ch reflexes are minus flat. Rule 2 is ordered after rule 1 because it affects the i which remains after the deletions specified by rule 1. A C form metathesized *i, however, is not affected by this rule.


[ ]

+

−+

−

∝−→

∝

−

#

cns

_______

form C cns env.in

flt

cmp

cmp

grv

3. This rule specifies the feature plus flat for the reflex of *o (plus grave, minus compact) and the feature minus flat for the reflex of *a (plus grave, minus compact). The plus-minus value of the flatness is opposite to the plus-minus value of the compactness of the original segment.

[ ] [ ]

++∝−→

∝

+

#

cns ___ cns env.in flt

cmp

grv

4. This rule reverses the compactness specification for the Ch reflex of oral *o.

[ ] [ ]

+++→

−

−

+

#

cns ___ cns env.in cmp

nas

cmp

grv

5. This rule accounts for the Ch reflexes e for *ai and ü for *oa. The rule is in two parts. Part (a) says that *a and *o are fronted before *i (become minus grave and minus flat). Part (b) deletes the environmental *i. The e resulting from this rule is not affected by rule 2.

(a) [ ]

−

−

−

−→+

cmp

grv ___ env.in

flt

grv grv

(b) ___ grv

cns env.in

cmp

grv

−

−∅→

−

−

6. This rule accounts for the Ch reflexes u for *oe and e for *eo. The first segment of the POP cluster is each case becomes plus compact and is specified for flatness with the opposite plus-minus value to that for graveness in the original segment. The second segment of the POP cluster serves as environment for the first part of the rule and is then deleted by the second part of the rule.

(a) [ ]

+

−

∝−

−→∝

voc

cns ___ env.in

flt

cmp grv

(b) ___ voc

cns env.in

voc

cns

+

−∅→

+

−


The Glottal Elements of POP Sylable Nuclei

As indicated in the opening paragraphs of this chapter, the POP syllable nucleus might contain a glottal element. The element belongs to the nucleus as a whole and is somewhat arbitrarily assigned a linear placement with respect to the vowel(s). There are three different glottal elements which may occur in a POP stem: (1) that of the root initial consonant or that of the D form prefix, both of which form part of the syllable onset, (2) that of the syllable nucleus, and (3) That of the stem formative suffix which belongs to the syllable coda for POP. To place the glottal element of the syllable before the vowel(s) might result in ambiguity with the glottal element of the syllable onset. To place the glottal element after the vowel(s) might result in some ambiguity with the glottal element of the stem-formative suffix, but in this case the writing of the morpheme boundary between root and suffix would resolve the ambiguity. There is not always a morpheme boundary between the syllable onset and the syllable nucleus. For this reason, the glottal element of the nucleus is assigned to the position after the vowel(s) in the underlying form.

The phonetic placement of the glottal element is specified by the following rules.

1. Rule 1 inserts a copy of the root vowel after the glottal element if the nucleus contains a single vowel.

[ ] [ ] ___ gtl

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

cns env.in

βcmp

grv

cns

voc

+

∝

−

+

+

∝

−

+

→∅

2. Rule 2 tranposes the glottal element and the second vowel of a vowel cluster.

[ ]

231

321

gtlcns

voc

cns

voc

→

+

−

+

−

+

POP had a rule for the deletion of the glottal element under certain conditions. The deletion is evidenced by the NP morphophonemic alteration of nuclei with and without the glottal element. E.g.,wannõRo “he sees” but lan`õ “he will see”; wopp/[R[dn “he counts” but wi`[dntR “count” (imperative); RR/^hilyR “he sleeps” but UgolRw[î “sleep” (noun); waR/[h[Rt “she sews” but loRw`[dnt “she pieces cloth”.


A further indication of a deletion of the glottal element in POP under certain conditions is the correspondence of the reflexes of a glottal element in one of the daughter languages to the absence of any such reflexes in another daughter language. In the following examples, Otomi has reflexes of a VhV nucleus but Pame does not. “Water” Ot dehe, NP kot[; “cough” Ot thehe, NP Ugolhw[; “name” Ot thahu, NP UgolhõR. In the next group of examples Pame has reflexes of a glottal element but Otomi does not. “necklace” Ot thebe, NP nlh[R[; “ask for “ Ot Rödi, NP waRahodnR; “squash” Ot ma, NP mmõhiR.

North Pame and Chichimeco preserve reflexes of both R and h. Jaime de Angulo’s recording of voiceless vowels for Chichimeco corresponds to syllable nuclei containing a glottal element . E.g., “take out” Ch ke (underlining corresponding to Angulo’s raised vowels to denote the voiceless vowel), NP –kweheR. The NP alternation with nuclei not containing a glottal element appears to be correlated with a change in the stress-pitch phoneme. The glottal element occurs most regularly with the high tone-stress.

Otomian has lost the non-continuant glottal element (i.e., R). Mazahua has developed a new VRV sequence from word-final root vowels. Central Otomian has a VRV sequence only if no suffix follows.

The Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco materials show VhV sequences before stem-formative suffixes but not word finally. Sometimes the h is deleted, resulting in a long vowel.

An Otomi-Mazahua innovation is the deletion of the first vowel of a VhV sequence resulting in stem-initial aspirated consonants. Apparently the deletion only takes place if the root initial consonant is a stop. After other consonants the h is deleted and the vowel cluster is reduced. These rules operate when there is a stem-formative suffix. They eliminate the VhV sequences as such in that position leaving the VhV sequences only in a word-final position, as stated in an earlier paragraph.

The deletion of the first vowel and the resulting aspirated stops is peculiar to Central Otomian because Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco preserve the VhV sequences before stem-formatives at least in some instances. Also, the correspondence of a Mtz-Oc unaspirated stop to an Ot-Maz aspirated stop cannot be ascribed to a sound change which would eliminate aspiration in Mtz-Oc because in the case of aspirated forms, Mtz-Oc aspirated stops corrspond to Ot-Maz aspiratd stops.

The following sets are examples of central Otomian syncope of the first vowel with the resulting aspirated consonant.

“casarse-to marry” Ot thãhti Maz XhS_htS *t]ah- Mtz tøhønye Oc -- Np tt^heRt Ch t^her


“reir-to laugh” Ot theni Maz theñe *the- Mtz ta:ri Oc tahti Np t[h[lR Ch teheRr “confesar-to confess” Ot khwãni Maz khwãRma *kõah- Mtz kunya Oc ku Np kkãhoU Ch “tocar-to touch” Ot thöni Maz thörS *taoh- Mtz tari Oc -- Np taho Ch ta “golpear-to hit” Ot ph[Rmi Maz -- *paih- Mtz papi Oc (phe)R Np ppahiR Ch ngweRenR “contestar-to answer” Ot thãdi Maz thS_ *t]ah- Mtz tøhøti Oc tømti Np Ch

Note the next set wheres the initial consonant is n and is not aspirated.

“bailar-to dance” Ot n[_i Maz neRme *nãih- Mtz nøhøbi Oc ñøhøbi Np nnãhiR Ch n^heR

The following set demonstrates the Mtz-Oc aspirated consonants corresponding to Ot-Maz aspirated consonants in D forms.

“tamales” Ot th[_i Maz theYe *th[_R- Mtz theti Oc thenti Np lh[_R[_ Ch rR]hi

6/9/2010 98

CHAPTER V THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP

STEM-FORMATIVE CONSONANTS

The two preceding chapters dealt with the reconstruction of the root syllable. chapter III reconstructed the root initial consonants and their morphophonemic changes in the stem alternants. Chapter IV reconstructed the syllable nuclei of the roots. This chapter will deal with the reconstruction of the stem-formative consonants. There were at least three types of morphemes which could follow the root syllable in POP words: (1) the stem-formative suffixes, (2) the person and number markers and (3) the second element of compounds. The reconstruction of person and number markers is the subject of Chapter VI. The second element of compounds will be treated briefly in the present chapter.

The POP noun or verb stem consisted of a root and one or more stem-formative syllables or it might consist of the root alone. The same root might form several different stems by combination with different stem-formative suffixes. For example, Ot. šS-hki “wash (hands),” šS-tRi “wash (dishes).” Compare Mtz šu-Xi “wash (dishes),” šu-ti “wash (meat),” šu-bi “wash (table);” Maz ši-bi (wash dishes);” NP si-gU “wash (hands),” si-lyR “wash dishes.”

The precise meaning of the stem-formative suffixes is difficult to determine. It is possible, however, to note certain concepts, e.g., direction, which were expressed by these suffixes. The analysis of stem-formative suffixes in Otomi will serve as an example. The analysis was made by Fray Pedro de Cárceres in the sixteenth century.85 It is quoted by Lawrence Ecker in his compendium of Otomi grammar.86 The suffixes –i/e (phonologically conditioned), -ki/e, -gi/e and –hi signify “desde arriba (hacia) abajo; de adentro afuera, (tlat. de, ex-).” The suffix tRi/e signifies “desde abajo (hacia) arriba, (tlat. super-, sub-, como en sub-er/e).” The suffix –ni signifies “hacia, desde lejos; hacia allá, hacia acá, (tlat. a-, ab-, ad-).” The suffix –ngi (from –nga and –ni) signifies syntactic position followed by a direct object. The suffix –xi (i.e., -ši) “ya no reconoce sentido específico.” Some suffixes are analyzed as consisting of combinations of suffixes: -xtRi/e from –tsRi and –tRi; xte from –tsRi and –te; -xni from –tsRi and –ni. Finally, several rare suffixes are

85 Pedro de Cárceres, “Arte de la Lengua Otomí,” edited by Dr. Nicolas León, Boletín del Instituto Bibliográfico Mexicano, VI (1907), 43-155.

86 Lawrence Ecker, “Compendio de Gramática Otomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, IV (1952), 121-74. Ecker’s material on the suffixes is taken from pages 106-13 of Cárceres.

99 V Stem Formative Consonants

listed: -di/e, -hti, -pho, and –phi.

Compound suffixes are evident in other of the Otopamean languages also. E.g., Mtz alternants kSni and kSnXi for “moler.”

Although there are cases of different suffixes occurring with the same root and forming different stems and instances of layering of suffixes, the bulk of the vocabulary consists of stems which reflect the tendency for a given root to be associated primarily with one suffix. It is this fact which allows us to reconstruct the suffixes with some degree of certainty. The fact that a root could and did occur with more than one suffix provides an explanation for the words which do not match with respect to stem-formative suffixes.

The consonants reconstructed for the stem-formative suffixes are basically the same as those reconstructed for the roots. The consonant clusters occurring in the stem-formatives are reconstructed as units which have distinctive patterns of reflexes. The segmentation of the clusters is clear in most cases for POP. Many of the reflexes are unit phonemes in the daughter languages, however.

The reflexes of the POP stem-formative consonants and consonant clusters are presented in Table 24. The reflex given in the chart might be termed the basic reflex. Departures from that reflex are specified by rules for the language in question.

TABLE 24 REFLEXES OF POP STEM-FORMATIVE CONSONANTS

Ot Maz Mtz Oc NP SP Ch

*s š š š š s š s *c8 cR sR cR cR cR cR cR *8 -- -- -- -- R R R *m -- m m -- U -- -- *m8 -- mR b b -- -- -- *mh h hm m -- -- -- -- *n n hn n -- U -- -- *n8 n nR r l nR n nR *nh hn hn n -- U -- -- *t8 tR tR t t lR n nR *t d r t t nR n nR *VA-t d r t t nR t r *8t ht ht t t Rt -- r *k g g k k U -- --87 *p b w p p *ph ph ph p p p -- --

87 The -- is used to indicate no suffix present in the cognate for that language. A complete

blank means that no cognate example is in the corpus.


Developments in the Otomian Subgroup

The languages of the Otomian subgroup (Otomí, Mazahua, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco) share the insertion of the vowel i after the stem-formative consonant and before word boundary.

[ ] # ___ cns env.in

dff

grv

voc

cns

+

+

−

+

−

→∅

These languages also share the phonetic rule that POP *s is palatalized to š. POP *R is lost intervocalically. This means that the *R is lost from both the POP vowel nucleus and the POP stem-formative suffix.

Otomi and Mazahua share a number of suffixes consisting of consonant clusters which have a glottal element as the first member. These clusters are in addition to those listed above in Table 25. The glottal element appears to be a suffix in its own right, marking some concept such as transitivity. Compare the following pairs of words. Ot-Maz *šo-hki “to open something” and *šo-gi “to be open;” Ot-Maz *khwa-hti “to finish something” and *khwa-di “to finish (an action);” Ot-Maz *mRö-RmRi “to stand something up” and **mRö-mRi to stand up;” *khS-RmRi “to pull something” and *khSmRi “to stretch;” Ot-Maz *pö-hti “to change something” and *mbö-di “to change.”

The glottal element which distinguishes the suffixes is a transitive marker of some sort. Compare the following sets.

“laugh at” Ot the-ni Maz the-ñe Mtz ta-ri NP tt[h[-lR Ch tehe-Rr “laugh” Ot the-de Maz the-Ye Mtz ta-ti Oc ta-hti NP tt[h[-dnR SP t^h^

The POP reconstruction for the first suffix is *-nR and that for the second suffix is *-t. The transitive marker is nasality and R in this case. There is not enough evidence to reconstruct clearly the transitive suffix for POP but reflexes of that suffix are evident in the above examples and in other cases as well.

In Otomian there is an alternation of the suffixes *-mR and *-k which suggests that the first may be built on the other by the addition of nasality and R, similar to the transitive feature in “laugh at.” The additional features are not


identified with transitivity in this case, however. Both suffixes may co-occur with the same root in the same language, but more often one of the suffixes occurs in the cognate in one language and the other suffix occurs with the root in the cognate of the other language. North Pame cognates are found for two of the following sets. It is not clear whether the absence of a suffix in the NP cognates indicates the absence of a suffix or whether NP had an earlier *-mR which would have lost the m by regular rule and has in these instances lost the R also.

“peinarse” Ot Re-hke (*-k) Maz Re-bRe (*-mR) Mtz ye-bi (*-mR) “dejar: Ot h[-gi (*-k) Maz h[-zi (*-k) Mtz ha-bi (*-mR), he-Xi (*-k) “lavar” Ot šS-hki (*-k) Maz *ši-bRi (*-mR) Mtz šu-Xi (*-k)< šu-bi (*-mR) “relámpago” Ot hw[i (*-mR) Maz hw[-bRi (*-mR) Mtz he-Xi (*-k) NP nw[_ (*-mR) or (no suffix) “año” Ot kh[-ya (*-mRia) Maz kh[R[ (no suffix) Mtz khølø (*-k) Oc khønlø (*-k) NP Ug^he (*-mR) or (no suffix)

The suffixes shared by Otomí and Mazahua which reflect a POP transitive morpheme are *RcR, *RtR, *RmR, *hmh, *hp, *ht, and *hk. They are not reconstructed for POP as such because of lack of evidence in the reflexes of the other languages.

Otomi and Mazahua also share the weakening of intervocalic stops.

Rules for the Developments in Otomi

Otomi preserves POP stem formative *m only in the reflexes of the Ot-Maz cluster *RmR. Elsewhere the *m is deleted. Then, the glottal is deleted after a nasal or intervocalically. The glottal-deletion rule also deletes the glottal from the sequence *nR.

(a) m > p except in env. R qqq R

(b) R > p in env. V [+cns +nas] qqq V

The Central Otomian weakened stops are voiced in Western Otomi but remain voiceless in Eastern Otomi where they contrast with the pre-aspirated fortis


stops in that dialect. The fortis stops are not pre-aspirated in Western Otomi. The symbols b, d, and g are used for the Proto-Otomi weakened stops.88

An Otomi vowel harmony rule changes the Otomian inserted i to e after e or ø in the root syllable if no nasal consonant intervenes.

[ ] [ ] # ___ nas

cns

flt

cmp

dff

env.in dff grv0

−

+

−

−

−

−→−

Rules for the Developments in Mazahua

Mazahua changes the Otomian weakened stops (symbolized b, d, and g) to voiced continuants, Maz w, r, and g when they occur intervocalically.

+

−

+

−

+

+→

−

−

+

voc

cns ___

voc

cns env.in

vcd

cnt

tense

cnt

cns

The clusters *mR, (*RmR), and *nR are denasalized after oral vowels to bR, (RbR), and dR, respectively.

[ ] [ ]

−

+

−

−

+

−+cnt

gtl ___

nas

cns

voc

env.in nas ___ cns

Mazahua palatalizes the consonants t, d, n, r, k, and g after a front vowel to X, dy, ñ, Y, c, and z respectively.

[ ] ___

grv

cns

voc

env.in shp

gtl

grv

flt

str

cns

−

−

+

+→

−

−

+

−

+

Mazahua inserts a R and a copy of the root vowel after a simple root before word boundary. The result is that all stems are disyllabic in Mazahua in contrast to Otomi, which may have monosyllabic stems.

p > RV1 in env. V1 qqq #

88 For more details on Proto-Otomi consonants see Bartholomew, loc. cit.


The RV inserted by this rule parallels the hV which results from the expansion of a root nuclei containing h. (A root of the shape CV1h becomes CV1V1 by a rule common to Otopamean.)

The vowel harmony rules were specified in Chapter II. Briefly, if the root vowel is e, ^, or ø, the inserted i assimilates completely to the root vowel. If the root vowel is i, [, or ], the inserted i remains, with assimilation for nasality. If the root vowel is S, u, o, ö, or ã, S_, a, õ, the inserted i is centralized to S and S_, respectively.

Rules for the Developments in Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco

Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco share several important rules. Matlatzinca has an additonal rule and the modern Mtz dialect of San Francisco Oxtotilpan has a further rule. Ocuilteco has two additional rules.

POP *R is retained in Southern Otomian in the reflex of *cR. The influence of *R is seen in the reflexes b and r for *mR and *nR, respectively. But elsewhere the glottal elements (R and h) are deleted from the stem-formative suffixes.89 Two rules account for these changes. The first says that a nasal consonant becomes nonnasal before a glottal stop. The second rule deletes glottal elements in stem-formative suffixes, which includes the deletion of the environmental R of the first rule.

(a) [ ]

−

+−→

+

+

cnt

gtl ___ env.in nas

nas

cns

(b) [ ] [ ] # voc

cns ___ c env.in except gtl

+

−∅→+

Another Southern Otomian rule is that after a front vowel POP *k is palatalized to X.

___

grv

voc

cns

env.in str

grv

cmp

grv

cnt

−

+

−

+

−→

+

+

−

Matlatzinca inserts a suffix –wi after a root syllable and before word boundary, i.e., when there is no stem-formative suffix. There are a few cases where the –wi is not inserted, but the conditions have not yet been determined.

89 Andrews and Shell (op. cit.) record glottal elements at morpheme boundaries for the Mtz of

San Francisco, but they don”t seem to be reflexes of POP glottal elements.


# ___ ROOT env.in wi −→∅

San Francisco Matlatzinca changes the stem-formative m to n.

[ ] # voc

cns ___

voc

cns env.in grv

nas

cns

+

−

+

−−→

+

+

Ocuilteco deletes the stem-formative –mi and –ni.

# ___ voc

cns env.in

voc

cns

nas

cns

+

−∅→

+

−

+

+

Ocuilteco has a second rule which changes Mtz-Oc r (from *nR by the rule given above) to l.

l r →

Developments in the Pamean Subgroup

The Pamean languages (North Pame, South Pame, and Chichimeco) share several rules.

POP *m is deleted before R or h. POP *p is deleted except before *h. Then POP *h is deleted from stem-formatives.

(a) [ ] # gtl ___ env.in

grv

nas

cns

+∅→

+

+

+

(b) # cnt

gtl ___ env.in except

cmp

grv

cnt

+

+∅→

−

+

−

(c) # ___ env.in cnt

gtl∅→

+

+

POP *t becomes Pamean nR except when preceded or followed by a glottal stop or in Chichimeco when preceded by a nasalized vowel. POP *tR becomes Chichimeco nR. POP *t becomes Chichimeco r before word boundary and becomes North Pame l before glottal stop and word boundary.


(a) [ ] [ ][ ]

+

+

++

++→

−

−

−

+

Ch

___

nas

voc

___/gtl___/

env.in except

gtl nas

str

grv

cnt

cns

(b) [ ] [ ] # gtl ___ env.in nas

str

grv

cnt

cns

++→

−

−

−

+

(c) [ ][ ]

++

+−→

−

−

−

+

#gtlNP

___

#Ch

___

env.in tense

str

grv

cnt

cns

POP stem-formative *k becomes a nasal consonant in Pamean. Stem-formative nasal consonants not in a cluster with glottal stop are velar in North Pame; they are deleted in South Pame and Chichimeco.

(a) [ ] # ___ voc

cns env.in nas

cmp

cnt

+

−+→

+

−

(b) [ ] # NP

___

voc

cns env.in cmp

nas

cns

+

+

−+→

+

+

#

Ch

SP

___

voc

cns env.in

nas

cns

+

+

+

−∅→

+

+

North Pame synchronic rules delete R from a stem-formative after VRV, palatalize consonants after i, and insert an oral transition before a stem-formative nasal after an oral vowel.

South Pame has palatalized *s to š in stem-formative suffixes.

Illustrations for POP Stem-formative Consonants

POP *-s

“asar” Ot hãši Maz hãšã *hã-s Mtz høši Oc høši NP hãs SP hwãš Ch hüs “tijeras” Ot Ryãši Maz Rñãša


*R]a-s NP lRyãs SP -- Ch rR]s “chiflar” Ot hSši Maz hSši *hio-s Mtz hSši Oc hSši NP nheos SP hiš Ch nes

POP *-c8

“murcielago” Ot cacRi Maz -- *coa-cR Mtz cocRi Oc cocRi NP XoacR SP nXuac Ch --

“atar” Ot tatRi Maz tantRi *tõ-tR/cR Mtz tuncRi Oc tuncRi “nudo” NP ttocR SP -- Ch tucR “nudo” “nudo” “zapatos” NP -- SP mphãcR Ch bãcR *pã-c

POP *-8

“mes” Mtz mbø Oc bø *mRão-R NP mRãoR SP mRmõ Ch mRãR “calabaza” Ot ma Maz maRa *mõih-R Mtz muhu Oc muhli NP mõhiR SP mahiR Ch mahuR “beber” NP haoR SP nhu Ch haR *hao-R

POP *-m

“tierra” Ot höi Maz hömS *hao-m Mtz hami Oc ha NP haogU SP hyaw Ch ha “noche” Ot šai Maz šõmS *são-m Mtz šømi Oc ~šu NP sãoU SP sãw Ch sã

POP *-m8

“bailar” Ot n[_i Maz n[Rme *nãih-mR Mtz nøbi Oc ñøhøbi NP nnãhiR SP nãha Ch n^h^R “jalar” Ot khSRmi Maz khSbRS


*kihRHC- Mtz -- Oc ngSbi -mR/-nR NP kkeRedn SP kuin Ch keRenR “olla” Ot cRøe Maz sRøbRø *cReo-mR NP cReoR SP cRe Ch cReR

POP *-mh

“milpa” Ot hwãhi Maz hwãhma *nhõa-mh Mtz nomi Oc nu NP nhwã SP nhna Ch nha

“sabroso” Ot kShi Maz kihmi *koi-mh Mtz qei SP -- Ch -- “sembrar Ot tahu Maz tahmS *tõ-mh Mtz tumi Oc tu NP ttõRo SP -- Ch tuRun

POP *-n

“flor” Ot døni Maz ndøhnø *ttoHC-n Mtz tøni Oc ndø NP togU SP tu Ch ro “gallina” Ot Røni Maz Røhnø *RoHC-n Mtz Røni Oc Rø NP RogU SP Ru Ch --

POP *-n8

“hacha” Ot c[ni “rajar” Maz -- *coe-nR Mtz seri Oc celi NP cc[R[dn SP ceRen Ch ziRinR “preguntar” Ot Röni Maz RönS *Rao-nR Mtz Rari Oc Rali NP RahodnR SP -- Ch R-an “reir” Ot theni Maz theñe *teh-nR Mtz tari Oc -- NP t[h[dnR SP t^h^ Ch -- “reirse” “reirse”

POP *-nh

“saliva” Ot khihni Maz kRihñi *ki-nh Mtz Xini Oc Xi NP kkigU SP ki Ch kke


“mandar” Ot p[hni Maz pehñe *pai-nh Mtz pan-ta Oc -- NP ppai SP -- Ch pe “lengua” Ot kkãhne Maz kR]hñi *kh]a-nh Mtz nXuni Oc ndYi

POP *-t8

“chupar” Ot cStRi Maz sStRS *coi-tR Mtz -- Oc cuti NP cciolR SP -- Ch c]üRün

“calentar” Ot paRtRi Maz paRtRS *pa-tR Mtz pati Oc pati NP ppalR SP -- Ch pan “tragar” Ot tatRi Maz -- *tõ-tR NP ttõlR SP taR Ch tùnR “cintura” Ot ngStRi Maz nzSntRS *tkiHCh-tR Mtz XShSti Oc -- NP kehelR SP gwihin Ch --

POP *-8t

“casarse” Ot thãhti Maz XhS_htS_ *t]ah-Rt Mtz tønye NP tt^heRt SP t^heR Ch t^her “gritar” Ot maRtRi Maz maRtRS *maR-Rt NP maRat SP -- Ch maRar

POP *-t

“hilo” Ot h[_tRi Maz h^RXR^ “hilar” “hilar” *thãi-t Mtz høti “hilar” (*nasal V-t) NP lhãiU SP nth^ Ch rh^r “rico” Ot bãdi “brujo” *pã-t (*V_-t) NP pãn SP p]et Ch pãr “contar” Ot pede Maz peYe *pe-t Mtz -- Oc mbati NP pp[R[dn SP -- Ch pin “reirse” Ot thede Maz theYe


*teh-t Mtz tati Oc tahti NP tt[h[dnR SP tehe Ch teheRr “tamale” Ot th[_di Maz th^Ye *th^-t Mtz theti Oc thenti NP lh[_R[_ SP nth^Re Ch rR]hi

POP *-k

“dejar” Ot hy[gi Maz hy[zi *hiai-k Mtz heXi Oc heXi NP nhiagU SP -- Ch nhi s

“enterrar” Ot Rögi Maz RögS *Rao-k Mtz Raki Oc Raki NP RRaogU SP -- Ch Ra

POP *-p

“arado” Ot tRabi Maz tRöphS *tRoa-p Mtz tRopi Oc tRopi NP -- SP ntRoa Ch rRu “cal” Ot cibi “fuego” Maz siwi “fuego” *ci-p Mtz cipi Oc cipi NP cRiR SP cRi

POP *-ph

“nido” Ot Rmamphi Mtz -- *ma-ph Mtz mapi Oc mapi NP mmap SP mbie Ch -- “norte” Ot mahwiphi Maz -- *hoi-ph Mtz hupi Oc -- NP sohop SP -- Ch -- “decir” Ot šiphi Maz šiphi *si-ph Mtz ši Oc -- NP sep SP -- Ch se

The Second Element of Compounds

Some cognate sets show reflexes of post-root elements which do not fit the pattern reconstructed for the stem-formative syllables. Otomi reflexes show vowels other than i or the predictable e. Mazahua and Matlatzinca reflexes show non-predictable vowels in some of the sets, but some sets show predictable vowels which presumably replaced the non-predictable vowels by analogic change.


The numerals “veinte--20” and “cuarenta--40” have the second element *te. NP and Ch have it as a full syllable. NP has a final dn which may come from a POP final *t or which may be the NP plural suffix –n. Each subgroup of languages has its own junctural features. Ot-Maz has preposed h; Mtz-Oc has preposed n; and NP-SP has a weakened t as in the B forms.

The numerals “cinco--5” and “diez--10” have the second element *tRai. The second vowel is dropped except in NP. The element looks like a derivative from the word for hand, “mano,” whose A form is Rai and whose D form would be tRai. The NP word for “diez--ten,” means “both my hands.”

“veinte--20” Ot Rnöhte Maz dyRöhte --*te Mtz nronta Oc blonda NP nda ly[dn SP Rnade “cuarenta--40” Ot yohte Maz yehte --*te Mtz nenta Oc myenda NP noi ly[dn SP tide “cinco--5” Ot kStRa Maz ciXRa --*tRai Mtz kutRa Oc kwitRa NP kikRyai “diez--10” Ot Rn[tRa Maz dyR[XRa --*tRai Mtz ndatRa Oc mblatRa NP seskaRai (se- “both,” ska

“my,” Rai “hands”)

Two sets show the element *ne which can probably be identified with mouth, “boca.” Ot has the normal reflex in the set for “abeja” (“noisy mouth”) whereas Maz has a vowel conforming to Maz vowel harmony rules. In “mentira” (“wrong mouthR”) Ot has neutralized the vowel because it is the last syllable in a three syllable word. The Mtz-Oc vowel is a, which is the normal reflex for *e. The Maz vowel is e but it also happens to fit the vowel harmony rules.

“abeja” Ot gãne Maz ngS_hnS --*ne “mentira” Ot (SC)90 Rb[hthSni Maz bR[Xine --*ne Mtz Xuna Oc benlumna

Otomi has the form -pho after root o in all three words in the sets next under consideration. Mazahua and Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco have predictable vowels. In the set “cosechar” the root vowel was probably *e as shown in the majority of the

90 The dialect of Santa Clara de Juárez, Edo. de México. San Felipe Santiago, Edo. de Méx. has Rm[thri; Mezquital Otomi has f[dri.


languages, but Otomi has root o, probably by assimilation to the o vowel of the second element.

“llamar” Ot nzopho Maz zophS --*pho Mtz copi Oc nzopi “escribir” Ot Ropho Maz RophS --*pho “cosechar” Ot šopho Maz šephe --*pho Mtz šepi Oc -- NP ss[R[

The sets “papa” and “camote” contain similar elements: *-kRa for “papa” and *-nkwãRmã for “camote”. The *-kRa is preceded by the root element *nRo but the *-nkwãRmã is preceded by a prefix with a different stress. It is conceivable that *-kRa is the reduced form of *-nkwãRmã because it occurs after a stressed root syllable. Mazahua has non-predictable vowels in these sets. Ocuilteco has the normal deletion of the second member of a vowel cluster and of the stem-formative syllable containing a nasal consonant.

“papa” Ot RnokRa Maz dRokRa --*kRa Mtz intRo Oc -- NP piURo SP -- “camote” Ot bøkRwã Maz bemgwãRmã --*nkwãRma Mtz -- Oc bønXu

The second element *nã is found in the Otomi form in the sets “luna,” “ardilla,” and “decir.” Maz has nã or nRã for “luna” but has a predictable vowel in “decir.” Mtz has predictable vowels. Oc loses syllables with nasal consonants when they occur in post-root position. NP shows the nasal consonant following the root in “ardilla” but not in “decir.”

“luna” Ot zãnã Maz zãnã, zãnRã --*nã “ardilla” Ot m]nã Maz miñi --*nã Mtz mini Oc mi NP meigU SP kumuy Ch -- “decir” Ot R[_nã Maz R^ñ^ --*nã Mtz Rini Oc Rihil (?) NP R^hiR SP -- Ch --

The elements *ta, *tha, and *ka occur in the next group of cognate sets. Otomi has the vowel a. Maz and Mtz-Oc have predictable vowels. Pamean has no trace of the second elements. The Mtz -wi in “laringe” looks like the -wi which is inserted if no stem-formative occurs. Probably the Mtz word did not contain *ka.


“maguey” Ot Rwada Maz RwarS --*ta Mtz -- Oc nloti NP ddoa SP ndyoa Ch nRu “caja” Ot hwada Maz hwarS qq*ta Mtz wati Oc hwati NP Xilhyã SP šth]e Ch -- “zopilote” Ot pada Maz ndo-parS qq*ta Mtz pati Oc -- NP waRa

“instrumento musical”

Ot Rmida Maz bRiYi

--*ta Mtz biti Oc -- NP bbeRi SP -- Ch -- “molcajete” Ot mada Maz -- --*ta Mtz mati Oc mati “espalda” Ot šStha Maz šSthS --*tha “tierra plana” Ot Rmatha Maz bRathS --*tha Mtz mpati Oc bati NP nibia SP -- Ch -- “patos de la laguna”

Ot tiga Maz tizi

--*ka Mtz tiXi Oc -- NP tti SP -- Ch -- “laringe” Ot RySga Maz dyRizi qq*ka Mtz Ryuwi Oc --

The next group of cognate sets has an element *m]a or *mR]a. Otomi loses the m and the R by the regular rule, the i becomes y and the a is retained. Mazahua regularly has hm and a predictable vowel. Mtz has m as would be expected from *m and b as would be expected from *mR. Oc loses the *m but has li for *m as if it were *nR, i.e., *m(R)] *n(R)]. The vowels are predictable in Mtz-Oc. NP has final gU in “enojado” but nothing in “año.” The Mtz-Oc second element in “año” is from *ka91 instead of *m]a and in this case has the regular reflex of *a, not a predictable vowel. The second element in “descansar” is ya in all the Otomian languages.

91 Compare the alternation of the stem-formative suffixes *-mR and *-k, discussed earlier in the chapter.


Perhaps it is an instance of borrowing. The correspondences of the second element in “confesar” are unique to that set: Ot -ni, Maz -Rmã, Mtz -nya, and Oc -ngya. Perhaps the word is a late formation, developed independently in each of the languages.

“culebra” Ot kR[_ya Maz kR]hmi --*mia Mtz nXRimi Oc XRi “llenarse” Ot n]ya Maz n]hmi --*mia Mtz nimi Oc -- NP n[_ “pecho” Ot t]ya Maz th]hmi --*mia “carbón” Ot th[_ya Maz thehme --*mRia Mtz thubi Oc thuli “enojado” Ot nc[ya Maz -- *--nia NP ncw[gU SP -- “año” Ot kh[ya Maz kh[R[ --*mia Mtz khølø Oc khønlø NP ng^he “descansar” Ot cöya Maz saya --ya Mtz coya Oc nzoya “confesar” Ot nkhwãni Maz khwãRmã --*R Mtz kunya Oc keyungya NP kkwãhoU SP --

6/9/2010 114

CHAPTER VI THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PERSON AND

NUMBER MORPHEMES

The purpose of this chapter is to reconstruct the person and number morphemes of Otopamean and to trace their development in each of the daughter languages. The person and number markers constitute a subsystem of the morphology of the language. A change in any member of the subsystem often affects other members of the system as well. The effect of analogic change is seen in cognate sets whose phonological correspondences do not match the regular sound correspondences. This chapter will attempt to identify the motivations for analogic change in the development of the person and number morphemes in the various languages.

The system reconstructed for POP is as follows. First and second person markers had stressed forms as well as unstressed forms. The unstressed forms were derived from the stressed forms by the deletion of the vowel(s). Third person occurred only in the unstressed form. Dual and plural markers and the exclusive markers were stressed and as such contained a vowel. The Pamean languages subsequently lost the vowel from these forms so that the vowel is not reconstructable except where cognate forms exist in Otomian.

Person markers

The POP person markers along with reflexes in the daughter languages are presented in Table 25.

TABLE 25 OTOPAMEAN PERSON MARKERS

first person second person third person

POP *kao *-k *k8e *-k8 *-p

Ot kö -k kRe/Ri -kR -p Maz kö -k kR[ -kR -p Mtz kaki -k kacRi -k -p NP kaok -k heokR -k -p SP kak -k hukR -kR -p Ch ikagu -x ihekRu -k -f

115 VI Person and Number Markers

The Otomian bound forms have inserted vowels of predictable quality (not shown on chart). The vowel of POP *kRe is a front vowel. Perhaps it cannot be further specified. The Mazahua vowel is identified as [ in Spotts” article but is written e in later materials. The Otomi morpheme in dialects not adjacent to Mazahua is Ri. The palatalized k (X) in Matlatzinca suggests an i.

The reconstructed forms for first and second persons in POP are *kao and *kRe, respectively. Pamean has reduplication of the first person marker: *kaokao. It has preposed heo- for the second person morpheme: *heo-kRe. Regular loss of word final vowels in Pamean gives the forms kaok and heokR. North Pame forms show no further development.

Chichimeco has preposed i- to the Pamean forms. The second vowel of each vowel cluster is metathesized with the final consonant. The regular rule is to simply delete the second member of a vowel cluster. However, in order to explain the Chichimeco word final vowel it would be necessary to insert it by some special rule which operates only in this instance. I have chosen to state the rule as a metathesis because the “inserted” vowel happens to be identical with the vowel which has been “deleted”. The disadvantage to this solution is that the metathesis rule is unique to this situation. Intervocalic *k is voiced and *o is phonemically reassigned to Chichimeco u. The resulting forms are ikagu and ihekRu.

South Pame has lost the second member of the vowel cluster from *kaok by the regular rule. It lost the first vowel from the cluster in *heokR. The irregularity may be explained if we assume that SP had preposed i- parallel to the Chichimeco forms. There is a rule which deletes the first vowel of a cluster if it is identical with (or shares certain distinctive features with) the vowel in the preceding syllable. Following the deletion of the e from heokR, a later rule would delete the preposed i-. The phonemic reassignment of *o to SP u gives the present day forms kak and hukR.

Otomi and Mazahua have the normal reflexes of POP *kao and *kRe, kö and kRe,92 respectively. Matlatzinca forms have preposed ka-. The vowels have been neutralized to conform to the pattern of the inserted word final -i. However, the palatalized k (X) of the second person form kaXRi implies an adjacent front vowel. Thus, there is a trace of the vowel distinctions of the original morphemes.

The development of the first, second, and third person bound forms presents no problem. The reconstructed forms are *-k, *-kR, and *-p, respectively. Mtz and Ch have lost the R from *-kR. Ch has fricative reflexes of *-k and *-p. The development of *te is regular. Mtz a is the regular reflex of *e.

92 The e vowel varies to [ or i in the different dialects.


Number markers

The dual, plural, and exclusive markers, as shown in table 26, present an interplay of analogic change and regular sound change. The etyma as reconstructed are: dual exclusive *mRe, dual *i, dual *sV, plural exclusive *ho, plural *nV, and plural *te.

TABLE 26 OTOPAMEAN NUMBER MARKERS

du. excl. dual dual pl. excl. pl. pl.

POP *m8e *i *sV *ho *nV *te

Ot Rme wi he hS te Maz bRe wi hme hi te Mtz bi we hø ho ta NP mR i mR n t SP m (s) m n t Ch mp/-v- s ha n r

In Pamean final vowels are lost by the regular rule, except for the dual -i which consists of only a vowel.

North Pame loses final h by regular sound change with consequent loss of the plural exclusive *ho. The gap in the system is filled by the extension of the dual exclusive morpheme *mRe to signal the plural exclusive as well. The dual *sV is lost (no apparent motivation) and is replaced by the dual *i.

South Pame shares with NP the loss of *ho and the extension of the dual suffix *mRe to serve as the plural exclusive. In addition, the SP rule to delete the second member of the vowel cluster eliminates the dual *i. There followed an extension of the dual *sV as the general dual, but dual as a category was later eliminated. The *sV survives in a few words like mat-tehes “will marry” which are normally restricted to dual action.

Chichimeco keeps the plural exclusive *ho as ha. The vowel in Chichimeco needs to be explained in view of the fact that word final vowels are normally deleted. The vowel may be due to metathesis from the first person morpheme ikagu which frequently precedes it. But Jaime de Angula brings up a point which may invalidate this theory. He says that the final vowel of the singular ikagu is often voiceless whereas the vowel of the plural exclusive ikagha is always voiced and, furthermore, is nasalized.93 It may be that the retention of the vowel in the plural exclusive marker is due to occurrence in slightly different environment with respect to stress. The nasalization of the vowel may be by analogy with the other plural

93 Jaime de Angulo, loc. cit., p 155.

117 VI Person and Number Markers

markers from *nV. The dual *i is lost via the Ch rule which deletes the second member of vowel clusters. The dual *sV was extended as the general dual.

In Otomian the dual *sV has been replaced by the extension of the dual *i. Otomian wi from *i shows the development of w, presumably to avoid hiatus.

The sound change in the development of plural *te is regular, but there has been a semantic shift. Whereas the -t suffix in Pamean is a general plural, in Otomian it is used as a generalized personal object, translatable as “people” as in Ot phöš-te “help people.”

The semantic displacement of *te is accompanied by the loss of the plural *nV. Otomian has extended the plural exclusive *ho, via analogy, to a general plural function.

A proportion exists between the exclusive morphemes and the dual and plural morphemes as follows:

dual exclusive : plural exclusive

: :

dual : plural

The underlying forms of the Otomian plural morphemes are compounds consisting of *ho as first member and the corresponding dual form as the second member, thus:

dual exclusive mRe

: plural exclusive *ho-mRe

dual wi

: plural *ho-wi

Otomi-Mazahua deletes the o from the plural forms, giving hmRe and hwi, respectively. The R is deleted from the cluster hmR. These rules give the Mazahua form hme for “plural exclusive.”

Otomi deletes the m from hme giving the form he.

The regular rules for the development of POP vowel clusters give Ot hS and Maz hi for “plural inclusive.”

Matlatzinca converts *ho-mRe into høbi (via the same rule that converts *mRe into bi and some rule which changes the o into ø). It leaves the *howi unchanged.

6/9/2010 118

CHAPTER VII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP TONE

The preceding chapters have reconstructed the segmental features of Otopamean stems. This chapter reconstructs the supra-segmental features of costrastive pitch.

All of the Otopamean languages have contrastive lexical pitch. The tone systems of the individual languages differ with respect to number of tonemes, the role of stress and the positions in the word for which certain tone contrasts are relevant. Brief sketches of the synchronic tone systems are given in the following paragraphs.

Synchronic Tone Systems

Chichimeco, Matlatzinca, and Ocuilteco

Chichimeco and Matlatzinca are reported to have noncontrastive stress. Jaime de Angulo94 says of Chichimeco that there is no noticeable difference of stress or quality. There are two levels of pitch, high and low, one of which occurs on each syllable of the word. All possible combinations of tone occur on two syllable words except that the sequence low, low is very rare. Henrietta Andrews95 admits phonetic stress in Matlatzinca, but demonstrates that it is non-contrastive because it can be altered without affecting the meaning whereas altering the pitch often alters the meaning. She further observes that there seems to be a rhythmic pattern which places stress on alternate syllables. Andrews records vowel length for Matlatzinca, but its phonemic status has not been demonstrated. Matlatzinca, like Chichimeco, has two levels of pitch, high and low. There are certain nonpermitted tone sequences and certain kinds of tone sandhi which were observed by Andrews in her preliminary study, but a thorough analysis has yet to be made. Ocuilteco has a contrastive pitch which looks very similar to that described for Matlatzinca, but no systematic analysis has yet been made.

94 Jaime de Angulo, loc. cit. 95 Henrietta Andrews, “Observaciones en Fenómenos Tonales de Matlatzinca”, 1945.

(Typewritten)

119 VIII Tone

North Pame and South Pame

North Pame, as described by Gibson,96 has a tone-stress system where stress normally falls on the root syllable and there is a contrast of high, low, and falling pitches. Contrastively, stress may occur on the prefix syllable, and in that case the pitch is always high. The pitches on non-stressed syllables are predictable. Leonardo Manrique97 postulates a similar tone system for South Pame.

Otomi and Mazahua

Mazahua has been described by Eunice Pike98 as having tonemic and intonemic systems which operate in complementary domains. There is no lexically contrastive pitch on stem-formative syllables and when these syllables occur at the end of a sentence their pitch is determined by the intonational contrasts. Stem-formative syllables occurring elsewhere in the sentence have a non-contrastive carrier pitch. Lexical pitch occurs on root syllables and on prefixes. Root syllables are stressed and have three contrastive pitches: high, low, and falling. (Donald Stewart,99 working with a different variety of Mazahua, reports a contrastive upglide in addition to these three). Prefix syllables are unstressed and have only a high-low pitch contrast.

The tone system of Otomi is very parallel to that Mazahua. Root syllables have three contrastive pitches: high, low, and rising. (Eastern Otomi also distinguishes a falling tone).100 Sinclair and Pike101 noted that final syllables in Mezquital Otomi were always high tone, but they didn”t correlate this fact with positional restriction of number of contrasts nor with the role of intonation as was done in the later analysis of Mazahua which was referred to above. Otomi prefix syllables have two contrastive pitches as in Mazahua.

96 Lorna F. Gibson, “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics”. 97 Leonardo Manrique, “Descriptive sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dilect)”. 98 Eunice V. Pike, loc. cit. 99 Personal communication. La Concepción, District of Ixtlahuaca, Edo. de México. 100 Eastern Otomi tone is described by Katherine Voigtlander in an unpublished paper,

“Interference of Lexical Pitch and Stress by contrastive Rhythmic Pattern in Eastern Otomi”, 1963. (Typewritten)

101 Donald Sinclair and Kenneth L. Pike, “The Tonemes of Mezquital Otomi”, IJAL, XIV (1948), 91-98. For a different treatment, see Morris Swadesh and Frances Leon, “Two Views of Otomi Prosody”, IJAL,XV (1949), 100-05. Also, see Frances Leon, “Revisión de la fonología del Otomí”, Anales del Instituto National de Antropología e Historia, XV (1962), 315-30. Recently Harvey Russel Bernard, in an unpublished paper, did a generative restatement of Mezquital Otomi tone in terms of two pitches and geminate vowels. Dictionary entries for Otomi words are marked only with the first occurrence of high tone, the other tones being specified by three ordered rules.

For the tone analysis of another dialect of Otomi, see Henrietta Andrews, “Phonemes and Morphophonemes of Temoayan Otomi”, IJAL, XV (1949), 213-22. Temoaya is Southwestern Otomi.


Reconstruction of POP Tone

Otopamean pitch contrasts have a grammatical as well as a lexical function. That is, a paradigm may contain tonally differentiated forms, the tone marking certain grammatical categories. Sometimes the tone alone marks the category and sometimes it is a redundant marker. The grammatical function of tone contrasts presents a problem in identifying cognates which match with respect to tone. A comparison of 32 noun paradigms was used as the nucleus of the tone reconstruction for Chichimeco and North Pame. This approach provided a certain amount of control over paradigmatic variants.

In spite of the typological differences in the tone systems of Chichimeco and North Pame, the languages belong to the same subgroup and have a very similar grammatical systems. The categories and forms in noun paradigms match almost perfectly. (Those in verb paradigms are more varied and do not match as well). It was found that the disyllabic tone patterns of Chichimeco words match the single tone-stress phonemes of North Pame words. The Pamean prefixes appear to have no contrastive pitches of their own.

Pamean noun paradigms mark possession. There are four basic forms: (1) first person possessor, (2) second person possessor, (3) third person possessor and (4) third person plural possessor. ( Plural of first and second person forms do not involve stem alternants). Forms 3 and 4 differ in initial consonantism but have the same tone pattern, usually. The majority of the noun paradigms in this nuclear study have the same tone pattern for forms 1 and 3 but a contrasting tone pattern for form 2. Stem initial consonants, however, may be of the pattern ABCD where all forms are different or of the pattern EFEF where 1 and 3 are alike and 2 and 4 are alike.

The citation of tone on words is by means of diacritics written above the vowel: á or /V for high tone, à or `V for low tone, ]V for rising tone, and [V for falling tone. Capital letters are used for talking about the tones when abstracted from the segmental Phonemes: H for high tone, L for low tone, R for rising tone , and F for falling tone. The NP high tone on the prefix syllable will be written (H).

Nine of the paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH in forms 1 and 3 and NP F corresponding to Ch HL in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *L--F1.

102

“woman’s sister, etc.” = J (Romero-Driver)103

NP hoèo nh[o nhèo

102 *F1 marks a falling tone different from *F2. *F2 is reconstructed for the correspondence of

NP H or (H) to Ch HL 103 The Chichimeco forms for kinship terms are listed as given by Romero and Driver (1963)

because they were carefully checked, especially where they differed from Angulo (1933). The forms are from Driver, loc. cit., , 159-60.

121 VIII Tone

Ch nàhí únhò [_nhí Pamean *L-F1

“ojo-”eye/face” NP nattào Ugot[ao Ugotào Ch k`tá útá ùrá Pamean *L-F1 “nariz-nose” NP conn`ã XiUy[õa XiUUy`õa Ch kànú kánù kànú Pamean *L-F1 “mano-hand” NP skaRài skanR[a skanRià *L-F1 kàRá kánRà kànRí Pamean *L-F1 “milpa-field” NP kann`õa kon[õa kon`õa Ch kùnú kínù Pamean *L-F1 “oreja-ear” NP cokkw`ã Xiky[ão Xik`yão Ch sùk/ã sík`ã sìk`ã Pamean *L-F1 “boca-mouth” NP katt`[ kol[[ kon`[ Ch kàtí útì ùní Pamean *L-F1 “labio-lip” NP coll`[ Xill[[ XiUUy`[ Ch sùní sínì sìní Pamean *L-F1 “sangre-blood” NP kokhwìk kikkh[i kikhì Ch kùkh/e kíkhè kìkh/e Pamean *L-F1

Four of the paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH for forms 1 and 3 and NP (H) corresponding to CH HL. The reconstructed paradigm is Pamean *L-F2.

“mother”tE (Romero-Driver) NP rawí104 ácRõ wacR`õ Ch n/ãn/ã&& úcRà `[cR/a Pamean *L--F2

104 The first person forms for both NP and Ch are suppletive. The NP may be from the

Spanish “virgin”. The Ch náná is the word for “mother” found in many Mexican languages. The reconstruction assumes that 1 and 3 were alike in tone before the suppletion took place.


“calzones-trousers” NP nokkòiR nákkoi/ nakòiR “skirt”105 naUkhòiR naUkh[oikR naUkhòRp “trousers” Ch rùkú rúkù rùgú Pamean *L--F2 “pie--foot” NP makkwà màkkwa makwà Ch nàkú ékù ègú Pamean *L--F2 “plato--bowl” NP nommàhag

U nimyáhagU nimmyàhagU

Ch nùmá nímà nìmá Pamean *L--F2

Three of the paradigms match with NP H corresponding to Ch LH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponding to Ch HL for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is Pamean. *R--F2 (rising) is for the correspondence NP H to Ch LH.

“sombrero--hat” NP namb/éheR UgowéheR UgowéheR Ch nàmbá úngwà ùmá Pamean *L--F2 “nombre--name” NP nah/õR Ugoh/õR Ugoh/ôR Ch nàh/a únhà ùnhí Pamean *L--F2 “cuchillo--knife” NP tahéš kihéš nahéš106 Ch tàté kítè tàté Pamean *L--F2

Two paradigms match with NP L corresponding to Ch LH in all three forms. The reconstructed paradigm is *L--.107

“grandmother” t D (Romero-Driver) NP rattòi attòi watòi Ch n[al/[R108 ùtú `[l/[R `[rú `[R Pamean *L--

105 NP “skirt” more closely matches Ch “trousers”. NP “trousers” seems to be a fixed stem derived from “skirt”. The tone correspodences between NP “trousers” and ch “trousers” would call for Pamean *L-F1.

106 These forms do not match in consonantism. The D forms are NP ralh/e]s and Ch ràrh/e, which do match. It looks like one or the other of the paradigms is a back formation from the D form.

107 The notation *L-- means that the tone is the same throught the paradigm. If two tones are listed, e.g., L--F1, the first is for forms 1 and 3 and the second for form 2.

108 The Ch first person form is the suppletive na (cf. the supppletive nana for “mother”) plus the suffix l[R which is probably some sort of honorific.

123 VIII Tone

“father”sister, etc.” t F (Romero-Driver) NP rattòi attò watòi “grandmother”109 Ch nàt/ü_ ùt/ü_ `[r/ü_ Pamean *L--

There are three paradigms in which NP H or (H) corresponds to Ch HH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H--R.

“grandfather, etc.” t C (Romero-Driver) NP rahíU wahíU wanhíU Ch n/ãh/[_ ùmh/[_ /[nh/[_ Pamean *H--R “wife” t N (Romero-Driver) NP RíaRa nRíaRa wánRia Ch màs/a 110 ùníRí úníRì Pamean *H--R “husband” t M (RomeroDriver) NP Ryo/ãU nRo/ãU wanRo/ãU Ch náR/a ùnR/a únR/a Pamean *H--R

There are two paradigms in which NP H corresponds to Ch HH in forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H-L.

“parent-in-law” t Q (Romero-Driver) NP lugU ly`[gU wanugU Ch úrí ùrí /[ní Pamean *H--L “excremento--faeces” NP nappói Ugopòi Ugopói Ch náp/ü úv/ü uní Pamean *H--L

There is one paradigm where NP H, L, and F for forms 1,2,3, respectively, correspond to Ch HH, LH, HH. The reconstructed paradigm is *H-L-F1.

“older brother, etc.” t G (Romero-Driver) NP láiR lyài wan[ai Ch úru ùru unu Pamean *H-L-F1

The next paradigm shows NP H corresponding to Ch HH for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponding to Ch HL in form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *H--F2.

“wife’s brother, etc.” t O (Romero-Driver) NP akkoáR ekkoáR wakoáR Ch úkúR úkùR ugúR111 Pamean +H--

109 The two sets are really the same with respect to the basic morpheme which apparently can refer to any female relative. Ch has a nonsuppletive first person form in the second set.

110 The first person form is suppletive.


In the next paradigm NP L corresponds to Ch LH in forms 11 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH in form 2. In this case the paradigm is reconstructed as Pamean *L-- and the Ch HL in form 2 is attributed to analogic change influenced by the predominant pattern of contrastive second person forms.

“wife’s sister, etc.” t P (Romero-Driver) NP kommò kimò kamò Ch kàm/a kámà kàm/a Pamean *L--

In the following paradigm NP F corresponds to Ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The reconstructed paradigm is *F1--L.

“estómago--belly” NP naamb[ao Ugowào Ugom[ao Ch námbà ùngwá ùmá Pamean *F1--L

The next paradigm sows NP (H) corresponding to ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP L corresponding to Ch LH. The reconstructed paradigm is *F2--L.

“agua--water” NP kónd[ kiky`[ kíUgy[ Ch kúndì kìrí kìndì Pamean *F2--L

In the next paradigm NP H corresponds to Ch HL for forms 1 and 3 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for form 2. The Ch LH is considered to be an analogical replacement of an earlier HH, influenced by the predominant pattern of a contrastive second person form. The reconstruction, then, is Pamean *F2--.

“animal--animal” NP nambáRi UgowáRi UgomáRi Ch námbè ùngwé úmè Pamean *F2--

In the final paradigm NP H corresponds to Ch HH for form 1 and NP H corresponds to Ch LH for forms 2 and 3. The reconstructed paradigm is *H-R-R.

“olla--crock” NP naccéR UgocRéokR Ugocw/éR Ch nátsé ùtsé ùzé Pamean *H-R-R

For further control over paradigmatic tone variants a study was made of the available noun paradigms for each language on a synchronic basis to see which patterns were most numerous. The results of that study are presented in Table 27. The most numerous pattern in the two languages (NP L--F, Ch LH--HL) is also cognate, reconstructing as *L--F1. The third most numerous pattern (NP H--L, Ch HH--LH) reconstructs as *H--L. The other tone patterns in the same row are not cognate.

111 Angulo’s tones for this set are LH-HL-HL.

125 VIII Tone


TABLE 27 TONE PATTERNS IN NOUN PARADIGMS

IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO

NORTH PAME CHICHIMECO L--F 28 LH--HL 48 H-- 19 HL--LH 27 H--L 10 HH--LH 5 (H)--L 10 HH-HL-HL 4 F--L 5 HL-LH-HH 4 L--H 3 LH-HL-HL 4 L--(H) 3 HH-- 1 F-- 2 HH-LH-LH 1 H--F 2 LH-HL-LL 1 F--H 1 LH-LH-HL 1 (H)--H 1 HL-LL-HL 1 H-L-F 1 HL-LH-LL 1 H--(H) 1 HL-LH-LH 1 L-- 3 Total 89 Total 99

Verb paradigms were also tabulated for each language. In the case of the verbs it was more difficult to choose diagnostic forms because of the increased number of the forms themselves. The third person singular of the present tense (or the progressive aspect) was considered to be the base form and any departure from the tone pattern there was listed as a variant. In each language there is a large number of verbs which have no tone variants. This fact is significant because cognate verbs in the two languages are likely to match with respect to tone. Table 28 presents the tone patterns in verb paradigms.

Encouraged by the lack of extensive tone sandhi in the verbs, I made a tabulation of the tone patterns on nonparadigmatic material in the cognate sets where tone had been recorded. The tone correspondences noted in this material were then compared with the correspondences noted in the reconstruction of the noun paradigms. The tones reconstructed in the paradigms were: *L (NP L to Ch LH), *F1 (NP F to Ch HL), *F2, (NP H to Ch HL), *H (NP H to Ch HH), and *R (NP H to Ch LH). These turned out to be the correspondences with the Largest number of examples in the nonparadigmatic material. Additional correspondences showed up in the nonparadigmatic material but with much fewer examples. Table 29 presents the number of examples of each correspondence in the paradigmatic material, (subdivided for kin terms and nonkin terms), and for nonparadigmatic material, (subdivided for verbs and nonverbs).

127 VIII Tone

TABLE 28 TONE PATTERNS IN VERB PARADIGMS

IN NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO

NORTH PAME CHICHIMECO H 23 HL 71 L 18 LH 34 L--H 11 HH 25 H--(H) 9 HL-LH 20 (H) 7 LH-HL 10 F--(H) 3 LH-HL-HH 7 F--H 1 HH-LH 1 L--F 1 HL-LL-HH 1 L--(H) 1 F-- 1 H--L 1 Total 76 Total 169

There are some distributional peculiarities of Pamean *R. In the paradigmatic material it always occurs in those paradigms in which NP has high tone throughout the paradigm. In the verb material *R alternates with *F2 in 4 out of 5 examples. Probably the correspondence NP H to Ch LH is not a reflex of a Pamean toneme but is the consequence of some rule which is an innovation in one or the other languages.

The instances of *F2 in the nonkin paradigmatic material are also connected with NP paradigms with high tone throughout. The large number of examples in the nonparadigmatic material, however, establishes the correspondence as a reflex of a Pamean toneme *F2

TABLE 29 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN

NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO

Paradigmatic Material Nonparadigmatic Material kin nonkin verbs nonverbs Totals *L 7 14 7 23 51 *F1 1 10 1 10 22 *F2 2 6 17 30 55 *H 7 3 5 17 32 *R 3 5 5 8 21

Other Correspondences

NP F to Ch LF......................4 NP L to Ch HL......................7 NP F to Ch HH......................3 NP L to Ch HH......................3 NP H to Ch LL......................1


NP H to Ch HL......................1

The additional tone correspondences encountered in the nonparadigmatic material are discounted at this point because of the proportionately small number of examples, such that they may represent errors in matching forms for tone.

The Pamean tonemes, then, stand at *L, *F1,*F2, and *H.

The cognate sets for the nonparadigmatic material are listed in Appendix I.

Reconstruction of Otomi-Mazahua Tone

A preliminary reconstruction of Otomi-Mazahua tone was done by Donald Stewart of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in 1954-1956.112 Stewart compared four dialects of Otomi with one dialect of Mazahua. Three of the Otomi dialects had identical tones.113 They are labeled Western Otomi in contrast to the Eastern Otomi dialect of San Gregorio.114 San Gregorio has different tones but there is a one to one correspondence with the Western Otomi tones except in the monosyllables where two of the tones have merged to SG low tone. The tones which Stewart reconstructs for Proto-Otomi are identical with those of Western Otomi. Table 30 presents the correspondence between Western and Eastern Otomi tones and the Proto-Otomi reconstructions. The correspondences are grouped according to two-syllable words (i.e., those with stem-formative suffixes) and one-syllable words (i.e., those without). There is no contrastive tone on stem-formative syllables.

TABLE 30 STEWART’S RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-OTOMI TONE

Western Eastern Proto-Otomi Two Syllable H R *H

Words L F *L R L *R

One syllable R L *R Words H L *H

L F *L

He compared Proto-Otomi tone with Mazahua as reconstructed four tones for Proto-Otomi-Mazahua as if Table 31.

112 Stewart’s study is unpublished. In 1956 he presented it orally to a “Mesa Redonda

Linguistica” in Mexico City under the title “Reconstrucción de Tono para Otomí-Mazahua”. I have a carbon copy of that paper.

113 The three dialects are (1) Santa Clara de Juárez, municipo de San Bartolo Morelos, Mexico, (2) San Felipe y Santiago, municipio de Jiquipilco, Mexico, and (3) Mezquital Otomi of Tasquillo, Hidalgo, and of Tlacotlapilco, municipio de Cilcuautla, Hidalgo.

114 San Gregorio, Municipio de Huehuetla, Hidalgo.

129 VIII Tone

The Mazahua dialect on which Stewart based his 1956 reconstruction is that of Santa María Citendeje, which has three contrastive tones: high, low, and falling. Since then, Stewart has been doing field work in La Concepción which is in a different section of the Mazahua area.115 La Concepión distinguishes four tones: high, low, falling, and rising. Stewart has not pursued his reconstruction any further to take in the data from La Concepión, but he very kindly made available to me a list of the Mazahua equivalents for the Spanish glosses in my corpus of cognate sets. The Mazahua forms were marked with the tone contrasts of La Concepción.

TABLE 31 STEWART’S RECONSTRUCTION OF OTOMI-MAZAHUA TONE

Proto-Otomi Mazahua Otomi-Mazahua Two Syllable H Ha/L *H

Words H F *F L L *L R Ha/F *R

One Syllable R F *R Words R F *H

L L *L aIn the environment followed immediately by R or h and another consonant.

In order to make maximum use of the data from La Concepción, I went through the Mezquital Otomi dictionary116 for cognates with the Mazahua forms. On the basis of Stewart’s reconstruction, cited above, the Mezquital forms would be representative of Proto-Otomi tone. A substantial number of cognates, about 200, resulted from the comparison. These cognates were grouped into 12 groups according to the sets of tone correspondences. The phonological characteristics of the words in each group were noted for determining complementary distribution of the sets of correspondences. Table 32 summarizes this information. The full list of Otomi-Mazahua cognates is given in appendix J.

TABLE 32 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN OTOMI AND MAZAHUA

Maz H Maz L Maz F Maz R

I II III IV

Ot R 4 sets 23 sets 16 sets 32 sets 11 “one”a 9 “one” 11 “one” 12 “two” 7 “two” 21 “two”

115 It is in the municipio of Ixtlahuaca, México. Santa María Citendeje is in the municipio of

Jocotitlán, Mexico. 116 “Diccionario Castellano-Otomí; Otomí-Castellano,” Cuadernos del Valle del Mezquital, I,

Numero 1, (Itzmiquilpan, Mexico: Ediciones del Patrimonio del Valle del Mezquital y el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1956), vii-283.


V VI VII VIII Ot H 13 sets 40 sets 40 sets 28 sets 16 “one” 3 “one” 19 “one” 24 “two” 37 “two” 9 “two” qqR/hCV not R/hCV IX X XI XII Ot L 6 sets 84 sets 9 sets 8 sets 82 “two” cpds. 2 “one”

aThe numbers “one” and “two” refer to one and two syllable words, respectively.

The tones reconstructed for Otomi-Mazahua are *H, *F, *L, and *R, the same as Stewart reconstructed. The correspondences in the present analysis differ from Stewart’s where Santa María has eliminated *R by merger with H and F. The rules specify the changes in Santa María. (1) *R > Ha/F in two syllables words. (2) *R > H in one-syllable words. Stewart’s reconstruction of *R in two-syllable words is justified by the dialect of La concepción.

The sets of correspondences for one-syllable words have been assigned to different proto tonemes. The new correspondence Ot H to Maz R (where Concepción R replaces Santa Maria Ha/F) is reconstructed as *R. The correspondence Ot R to Maz F which is the same as in the earlier materials is now assigned to *F whereas Stewart had reconstructed it as *R. The new materials show Ot R corresponding to Maz L in monosyllables as reflexes of *L. This contrasts with Stewart’s correspon-dence of Ot L to Maz L for *L. Table 33 presents the correspondences and the reconstructions of the two analyses. The Roman numerals refer to the groups on Table 32 above.

TABLE 33 OTOMI-MAZAHUA TONE RECONSTRUCTION

COMPARISON OF THE TWO RECONSTRUCTIONS

Stewart Present Analysis

Ot Maz Ot-Maz Ot Maz Ot-Maz

Two Syll. H Ha/L *H H Ha/L *H (V, VI) H F *F H F *F(VII) L L *L L Ha/L *L(IX, X) R Ha/F *R R Ha/R *R (I, IV) R F *R R F *F(III) H H *H H R *R(VIII) L L *L R L *L (II)

aIn the Environment followed immediately by R or h and another consonant.

131 VIII Tone

The environments postulated by Stewart for the different sets of correspon-dences are confirmed by the present more exhaustive study. The correspondences in Table 33 and the environments specified there match the groups in Table 32 and account for all the groups except IX (Ot L to Maz H), XI (Ot to Maz F) and XII (Ot L to Maz R). These groups have very few examples compared with the other groups. Group XI seems to be composed of compound words. The other groups do not present any distinctive characteristics. They may be false cognates or there may be some other factors involved which we can’t see at present.

Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco Tone

Available materials on Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco tone are too scanty to permit a reconstruction at this time.

Otopamean Tone

The reconstruction of Otomi-Mazahua tone for the Otomian subgroup and the reconstruction of North Pame-Chichimeco tone for the Pamean subgroup provide a basis for reconstructing certain features of Otopamean tone. The lack of a Mtz-Oc tone reconstruction is not crucial because we have a representative from the Otomian subgroup in the shape of Ot-Maz.

For the reconstruction of Otopamean tone a corpus of 147 cognate sets was assembled for which there is a tone corresspondence between the two sub-groups. The corpus is listed in Appendix K.

Table 34 displays the characteristics of the groups of words for the sets of tone correspondences between the sub-groups. The number of examples of the correspondence appears in the appropriate cell along with the number of those examples which end in a POP consonant (--C) and the number which are without a final consonant (--#) and the number which have a vowel cluster (VV), The vowel cluster category overlaps the category of final consonant.

TABLE 34 TONE CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN

OTOMIAN AND PAMEAN

Ot-Maz *R Ot-Maz *L Ot-Maz *F Ot-Maz *H

Pn F1 6 sets 10 sets 3 sets 2 sets 0 --C 8 --C 1 --C 1 --C 6 --# 2 --# 2 --# 1 --# 2 VV 8 VV Pn *F2 4sets 14 sets 8 sets 7 sets 1 --C 13 --C 3 --C 2--C 3 --# 1 --# 5 --# 5 --#


2 VV 6 VV 4 VV 3 VV

(cont.) Ot-Maz *R Ot-Maz *L Ot-Maz *F Ot-Maz *H

Pn *L 18 sets 7 sets 18 sets 6 sets 4 --C 5 --C 12 --C 3--C 14 --# 2 --# 6 --# 3 --# 8 VV 4 VV 6 VV 5 VV Pn *H 8 sets 9 sets 3 sets 7 --C 8 --C 1 --C 1 --# 1--# 2 --# 3 VV 2 VV 1 VV Pn *R 3 sets 3 sets 3 --C 2 --C 0--# 1 --# 1 VV 2 VV

Note: For each correspondence the total of sets shown at the top equals the sum of the sets with final consonant and those with final vowel. The numbers given for VV are included (i.e., overlap) those given for C andór #.

Those correspondences which are represented by three or less examples are ignored as probable chance correspondences. This eliminates the correspondences Ot-Maz *F to Pn *F1, Ot-Maz *H to Pn *F2, Ot-Maz *F to Pn H, Ot-Maz *L to Pn *R, and Ot-Maz *L to Pn *F. The phonological feature which seems most consistently connected with the tone correspondences is that of final consonantism. A final consonant is prominent in the columns with Ot-Maz *L and *F. The absence of a final consonantism is prominent in the columns with Ot-Maz *R and *H, except for the case of the correspondence Ot-Maz *R to Pamean *H, where, conversely, final consonants predominate. In the case of the correspondence Ot-Maz *H to Pn *L, moreover, the number of sets without final consonants is exactly equal to that of sets with final consonants. The reconstructed tone units I, II, III, and VI (see Table 35 below) have been chosen so as to unite those correspondences which share the same Pamean tone and which pair reflexes of Ot-Maz *L in the environment of final C with those of Ot-Maz *R in the environment of final V (i.e., #), or else which pair reflexes of Ot-Maz *F in the environment of final C with those of Ot-Maz *H in the environment of final V (i.e., #). These groupings and complementations then account for all significantly large sets of corrspondences except for the two above mentioned with aberrant incidence of tone-consonantism relation (viz., Ot-Maz *R to Pn *H and OT-Maz *H to Pn *L). These two sets of correspondences which do not show parallel relations between tone and environment are provisionally grouped with those remaining sets showing expected tone-consonant relations so as to form tone units IV and V according to the shared Pamean tone.

133 VIII Tone

TABLE 35 OTOPAMEAN TONE RECONSTRUCTIONS

Final Consonant No Final Consonant POP Tone

O-M *L to Pn *F1 O-M *R to Pn *F1 I *[FL] O-M *L to Pn *F2 O-M *R to Pn *F2 II *[HF] O-M *L to Pn *L O-M *R to Pn *L III *[L] O-M *L to Pn *H O-M *R to Pn *H IV *[R] O-M *L to Pn *L O-M *H to Pn *L V *[F] O-M *L to Pn *F2 O-M *H to Pn *F2 VI *[H]

The phonetic characteristics which we might imagine POP to have had are hinted at above in Table 35. Three POP tones seem to have had some contour of falling pitch: I *FL, II *HF, and V *F. Tone II might be thought of as low, tone IV as rising, and tone VI as high. It is hazardous to try to be more specific about the falling tones, but if F is thought of as a direct straight-line fall, FL (“fall + low”) could be pictured as a sharp fall, and HF (“high + fall”) could be pictured as a slow, or delayed fall.

The Development of POP Tone

Otomian Rules

Otomian lowers POP tones I [FK], II [HF], and IV [R] to L and places a downglide on VI [H]. Then it raises L to R and takes the downglide from F, producing H, in words without final consonant.

(1)

→

F

L

VI

IVII,I,

(2) ___# env.in H

R

F

L

→

The derivation of Otomian tones via these rules is shown in Figure 4.

I II III IV V VI

[FL] [HF] [L] [R] [F] [H]

Rule 1 L L L F Rule 2 R# R# R# R# H# H#

Fig. 4. Derivation of Otomian Tones

Otomi moves a gliding tone to its end point in monosyllables (derived from POP roots without final consonants): *R goes to H; *F goes to L. Then all low tones (original ones and those resulting from the preceding rule) are raised to R on


monosyllables. In two-syllable stems (the second syllable from a POP final consonant), Otomi takes a downglide from *F, producing H. The statement of rules in this order makes it unnecessary to state the environment for the last rule.

1. ___# env.in L

H

F

R

→

2. L > R in env. qq#

3. F > H

The derivation of Otomi tone via these three rules is shown in Figure 5.

*L *R *F *H

Rule 1 H# L# Rule 2 R# Rule 3 H

Fig. 5. The Derivation of Otomi Tones

Mazahua has one rule for the derivation of its tones from Otomian tones. A high tone is lowered to L everywhere except before a glottal stop followed by another consonant.

[ ]cns cnt

gtl ___ env.in except L H +

−

+→

The derivation of Mazahua tones is shown in Figure 6.

*L *R *F *H

La

Fig. 6. The derivation of Mazahua Tones

aIn all environments except followed by R and another consonant.

Pamean Rules

There are three rules for the development of Pamean tones from POP tones. The first rule decomposes the simple tones to sequences of pitches: L, H, R, and F become LL, HF, LH, and HL, respectively. Then the sequences FL and HF (from all sources) to to Pamean F1 and F2, respectively. The third rule deletes the first member of the remaining tone sequences.

135 VIII Tone

(1)

[ ][ ][ ][ ]

→

HL

LH

HF

LL

F

R

H

L

(2)

→

2

1

F

F

HF

FL

(3) T(tone) > p in env. qqT

The derivation of Pamean tones from POP tones via the three rules is shown in figure 7.

I II III IV V VI

[FL] [HF] [L] [R] [F] [H]

Rule 1 LL LH HL HF Rule 2 F1 F2 F2 Rule 3 L H L

Fig. 7. The Derivation of Pamean Tones

Pame has one derivational rule. It changes F2 to H.

F1 F2 L H

H

Fig. 8. The Derivation of Pame Tones

Chichimeco has two derivational rules. The first rule decomposes the Pamean tones into sequences of tones, merging the reflexes of F1 and F2. The second rule distributes the tone sequences over the root syllable and its prefex.

(1)

→

HH

HL

LH

H

F ,F

L

21

(2) 2121 TRoot T Pref. T TRoot Pref. →


The derivation of Chichimeco tones from Pamean tones is shown in Figure 9.

F1 F2 L H

HL HL LH HH

Fig. 9. The Derivation of Chichimeco Tones

6/9/2010 137

CHAPTER VIII THE RECONSTRUCTION OF POP PREFIXES

The purpose of this chapter is to present the problems inherent in the reconstruction of POP prefixes. Jacques Soustelle affirmed in 1937 that if we had only the verbal prefixes to compare for the Otomi-Pame group, “toute affirmation de parenté entre ces divers langages demeurerait très téméraire.”117 He made this comment after he had demonstrated extensive matchings in vocabulary, pronouns, and parts of the morphology.

The development of the stem-initial consonant alternations involved the loss of one group of prefixes and the introduction of new prefixes. One might expect that the new prefixes, having less time depth than the old consonant alternations, would present rather close matches right down the line, but this is not the case. Between the subgroups the number of cognate prefixes is very small. Within the subgroups there are more correspondences of present day prefixes, but there is not the regularity of sound correspondence that is seen in the stems. There are several possible explanations of this lack of correspondence. The formation of the new prefixes may have been through independent but parallel developments in the separate languages, making use of elements already in the language and adapting them for prefix use. These elements may have retained some of the characteristics of free forms, including that of optional occurrence. Secondly, there is evidence of a layering or clustering of prefixes with later coalescence into a single syllable by morphophonemic rules. In addition, analogic change has operated within the morphological subsystems marked by the prefixes, obscuring the results of phonetic change.

Some of the best matches with respect to the prefixes are encountered in Pamean. This is partly due to the greater integration of prefix and stem in the word. North Pame tone-stress occurs mostly on the root, but it may occur on the prefix. The Chichimeco tone unit is spread over prefix and root. A good amount of data is available for the Pamean prefixes because of the paradigmatic material gathered for studying the consonant alternations. Angulo’s article118 is the source of the Chichimeco data. For North Pame an unpublished paper by Donald Olson of the

117 Jacques Soustelle, loc. cit., 427. 118 Angulo, loc. cit.


Summer Institute of Linguistics provides material on verb prefixes119 and an unpublished paper by Lorna Gibson provides material on the noun prefixes.120

The Noun Prefixes

The noun prefixes mark several different things. Some are derivational prefixes as the following North Pame analysis by Gibson illustrates. With nouns derived from the C stem of verbs, ka marks “agentive;” nga, “someone’s attitude or action;” ki, “place connected with action.” With nouns derived from the D stem, na marks “nominalized action in general;” ki, “something you do;” ko, “liquid;” ka, “agentive.” The prefix nda plus the A stem marks “instrumental.” The prefix lo plus the B stem marks “subject of intransitive action;” nda, “instrumental.” Note that two of the prefixes occur with more than one form of the verb.

Some prefixes mark number of the noun. Most of these prefixes demonstrate a morphophonemic relationship between the singular prefix (which is often one and the same with the derivational prefix) and the corresponding plural prefix. The NP data here are from Gibson. The analysis of the morphophonemics is mine, however.

The singular prefixes look like C forms morphophonemically, i.e., basic p, t, or s with a NV prefix. The plural prefixes look like B forms morphophonemically, i.e., basic p, t, or s with a V prefix. The actual morphophonemic rules here differ somewhat from those of the ABCD stem forms. Similar to C forms, the result of the nasal prefix plus a stop is a nasal consonant. In contrast to C stem forms, the result of a nasal plus the sibilant is an affricate. In addition, the nasal consonants resulting from the first rule merge to Ug before the vowel o.121 Table 36 shows the results of the combination of morphophonemes in singular prefixes.

Table 36 shows the results of the combination of morphophonemes in the corresponding plural prefixes. The result of the vocalic prefix plus a stop is a vocalic consonant and the sibilant is unchanged, just as in B forms. Note that either vocalic consonant becomes a nasal consonant (symbolized M) in the environment where it would occur before the vowel o (except that plural ro corresponds to singular no). The merger to M in the plural prefixes corresponds to the merger to Ugo in the singular prefixes.

There is an alternate explanation for the singular prefix set ma, mi, Ugo and the plural prefix set wa, wi, M--an explanation which goes back to an earlier horizon. The underlying consonant is postulated as **kw which becomes POP *p except before the vowel *o (hence NP Ugo). Thus, **NV-kwa, **NV-kwi, **NV-kwo results in *NV-pa, *NV-pi, *NV-ko and, consequently, ma, mi, Ugo. Likewise,

119 Donald Olson, “Person-aspect Morphemes of Pame Verbs,” 1954. (Typewritten) 120 Lorna F. Gibson, “Patterning in Pame Noun Morphology,” 1964. (Typewritten) 121 A prefix no exists, but it appears to have a different source, perhaps from a coalescence of

something like na plus ko.

139 VIII Prefixes

**V-kwa, **V-kwi, **V-K results in *V-pa, *V-pi, *V-ko and wa, wi, *�o. The *� is then replaced by the nasal M. The Ugo singular and M plural for (NV, V)-t would be analogy after **kw went to *p in the underlying form This is worth noting here, since, unlike the rest of the prefix problems, it affects the reconstruction of consonant features, and ties in with other, e.g., suffix phenomena. Cf. the frequent correspondence of a reflex of *k in one language to a reflex of *mR in another language, and vice versa, Chapter V.

TABLE 36 NORTH PAME SINGULAR NOUN PREFIXES

a i o

NV + p ma mi Ugo NV + t na ni Ugo, no NV + s ca Xi co

TABLE 37 NORTH PAME PLURAL NOUN PREFIXES

a i o

V + p wa wi M122 V + t la, ra li, ri M, ro V + s sa ši so

In addition to those prefixes just discussed, there are other NP prefixes marking number. The plural prefix for a number of NP words is ri or i although the corresponding singular prefix is of several different shapes. These may be specific plural prefixes of a more independent sort because they are matched by the South Pame plural prefixes y and re reported by Manrique.123 Unfortunately, parallel Chichimeco forms are not available for the plural prefixes. Angulo indicates that number suffixes mark the number of Ch nouns as the active process. However, some remnants of the morphophonemic relation between singular and plural prefixes are found in the prefixes of nouns which are typically plural as opposed to prefixes of nouns which are typically singular. E.g., “children” Ch ru, ri, ri, but “child” Ch nu, ni, ni. Perhaps Ch cu, ci, ci, in “wing” are plural prefixes in contrast to the singular prefixes su, si, si, as in “lips” (parallel to NP co, ci, ci; so, ši, ši). However the affricates may be by assimilation to the second syllable of the word, e.g., cúc`^ “my wing” from *súc`^.

The Otomi and Mazahua singular and plural prefixes for nouns have just one form for singular and one for plural. These are combined with prefixes marking the category in sight/out of sight, as in Table 38.

122 The M symbolizes a nasal consonant which assimilates to the point of articulation of the stem-initial consonant.

123 Manrique, “Structural Sketch of South Pame.”


141 VIII Prefixes

TABLE 38 OTOMI AND MAZAHUA NOUN PREFIXES

Singular Plural in sight out of sight in sight out of sight Ot (SF)a nSr kar yS kS Ot (MEZ)b ra ya Maz nu e kRe yo kRo aDialect of San Felipe Santiago, Edo. de Mexico. bDialect of the Mezquital Valley, Edo. de Hidalgo.

The sound correspondences in these prefixes are not the same as those in stems, but Otomi ra and Mazahua e appear to be cognate and Otomi yS and Mazahua yo appear to be cognate.

Besides marking derivation and number, noun prefixes also mark person of the possessor for possessed nouns. An analysis I made on the basis of Gibson’s noun paper of North Pame showed a remarkable correlation of ABCD forms with prefixes containing the vowel a in the first person and the vowel o in second and third persons. There was a similar correlation of EFEF stem forms with prefixes containing o in first person and i in second and third persons. There are Chichimeco correspondences for both types of prefix sets as well as of two other types, one where the first and second persons have the vowel a and second person as i and another type where the prefix is unchanged for the three persons. The cognate prefix sets are as follows.

With ABCD Stem Forms

NP na ngo ngo Ch na u u *Pn *na *no124 *no NP ka ko ko Ch ka u u *Pn *ka *ko *ko

With EFEF Stem Forms

NP ko ki ki Ch ku ki ki *Pn *ko *ki *ki NP co Xi ci Ch tsu tši tsi *Pn *co *ci *ci (sing.)

124 Perhaps an early crossing with *ko.


NP so ši si Ch su si si *Pn *so *si *si (plural) NP no ni ni Ch nu ni ni *Pn *no *ni *ni (sing.) NP ro ri ri Ch ru ri ri *Pn *ro *ri *ri (plural)

Other Patterns

NP ta ki na Ch ta ki ta125 *Pn *ta *ki *na NP ska ska ska Ch ka ka ka *Pn *(s)ka *(s)ka *(s)ka

Words which are cognate with respect to their stems don’t necessarily match for prefix set. Evidently words have been re-assigned to other prefix sets in those cases. Then too, as would be expected, there are prefix sets in each language which do not match a cognate set in the other language. The cognate prefix sets mentioned above are, however, evidence of a common development of noun prefixes in Pamean at least.

The North Pame and Chichimeco kinship terms would merit special study because their prefixes are irregular, different from those found with nonkinship nouns, suggesting retentions from an older system. The kinship prefixes do not, however match in any easy fashion between North Pame and Chichimeco although there is a remarkable correlation of stem forms. The scope of the present work prohibits more than a simple listing of the forms. Table 39 presents the corresponding prefixes for cognate kinship terms in North Pame and Chichimeco. The sets of prefixes are identified by the capital letters used by Romero and Driver in their material on Chichimeco kinship.126 Only the prefixes are given. Full forms are given in the chapter on tone.

There are no cognate noun prefixes between Pame and Otomian. Furthermore, there is a lack of agreement within the Otomian subgroup for prefixes marking possessor. The Otomian languages, with the exception of Ocuilteco, have only one set of possessor prefixes, whereas the Pamean languages and Ocuilteco point to multiple prefix sets for POP. The lack of agreement between the prefix sets

125 Ch ta is probably analogical. 126 Driver and Driver, loc. cit.

143 VIII Prefixes

in the Otomian languages can be attributed to the generalization of a different prefix set or to the formation of an entirely new prefix set modeled, perhaps, on one of the POP sets.

TABLE 39 PREFIXES FOR NORTH PAME AND

CHICHIMECO KINSHIP TERMS

North Pame Chichimeco 1 2 3 1 2 3

J # n n-i- na u e127 G # y n- na u e O a e wa u u e P ka ki ka ka ka ka L na ngo ngo --128 -- u M na ngo ngo na u u N i n wan (ma)129 u u Q # -i- wa u u e D ra a wa na u e E ra a wa na u e F ra a wa na u e B ra -i- wo (ta)129 u e C ra wa wa na u e

The noun prefixes marking possession in each of the Otomian languages are shown in Table 40. Otomi and Mazahua have one set each. Matlatzinca has one set for nouns referring to humans and another set for other nouns. Ocuilteco has a more complex system which has been only partially investigated. The prefix sets encountered so far are listed in the table.

TABLE 40 OTOMIAN POSSESSOR PREFIXES

1 2 3

Otomi mà nì rá Mazahua ín ìn ó Matlatzinca we tu tu (human) the ri ri (other)

127 The e corresponds to Romero and Driver’s [, which appears to belong to the e phoneme. 128 There are no Ch cognates of these forms. 129 The Ch first person form is suppletive.


1 2 3 Ocuilteco m130 lì ~131 nì ní ní-m pì pí pì wà wè wè-m nà né né-n nà ná nì

The Verb Prefixes

The verb prefixes show some matches but there are many irregularities of sound correspondence and many instances of suppletion and general reshaping of prefix sets.

North Pame and Chichimeco have similar prefixes for transitive and intransitive verbs in progressive, unreal progressive, perfective, and unreal perfective aspects. The names just cited are those given to the aspects in North Pame. The Chichimeco equivalents are the major prefix sets 39 and 64 for transitive and sets 59 and 65 for intransitive.132 Ch anterior past matches the perfective; potential matches the unreal perfective; future matches the progressive; and potential and contempo-raneous match the unreal progressive. Table 41 presents the corresponding NP and Ch prefix sets for these categories. First and third persons are grouped next to one another because they frequently have the same form. Second person forms are different and usually have the vowel i.

Some of the prefixes in the chart are obviously complex, inviting segmentation and the formulation of morphophonemic rules. For instance, the unreal forms appear to contain an additional nasal element. The transitive perfective forms in NP also contain an additional nasal element, but it is different from that of the unreal forms in its morphophonemic behavior.

TABLE 41 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIX CORRESPONDENCES

1 3 2

NP Transitive Perfective no ndo ni Ch Set 39, Anterior Past tu u ki NP Intransitive Perfective ta ko ki Ch Set 59, Anterior Past ta u ki

130 Syllabic nasal. 131 Voiceless syllabic l. 132 The numbers of the major prefix sets and the names of aspects are from Angulo, op. cit.

145 VIII Prefixes

1 3 2

NP Tr. Unreal Perfective nto mdo mni Ch Set 39, Potential nu mu mi NP Intr. Unreal Perfective nta mba ngi Ch Set 59, Potential ma ma mi NP Transitive Progressive la wa ki Ch Set 39, Future ga ga ki NP Intransitive Future ta la ko Ch Set 59, Future ta ga ki NP Tr. Unreal Progressive ndo/nda nda ngi Ch Set 64, Potential and Contemporaneous mu mu mu NP Intr. Unreal Progressive nta nda nko Ch Set 65, Potential and Contemporaneous na na za

The reconstruction of these prefixes (and others not shown in the above chart) will constitute an interesting study in sorting out the effects of regular sound change, morphophonemic rules affecting the coalescences of compound prefixes, and analogic reshaping. Such a study would be too extensive to incorporate in the present reconstruction.

The verb prefixes in the present day languages generally mark person and aspect. Matlatzinca verb prefixes also mark number. Soustelle drew special attention to this feature of Matlatzinca and thought it was peculiar to Matlatzinca except for a few verb prefixes marking number in Chichimeco.133 It is true that Otomi and Mazahua verb prefixes do not mark number, but North Pame as well as Chichimeco marks the number of a first person subject in at least some aspects and prefix sets (Ch set 59, for example). There are no apparent cognates between the NP-Ch number prefixes and those of Matlatzinca, however. Some of the NP and Ch number prefixes do seem to be cognate.

Table 42 presents the Matlatzinca verb prefixes for the timeless aspect. The dual forms appear to have the base kwen. The second person Xen shows a palatalized X from an earlier *k or *kw, probably due to a compounding with second person singular Ri. The plural forms show an additional aspiration in the first and second persons. The third person plural prefix is a suppletive morpheme, reflecting again the Otopamean feature of especially distinguishing the third person plural.

133 Soustelle, loc. cit., p. 426.


TABLE 42 MATLATZINCA VERB PREFIXES MARKING NUMBER

Singular Dual Plural

First Person tu/ta kwen kwhen Second Person Ri Xen Xhen/Xo134 Third Person # kwen ron

Table 43 presents some of the corresponding North Pame and Chichimeco prefixes marking the number of a first person subject. Note that the vowel a predominates in singular forms, i in dual forms, and u is frequent in plural forms. The dual i resembles the dual suffix in NP. The plural u resembles the Ch plural ha.

TABLE 43 NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO VERB PREFIXES

MARKING NUMBER

Singular Dual Plural

NP la ta wa Ch na na nu ta ti gu ma ma mu NP ta ti i nta nti mbi Ch ta ti gu ta ti ti ka ki ki

Last in this survey of Otopamean prefixes is a display of Otomi, Mazahua, and Matlatzinca verb prefixes for what we will label as the present, past, and future tenses, Table 44. There are several similarities, some of which certainly reflect some cognate prefixes, e.g., Ot-Maz first person past, Mtz-Maz second person future, and Ot-Maz third person future.

134 The alternant Xo is a different reflex of the labio-velar *kw (*ko).

147 VIII Prefixes

TABLE 44 SOME VERB PREFIXES IN OTOMI, MAZAHUA, AND MATLATZINCA

1 2 3

Ot Present dí gí Rì Maz rì ìm # Mtz tu ki/Ri # Ot Past dú gú bì Maz ró ím ó Mtz ta ki/Ro tu/ka Ot Future gù gì dà Maz rá rí rà Mtz ru ri karitatu

The prefix syllables of Otopamean present a more complex problem in reconstruction than do the stems. At present we are doing little more than lining up some of the material which may contribute to a more extensive treatment later on.

6/9/2010 148

CHAPTER IX OTOPAMEAN AND OTOMANGUEAN

Otomanean is a branch of Otomanguean along with Mixtecan, Popolocan, Amuzgo, Zapotecan, Chinantecan, and Chiapanec-Mangue. Similarities between Otomi and Zapotec and other of the so-called Otomanguean languages were pointed out many years ago by men like Belmar and Pimentel.135 In 1939, Lawrence Ecker published a comparison of Mixtec (San Miguel el Grande) and Otomi (Mezquital),136 suggesting some tentative phonological correspondences as well as some twelve general characteristics common to Otomi and Mixtec. (He counts Mix s t Ot š; Mix š t ts; and Mix k t Ot p or k as fairly sure correspondences.) He hoped to demonstrate that “the two groups are not separated by such a long period of independent development as some other circumstances may seem to indicate.”137

The Otomanguean grouping was made by a “largely intuitive application of comparative and reconstructive method,” as McQuown puts it.138 McQuown considers Ecker’s proposed Mixtec-Otomi grouping to be less than convincing and short of a full reconstruction. Ecker probably did as much as anyone could to demonstrate a relationship between two languages as far removed from each other as Otomi and Mixtec. Ecker also had to work with limited data from those languages with little or no control of the sources of the present day forms in the respective languages.

Now, however, we are in a much better position to specify the relationship of Otopamean with the rest of Otomanguean because of the detailed reconstruction of Mixtecan by Longacre139 and Popolocan by Gudschinsky.140 Gudschinsky also laid the foundation for the reconstruction of Popolocan-Mixtecan. Longacre subsequently amplified Gudschinsky’s reconstruction and further clarified the

135 Francisco Belmar, Lenguas Indígenas de M/exico. La Familia Mixteco-Zapoteca y sus Relaciones con el Otomi, (M/exico: n.p., 1905), 374 pp. Francisco Pimentel, op. cit

136 Lawrence Ecker, “Relationship of Mixtec to the Otomian Languages,” El México Antiguo, IV (1939), 209-240.

137 Ibid., p. 216. 138 Norman A. McQuown, “The Indigenous Languages of Latin America,” American

Anthropologist, LVII (1955), 501-570. Quote from page 577. 139 Robert E. Longacre, “Proto-Mixtecan,” Indiana University Research Center in

Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, Publication 5, 1957, pp. vii-195. 140 Sarah C. Gudschinsky, “Proto-Popotecan,” Indiana University Publications in

Anthropology and Linguistics, Memoir 15, 1959, pp. vii-118.

149 Appendix A North Pame Verb Paradigms

structure of Popolocan-Mixtecan grammar.141 He added a number of cognate sets to those proposed by Gudschinsky. The combined number of cognate sets amounts to finding Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan etyma for fifty per cent of Gudschinsky’s Popolocan reconstructions.142 Many of the Popolocan-Mixtecan cognates are rather divergent in form and semantics, but they are justified by the regular patterns of consonant alternations evident in Mixtecan paradigms and by similar patterns of consonant alternations between semantically related words in both Mixtecan and Popolocan. These and other phonological modifications are explained as influenced by preposed and postposed elements. Longacre highlights five points of Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan grammar (morphophonemic features) which he feels strengthens the case for the reconstruction.

(1) Noun paradigms were marked by one of two patterns of consonantal alternation, either (a) *t, *ty, y, *n or (b) *�, *��, y, *n. (2) Verb paradigms were marked by *kw, *k, y/*x/*w, and *t/*�. (3) Any of the above could occur with a preposed nasal, either (a) *m before y, *w, and *n, or (b) *n before other consonants. This preposed nasal was sometimes final on a preposed CV syllable, sometimes simply a preposed consonant. (4) Postposed elements included: (a) an element here symbolized as *-m but which could conceivably have been *-mV; (b) *-R (or *-RVR) plus or minus *m, and (c) *-xV plus or minus *-m. Element (a) sometimes resulted in a dissimulation of labials giving such alternations as *xwV/*xVm and *kwV/*kVm. (5) *RC and *C alternated in some roots.143

Soustelle saw a number of lexical similarities between Otomi and languages of the Popolocan family, especially Chocho and Popoloca.144 Swadesh, in his article on the Otomanguean hypothesis,145 based his lexico-statistic counts on Mazahua from Otopamean and Ixcatec from Popolocan. He found twenty-two apparent cognates out of ninety-seven pairs. Although there is room for disagreement respecting the identification of specific cognates, more lexical similarities are apparent between Otopamean and Popolocan than between Otopamean and Mixtecan or any of the other branches of Otomanguean. But even between Otopamean and Popolocan there is not a very impressive array of cognates demonstrating regular phonological correspondences.

141 Robert E. Longacre, “Amplification of Gudschinsky’s Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan,” IJAL,

XXVIII (1962), 227-42. 142 I.e., for 179 out of 356 Proto-Popolocan sets. 143 Longacre, “Amplification of Gudschinsky’s Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan,” loc. cit., pp. 237. 144 See Soustelle’s section on the relationship of Otomi-Pame and Mixtec-Zapotec, loc. cit.,

pp. 435-39. 145 Swadesh, loc. cit. Swadesh makes further observations on the incorporation of Otopamean

into Otomanguean (working chiefly with Otomi and Mazahua) in “Algunos Problemas de la Lingüística Otomangue,” Anales de Antropología, I (1964), 91-123.


Proto-Otopamean and Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan

If we had only the lexical similarities, the case would not be very good for incorporating Otopamean into the reconstruction of Otomanguean. However, in several cases where there appear to be cognates between Otopamean and Popolocan-Mixtecan, there is an alternation of consonants in Otopamean which parallels fairly closely the alternations in Popolocan-Mixtecan. The Otopamean consonant alternation spoken of here is an earlier phenomenon than the consonant alternation of the ABCD forms described in Chapter III. The earlier alternation is deduced from groups of words with related meanings which share certain phonological features.

The alternation of tR, th, and mh is deduced from the POP words *tR^-m “atole,” *th^-t “tamale,” and *mh^ “tortilla.” Note how similar this alternation is to Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction *Rni, *xVm-Rni for “maize ear.” (PPn 239 *Rnih] “maize ear,” 199 *hme “maize;” PMx 37 *RniR “maize.”) The basic root-initial consonant is *Rn. The m replacive is due to the preposed *xVm-. The t in POP alternates with n in the old tV paradigm.

The alternation of n, nh, th, and tR is deduced from the POP words *nõa-mh “to plow,” *nhõa-mh “cornfield,” *thõa “maize,” and *tRoa-p “a plow.” Compare Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction *nam, *tam, *ntam “cornfield.” (PPn 251 *nu “cornfield;” PMx *tam, *ndam “cornfield.”) The nh in POP “milpa” is a D form of the n in “to plow.” The t in “maize” and “a plow” indicate an alternation between t and n such as is found in the POP tV paradigm.

The alternation of R, tR, nR, y, and cR is deduced from the POP words *tR]a-s, *nR]a-s “scissors,” *Ria-s “to cut with scissors,” *nia-s “carpenter,” and *cR]a-s “sharp.” Compare Longacre’s PPnMx reconstruction *kwe(m), ye(m), *nDe(m)146 “sharp. (PPn 344 yahu “sharpen,” 72 *ka(š-) “sharp;” Pmx ya(m) “sharp,” 55 *nde “knife.”) This set is important because the y alternant appears to be preserved in Otopamean in spite of the general elimination of semi-vowels. The cR in POP “sharp” could correspond to PPMx *nDe(m) because in several sets POP *c corresponds to PPnMx *�.

These three instances of similar consonant alternation in probably cognate sets are strong evidence for genetic relationship. A thorough incorporation of Otopamean into Otomanguean is beyond the scope of the present dissertation. Such a work is being undertaken by Calvin Rensch for his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania. Rensch is taking into account all seven branches of Otomanguean (Otopamean, Popolocan, Mixtecan, Amuzgo, Chinantecan, Zapotecan, and Chiapanec-Mangue). This chapter presents forty-six apparent cognate sets between Otopamean and Popolocan-Mixtecan, along with preliminary observations about sound correspondences and possible explanations of the differences between

146 PPnMx D stands for a reconstruction which could be either *t or *�.


the phoneme inventories of POP and PPnMx. The reconstructed phonemes of PPnMx and POP are displayed in Figure 10.

Popolocan-Mixtecan Otopamean

t ty k kw R i ï u p t k R i o

� �y x xw e a o c e a

n ny m s

y w m n

Fig. 10. Phoneme inventories of Popolocan-Mixtecan and Otopamean

Popolocan-Mixtecan consonants include palatalized and labialized stops and fricatives and the semivowels *w and *y. The PPnMx system is in contrast to the much simpler consonant inventory in Otopamean which does not have palatalized or labialized consonants, nor does it have semi-vowels. On the other hand, POP has a bilabial stop which is absent in PPnMx.

The consonant correspondences in the cognate sets are as follows:147

POP *t : PPnMx *t (4, 41, 62, 63, 64, 82) POP *n : PPnMx *n (206G, 238G, 62) POP *t : PPnMx *n (247G, 205G, 59) POP *n : PPnMx *t/ty (85, 42G) POP *k : PPnMx *k (16, 68G, 47G, 248G, 287G) POP *k : PPnMx *kw (13, 52G, 85G) POP *p : PPnMx *w (313G, 324G, 328G) POP *m : PPnMx *w (58, 75) POP *m : PPnMx *m (58, 59, 75, 76) POP *o : PPnMx *w (71, 72, 73) POP *ni : PPnMx y (6, 8, 66, 70, 78, 82, 238G, 252G) POP *c/s : PPnMx *�/ �� (18, 19, 29, 31, 105G, 20, 24) POP *h : PPnMx *x/xw (188G, 51) POP *R : PPnMx *R (58, 72, 73, 78)

The correspondences of POP *t to PPnMx *n and POP *n to PPnMx *t probably reflect the alternation of *t and *n in the proto language.

The correspondence of POP *p to PPnMx *w indicates a source for POP *p. The correspondence of POP *m with PPnMx *w indicates a source for POP initial *m. The PPnMx *m was very limited in distribution, occurring chiefly in

147 A simple number marks sets from Longacre’s amplification (numbered consecutively in

his list, which he did not number). A G following the number marks sets from Gudschinsky.


postvocalic position. It looks like a proto *w split to POP *m, *o and *p (*m after preposed *m, *o after certain other consonants, and *p elsewhere).

The correspondence of POP *ni to PPnMx y indicates the prefixing of *n and the general elimination of y as a consonant in POP.

The labialized and palatalized consonants may be considered as clusters with *w and y, respectively, as far as the POP reflexes are concerned.

There are two points where Otopamean and Popolocan are closer phonetically in contrast to Mixtecan. POP and PPn have sibilant and affricate reflexes of *� (PPn *c, *X, *š; POP *c, *s) and they have the simple *h reflex of *x.

There are six Popolocan-Mixtecan vowels. The reflexes of those vowels in Popolocan-Mixtecan languages are affected by preceding consonants and by the postposed nasal *m. The postposed nasal (whose presence was optional in some instances) accounts for nasalized reflexes of vowels as well as certain differences in vowel quality. No vowel clusters are reconstructed for PPnMx. Otopamean, on the other hand, is reconstructed as having four vowels and a system of vowel clusters. The POP vowel clusters sometimes correlate with *w, y, or the palatalized or labialized consonants in PPnMx. Sometimes they correlate with the postposed nasal. The centralizing element HC, postulated for POP, correlates with the postposed nasal in two instances.

The stem-formative consonants in POP appear to be largely, if not entirely, a new accretion.

The vowel correspondences in the cognate sets are as follows:

POP *a/ã : PPnMx *a (63, 75, 58, 206, 73, 188G) POP *e : PPnMx *a (64, 313G, 324) POP *e : PPnMx *e (328G) POP *e : PPnMx *u (250G) POP *o/õ : PPnMx *o (20) POP *e/^ : PPnMx *i (4, 59) POP *oa : PPnMx *o (68G) POP *oe : PPnMx *e (18, 19) POP *oe : PPnMx *ï (24, 29) POP *iHC : PPnMx *(kw)e(m) (13) POP *iHC : PPnMx *a(m) (16) POP *ao : PPnMx *a(m) (41, 227G, 62) POP *oa : PPnMx *a(m) (62) POP *ai : PPnMx *(y)a(m) (85, 8, 31) POP *iã : PPnMx *(y)e (82) POP *io : PPnMx *(y)a(m) (70, 68, 252G, 6) POP *iõa : PPnMx *(ty)u (426G) POP *io : PPnMx *(y)i (78, 238G, 105G) POP *]a : PPnMx *(y)i (76)


POP *oa : PPnMx *(w)a (73, 52G) POP *ao : PPnMx *(xw)e (51) POP *oe : PPnMx *(w)i (71) POP *oe : PPnMx *(w)e (72)

Otopamean -Popolocan - Mixtecan Cognate Sets

42G PPnMx *tyu (PPn 42 *tyha; prep: *ntyi, *tyi “nose;” PMx 267 *tum, *tu; prep: *ku, *�u “nose, to sniff, smell”) POP 534 *si-n]o/si-nõa “nose.”

47G PPn *Rki “dye, paint;” POP 614 (Ot-Maz) *koi-h “dye.”

49G PPnMx *kam (PPn 49 *ka “ear;” PMx *kö, prep: yV- “ear of grain”) POP 560 *tkão “ear.”

52G PPnMx *kwaR (PPn 52 *ka, prep: *ši “leaf of tree;” PMx 128 *kwaR “bush, plant,” 236 *ko, prep: *ndö, yö, *xö “broom, firewood, leaf”) POP 66 (Pn) *kõa-n “tree.”

68G PPnMx *ko, prep: �a (PPn 68 *ku, prep: *nca “foot, leg;” PMx *�ako <T da[3ko[21 “foot” POP 608 *tkoa “foot.”

85G PPn 85 *kwheR, prep: š “green, unripe;” POP 787 (Pn) *koih-tR “green.”

105G PPnMx *� (PPn 105 *ch] “milk;” PMx 7 *�i, yi, prep: *ka, *xa, *�a, *kwa “nurse, drop, breast, small quantity of”) POP 243 *cioHC-tR “suck,” 482 *cioHC-tR/-R “nurse.”

188G PPn 188 *ha, hã, prep: š “roast, oven;” POP 77 *hã-s “roast.”

206G PPnMx *nam (PPn 206 *hnu “squirrel;” PMx 225 *nö “squirrel”) POP 70 *mi-nã “squirrel.”

238G PPnMx *RniR, *�i (PPn238 *nih^, *shã “three;” PMx *RniR prep: *wa “three”) POP 860 *nh]o-R/-nR “three.”

247G PPn 247 *na “buy;” POP 196 *tao-m “buy.”

250G PPn 250 *nu; prep: h “laugh;” POP 677 *ten-nR/-tR “laugh at,” 677 *teh-t/-nR “laugh.”

252G PPnMx *Rnam(R) (PPn 252 *Rnu, prep: hi “tobacco;” PMx 233 *nöR, prep: yu, *xa “cigarette, tobacco”) POP 730 *nRioi-mR “tobacco.”

284G PPnMx *Rka, prep: *x (PPn 284G *nka, *kha “chase, run;” PMx 123 *Rka, prep: *ka, *xi, *ki, *nda “walk, path”) POP 214 *kõ-mR/-R “chase, run.”


287G PPn 287 *nku; prep: *ñu, yu, *ña, ya, *nu, *Rni “church;” POP 165 (Ot-Maz) *nkõ “house.”

313G PPn 313 *wa; prep: *Xu “measure;” POP 200 *pe-t/-nR “count.”

324G PPnMx *waRa, *waR (PPn 324 *waRa, *waha “weave;” PMx 131 *kwaR, *waR, *kaR, *ndaR “spin;” 180 *Rwa, prep: yu, *� “thread”) POP 733 *pe “weave.”

328G PPnMx *(R)we (PPn 328 *Rwa, prep: *šu “lace;” PMx 68 *weR, prep: yu, *� “straw mat”) POP 743 *pe “weave,” perhaps POP 384 *hãi-n/-tR/-m “spin.”

4 PPnMx *ti-xV, *timR (PPn 27 *the “cough;” PMx *ti(m)R “sneeze”) POP 763 *he(-h), *the(-h) “cough, a cough.”

6 PPnMx yam, *tya(m) (PPn 35 *tya, *tye “windpipe, breath, voice:” PMx yam “throat, neck”) POP 429 *Ri-ioHC-ka “throat.”

8 PPnMx *tya(m)-xV, *(n)tya-RV (PPn 40 *tyha “hand, arm, shoulder;” Pmx 195 *tam “span, measure,” 149 *t/ndaRa “hand”) POP 484 *Rai, *nRiai “hand,” 179 *koi-tRai “five.”

13 PPnMx *kwe(m)(R), *nkwe(m)(R) PPn 65 *ka, *nka “extend;” PMx 147 *kw/k/x/nd/ta “pull, guide, stretch,” 154 *ngw/k/ndaR “junp, arrow, dart”) POP 180 *kiHCh-t/-nR “belt,” 413 *kiHC-nR/-mR/-tR “pull.”

16 PPnMx *ka(m)(-xVm) (PPn 79 *kahã “ant;” PMx 200 *kam “louse, fly, ant”) POP 393 *khiHC “ant.”

18 PPnMx *(n)�e (PPn 95 *ce “star;” PMx *�aR “sky”) POP 327 *coeHC “star.”

19 PPnMx *n�e (PPn 97 *ce “light a fire,” 147 *s^ “dawn, light, candle;” PMx 172 *(R)yam(R), *(n)�e(m) “fire, burn, sun, light”) POP 69 *tcoeHC-t “burn,” 290 *(n)ttoe “burn.”

20 PPnMx *(n)�o (PPn 103 *cu “nipple, teat;” PMx *�o[43 “milk”) POP 473 (Pn) *c(R)õ “mother,” 320 *sõ/*co “wife.”

24 PPnMx *R�yim (PPn 126 *Xã “frost, cold;” PMx 97 y:im, *�:im “hail”) POP 343 *coe “cold.”

29 PPnMx *�:i(m)(R) (PPN 156 *sã “acid,” 170 *šã “liquor;” PMx 81 *�:i “rum, pulque”) Otomi *ch^-m “pulque.”

31 PPnMx *Rya, *�a, *n�a (PPn 168 *ša “maguey fiber,” 346 *Rya “net bag;” PMx 148 *RyaR, *nda “maguey fiber”) POP 412 (Otn) *s]a-mh “maguey fiber.”


41 PPnMx *xVn-Rta (PPn 208 *hnta “we incl. sing;” PMx 105 xRta[2 “sing”) POP 152 *tão-h “sing,” 149 *thão-h “song.”

51 PPnMx *xwe, *xem (PPn223 *hwa “clear, fit to drink;” PMx 15 *xwe “clearly, quickly,” 52 *xe “wet”) POP 759 (Pn) *hao-R “drink.”

58 PPnMx *wa, *CVm-Rwa(R) (PPn 235 *Rma “clay pitcher,” 310 *wa “plate, jar;” PMx 159 *RmamR “land, soil”) POP 617 *mah-ta/-n “bowl, dish,” Otomi Rmada < *mRa-ta “clay pitcher,” 750 *mRa-tha “plain, plateau.”

59 PPnMx *Rni, *xVm-Rni (PPn 239 *Rnih] “maize ear,” 199 *hme “maize;” PMx 37 *RniR “maize”) POP 82 *tR^-m “atole,” 731 *th^-t “tamale,” 761 *mh^ “tortilla.”

62 PPnMx *nam, *tam, *ntam (PPn 251 *nu “cornfield;” PMx *tam, *ndam “cornfield”) POP 60 *tRoa-p “a plow,” 63 *nõa-mh “to plow,” 477 *thõa “corn,” 514 *nhõa-mh “field.”

63 PPnMx *nt:i/*nta (PPn 258 *nta “cactus, nopal cactus;” Pmx *nd:i/*nda “nopal cactus”) POP 476 *Roa-ta “century plant,” Otomi šãtRã “nopal.”

64 PPn (259) *nta(R) (PPn 259 *ntaR “water;” PMx 144 *nda “water, dissolve, sprinkle, melt,” 108 *taR “river, canyon”) POP 21 *tteh “water.”

66 PPnMx ya(m), ya(m)R, *ntyaR (PPn 270 *ntya(R) “fox, wolf, badger,” 337 ya “dog;” PMx 176 *(R) yamR, yaR “to bark, mountain lion, coyote”) POP 219 *nRio “coyote,” 600 *nRio “dog.”

70 PPnMx *CVm-(R)yam (PPn 299 *Rñu “twins,” 352 yuhu “two;” PMx 161 *t/y/naRam, *naRma “comrade, together with, a pair, twins”) POP 276 *nioh “two.”

71 PPnMx *Rwi(m), *wi(m) (PPn 303 *Rwi “fire, sun,” 196 *hmi “sky,” 225 *Rmi “to be named;” PMx 21 *Rmi (m)(R) “burn,” 47 *wi “roast, toast”) POP 669 *nhoe, **nhõe “lightning,” Otomi kw[ “anger.”

72 PPnMx *�V(m)-we, *Rwe (PPn 307 *Rwe “wasp;” PMx *�Vmi “wasp”) POP 528 *Rõe/*Roe/*R] “fly.”

73 PPnMx *(R) wa (PPn 312 *wa “white;” PMx 179 yuRwa “ice, frost”) POP 105 *nRoa, *tRoa-s “white.”

75 PPnMx *Rwa(m), *CVm-Rwa(m) (PPn 326 *Rwa “mouth;” PMx 226 *RwaRm “mouth, mouthful,” 160 *Rmam “talk, say”) POP 252 *mã-m “say.”

76 PPnMx yi, *CVm-yi (PPn 330 ye “black,” 237 *ni “charcoal;” PMx yi “charcoal, darkness”) POP 157 (Otn) *th]-m]a/-mR/-nR”charcoal.”


77 PPnMx *Ryi, *Rni (PPn 332 *Rye “hear;” PMx 28 *Rni “hear, see, know”) POP 554 *RoHC-t/-R, C form *Ri-oHC-t/-R”hear.”

82 PPnMx *kwe(m), ye(m), *nDe(m) PPn 344 yahu “sharpen,” 72 *ka-š “sharp;” PMx ya(m) “sharp,” 55 *nde “knife, scissors”) POP 24 *cR]a-s “sharp,” 163 *nia-s “carpenter,” 282 *Rã-R-cR “to plane,” 751 *tR]a-s “scissors.” 762 *R]a-s “cut with scissors.”

85 PPnMx *tam, yam (PPn 355 *laRa “dancer, singer, thief, ancient people,” 12 *te “dance;” PMx 151 *taRam, *ndaRamR “dance”) POP 91 *nãih-mR “dance.”

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Appendix A NORTH PAME VERB PARADIGMS

The following list of North Pame verb paradigms illustrates the predominant ABCD pattern. Although there are a number of palaces where the alternations do not fit the main pattern, such as the causative verbs which have the pattern AAAD, all the present paradigmatic material is included as a source for further study.

A B C D -pp[R[dn w m b “count” -pp[ w m b “weave” -ppeReX w m b “urinate” -pp[R[ w m b “wait” -ppaRat w m b “call” -ppai w m b “command” -ppahiR w m b “hit” -ppehelR w m b “cover” -ppahoR w m b “look” -ppRe w m b “smell of it” -ppo w m b “give” -ppalR pp pp pp “heat it” -phiRil� ph “bubble up” -ppoR pp pp p “descend” -pp[_ p p ph “steal” -ppã p p ph “visit” -mmaRi mm148 mm mh “erect it” -mmaRi mm mm mm “stand” -mme mm mm mh “lose” -mmaRa mb mm mm “shout” -mmõcR m m mh “pile up” -mmãU m m mh “say” -ma m m m “go” -mmeho w w --149 “be there”

148 The lack of weakening in the B and C forms may be correlated with the oral vowel. 149 Hyphens indicate that there has been suppletion. A blank means that data are lacking.

3 The kky is the result of the palatalization rule.


A B C D -maodnR mm mm pp “change” -mmaigUR mm mm pp “finsh” -tt[h[dnR t t lR “laugh at” ttaho t t lR “touch” -ttahiXR tt lR “receive” -tt[R t t lh “lick” -ttogU t t lh “watch” -ttolR t t lh “break” -ttaRogU t t lh “snap it in two” -ttaRogU kky150 tt “snap in two” -ttaogU t t lh “buy” -tt^nR t t lh “step on” -ttõ tt tt tt “die” -tãolR t t lh “rub eye” -ttãR tt tt tt “fire pottery” -ttõRõ t t lh “plant corn” -ttõlR t t lh “swallow” -kk^heRt kky tt kR “marry” -ttãRo tt tt th151 “search” -ttônR tt tt lh “fear” -tt^h^R t t lR “earn, win” -ndão nd nd nth 152 “sing” -ddeoR d dd d153 “grow” -nnãoU n n nh “eat” -nnãholR n n nR “chew” -nnehigU nn nn nh “go out” -nnõRo n n nh “see” -ciR cw cw cw “nurse” -cciolR c c cR “suck sugar cane” -cciR c c cR “carry” -ccaoR c cc cR “feel” -cRo cR cR cR “spoil it” -XRo 154 X cR XR “spoil” -cRRodn cRR cRR cRR “hate” -cwilR cw cw “prick” -cc[gU 155 cw cw ncw “be angry”

150The kky is the result of the palatalization rule. 151 When the D affix h is added to a nonweakened t, the t does not become l. The word for

“fear” seems to contradict this generalization, however. 152 The form with initial nth is used when referring to singing for a dead person. Otherwise

the D form is nd. 153This looks like an EEEF pattern 154 The w was deleted because of no o in the prefix.


A B C D -coR cc c -- “fall” -ccocR cc c cc “make vomit” -XocR X c XR “vomit” -ccoRol c c cR “bite” -cco c c cR “scold” -chao ch ch ch “do” -ssihigU sw sw sw “eat a meal” -šaoR š s Xh “study -saoR s s ch “measure” -sep s s ch “tell” -s]U s s “open” -šoaRat š s “tear” -socR s s ch “tie” -kyehi ky156 k kR “meet” -Ugã Ugw157 Ug Ugw “shiver” -kkiRi kw

(2)&& k khw “gather”

-kkãRa kw (2)&&

k khw “gather clothes” -kkõR k 158 k kh “chase” -kkeiXR kw

(2)&& k khw “grind”

-kwãhoU kkw (2)&&

kk kRw “confess” -kko k

(3)&& k kh “belittle”

-RR^hilyR Rw Rw Rw “sleep” -RõRop R nRe 159 lR “show” -R]as R nR 160 lR “cut with scissors” -R]a nR nR

(5)&& nR “come”

-R^heR Rw nR (5)&&

lRw “talk” -wRî Rw Rw tR “do thus” -RoR R de161 lR “hear” -RRaogU Rw d lR “bury” -RahodnR Rw d lR “ask for” -R[o R R “hurt”

155 The X is from c by the palatalization rule; š is from s. 156 The ky is from k by the palatalization rule. 157 The w is a labialization from the preceding o. 158 No labialization from the preceding o because the root vowel is o. 159 The w is a labialization from the preceding o. 160 The C form vowel *I is cancelled out by the root *1. 161 The full form is ladeoR. The e is a reflex of the C form vowel *i.


A B C D -R[h[Rt Rw d lRw “sew” -Rw[dnt Rw R tR “piece of cloth” -Rweo Rw R tR “hate” -ReogU Rw d lR “give” -nhiagU nhi nhi lh “leave” -hõsp h hi lh “put price up” -hw[ hw hh hw “cause to cough” -hiR h nhw nh “enter” -haoR hw nh lh “drink” -haigU hi h lh “to be left”

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Appendix B NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS-ABCD

PATTERN

Some of the noun paradigms of NP follow the ABCD pattern with slight modifications. There is a preposed m before initial p in the A form if the root vowel is oral. The word for “manure” is an apparent exception because it shows oral vowels in the root. The other features of the paradigm for “manure” are those of a nasalized root vowel, however, such that it may be assumed that the nasalization has been more recently lost. The B forms of paradigms with root-initial R have been replaced by C forms.

A B C D -pp^hiR p p pR “mattress” -ppoi p p ph “manure” -mb[ w m b “braid” -mbao w m b “belly” -mba w m b “handkerch

ief” -mbeheR w m b “hat” -ttao t t t “eye” -tt[ l n t “mouth” 162 -ttão t t lh “song” -ttaR t t “arrow” -cciR c c cR “tooth” -cceR cR 163 cw cRw “clay pot -cceR c cw cRw “tail” -nnõa n n nh “field” -RRaho d d “barbecue” -Ri dw dw lR “child” -oRo d d lR “louse” -R[_U nR nR lR “atole” -RõU nR nR “seed” -hõR h h lh “name”

162 This is one of the few words which preserve the POP tV paradigm. 163 The full form of the word is UgocReokR which is rebuilt on the D form ngocRweR with the

addition of the second person suffix –kR. The suffix is responsible for the changes in vowels.

6/9/2010 162

Appendix C NORTH PAME NOUN PARADIGMS-EFEF

PATTERN

A B C D

-mbai p mb p “tomato” -mbãiR p mb p “fright” -bbogU b bb “cactus” -bbeRi b bb b “musical instr.” -mRãoR mR mR “month” -mmõhiR m mm mm “squash” -mmahagU m mm mm “dish” -mh[_ mh mh mh “tortilla” -ndogU ky ngy t “flower” -nd[gU ky ngy t “capulín” -thwiRi lyh khy lh “basket” -th[R[ lyh khy lh “a cold” -th[_R[_ lyh khy lh “tamale” -thõa lyh khy lh “corn” -thõe lyh khy lh “rope” -thõi lyh khy “hunger” -ndo ky gy “egg” -nd[ ky gy t “water” -ll[ ly UUy ll “lips” -ddoa gy ggy “place one walks” -ddio gg gg “dryness” -ddoa gy ggy “maguey” -tRwî lyR kRy “sleep” -tthãi lyh kkhy “thread” -tRãU lyR kRy “mesquite tree” -tRw[ lyR kRy “hill” -nnõa Uy UUy “nose” -nnõ Uy UUy Uy “knee” -khweR khy khy kh “beans” -Ugw[ khy g “flesh”

163 Appendix D Chichimeco Verb Paradigms

A B C D

-Ugwas ky gy kk “meat”164 -kRwiš kR kR “paper” -cRaogU XR XR cR “avocado” -chiR Xh Xh ch “worm, snake” -chãst Xh Xh ch “itch” -ssãoU š šš s “shade” -ssa š šš s “corn on cob” -hwagogU hy hy h “soil: -hw[ hy hy h “a cough” -thõs lyh khy lh “salt” -Rw[_h[R URy URy “road” -Rwei R R R “chile” -nh]o hy hy “breath” -khwik khi kh “blood” -kkwão ky ky “outer ear”

164 From Spanish vaca “cow” (or perhaps a borrowing from Yuto-Aztecan where “meat” is

wakas in Yaqui and Tepehuano). The first syllable was interpreted as a prefix and the second syllable was reshaped by analogy with the word for “flesh” (above).


Appendix D CHICHIMECO VERB PARADIGMS165

A B C D

-Ra t nd rR “bury” -Ran t nd rR “ask” -Re R R R “be angy” -R^ R R R “do thus” -Re t nd r “put” -Rer tir ndir rRer166 “throw” -Rets tits ndits rits166 “push” -Ri R R R “come” -Ri R R R “care” -Ri R R R “hang” -Ri t nd rR “want” -Ror R R R “appear” -Ro ti ndi rRo166 “hear” -Run R R R “arrive” -Rü R R n “pass” -Rü t nd rR “kill” -Rü nR nR rR “suck” -Rün R R R “sleep” -Rür t nd rR “sell” -Ryuts R R R “jump” -hã h h h “assend” -ha h h h “lag” -ha nh nh rh “drink” -he h h th “be left” -he nhi nhi rhe “leave”

165 The list is from Jaime de Angulo, loc. Cit., pp. 177-79. Normally I cite only the initial

consonants of the C, C, and D forms. Angulo’s whispered vowels, written with small raised letters, I write on the line and underlined.

166 Full forms are given in these cases because the vowels differ. The i vowel reflects the metathesized *i of the C form.


-her nh nh rh “have”

A B C D

-hi nh nh rh “not want” -ho nhi nhi rho “lose” -hu nhi nhi rhu “put” -hin nhin nhin rhun “throw” -hunts h h -- “sit” -hü nh nh rh “burn” -ka k g kh “hit” -kã k g kh “take out” -ke nk g kh “take out” -ker ng g kh “lean on” -kev k g kh “drive” -kets k g kh “pick up” -khar kh kh kh “possess” -kkü kk kk kk “re-do” -ko k k k “deny” -ku k k k “be together” -kuR k k k “race” -kun k k k “accompany” -kün ng g kh “peer” -mã m m mh “speak” -mã m m mh “think” -maf m m p “show” -mRan mR mR mh “be finished” -mben mb mb mb “stone” -pen mb v ph “weigh” -me m m m “stand up” -me m m m “stand” -m^ m m mh “defend” -m^ m m mh “be late” -men m m mb “love” -mer m m m “roll” -mir m m m “wish” -mur m m m “get lost” -mur m m mh “forgive” -nã n n nh “eat” -nar n n n “burn” -nda nd nd nd “lie” -nd^ nd nd nd “grow up”


-ndun nd nd ndh “buzz”

A B C D

-ndü nd nd nd “go” -ndza tX z tsh “try” -ndze ndz ndz ndz “arrive” -ndzo tX z tsh “scold” -nef n n nh “run” -ngwa ngw m mb “go” -ngwaas ngw p ph “pay” -nggwe ngw m mb “strike” -ngwe ngw m mb “cry” -ngwe ngw m -- “be” -ngweRn ngw ngw p “be loaded” -ngwiRi ngw p ph “charge” -ngwin ngw m mb “stick” -ngwo ngw ngw v “meet” -ngwo ngw ngw ngw “be ashamed” -nkün nk nk k “be tired” -no n n nh “arrive” -nov n n nh “last” -nu n n nh “see” -pa ngw m mb “cover” -paa ngw m mb “look” -pã nb v mb “see” -pan p nb ph “heat” -pãr p p p “be rich” -pe ngw m mb “order” -pe ngw m mb “smell” -pe ngw m mb “hit” -pen ngw m mb “fell” -pen ngw m mb “play music” -pen ngw m mb “kill” -peRn ngw m mb “leave” -pi ngw m mb “wait” -pii ngw m mb “spy” -pii ngw m mb “bring” -pin ngw m mb “count” -po p p p “return” -po ngw m mb “dominate” -po ngw m mb “give”


A B C D

-pof p p ph “dwindle” -pon ngw m mb “prick” -poo p p -- “enter; -por p p ph “change” -por p p p “remove” -ppar ngw m mb “call” -ppi nb v ph “steal” -ppo pp pp pp “be together” -pü p p b “defecate” -r^ r nd r “breed” -rho rh th nth “be finished” -ra r r r “die” -sa s s s “gamble” -sa s s s “distribute” -sa s s tsh “measure” -sa s dz tsh “read” -sa s s tsh “win” -se s s tsh “tell” -sempf s s ts open” -sen s s s “agree” -seni s s s “remember” -ser s s s “have diarrhea” -su s dz tsh “sing” -sus s s ts “split” -sü s s sh “peel” -sü s s s “be sick” -ta nd r rh “undress” -ta nd r rh “touch” -ta nd r rh “buy” -tã t t th “search” -tan nd r rh “bathe” -tan nd r rh “work” -tats nd r rh “clothe” -tav nd r rh “cut” -tcon nz z zh “bite” -te t t t “go” -te, ne t,n t,n t,n “go out” -te t t t “be equal”


-t^ nd r rh “look”

A B C D

-t^ nd r rh “wear” -ten nd r rh “fear” -ter t t t “marry” -ter t t t “laugh” -tets t t th “lift” -tets t r rh “bet” -tets nd r rh “receive” -ti nd r rh “lick” -ti nd r rh “sell” -to nd r rh “watch” -tsa tc z tsh “try” -tsa tc z tsh “do” -ts^ ts z ts “pay” -tsen tc ts tsh “pierce” -tso ts ts ts “fall” -tso tc z tsh “scold” -tsoh tc ts tsh “spend” -tsü ts z tsh “be angry” -tsün ts ts ts “urinate” -tu, nu t,n t,n t,n “walk about” -tu nd r rh “plant” -tü t t th “finish” -tü t t t “speak to oneself” -tü t t t “go home” -tun t t t “go in the lead” -tuts nd r rh “tie” -tun nd r rh “break” -üts # # #167 “be always” -Re k g kh “heard”

167 The # indicates that there is no initial consonant. This is the only word in Angulo’s list

which has no initial consonant. It probably is an error.

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Appendix E CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-ABCD PATTERN

168

A B C D -pãts p v ph “shoe” -pü p v “faeces” -mba ngw m pR “hat” -mba ngw m “belly” -mbi ngw m p “thing” -mben ngw m “antler” -mbe ngw n p “song” -tan t r rh “work” -te t r “leg” -ta t r “face” -te

t t rh “knife”

-mãs m m mh “bed” -nu n n nh “field” -ni n n nh “word” -kã k g “snot” -kã k g “ear” -ku k g kh “road” -kke kk g “saliva” -tsü ts dz “back” -tse ts z tsR169 “crock” -tsa ts z tsR169 “food” -sots s s tsh “belt” -ha nhu nhi rhu “name” -Ra nRa nRi “hand” -Ros tos tRis rRos “house” -Ru t t rh “hoe” -ti t n “mouth”170 -nda n n “penis” -poho p p v “chair” -ngwa ngwe ngwa -- “plant”

168 From Angulo, loc. Cit., pp. 160-61. 169 Note that here the POP pattern for the D form of root-initial *c is preserved. 170 This word shows a retention of the POP tV paradigm.


-tcin tc tc z “axe” -hür h h rh “arrow”

6/9/2010 171

Appendix F CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-EFEF

PATTERN

The examples of the EFEF pattern are so few that no attempt has been made to specify the system. All but the last two examples parallel rather closely the North Pame examples. They show a preposed nasal in the F form and in the second E form. The two E forms share the same vowel in contrast to the vowel of the f form.

E F E F

-mbo v mb v “land” -mba v mb “feast” -mbu v mb v “thirst” -ndi r nd r “water” -nden r nd r “money” -nthu r nth rR r “clothes” -hi nha nhi “body” -hi nho nhi “friend”


Appendix G CHICHIMECO NOUN PARADIGMS-NO CHANGE

The examples for this category are presented in paragraph style since only one form has to be cited: -nu “nose,”-zã “head,” –ni “heart,” –ttun “neck,” –kü “trousers,” –mor “hip,” –nha “testis,” –phã “shoulder,” –kã “temple,” –ner “tendon,” –men “knee,” –rhe “bow,” –khe “blood,” –ma “bowl,” –ti “podex,” –se “skin,” –mir “urine,” –s^ “arm,” –mRa pain,” –ts^ “wing,” –tsa~ -tca “shame,” –ndu “step,” –mo “bottle,” –mhu “chief,” –khü “child”

6/9/2010 173

Appendix H OCUILTECO AND MAZAHUA NOUN

PARADIGMS

Ocuilteco noun paradigms show several different patterns in the limited data I was able to secure on a brief field trip in 1964.171 A more complete study of the noun paradigms should prove very rewarding. The paradigms recorded on that field trip are listed below. Following the list of Ocuilteco paradigms are some Mazahua paradigms for names of body parts. The Mazahua paradigms demonstrate a pattern similar to one of the patterns in the Ocuilteco material.

Ocuilteco Paradigms

“my” “your” “his”

mdá líndá ~`ndá “agua”

mcRó lìcRó ~cRó “aguacate”

neplinhó nelinho lìnhó “ala”

mkáhcRi lìkàcRí ~kàcRí “alimentos”

mtRópi litRopi ~tRopi “arado”

mXhopi liXhopi ~Xhopi “banco”

mhñupi lìhñúpí ~hñúpí “boca”

pšitu lišitu ~šítú “cabellos”

mz/ønzí lìnz/ønzí ~z/ønzí “cadera”

wèlpXhú wélìXhú wèlXhú “esposa”

kambáhli limbáhli ~mbáhli “caballo”

nìpí nípí nímbí “barriga”

nìlwí nílwí níñù “cabeza”

nìh/] nìh/] níhmí “cara”

pìt/ø pít`ø pìnd/ø “frente”

171 September 3, 1964, to San Juan Atzingo, Edo. de México, accompanied by Lucille

Schneider of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, who transcribed some of the material. Tone was not always recorded- hence its absence in some of the forms.


“my” “your” “his” wàñ/ø wèñ/ø wèmñ/ø “mamá” wàtá wètá wèmdá “papá” nàtsí nètsí nènzí “dientes” nàtó nátó nìtó “casa” níthò “casa” (general)

The list through “caballo” shows underlying m-, li-, and ~- prefixes, with the noun stems remaining constant. The m- becomes a p- before s (;cabellos”) and before ch if preceded by l (“esposa”). The vooicless ~ is voiced if preceded by another sylable (“ala” and “caballo”). The assumption is that it was preceded by another syllable in “ala” and that that syllable was deleted after the application of the rule. Perhaps the underlying form for ~ is a full syllable li- with contrastive suprasegmental features to the second person prefix li-. The present evidence is inconclusive.

The words “barriga” through “dientes” show different sets of prefixes but share the pattern of an added nasal consonant in the third person form. This pattern appears in the Mazahua paradigm for “mouth,” which reflects the POP alternation of t and n.

The Ocuilteco word for “house” has a general form which looks like a D form.

Mazahua Paradigms

“my” R/] “your” R`] “his” R/o -tegö -tege -n^R^ “boca” -hm]Ri -hm]Ri -hm]Ri “cara” -XöRö -XöRö -ndöRö “ojo” -ncö_Rö -ncö_Rö -ngö_Rö “oreja” -X]hmi -X]hmi -t]hmi “pecho” -nkwaRa -nkwaRa -ngwaRa “pie” -cR]hni -cR]hni -kR]hni “saliva” -chiRi -chiRi -khiRi “sangre”

Mazahua has palatalized forms for the first and second persons in “ojo,”

“oreja,” “pecho,” “saliva,” and “sangre.” The words “cara” and “pie” would not show the effects of palatalization.

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Appendix I NORTH PAME AND CHICHIMECO COGNATE

SETS FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION NP H to Ch HH “andar” NP dóa Ch étRú “atole” NP kolRu_U Ch úrR/] “calabazo” NP komóR Ch nímó “cuervo” NP UgokwáR Ch úkáR “comprar” NP wattáogU Ch rátár “flor” NP niUgyógU Ch úró “grueso” NP nimRígU Ch dzímRér “macho” NP nikyw/ãU Ch ír/a “mamar” NP ccíR Ch éts/üR “rápido” NP manéi Ch máné “seco” NP maRó Ch móRó “tierra” NP kopóR Ch kímbó “tijeras” NP nalRy/ãs Ch tár/]s “tomar” NP waháoR Ch ráhá “tripas” NP mbép Ch kúmb/ü “vacío” NP maRó Ch móRó “enterrar” NP waRRáogU Ch (/)Rá “mandar” NP woppái Ch (/)pé “decir” NP -mmãU Ch (/)m/ã “ser dejado” NP -háigU Ch (/)hé NP L to Ch LH “ácido” NP maRèiš Ch mèRés “amargo” NP makh\ão Ch màkh/ã “araña” NP kam`[s Ch kùm/ür “arco” NP UgolhàR Ch tùrhéR “cadera” NP Ugomò Ch rùmór “casarse” NP -tt`^h^Rt Ch ìtéhér “aguja” NP nalR`[ Ch tàrR/ü “chile” NP waRèi Ch bèRé “dueño” NP wimhiòR Ch nìmhú “cenizas” NP sandw`[ Ch nùnd/ü “espuma” NP šipphèR Ch sùphéR “frijol” NP rikhèR Ch kànkhé “humo” NP skiR Ch kìRés


“luna” NP UgomR`ãoR Ch umR/ãR “llorar” NP wài Ch tàpén “mecate” NP Ugolhw`^ Ch kùnthé “metate” NP nakhèigU Ch tàkh/üR “morir” NP tt`õ Ch gàr/a “orina” NP kom`[_Rt Ch sùmír “petate” NP Ximhy`ã Ch sìm/ãs “ratón” NP niUgyy`ão Ch nìng/ã “ser rico” NP p`ãn Ch p/ãr “sal” NP Ugolh`õs Ch ùrh/õs “estar” NP kokw`ãt Ch (`)kán “preguntar” NP waRàhodnR Ch (`)Rán “regañar” NP -cò Ch (`)tsó “maduro” NP mat`ãR Ch màt/ãR “abajo” NP kimbyòRp Ch nìmbó “soplador” NP silyhèiky Ch tàrh/ür “sop;ar” NP wahèigU Ch èx/ür NP H or (H) to Ch LH “árbol” NP Ugokw/ãU Ch tàngwá “abrir” NP was/]U Ch gàs/^ “adivino” NP káppãt Ch kàmb/ãr “arriba” NP kocRíU Ch pàcRín “cuchillo” NP nalhéš Ch ràrhé “hilo” NP Ugolh/ãiU Ch ùrh/^r “morder” NP -cóRol Ch gàzónR “olla” NP UgocwéR Ch ùzé “estar” NP -mmého Ch (`)ngwé / me “probar” NP -ccáoR Ch (`)ndzá “subir” NP tah/ão Ch (`)h/ã “yo” NP káok Ch `ìkágu “nosotros” NP káokU Ch ìkágùnR “contar” NP -pp/[R[dn Ch (`)iín NP F to Ch HL “agua” NP kot[[ Ch kúrì “caer” NP c[oR Ch tácò “curandero” NP kad[[ Ch kátèhè “grande” NP Ugot[oeR Ch nándè “noche” NP Ugos[ãoU Ch úsà “otro” NP kad[at Ch kéntà “persona” NP l[[ Ch úrì “piedra” NP kot[o Ch kúrò “piojo” NP UgolR[o Ch rúrRò “tierra” NP Ugohw[aog

U Ch úxà

177 Appendix I Pamean Cognates

“caliente” NP map[a Ch mápà NP H to Ch HL “apretar” NP wáttes Ch étès “atar” NP ittúcR Ch ítùcR “bailar” NP nn/ãhiR Ch énèhèR “blanco” NP káddoa Ch kúnúRù “calabacita” NP m/õhiR Ch úm`üh`üR “corto” NP mamáhaR Ch sámàhàR “chupar” NP wácciolR Ch étz/üR`ün “dar” NP wáRReogU Ch RéRè “dinero” NP rand/[h[dnR Ch úrèhènR “fiesta” NP Ugobáho Ch kímbà “granizo” NP kíUgyo Ch kíndò “gritar” NP -ppáRat Ch émáRàr “hacha” NP stácc[R[dn Ch názìRìn “huevo” NP nándo Ch múndò “jalar” NP waqqéRedn Ch ékèRènR “maguey” NP Ugoddóa Ch kúnRù “oír” NP (/)RoR Ch éRòR “oler” NP -ppéRe Ch épéRè “parar” NP máRi Ch éméRè “rajar” NP wasóaRac Ch ésúRùs “reír” NP -t/[h[lR Ch ítèhèRr “sembrar” NP wattóRo Ch étúRùnR “silla” NP UgopRóho Ch nábòhò “tú” NP héokR Ch ìhyékRù “sudar” NP wóppap Ch ríppà “cigarro” NP ndóehigU Ch útR`üh`ü “tamales” NP ilh[_R[ Ch úrR`]h`] “tejer” NP wópp[ Ch pì “tragar” NP (/)ttõlR Ch étànR NP (BC)-t[õlR Ch “vender” NP wáRReiR Ch ráR`üRr vergüenza” NP Ugochá Ch nítcà “malo” NP XíXRo Ch núcRòhò “dormir” NP Rw/^hilyR Ch (/)R`ün “echar” NP wáRailyR Ch (/)Rèr “enojado” NP -ncw/[gU Ch (/)ts`ü “espejo” NP nakR/õhily Ch nág/üh`ün “esperar” NP kippy/[ Ch (/)pì ~ LH “estudiar” NP liššáoR Ch (/)sà “mirar” NP wáppahoR Ch (/)pàa “robar” NP -pp[_ Ch (/)ppì “tocar” NP ndotáho Ch (/)tà “acabado” NP (/)hogU Ch (/)thò


“buscar” NP (/)ttãRo Ch (/)t`ã “calentar” NP (/)ppalR Ch (/)pàn “comer” NP n/ãoU Ch (/)n`ã “correr” NP wakk/õR Ch (/)kùn “crecer” NP waddéoR Ch (/)nd`^ “dar” NP wóppo Ch (/)pò “tres” NP ránhoR Ch tínhùn “cansado” NP ndakR/^mp Ch kúnkR`ünR “dejar” NP nhiágU Ch (/)nhì NP F to Ch LH “arder” NP n[aolR Ch èndónR “casa” NP komR[os Ch ùrRós “gordo” NP pimb[i Ch pìmbé “decir” NP s[ep Ch (`)sé ~ HL NP L to Ch HL “coser” NP laR`[dnt Ch éR`üh`ür “grande” NP mand`ãi Ch már`^ “mirar NP ndon`õ Ch énùRù “perder” NP -mmè Ch úngwéRè “salir” NP nannèhigU Ch (/)nè ~ LH NP naalh[et Ch “vestirse” NP -t`^hi Ch (/)t`^ “vomitar” NP locccòcR Ch ítšòRò “quebrar” NP ndotòlR Ch (/)tùn “rana” NP kokRwà Ch kúngwàR “visitar” NP -pp`ã Ch (/)p/ã “voz” NP niUh`ã Ch rìnhí NP F to Ch HH “arder” NP n[olR Ch (/)nár, éndónR “despertar” NP nn[õ Ch énú “telar” NP nab[[ Ch úpRí Miscellaneous Correspondences “lamer” NP L t`[R Ch HH (/)tí “medir” NP H sáoR Ch HH (/)sá “miedo” NP L watt`ônR Ch HH (/)tén “frotar” NP H tt/ãolR Ch LL it`ãhànR

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Appendix J OTOMI AND MAZAHUA COGNATE SETS

FOR TONE RECONSTRUCTION Group I (Ot R to Maz H) “frotar” Ot t]ãhmi Maz th/õRtRS “levantar” Ot p]aRci Maz páhsRS “padre” Ot d]ada Maz táhta “tener” Ot p][Rci Maz p/[hsRi Group II (Ot R to Maz L)172 “hongos” Ot x]o Maz khòho “largo” Ot m]a Maz maha “leña” Ot z]a Maz zaRa “morder” Ot c]a, cá Maz saRa “mosca” Ot g]Rwe Maz ng]Rw[ “pestaña” Ot š]ida Maz šìYö “saber” Ot p]ãdi Maz pãra “sentir” Ot c]a, cá Maz söRö “venir” Ot R]^he, R/^he Maz R^he “uno” Ot Rn]a, Rrà Maz Rnàha “arar” Ot w]ãhi, w/ãhi Maz w`ãhma “asar” Ot h]ãši Maz hãša “calabacita” Ot m]u Maz màRu “nariz” Ot š]iña Maz šìhhñu, šìñu “cambiar” Ot p]ati Maz p`öhtS “cantar” Ot t]uhu, túhu Maz t`õhõ “casa” Ot ng]u Maz ngàmS_ “cuervo” Ot k]a Maz kàRa “decir” Ot R]enã Maz R^ñ^ “defender” Ot ñ]ãni Maz ñãnRnã “entrar” Ot k]St/Ri, k/StRi Maz kicRi estrella” Ot c]ø Maz sèhe “mitad” Ot (ma)d]e Maz ndèRe

172 Mazahua words without tone written on them in Stewart’s list are assumed to be low tone.


Group III (Ot R to Maz F) “frijol” Ot x]S Maz kh[SRS “hondo” Ot h]^, hn]^ Maz h[^R^ “labio” Ot š]ine Maz š[ine “maduro” Ot d]ã Maz ya nd[ãRã “mirar” Ot n]u Maz n[aRa “moco” Ot Rb]aši Maz bRöši “nombre” Ot th]uhu Maz th[aRa “árbol” Ot z]a Maz z[aRa “ayer” Ot mánd]e Maz Rànd[øRø, Rnd[øhø “blanco” Ot t?]aši, tRáši Maz nátR[öšS “camino” Ot Rñ]a Maz Rñ[]hi “cenar” Ot c]i Maz s]i-š[[dyRi “correr” Ot Rr]ihi Maz R[ RódR[ihi “dar” Ot R]uni, Rúni Maz R[aRnS_ “dientes” Ot cR]i Maz sR[ibRi “espejo” Ot hñ^ Maz hñ[^h^ Group IV (Ot R to Maz R) “ácido” Ot R]iši Maz R]iši “amanecer” Ot h]acRi Maz hy]ãsRS “arder” Ot z]ø Maz z]ørø “armadilo” Ot nkR]inxwa Maz kR],]inkhwa “blando” Ot t]udi, túdi Maz t]õrS “cal” Ot nãni Maz ñ]õnRnS “caña” Ot Ry]o(mfø) Maz dyR]eRe “cara” Ot hm]i, hmí Maz hm]]Ri “coyote” Ot m]iRño Maz m]iñRño, m]indyRo “criar” Ot t]ede Maz X]eze “chile” Ot Rñ]i, Rñí Maz R]iRi “dejar” Ot c]ogi, cógi Maz s]ogS “dolor” Ot Rñ]S, Rñ/S Maz R]SRS “dormir” Ot R]ãhã, R/ãhã Maz R]]hi “duro” Ot m]^ Maz m]^R^ “escalera” Ot Rr]ede Maz dR]eYe “grano” Ot nd]a Maz nd]öRö “grueso” Ot p]idi, pìdi Maz p]iYi “hambre” Ot th]ahu Maz th]]hmi “hoja” Ot š]i Maz š]iRi “jugar” Ot R]eni, Réni Maz R]^ñe “llegar” Ot c]øhø Maz s]øhø “madre” Ot n]ãna Maz n]ana “mamar” Ot c]S Maz s]iRi “mecate” Ot nth]ãhi Maz th]ShmS “metate” Ot x]Sni Maz kh]ShnS

181 Appendix J Otomi and Mazahua Cognates

“raíz” Ot Ry]S Maz dyR]SRS “sabroso” Ot k]Shi Maz n/ãk]]hmi “salir” Ot p]øni Maz p]edyRe “saludar” Ot z][ngwa Maz z][ngwa “tomar” Ot c]i Maz s]iRi “tos ferina” Ot kR]Sthe Maz kR]Sthe “vender” Ot p]a Maz p]öRö Group V (Ot H to Maz H “apagar” Ot hw/^Rti Maz hwéRXRe “besar” Ot c/SRci Maz s/SRtpRS ?on]eRe “calzones” Ot hwítRwa Maz hwíRXkwRa “cinco” Ot k/StRa Maz cíRXRa “crecer” Ot té Maz téRe “desgranar” Ot t/ãki Maz t/õRmRS “doblar” Ot tóRti Maz XóRtRS “escarbar” Ot š/^Rmi Maz š/^Rme “esperar” Ot tøRmi Maz téRbRe “lana” Ot šíRyo Maz šíRdyRo “lavar” Ot péRte Maz péRXRe “machucar” Ot kR/[Rti Maz kR/[RXRi “máscara” Ot hmíte Maz hm/]hXa GroupVI (Ot H to Maz L)173 “abrir” Ot šóki Maz šòhkS “acabado” Ot thége Maz thèze “aguacate” Ot cRáni Maz sR`önRnS “ala” Ot hwá Maz hwàha “arar” Ot w/ãhi, w]ãhi Maz w`ãhma “arrear” Ot R`[tRi, R/[tRi Maz R[dyRi “bañar” Ot šáti Maz šàhti “barrer” Ot pàši, páši Maz paši “borracho” Ot tí Maz t]R] “cantar” Ot t/ahu, t]ahu Maz tõho “doler” Ot R/S Maz RSRS “encontrar” Ot nth/[Rbe Maz Xh`[- “entrar” Ot k/StRi, k]StRi Maz kiXRi “enjado” Ot kw/[ Maz kw`[ “ganar” Ot t]ãha Maz tõho “gritar” Ot màfi, máfi Maz màphi “gritar a” Ot màRti Maz màRtRi “hijo” Ot tR/S Maz tRiRi “hilar” Ot h`^tRi, h/^tRi Maz h`^XRe “hormiga” Ot š/ãkhS Maz šãnkhã

173 Mazahua words without tone written on them in Stewart’s list are assumed to be low tone.


“jugo” Ot ngí Maz ngi “ladrón” Ot b/^ Maz mb^Re “llorar” Ot w/[ Maz w`[R[ “mazorca” Ot th/ã Maz th`õRo “miedo” Ot cú Maz sàRu “mojado” Ot nkRá Maz kRàgS “morir” Ot tú Maz tàRu “mujer” Ot Rb/[hñã Maz bR`[hhña “podrida” Ot Ryá Maz ya dyRaRa “reir” Ot théde Maz theYe “sentir” Ot cá, c]a Maz söRö “sombra” Ot šúdi Maz š`õrS “sudar” Ot h/ø-nthe Maz høbRø(ndehe) “tejer” Ot pé Maz peRe “terminator” Ot hwádi, hwáti Maz khwarS, khwahti “toser” Ot héhe Maz hèhe “traer” Ot h/ã Maz hS_RS_ “veinte” Ot Rnáte Maz dyRöhte “venir” Ot R/^he, R]ehe Maz R^he “vestir” Ot héte Maz hehce “yo” Ot núga Maz nàcko Group VII (Ot H to Maz F) “agua” Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe “alimentos” Ot hñúni Maz hñ[õnRnS “araña” Ot méše Maz m[eše “barbas” Ot x/Sni Maz kR[SdRS “blanco” Ot tRáši, tR]aši Maz tR[öšS “borrego” Ot duti Maz nd[[nXSrS “caer” Ot tági Maz t[ögS “papas” Ot RrókRa Maz dR[okRa “caballo” Ot pháni Maz ph[adRS “cancion” Ot th/ahu Maz th[õhõ “cántaro” Ot š/øni Maz š[øhnø “carbón” Ot th/^hña Maz th[^hme “carne” Ot ng/ø Maz ng[eRe “cerrar” Ot kótRi Maz k[otRi “ciego” Ot góda Maz ng[orö “comer” Ot ñúni Maz ñ[õnRnS “chupar” Ot c/StRi Maz s[StRS “dar” Ot Rúni, R]uni Maz R[anRnS “diez” Ot Re/[tRa Maz dyR[[XRa “dos” Ot yóho Maz y[ehe “elote” Ot m/ãnša Maz màša “enaguas” Ot ng/øde Maz kh[eYe “espumar” Ot f/Ski Maz ph[Sgi


“fumar” Ot c/StRy`Si Maz s[StRS th/ahsRS “hilo” Ot th/ãhi Maz th[S_hmS “huaraches” Ot thíza Maz th`]za “jícara” Ot šímo Maz š[imo “lágrimas” Ot gída Maz ng[iYö “llave” Ot nsóki Maz sh[ogi “mañana” Ot šúdi Maz š[õrS “medicina” Ot Rñ/^thi Maz Rñ^Xhe “milpa” Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhmã “mano” Ot Ry/[ Maz dyR[[R[ “perro” Ot Ryò, Ryó Maz dyR[oRo “molcajete” Ot máda Maz m[ãzà “preguntar” Ot Ráni Maz R[önS “pulque” Ot tRáfi Maz tR[aphS “seis” Ot Rráto Maz Rñ[anto “sol” Ot hyádi Maz hy[arS “tomate” Ot d/[Rmši Maz nd[[m`ösi Group VIII (Ot H to Maz R) “afuera” Ot thí Maz R]athiRi “amargo” Ot nxú Maz nákh]õRo “andar” Ot Ryò, Ryó Maz nzhodRS “blando” Ot túdi, t]udi Maz t]õrS “boca” Ot né Maz n]^R^ “cabeza” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ]]R] “caliente” Ot pá Maz p]aRa “cara” Ot hmí, hm]i Maz hm]iRi “conejo” Ot xwá Maz khw]aRa “confesar” Ot nxw/ãni Maz khw]ãmRmã “chiflar” Ot h/Sši Maz h]SšS “chile” Ot Rñí, Rñ]i Maz R]iRi “dedo del pie” Ot ñ/ãmo Maz ñ]]mo “dormir” Ot R/ãhã, R]ãhã Maz R]]h] “feo” Ot cRó Maz sR]oRo “frente” Ot d/^ Maz nd]^Re “frío” Ot c/[ Maz nas][R[ “hablar” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ]ãRa “jugar” Ot Réni, R]^ni Maz R]^ñe “levantar” Ot nángi Maz n]ãngã “malo” Ot cRó Maz sR]oRo “ojo” Ot dá Maz nd]öRö “oreja” Ot gú Maz ng]õRõ “peine” Ot ntRéñã Maz tR]etRo “perder” Ot Rb/[di Maz bR][Yi “pieedra” Ot dó Maz nd]oho “pie” Ot wá Maz ngw]aRa


“piojo” Ot tRó Maz tR]oRo Group IX (Ot L to Maz H) “amarrar” Ot th`ãtRi Maz th/S_RtRS “casarse” Ot th`ãti Maz Xh/S_htS “corto” Ot ncRìki Maz cRíhk[ “para” Ot Rbài Maz bR/öRbRS “rodilla” Ot ñàhmu Maz ñ/]hhmo “sesos” Ot b`øRyo Maz mbéhhñãkhS Group X (Ot L to Maz L)174 “alzar” Ot x`S Maz hSsRS “arado” Ot tRàbi Maz tR`öphS “arrear” Ot R`[tRi, R/[tRi Maz R[dyRi “atole” Ot tRèi Maz tR`^hme “bailar” Ot n`î Maz n`^mRme “bautizar” Ot hìti Maz hìhXi “barrer” Ot pàši, páši Maz pašS “buscar” Ot hòni Maz hodRS “calentar” Ot pàRti Maz paRtRS “camarón” Ot mài Maz möRbRS “carrizo” Ot šìthi Maz šìthi “catarro” Ot thèhe Maz thè “cenizas” Ot Rbòspi Maz bRòzìvi “cerro” Ot tR`øhø Maz tRèhe “comal” Ot dòRyo Maz ndèRye “comprar” Ot tài Maz t`ömS “contar” Ot pède Maz peYe “contestar” Ot th`ãdi Maz th`S_rS “cuarenta” Ot ñòte Maz ye dyRöhte “cuatro” Ot gòho Maz nzìyo “culebra” Ot kR`^ña Maz kRìhmi “encontrar” Ot nth`[-gi Maz Xh`[-vi “enterrar” Ot Ràgi Maz RögS “escoba” Ot Rbàši Maz bRàšS “escribir” Ot Ròfo Maz RophS “escupir” Ot cògi Maz sògS “estar” Ot Rb`Si Maz bR`SbRS “estudiar” Ot šàdi Maz š`öhtpS, šörS “flor” Ot d`øni Maz nd`øhnø “fuego” Ot cìbi Maz sìvi “gritaar” Ot màfi Maz màphS

174 Mazahua words without tones written on them in Stewart’s list are assuumed to be

low tone.


Ot màRti Maz màRtRS “hacer” Ot R`øtRe Maz RøtRø “hilar” Ot hètRi, hétRi Maz h`^XRe “huérfano” Ot hyòya Maz hyòya “instrumento musical”

Ot Rbìda Maz bRìYi

“negar” Ot k`øni Maz kødRø “jalar” Ot x`SRmi Maz kh`SbRS, kh/SRbRS Ot g`StRi Maz kh`StRS “juntar” Ot mùncRi Maz hmàhtS “laguna” Ot zàbi Maz zàphS “laringe” Ot Ry`Sga Maz dyRìzi “lavar” Ot š`Ski Maz šibRi “lavar ropa” Ot pèni Maz pedyRe “lengua” Ot x`ãhné, x`ãne Maz kR`]hni “liendres” Ot b`øtRo Maz mbèXRó “lodo” Ot b`øhài Maz mbèh`ömS “luna” Ot z`ãnã Maz z`ãnRnã “maguey” Ot Rwàda Maz RwàrS “medir” Ot R`[ni Maz R[dyRi “mentira” Ot f`[dri Maz bR`[Xhine “mirar” Ot hàndi Maz h`ãnda “moler” Ot k`Sni, k/Sni Maz kShnS “negar” Ot k`øni Maz kødRø “noche” Ot šài Maz š`õmS “nube” Ot gài Maz ng`õmRmS “oír” Ot R`øde Maz Rørø “pagar” Ot xùtRi Maz khõtRi “pararse” Ot Rmài Maz bR`öbRS “pecho” Ot t`]ñã Maz t`]hm] “pedir” Ot Ràdi Maz R`örS “probar” Ot càpi Maz söRö “quebrar” Ot wàki Maz RwahkS “querer” Ot nè Maz neRe “reír” Ot thèni Maz theñe “relámpago” Ot hw`[i Maz hw[sRi “rezar” Ot šàdi Maz šörS “río” Ot d`ãthe Maz ndàre “saliva” Ot xìhní, xìni Maz kR`]hni “seco” Ot RyòtRi Maz nadyRòdRS “siete” Ot yòto Maz yènXo “soplar” Ot hwìfi Maz hwiphi “tamales” Ot th`^di Maz th`^Ye “teñir” Ot k`ãtRi Maz k`ãtRa “tierra” Ot hài Maz h`ömS


“tirar” Ot fàni Maz ph`ögS “tocar” Ot thàni Maz th`örS “trabajar” Ot p`[fi Maz p`[phi “trabajador” Ot m`[fi Maz mb`[phi “trabajo” Ot Rb`[fi Maz bR`[phi “vacío” Ot Ry`øni Maz dyR`ødRø “uno” Ot Rn]a, rà Maz Rnàha “zopilote” Ot pàda Maz ndóhpàre Group XI (Ot L to Maz F) “año” Ot x`[ya Maz kh[[R[ “camote” Ot b`øRkwã Maz bR[engw`ãmRmS “capulín” Ot nd`[s[ Maz nd[[ns[ “cuero” Ot šìfni, šìfri Maz š[iphàdRS “maíz” Ot d[thã Maz nd[[Xhõ “olla” Ot cR`øe Maz sR[øbRø “pan” Ot thùhm^ Maz th[õm`[XRi “piel” Ot šìfri Maz š[iphàdRS “venado” Ot fànthø Maz ph[antRe Group XII (Ot L to Maz R) “andar” Ot Ryò, Ryó Maz nY]odRS “canasto” Ot Rb`øcRe Maz bR]osRi “cosechar” Ot šòfo Maz š]^phe “estornudar” Ot hècRe Maz h]^nsRe “grueso” Ot pìdi, p]idi Maz p]izi “salado” Ot Rñùsi Maz R]õši “tripa” Ot šèfo Maz š]^pho “zorrillo” Ot Rñ`ãi Maz R]S_hmS_

6/9/2010 187

Appendix K COGNATE SETS FOR OTOPAMEAN TONE

Otomian L to Pamean F

POP TONE I *[FL]

“arado” Ot tRàbi Maz tR`öphS NP -- CH úrRù “cerro” Ot tR`øhø Maz tRèhe NP UgolRw[[ Ch -- “cuatro” Ot gòho Maz nzìyo NP kiUy[oi Ch -- “estudiar” Ot š`ödi Maz š]örS NP -sáoR CH (/)sà “hilar” Ot h`^tRi Maz h`^XRe h/^tRi h/^Rme NP wahãiU Ch urh^ “huéerfano” Ot hyòya Maz hyòya NP lonh[eodnR Ch -- “lavar” Ot š`Ski Maz šìbRi NP s[igU CH -- “Noche Ot šài Maz š`õmS NP Ugos[ãoU Ch ús`ã “tierra” Ot h`öi Maz h`ömS NP Ugohw[aogU Ch úxà “tragar” Ot tàtRi Maz -- NP (/)ttõlR Ch étùnR -t[õlR


Otomian R to Pamean F1

POP TONE I *[FL]

“caliente” Ot pá Maz p]aRa NP map[a CH mápà “caña” Ot Ry]o Maz dyR]eRe NP -- Ch urRuhu “comer” Ot c]i Maz s]iRi NP -- Ch átsé “mosca” Ot g]iRw^ Maz ng]Rw[ NP skaR[î CH k/^R`^ “piedra” Ot dó Maz nd]oho NP kot[o Ch kúrò piojo” Ot tRóni Maz tR]o NP UgolR[o Ch rúrRò

Otomian L to Pamean F2

POP TONE II *[HF]

“arado” Ot tRàbi Maz tR`öphS NP -- CH úrRù “bailar” Ot n`î Maz n`^mRme NP nn/ãhiR Ch én`^h`^R “calabacita” Ot mm]a Maz màRu NP m/õhiR Ch úm`ühüR “calentar” Ot pàRtRi Maz pàRtRS NP láppalR CH /qpàn “correr” Ot kài Maz -- NP wakk/õR Ch /kùn -k`õR “gritar” Ot màaRtRi Maz màRtRS NP -ppáRat Ch (/)ppàr

189 Appendix K Cognate Sets for POP Tone

“jalar” Ot kh`SRmi Maz kh`SbRS NP waqqéRedn CH ékèR`^nR “maguey” Ot Rwàda Maz RwàrS NP Ugoddóa Ch kúnRù “oir” Ot R`øde Maz R`ørø NP (/)RoR Ch éRòR qqR[oR Ro HL~LH “sembrar” Ot tàhu Maz tàhmS NP watt/õ Ch étùRúnR “tabaco” Ot Ry`Si Maz -- NP ndóehigU CH útR`üh:`ü “tamales” Ot th`^di Maz th`^Ye NP Ugolh/[R[_ Ch úrR`]h`] “tocar” Ot th`öni Maz th`örS NP -táho Ch (/)tà “tragar” Ot tàtRi Maz -- NP (/)ttõlR Ch étùnR qqt[õlR

Otomian L to Pamean L

POP TONES III * [L]

“estar” Ot k]ã Maz k`ãra NP k`ãt Ch (/)kán “grande” Ot nd]ã Maz nd`ãRa NP mand`ãi Ch -- “nariz” Ot š]iñu Maz šìñu NP XiUy`õa Ch kàn/a “negar” Ot k`øni Maz k`ødRø NP wakkò Ch (/)kó “pedir” Ot R`ödi Maz R`örS NP waRàhodn CH -- “soplar” Ot hwìphi Maz hwìphi


NP wahèigU Ch èx/ür “visitar” Ot p]ãdi Maz p`ãra (“saber”) NP -pp`ã Ch (/)p/ã

Otomian R to Pamean L

POP TONE III * [L]

“acido” Ot R]isi Maz R]isi NP maRèiš Ch mèRés “amargo” Ot kh/a Maz kh]õRo NP makh`ão Ch màkh/ã “boca” Ot né Maz n]eRe NP kon`[ Ch ùní “cabeza” Ot ñ/ã Maz ñ]]Ri NP kan`ãoU Ch -- “conejo” Ot khwá Maz khw]aRa NP Ugokhwà CH -- “chile” Ot Rñí, Rñ]i Maz R]iRi NP waRèi Ch bèRé “frío” Ot c/[ Maz s][R[ NP mac`[ Ch màXí “ir” Ot má Maz m]a NP m`ã~H Ch (/)ngwáa ~ HL “mecate” Ot Rth]ãhi Maz th]S_hmS NP Ungolhw`^ Ch kùnth/^ “metate” Ot kh]S Maz kh]ShnS NP nakhèigU CH tàkh/üR “mirar” Ot n]a Maz n[aRu NP -nn/õRo Ch énùRù -n`õ ~ LH “ojo” Ot d/ö Maz nd]öRö NP Ugot`ào Ch ùrá “oreja” Ot g/a Maz ng]õRo


NP Xiky`ão Ch sìg/ã “pesado” Ot hy/S ~ R Maz hy]SRS NP mahèo Ch maxá “pié” Ot wá Maz ngw]aRa NP makoà Ch ègú “ratón” Ot ng]a Maz ng]õRo NP niUgy`ão Ch nìng/ã “sambroso” Ot k]Shi Maz k]ihm] NP maqèi Ch -- “sangre” Ot khí Maz k]iRi NP kokhwì CH ùkhé

Otomian L to Pamean H

POP TONE IV * [R]

“atole” Ot tR`î Maz tR`^hme NP kolR/[_U Ch ùrR/] “comprar” Ot t`öi Maz t`ömS NP -ttáogU CH ràtár “cuervo”“ Ot k]a Maz kàRa NP UgokwáR Ch úkáR “enterrar” Ot R`ögi Maz R`ögS NP wáRRaog”n ~F Ch (/)Rá ~ LH “flor” Ot d`øni Maz nd`øhnø NP UgotógU Ch úró “decir” Ot m/ã ~ R Maz m`ãma NP -mm/ãU CH (/)m/ã “saliva” Ot khìhni Maz kRìhñi NP UkhwígU Ch síkhé “seco” Ot RyòtRi Maz dyRòdRS NP maRó Ch móRó “vacío” Ot Ry`øni Maz dyR`ødRø NP maRó Ch móRó


Otomian R to Pamean H

POP TONE IV * [R]

“grueso” Ot pìdi ~ R Maz p]iYi NP nimRígU CH dzímRér “mamar” Ot c]S Maz s]iRi NP wácceRe Ch étš/üR “tripa” Ot š]^mpho Maz š]^pho NP mbép Ch kúmb/ü “zorrillo” Ot Ry`ãi Maz R]S_hmS NP konóãRa Ch kárR/ã “agudo”175 Ot ncR]ã Maz sR]S_RS NP ninXR/^s Ch -- “asar” Ot h]ãši Maz h`ãša NP wah/ãs Ch (exüs) chiflar” Ot h/Sši Maz h]SšS NP nhéos Ch -- “hambre” Ot th]ahu Maz th]]hmi NP Ugolh/õi Ch --

Otomian F to Pamean L

POP TONE V * [F]

“araña” Ot méše Maz m[še NP kam`[s Ch kùmür “barbas” Ot kh/Sni Maz kR[SdRS NP khwèlR CH -- “caballo” Ot pháni Maz ph[adRS NP -wàhalR Ch -- “carne” Ot ngø Maz ng[e

175 The last four sets are ambiguous for Pamean tone because Ch tone is lacking. They could

be either *H or *F2. They are assigned to *H here, because it places the sets in the only tone class where Otomian R is found in association with final consonant.


NP riUgy`[R Ch --

“casa” Ot tRóši Maz tR[ošS NP UgolRòs Ch ùrRós “dientes” Ot cR]i Maz sR[ibRi NP UgocìR Ch -- “elote” Ot mánša Maz m[aša NP masà CH -- “enaguas” Ot nkh[ode Maz kh[eYe NP nakhòiR Ch rùkhú “espuma” Ot ph/Sgi Maz ph[SgS NP šipph`èR Ch sùphéR “frijol” Ot kh]S Maz kh[SRS NP UkhwèR Ch kàUkhéR “labio” Ot š]ine Maz š[ine NP XiUU`[t Ch šìní “maduro” Ot d]ã Maz nd[ãRa NP mat`ãR CH màt/ãR “mano” Ot Ry/[ Maz dyR[[R[ NP skanRià Ch kànRí “milpa” Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhma NP konhw`ã Ch kìnhú “moco” Ot Rm]öši Maz bR[öši NP mbàos Ch -- “perro” Ot Ryò, Ryó Maz dyR[oRo NP nadò Ch -- “plato” Ot máda Maz m[aza NP nimmyàhagU Ch nìmá “preguntar” Ot R/öni Maz R[önS NP waRàhodnR Ch (/)Rán

Otomian H to Pamean L


POP TONE V * [F] “aguacate” Ot cR/öni Maz sR`önRnS NP cRàogU Ch -- “ala” Ot hwá Maz hwàha NP hwà Ch -- “cinco” Ot k/StRa Maz cíRXRa NP kikRyài Ch -- “llorar” Ot w/[ Maz w`[R[ NP wài Ch (/)ngwé ~ HL “morir” Ot t/a Maz tàRu NP tt`õ, (/)ttõ Ch (/)r/a “terminar” Ot tége Maz tèze NP lottwì Ch (/)t/ü

Otomian F to Pamean F2

POP TONE VI * [H]

“blanco” Ot tRáši Maz tR[öšS NP káddoa Ch kúnúRù “corto” Ot -- Maz dyR[a m[aha NP mamáhaR Ch sámàhàR “jícara” Ot šímo Maz š[imo NP XímmyóR Ch nimò zìtás “llevar” Ot c]i Maz s[ihi NP waccíR Ch -- “tres” Ot hy]a Maz hñ[]Ri NP ránhõR Ch tínhùn “chupar” Ot c/StRi Maz s[StRS NP wácciolR Ch étš/üR`ün “canción” Ot th/ahu Maz th[õho NP Ugolh/ão Ch -- “gallina” Ot Røni Maz R[øhnø NP koRógU Ch --


Otomian H to Pamean F2

POP TONE VI * [H]

“arar” Ot w/ãhi Maz w]ãhma NP nn/õaRa Ch -- “crecer” Ot té Maz téRe NP waddéoR Ch (/)nd`^ “maíz” Ot thá Maz th`õRo NP Ugolhõ/ã Ch -- “reírse” Ot théde Maz thèYe NP -tt/[h[dnR Ch “robar” Ot p/^ Maz p^Re NP -pp/[_ Ch (/)ppì “tejer” Ot pé Maz pèRe NP wópp[ Ch (/)pì “toser” Ot héhe Maz hèhe NP lóhw[ Ch --

Miscellaneous Correspondences

“decir” Ot šíphi Maz šìphi H:F1 np -s[ep ch (/)sè ~ LH “podrida” Ot Ryá Maz dyRaRa H:F1 NP miyy[ã Ch -- “agua” Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe F:F1 NP kot[[ Ch kurì “comer” Ot ñ/ani Maz ñ[õnRnS F:F1 NP -n/ãoU Ch (/)n`ã ~ LH “dos” Ot yóho Maz y[ehe F:F1 NP n[oi Ch -- “excremento” Ot ph]o Maz ph[oRo F:H NP mphói Ch úph/ü “rápido” Ot níhi Maz n[]hi


F:H NP manéi Ch máné “tijeras” Ot Rñ]ãši Maz Rñ[ãša F:H NP nalRy/ãs Ch tárR/]s

“hilo” Ot th/ãhi Maz th[S_hmS F:R NP Ugolh/ãiU Ch ùrh/^r “nombre” Ot th]ahu Maz th[ahu F:R NP UgolhóR Ch ùnh/]R “olla” Ot cR`øe Maz sR[øbRø F:R NP UgocwéR Ch ùcRéR “contar” Ot pède Maz pèYe L:R NP -pp/[R[dn Ch (/)pín “estar” Ot Rm`Si Maz bR`SbRS L:R NP mmého Ch (/)mè ~ LH “probar” Ot c`öhpi Maz s`öRö L:R NP -ccáoR Ch (/)ndzá ~ HL ~ HH

Compounds

“año” Ot kh`[ya Maz kh[[R[ NP níUg^he Ch -- “catarro” Ot thèhe Maz thè NP Ugol/[R[ Ch -- “cosechar” Ot šòpho Maz š]ephe NP wass/[R[ Ch -- “instrumento Ot Rmìda Maz bRìYi musical” NP nibbíRi Ch -- “ombligo” Ot cR`öi Maz sR`önRnS NP UgocáogU Ch -- “patos” Ot tìga Maz tìzi NP kátti Ch -- pestañas” Ot š]idö Maz šìYö


NP šiUgyáRp Ch -- “teñir” Ot k`ãtRi Maz k`ãtRa NP wákkãR Ch --

6/9/2010 198

APPENDIX L LIST OF ALL COGNATE SETS

The cognate sets are arranged according to their Spanish gloss. One reason for not arranging them according to their reconstructed form is that the stem-initial consonant alternations make an alphabetical listing by initial consonants rather difficult. When a reconstruction is based on only a few languages and those are from the same subgroup, the reconstruction is more limited than when it is based on evidence from nearly all the languages or from representatives of the major subgroups.

Following the Spanish gloss and its English equivalent, a reconstructed form is listed. Whenever possible the A form of the stem is reconstructed. However, nouns often must be reconstructed in a B, C, or D form. A weakened consonant of a B or C form is marked by a preceding equals sign. The syllable nucleus follows immediately after the stem-initial consonant(s) with the glottal element written after the vowel(s). The stem-formative consonant(s)are separated from the root by a hyphen. The glottal element in a stem-formative is written after the other consonant(s), if any.

The basic cognate elements of the constituent languages are presented in tabular form, utilizing a uniform orthography in so far as possible. (Vowel symbols peculiar to the Otopamean languages are: the central vowels S [�], ø [�]; the low front vowel [[ae]; the low back vowel ö; and the front rounded vowel ü.) Where necessary or deemed useful a paragraph of supplementary information follows. Such information includes the older transcriptions of Matlatzinca, different semantics in the various languages, different attestations of forms, paradigmatic ABCD forms, cross reference to other sets, etc.

A number of abbreviations are used. The languages are abbreviated as follows without parentheses: Otomi, Ot; Mazahua, Maz; Matlatzinca, Mtz; Ocuilteco, Oc; North Pame, NP; South Pame, SP; and Chichimeco, Ch. Dialects of a language are abbreviated according to the town or region where spoken: San Felipe (SF), San Gregorio (SG), Santa Clara (SC), Mezquital (Mez), Pacula (P), Jiliapan (J), etc. Different attestations are abbreviated according to the investigator: Guevara (Gu), Basalenque (Bas), Castro (Cas), Moisés Romero (R), Andrews (A), Lorna Gibson (LG), Donald Stewart (Stw), etc. The paradigmatic forms are identified by A,B,C,D,E, or F, without parentheses.

199 Appendix L All POP Cognate Sets

Otomi and Mazahua forms are cited without prefixes. Pame and Chichimeco forms are usually cited with prefixes because the tone patterns are spread over prefix and root. Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco forms are usually cited without prefixes.

1. “Abajo--below” *(m)poR Mtz mapRo Oc -- NP kimbyòRp Ch kumpuR (R) nìmbó SP (J) kumpu·R, (P) p[u· 2. “Abandonar--abandon” *pai-k Ot p[gi Maz mp[zi 3. “Abeja--bee” *tk]a-ne Ot gãne Maz ng[S_hnS 4. “Abrir--open” *so-h-k Ot šohki Maz šohkS Mtz šoRki (Gu) xohoqui Oc šoki Note: In Otomi and Mazahua, an h before the stem-formative distinguishes

the transitive from the intransitive. This may not belong to an earlier horizon, however. Cf. “llave” for the noun derived from this verb.

5. “Abrir-open” *s]-n NP was/]U Ch gàs/^ SP mansì 6. “Absorber-absorb” *si-n Ot cini Maz siñi 7. “Acabado-finished” *ho-n NP -hogU Ch A, B rho NP C -hogU; D –tthogU Ch C tho; D ntho 8. “Acabado-used up” *the-k Ot thege Maz theze Ot tege “to use up” Maz teze 9. “Acercarse-get close” *thã-cR Ot thãci (SF) Maz thãsRã 10. “ácido--sour” *Ri-s Ot Riš Maz Riš Mtz tRiši Maz tRiš NP maRèiš Ch meRu SP (J) cuš, (P) cuRwìs


11. “Acordarse--remember” *mp^-nR Ot mb^ni Maz mbéñRe 12. “Acostarse--lie down” *mRai-nR/# Ot Rmuni Maz bembatRS_ NP ndab[at (pl) Ch ébéRè SP n`SbaRa 13. “Acostarse--lie down *nRaR NP -daRa (sg.) Ch nda SP mantand/ãRa 14. “Acostarse-- to bed” *Ro-mR Ot Roi Maz R[obRS 15. “Adherir--stick to” *koa-h-t Ot kwahti Maz kwahtS 16. “Adivino--soothsayer” *tpã-t Ot bãdi Maz --- NP káppãt Ch kàmb/ãr SP kumpã Note: The NP form looks like an A form. The others could be B or C forms.

The reconstruction is a B form. 17. “Adobe--mud brick” Compound with *hao-m Ot ñãhöi (SF) Maz ñíhömS Mtz (naR)kahani Oc (nilco) kha NP -- Ch úhà ( écàn Note: Ot and Maz have preposed yã “head.” Mtz and Oc have preposed ka. 18. “Adormecido--asleep (arm or leg)” *mtpã-mh Ot mbãhi Maz mbãhmã 19. “Afuera--outside” *thi Ot thí Maz th]iRi Mtz heRti Oc thi 20. “Agarrar--grab” *pai-ntR Ot p[ntRi Maz p[nXRi


21. “Agua--water” *tteh Ot déhe Maz nd[ehe Maz intawi Oc ndà NP kot][ Ch kúrì NP A kónd[ B kiky`[ C kíUgy[ Ch A kúndì B kìrí C kíndì 22. “Aguacate--avocado” *cRöni Ot cRöni Maz sR`öhnS Mtz cRoni Oc cRo NP cRaogU Ch -- SP ncRawn 23. “Aguantar--endure” *cai-h-t / *coe-h-t Ot c[hti Maz s[hXi 24. “agudo--sharp” *(n)cR]a Ot ncRã Maz sRS_RS_ NP ninXR/^s Ch -- Note: NP has a suffix -s. 25. “Aguja--needle” *tRoe NP nalR[ Ch tàrR/ü SP (P) nétRè, (J) ntRw`^ 26. “Ahogar--suffocate” *kh]a-tR Ot (SF) khãti Maz chS_ntRS 27. “Agujerear--pierce” *pioHC-k Mtz mSXi Oc mSki NP -pphèogU Ch -- Mtz (Bas) -muixchi, -puixchi Mtz (Gu) –muchii “agujero hay” 28. “Agujerear--pierce” *ciHC-h-k/-tR Ot ncShki Maz -- Np célR “a hole” Ch úcènR SP cìRn Note: Cf. Ot (SF) nchSni “injection.” NP -cwelR “pricking.” Perhaps the HC

of the reconstruction should be a vowel cluster with an o either before or after the i.

29. “Aire--wind” *nttã-mh Ot ndãhi Maz ndãhmã


30. “Ala-wing” *(n)hoa Ot hwá Maz hwàha Mtz inhowi Oc linhó NP manhwà SP nhnoa 31. “Alacrán” *con-ti-nR NP cond[eilyR Ch súndènR 32. “Alegre--happy” *hô-n NP lah/ôU Ch márh`^ 33. “Alimentar--feed someone” *Roi-n Ot Rwini Maz Rwiñi 34. “Alimentos--food” *hyão-nR Ot (SF) hñani Maz hñ[önRS 35. “Aliviar--to make better (of sickness)” *Rø-ya-te Ot Røhte Maz RøtRø Mtz RøRya Oc Røbiá Mtz (Cas) quitobeayaata “curar enfermedad” (a t ø) 36. “Aliviarse--get better” *th]-cR Ot (SF) th]ci Maz thisRi 37. “Alto--high” *h^-cR Ot *h[_cRi Maz h^sR^ 38. “Alumbrar--give light” yo-tR/-cR/-k Ot yotRi Maz yoRo “vela” Mtz yoki Oc yócRi Mtz (Bas) yohotzi, -yotze: (Gu) niyoo “candelero” Oc (Weitlaner, 1934) tiyothik “alúmbrame.” 39. “Alzar--raise” *hõ-sR Ot A hacR, C hyacRi, D thacRi NP A –hosp, B -h`õsp, C –nhìõsp, D - lh`õsp Ch A hu, B nhi, C nhi, D rhu 40. “Alzar--raise something” *ta-h-cR Mtz tahcRi Oc tahcRi 41. “Amanecer--get light” *noe-t (?) Mtz neti Oc (tàl)néti


42. “Amanecer--get light, dawn” *ha-cR/-p, *hã-cR Ot hy]acRi Maz hy]asRS Mtz hyabi Oc -- NP -nhãs “to arise” Ch -- 43. “Amar--love” *thi-ya Mtz thiya Oc thiya 44. “Amargo--bitter” *khão Ot (n)kha Maz kh[öRö_ Mtz Xhø Oc Xhø NP makh`ão Ch màkh/ã 45. “Amarillo--yellow” *kRa-s-tR Ot (n)kRaštRi Maz kRaštRS 46. “Amarrar--tie” *Roe-R-tR Ot RweRtRti Maz RwëXRi Mtz weti Oc wéhtí 47. “Amarrar--tie” *th]a-R-tR Ot th`ã Maz th/aRtRS_ 48. “Amarrar--tie” *tõ-R-tR Ot (Mez) t/aRti Maz tõRtR “S 49. “Ancho--wide” *si/*s] Ot š]di Mtz šintiru “camino ancho” NP niššeRe SP nišíRi 50. “Ancho--wide” *mhi Mtz mi Oc mhi 51. “Andar--walk” *nRioa Ot Ryo Maz nYodRS Mtz tru Oc -- NP dóa Ch étRú SP -ndóak 52. “Animal--animal” *m-paiR NP A nambáRi, B UgowáRi, C UgomáRi, D mbuR[pt Ch A nãmbè, B ùngwé, C úmè, D úvèR 53. “Anteayer--day before yesterday” *nRante Mtz ranta Oc phlamda


54. “Año--year” *khai-/*kãih- Ot kh[ya Maz kh[[R[ Mtz inkhø”ø Oc khønYø NP niUg^h^ Ch -- Ot (Relación de Querétaro) Quenza. There are several different postposed

elements in the different languages. 55. “Apagar (la lumbre)--extinguish” *hõe-tR/-k Ot hw[_tRi Maz hw^XR^ Mtz huRuXi Oc (lí)hñinYi 56. “Apetito, tener--to have an appetite" *mo-s Ot moši Maz mošS 57. “Aprender--learn" *phai-h-t Ot ph[hti “imitate” Maz ph[hXi 58. “Apretar--squeeze” *ti-s NP wáttes Ch étès 59. “Aquí--here” *koa Ot gwa Maz a Rñekhwa NP ikyúwa Ch kíkú SP kùà, kwà 60. “Arado—a plow” *tRoa-p Ot tRàbi Maz tRoa-p Mtz intRopi Oc tRopi SP ntRoá Ch úrRù Cf. “Arar.” 61. “Araña--spider” *me-s Ot meše Maz m[eš^ Mtz inmaši Oc màši NP kam`[s Ch -- 62. “Araña--spider” *me-n SP (P) emén Ch kùm/ür


63. “Arar--plow” *nõa-mh Ot wãhi Maz wãhmã Mtz nomi Oc -- NP nn/õRa Ch -- 64. “Arar--plow” *pi-cR SP maphan puic Ch ú�/ö épècR 65. “Árbol--tree” *tca Ot z]a Maz z[aRa Mtz insa Oc dza 66. “Árbol--tree” *tkoã-n NP UgokwáU Ch tàngwá SP (P) nuUgw/ã Ch (R) kà�/ã 67. “Arco--bow” *thai (?) NP UgolhàR Ch tùrhéR 68. “Arder--burn” *nõa-n or *nõ-nR Ot nãni “cal” Maz ñö_RnS_ “cal” NP -n[aolR “arder” Ch nar “arder” SP (P) kiñãw “arder” Ch (R) min/ã “cal” 69. “Arder--burn” *tcoett Ot (n)zø Maz zørø Mtz ceti 70. “Ardilla--squirrel” *mi-nã Ot m]nã Maz mini Gu mini (yntemini) Oc mi (ndemi) NP koméigU 71. “Arena--sand” *m]o-m Ot *Rmoma (Ot has preposed Rmo-) Maz --- Mtz mumi (nXiRmumi) Oc mu (ñùmú) NP -mm/ôU SP -mai 72. “Armadillo” *tho Mtz -- Oc tho NP -lhóR SP nthúR 73. “Armadillo” *nkRi-nkhoa Ot nkR]inkhwa Maz kR]nkhwà


74. “Arrear--herd” *kõaoh-n NP -kwãhoU Ch kun Ch A dun, B kun, C gun, D khun. 75. “Arrear--herd” *Rai-tR/nR Ot R`[tRi, RutRi Maz R[dyRi 76. “Arriba-up” *cR]-nR Mtz makucRi Oc -- NP kocR/](UR) Ch pacRín 77. “Asar-roast” *hã-s Mtz hãši Oc -- NP -h/ãs Ch ehüs (?) SP -hwãš 78. “Asustar--frighten, startle” *pi-t Ot pidi Maz pìYi 79. “Asustarse--fear” *cõ Ot ca Maz saRa 80. “Atar--tie” *tõ-(n) cR Ot tacRi Maz tancRS_ Mtz tucRi Maz tuncRi NP ttócR “sandals” Ch tuc NP A tuts, B nduts, C ruts, D rhuts. 81. “Atar-tie up” *th]a-tR Ot thãtRi Maz thS_tRtS_ 82. “Atole--thick drink made from corn” *tR^-m Ot tR[_i Maz tR^hm^ Mtz tRemi Oc tRe SP ketR^R Ch úrR/] NP A kaRu_, B konRu_U, C konu_U, D kolRu_U 83. Atravesar--cross” *Rna-cR/-h-k Ot *RnacRi Oc lácRì Ot *Rnahki “brincar” Maz dahkS “brincar” 84. “Aventar trigo--winnow grain” *pi-h-k Ot pihki Maz pihci 85. “Axila--armpit” *hoa


NP sanhwàp (-p “his”) Ch nính/aR nìmb/ö SP šnhùa 86. “Ayer--yesterday” *m-te Ot mánd]e Maz Rànd[øRø Mtz nta Oc mdá 87. “Tarde--late afternoon” *n-te Ot nd]e Maz -- Mtz rinta Oc milindá, tàhndá NP wand`[p (Ugo báho) “It’s eve, the fiesta” 88. “Ayudar--help” *phao-cR Ot phöcRi Maz phösRS 89. “Azadón--hoe” *tRoa Ot (SG) tRapi Ch (R) úrRù sadó Cf. “arado.” 90. “Azul--blue” *kRa-n-k Ot kRangi Maz kRãngã 91. “Bailar--dance” *nãih-mR Ot n[_i Maz n^mR^ Mtz nøhøbi Oc ñøøbi NP nn/ãhiR Ch énèhèR SP n/ãha 92. “Bajar--come down” *kã-mR/-t Ot kãi Maz -- Mtz Xabi Oc -- NP k[ãRt SP -gwáhat 93. “Banco--bench, stool” *Xhopi Mtz Xhopi Oc nXhopi NP šinXRohoR (?) 94. “Bañar--bathe” *si-h-k/-tR Ot šShki Maz -- Mtz šuti Oc šuti NP sigU SP šin Cf. “Lavar.” 95. “Bañar (a alguien)--bathe someone” *sa-h-t Ot šáhti Maz šàhtS


96. “Bañarse--bathe” *sah Ot (n)šaha Maz šàh 97. “Barbas--chin, beard” *khi-nR (Should have HC?) Ot kh/Sni Maz kR[SdRS Mtz nXSri Oc nd[zSli Np UkhwèlR SP igy]n NP A ikkìlR, B Ugw[elR, C UgwìlR, D Ukwèlp. 98. “Barranca--gulley” *hy^ Ot *hy[_ Maz -- Mtz ipyhewi Oc ndóhñè 99. “Barranca--gulley” *nhã NP nanh/ã Ch sính`ãR “río” SP nhnáw 100. “Barrer--sweep” *pa-s Ot páši Maz pašS Mtz paši Oc mbášXi 101. “Escoba--broom” *mRa-s Ot *Rmaši Maz bašS Mtz baši Oc ši�ašXi SP stpã Ch táp`^R (R) 102. “Barriga--belly” *m-pao NP A namb]ao, B Ugowào, C Ugom]ao, D Ugob]ap Ch A námbà, B ùngwá, C úmà SP (P) námpáw, (J) (m)m]u. 103. “Bautizar--baptize” *hi-h-t Ot hìhti Maz hìhXi 104. “Besar--kiss” *cioHC-t/-p/-tR Ot cShti /Sr ne (SF) Maz s/SRtpRS o n]eRe Mtz cupi Oc cupi NP cciolR “chupar” Ch -- Cf. “chupar,” “mamar.” 105. “Blanco--white” *tRoa-s/*n?oa/*noa Ot tRáši Maz tR]öšS Mtz tRoši Oc -- NP káddoa Ch kúnúRù SP škándóà


106. “Blando--soft” *tão-t Ot tadi Maz t]ö_rS, Xö_rS SP ty^t Oc tøti “carne blanda” 107. “Blusa--blouse” *pa-h-n Ot pahni Maz pahna 108. “Boca--mouth” *te/*ne Ot né Maz n]eRe, teRe Mtz na Oc -- NP konu Ch ùní SP khne NP A katt`[, B kol][, C kon`[, D n`[t, kon`[t Ch A kàtí, B útì, C ùní 109. “Bordar--embroider” *Roe-t Ot Rw[hti Maz w[hXi 110. “Borracho--drunk” *t]/*ni-m Ot nt] Maz t`]R] Mtz nimi Oc ni 111. “Borrego--sheep” *tão-t Ot d[hti (d[+tadi) Maz nd[[nXSrS Mtz inšitøti Oc nimtønti “algodón” 112. “Brazo--arm” *s]-R SP n`øs`]R Ch sìs/^ 113. “Brotar--to sprout” *poeHC-cR Ot pøcRe Maz pesRe 114. “Brujo--

sorcerer” *ho

NP kahó Ch káhó SP kuhú 115. “Buscar--look for” *ho-n Ot hòni Maz hodRS Mtz hori Oc holi 116. “Buscar--search” *taoR NP B,C -ttãRo, D -thãRo Ch A,B,C tã, D thã 117. “Caballo--horse” *pah-nR


Ot phani Maz ph]adRS Mtz pari, impahari Oc báhli NP -wàhalR SP mpàhàl

118. “Cabellos--hair” *si-*nõa/*tõa Ot šta Maz ñ]ste Mtz šiRnú Oc šitu 119. “Cabellos--hair” *ka-nh]/*th] SP skinhn]i Ch kánthè NP skanh]] 120. “Cabeza--head” *niõ Ot šiya “nariz” Maz šihña “nariz” Mtz nu Oc ñu NP XiUU`õa “nariz” Ch kàn/a “nariz” 121. “Cabeza--head” *n]a/*não-n Ot yã Maz ñ]R] NP kan`ãoU SP kinyãu 122. “Cadera--hip” *mo Ot yãmo “dedo del pié” Maz ñ]mo “dedo del pié” NP Ugomò Ch rùmór SP škumúR 123. “Caer--fall” *co-R Ot co Maz soRo NP -ccoR Ch co 124. “Caer--fall” *hø-mR Ot høi Maz høbRø The Ot-Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC. 125. “Caer de arriba--fall from above” *tao-k *Ot tögi Maz tögS 126. “Caerse--fall over" *nioHC-k Maz nSgS Mtz nuki 127. “Caja--box” *hoa-ta Ot hwada Maz hwarS Mtz wati Oc hwati


128. “Cal--lime” *thi-to Mtz thuto Oc thindó 129. “Cal--lime” *ci-p Ot cibi “fuego” Maz sivi “fuego” Ntz ininsipi “cenizas” Oc nimcipi “cenizas” NP lacRiR “cal” SP sì�ìcRí “cal” 130. “Calabacita--little squash” *mõ Ot ma Maz maRa Mtz mu Oc gáncRìmúhli NP mõhiR SP mahà 131. “Calabazo--gourd” *mo Ot (SG) t/ãšmbo (tã+šimo”) Oc ndšíhmó NP komóR Ch nímóR SP nc]R, mí`w (low tone w) 132. “Calavera--skull” *si-mo-R Ot šimo Mtz šimo NP XimmyóR (sg) , šimmyóR (pl) 133. “Calcetín--sock” *-kwa, *tRi-Rt NP makwà kotRwéRt Ch égù rReRr Note: The reconstruction of the stem-formative is uncertain. 134. “Caldo--broth” *n-kitteh Ot githe Maz ngSre 135. “Calentar--heat it” *pa-(R)-tR/-nR Ot pàRtRi Maz pàRtRS Mtz pari (al fuego), pati (al sol) Oc pátí NP ppalR Ch pan NP ABCD ppalR Ch A,B pan, C nban, D phan 136. “Caliente--hot” *pa Ot (m) pa Maz pa Mtz pawi Oc pa NP map]a Ch mápà SP múpã 137. “Calzones--trousers” *khoi-R Ot z[škho Mtz inXho NP naUkhòiR Ch rùkhü SP šnkhu Cf. “Enaguas.”


138. “Calzones--trousers” *hwi-tR-kwa Ot hwitRwa Maz hwiXkwa 139. “Camarón--shrimp” *mao-mR Ot möi Maz möRbRS

140. “Calzar--put on shoes” *t]-tR Ot t]tRi Maz t]XRi 141. “Cama--bed” *mRi-R NP Ugob[[ Ch nimbiR SP /mbíe (high tone m) 142. “Cambiar--change” *pao-t/-nR Ot pöti (tr.), mbödi (intr.) Maz pöhti Mtz pacRi Oc -- NP mmàodnR Ch por NP A,B,C mmaodnR, D -ppàodnR Ch A,B,C por, D phor 143. “Camino--path, road” *nR]o Ot Rya Maz Rñ]h] Maz ru Oc ndluhu 144 “Camino--road, path” *nRõeh-R NP nRo`[_ Ch nánkRàhà (?) SP n/ah`^R NP A nonRò[_h[R, B niUyRu_h[R, C niUyR`[_h[R, D nanRu_h[R Note: The Ch form would fit except for the k. 145. “Camote--sweet potato *tpoeHC-(n)-k(h)õa-mR Ot bøkRwã Maz bR[emgwãRmã Mtz -- Oc bønYu SP (P) pikhw`ã, (J) pikiw Ch pik/a 146. “Papas--potatoes” (under “camote”) *nRo/*tRo Ot RnokRa Maz dRokRa Mtz intRo Oc -- NP piURo Ch -- Note: The second syllable in the Ot and Maz words may have something to

do with the morpheme in “camote,” above. Although both “camote” and “papa” appear to be compounds, the first element in “camote” is more like a prefix whereas the first element in “papa” is a root morpheme. This could account for the different reflexes of the second element.


147. “canasta--basket” *th(o)i Ot Rmithi Maz bReXhe Mtz insønthiwi Oc -- Note: Ot and Maz have preposed *mRi; Mtz has preposed cøn. NP -llhwiRi: NP A nothwíRi , B nilyhíRi, C nikyhíRi

148. “Canasto--large basket” *mRø-cRi-R Ot RmøcRe Maz bRosRi Mtz -- Oc bøcRi SP šmtikicR]i Ch kúcRèR Note: The ø in Otomian probably is from POP *oHC, although the reason

that Maz has the reflex o is obscure. 149. “Canción--song” *thão-h Ot thaha Maz th[ohõ Mtz inthøwi Oc -- NP Ugolh/ão A nattão, B Ugot`ão, C Ugot[ão 150. “Cansado--tired” *kRõi-nR NP ndakR/^mp Ch kúnkR`ünR SP m`øtíkìw 151. “Cansarse--get tired” *cao-ya Ot cöya Maz söya Mtz coya Oc nzoya Note: The -ya suffix is still to be explained because at present no y is

reconstructed for POP. 152. “Cantar--sing” *tão-h Ot taha Maz tõhõ Mtz tøwi Oc tø NP -ndão, D -nthão 153. “Cántaro--water jug” *sø-nh Ot šøni Maz šøhnø Note: The Ot-Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC 154 “caña--sugar cane” *nRio Ot Ryo Maz dyReRe Mtz ro Oc lo NP -- Ch úrRùhù Mtz (Cas) yndo (de maíz verde); ynziiro (seco)


155. “Capulín--wild cherry” *choe Ot d[ch[ Maz nd[[ns[ Mtz insewi Oc che 156 “Cara--face” *hmi Ot hmi Maz hmiRi Mtz mhi Oc mhi

157. “Carbón--charcoal” *th]-mia/-mR/-nR Ot th[_yã Maz th^hm^ Mtz thubi Oc thuli 158. “Cárcel--jail” *phao-t Ot phödi Maz phörS Cf. “Cuidar.” 159. “Cárcel--jail” *khãR-n NP kiUkhyãRaU Ch ùkh/ã (màger) SP khi/^ kagwa 160 “Carne humana--human

flesh” *n-koeHC

Ot ngø Maz Ug[eRe NP -Ugw`[R SP mugà A roUgw`[R, B riky[[R, C riUgy`[R, D riUgy`[Rt 161. “Carne--meat” *nRi-m Mtz indimi Oc ndli 162. “caro--dear, expensive *m]a-t Ot mãdi Maz miYi Ch m^h^ 163. “Carpintero--carpenter” *nia-s Ot yaši Maz yašS 164. “Carrizo--reed” *thi Ot šithi Maz šithi Mtz inthiwi Oc -- NP -lhi SP nthí 165. “casa--house” *ntkõ Ot nga Maz ngamS Note: The Mazahua second syllable may be from a contraction of


-hömS “soil” as the second element of a compound. The houses in the area are of adobe brick.

166. “Casa--house” *tRo-s Ot tRoši “cena, cama” Maz tRošS “nido” Mtz tRoši “cena” Oc -- NP -lRòs “casa” Ch ùrRós “casa” SP ntRus “casa” 167 “Cenar--eat supper” *Ro-s Ot Roši “pasar la noche” Maz RošS “pasar la noche” Mtz yoši “cenar” Oc -- 168. “Casarse--get married” *t]ah-Rt Ot (n) thãhtiwi Maz Xh/S_htS_ Mtz tøhønye Oc -- NP -tt`^heRt Ch ìtéhér SP -t^h^R NP A, C -tt`^heRt, B -kky`^heRt, D -kyR`^heRt 169 “Catarro--a cold” *theR OT thehe Maz the Mtz katuhyewi Oc -- NP A nothuR[, B nilyhuR[, C nikhyuR[, D rikhyuR[t 170. “Cebolla--onion” *-toe-n-si Ot d[nši Maz nd[nšS Note: The Ot-Maz [ could come from either POP *ai or *oe after an

alveolar consonant. 171. “Cenizas--ashes” *mRo-ci-p Ot Rmo(h)cibi Maz bRozivi Mtz nimbo, inincipi Oc nimcipi 172 “Cerca--fence” *kRõah-nR NP UgokRwãholR Ch kRòhò SP ntRuškahu 173. “Cerca--near” *no SP šnú Ch manó 174 “Cerrar--close” *ko-tR Ot kotRi Maz kotRS Mtz koRti Oc --


175. “Cerrar--close” *ceo-R/-nR NP waccuo// Ch gàcen 176 Cerro--mountain, hill” *soeHC-cR Ot šøcRe “encima” Maz a šesRe “encima” Mtz inšøcRi Oc -- 177. “Cerro--mountain” *hãi-cR Ot h[_cRi “alto, cielo” Maz h^sRe “cielo” Mtz høcRi “cerro” Oc høcRi “cerro” NP h`[_cR “alzar” 178 “Cerro--mountain” *tRoeHCh Ot tRøhø Maz tRèhe NP -lRw[[ SP ntRúè 179. “Cinco--five” *koiHC-tRai Ot kStRa Maz ciXRa Mtz kutRa Oc kwìtRá NP kikRyai Ch -- 180. “Cintura--belt” *kiHCh-tR/-nR Ot ngSti Maz nzSntRS Mtz XShSti NP -kéhelR SP kugwíhin 181. “Ciudad--town” *nh]-nR Ot hnini Maz ndahniRñi 182. “Clavar--nail” *tø-tR Ot tøtRe Maz tøtRø Note: The Ot-Maz ø comes from either POP *oHC or POP *eoHC. 183. Cobija--blanket” *tRoe-R NP -lRw`[R Ch ùrR/ü SP ntRwe 184. “Cocer en la olla--cook” *hoHC-cR *heoHC-cR Ot høcRe Maz høsRø 185. “Codiciar--covet” *ne-h-p Ot (SF) nehpi Maz nehpe 186. “Codo--elbow” yS-nR Ot ySni Maz ySdRS Note: There is as yet no satisfactory explanation for Ot-Maz yS.


187. “Cola--tail” *cRioHC-R/*cRoiHC-R Ot cRS Maz -- Mtz cRinci Oc cindzi NP ncR[oeR Ch -- NP A nácceR, B UgocèokR, C Ugoc[oeR, D ncR[oep 188. “collar--necklace” *the-p Ot thebe Maz theve Mtz -- Oc thàpí NP nlhuR[ NP A attuR[, B Ugot[[, C nduR[ 189. “Compañero--companion” *(n)Rio-i (dual) Ot nRyowi Maz dyRofi Note: The *-i is the dual morpheme--the only vowel suffix. 190. “Comal--clay griddle” *nRio Ot doRyo Maz ndèdyRe Mtz nowi Oc no Note: Ot and Maz have preposed *tto. 191. “Comal--clay griddle” *cRi-R NP šiXRéR Ch -cRéR 192. “Comer--eat” *n]ao-nR/-n Ot yani Maz ñö_nRS_ NP n/ãoU Ch nã SP (Mi) ninyã (prob. Ji) NP A, B, C -n/ãoU, D ndonh/ãoU Ch A, B, C –nã, D -nhã 193. “Comer--eat” *ci Ot ci Maz siRi Mtz cici Oc cinci NP -- Ch nácè 194. “Comezón--itch” *(n)sã-mh Ot nšãhi Maz šãhmã 195. “Componer--fix” *ho-h-k Ot hohki Maz hohkS


196. “Comprar--buy” *tao-m Ot töi Maz tömS Mtz tami Oc ta NP -ttáogU Ch ta SP -ntáw Ot A töi, C döi, D nRöi Maz A tömS, C ndömS, D dRöi NP A -ttaogU, B -taogU, C -taogU, D -lhaogU Ch A –ta, B –nda, C –ra, D -rha 197. “Conejo--rabbit” *khoa Ot khwá Maz khw]aRa Mtz khwa, Xho Oc -- NP -khwà Ch --

198. Confesar--confess” *kõah-n/-mR/-nia Ot (n)khw/ãni Maz khwãmRã Mtz kunya Oc keyungyá NP kkwãhoU Ch -- NP A --kkw`ãhoU, B --kkw`ãhoU, C --kk`ãhoU, D --kRw`ãhoU 199. “Consolar--comfort” *ho-R-tR Ot hoRtRi Maz hoRtRpRS 200. “Contar--count” *pe-t/-nR Ot pede Maz pèYe Mtz -- Oc mbáti NP -ppuR[dn Ch pin NP A -pp?[R[dn, B -wuR[dn, C -muR[dn, D -b[R[dn Ch A -pin, B -ngwin, C –min, D -mbin 201. “Contestar--answer” *t]ah-t/*tãih-t Ot thãdi Maz th`S_rS_ Mtz tønti, tøhønti Oc tømti 202. “Copal, incienso--incense” *n-ki-tho-n/pã Ot githoni Maz ngiXhS_hnS_ Mtz inXiRpø Oc nYípø 203. “copiar--copy” *sø-h-k Ot šøhke Maz šøhkø Note: Ot-Maz ø comes from either *oHC or *eoHC.


204. “Corazón--heart” *mS-mR Ot mSi Maz mSbRS Note: Ot-Maz S comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 205. “Correcto--correct” *RiR-t SP nìdíRi Ch írìRr 206. “Cortar--cut” *taRa SP -taRa Ch tútáRà�oR, (A) étàv 207. “Cortar flores--pick flowers” *tS-h-k Ot tShki Maz tShkS Note: Ot-Maz S comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 208. “Cortar quelites--pick wild greens” *pai-mh Ot p[hi Maz pehme

209. “Corteza--bark” *hS-s Ot hSši Maz -- Mtz šihSši Oc šihSši Note: Otomian S comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 210 “Corteza--bark” *mo-R SP nímmiú Ch rímóR 211. “Corto--short” *mah-R NP mamáhaR Ch sámàhàR SP smáhàR 212. “Correr--run” *nãih SP (P) -n/ãh`] Ch nef, D nhef SP (J) -n/ãhã Note: The Ch suffix --f may be the third person object *-p. 213. “Correr--run” *ti-h/*nRi-h Ot tihi Maz dRihi 214. “Correr--run” *kõ-mR/-R Ot kai Maz -- Mtz kubi Oc -- NP -kk/õR Ch kun “to race” NP A -kk/õR, B -k`õR, C -k`õR, D -kh`õR Ch A -kun, B -kun, C -gun, D -khun


215. “Cosechar--harvest” *se-ph/# Ot šopho Maz šephe Mtz šepi Oc -- NP -ssuR[ SP (P) mán-ni-Xì (?) 216. “Cosechar (frijoles)--harvest” *sa Ot ša NP -sá 217. “Coser--sew” *oe-Rt/-nR Ot Rw[di, D tR[di Maz -- Mtz weri Oc gweli NP -Rw[dnt “piece cloth” NP -R[h[Rt “sew” Ch éR`üh`ür SP Rùhèt 218. “Aguja--needle” (Cf. “Coser”) *tRoe NP nalR`[ Ch tàrR/ü SP ntRw^

219. “Coyote” *nRio Ot m]nRyo Maz mindyRo Mtz nšuRyowi Oc šuyo NP manRò Ch -- 220. “Crecer--grow” *te/*nReR Ot té Maz téRe NP -ddéoR Ch nd^ 221. “Creer--believe” *^-h-mh Ot R[_m[_ Maz R^hm^ 222. “Cuarenta--forty” *nio-te Ot yòhte Maz ye dyR`öhte Mtz nenta, nehenta Oc myèndá NP n[oi ly[[dn SP tide 223. “Cuatro--four *-ki-nioh Ot goho Maz nzìyo, nzioho Mtz kunhowi Oc ngunhó NP kiUh[oi Ch -- 224. “Cuchillo--knife” *khoa-mR Ot khwai Maz NP UgokhwáRa “flint knife” SP (P) pikhwáR, (J) bìkhìõR


225. “Cuchillo--knife” *thai-nR*thi-s Ot (SG) th[ni Maz th[dyRi Mtz hari “cortar” Oc -- NP nalhéš Ch ràrhé 226. “Cuerpo--body” *nhia NP Ugonhìa Ch ùnh/] 227. “Cuervo--crow” *ka-R Ot ka Maz kàRa Mtz inXaRa Oc kRa NP UgokwáR Ch ùkáR SP nèkáR Note: There is a very strong probability that this resemblance is due

to onomatopoeia. 228. “Cuidar--watch” *to-n NP A -ttògU, B -tògU, C -tògU, D -lhògU Ch A -to, B -ndo, C -ro, D -rho

229. “Cuidar--take care of” *phao-t Ot phödi Maz phörS 230. “Culebra--snake” *kR]-mia Ot kR[_yã Maz kR`]hm] Mtz nXRimi Oc XRi 231. “Culebra--snake” *chi-R/*chi-R NP kochíR Ch kúcRèRr 232. “Culpa--fault” *cRo-h-k Ot cRohki Maz sRohkS 233. “Curandero--medicine man” *nRiai-m Ot nRy[_i Maz -- Mtz Rimi “curar” Oc Ri “curar” NP d[ Ch tehe SP ðe Cf. “medicina.” 234. “Chapulín--grasshopper” *tR]a-s Ot tRãši Maz tRS_šS_ SP skantRès Ch ríté


235. “Chiflar--whistle” *hioHC-s Ot hSši Maz hSšS Mtz hSši Oc hSši NP nhéos Ch énés (nhes ?) SP núRúš 236. ”Chilacayote--squash” *mõih-R Ot d[ma Maz nd[miRi Mtz šimuRu Oc šikmúhli NP mm/õh]R Ch -- 237. “Chicle--chewing gum” *cRa-h-po Ot c/áhpo Maz cRahpo Ch cRápRóR Note: Perhaps the Ch form is a borrowing from Otomi. 238. “Chile--chile pepper” *(m)Ri Ot (n)Ri Maz RiRi Mtz mi Oc mi NP waRèi Ch �èRé SP �SRí

239. “Chile seco--dried chiled” *nRio-mRi Ot RyomRi Maz dyR[oRi Mtz niyomi Oc yokRami 240. “Chile verde--green chile” *sa-mRi Ot š[mRi Maz -- Mtz šaRmi Oc šami Note: The Ot form shows assimilation of the first vowel to the vowel

in the second syllable. 241. “Chispa--spark” *ci-p Ot d[(h)cibi Maz nd[sivi Mtz nšicipi Oc šínz`øcípi 242. “Chivo--goat” *ki-tR NP XikílR Ch tàkér 243 “Chupar--suck” *cioHC-tR *coiHC-nR Ot cStRi Maz sStRS Mtz -- Oc cúti NP -cciolR Ch étš/üR`ün NP A -cciolR, B,C –ci[olR, D -cRi[olR


244. “Dañar--spoil something” *cRonR/# Ot cRoni Maz sRodRS “lastimar” NP cRo Ch -- 245. “Dar--give (not as a gift)” *po-k/# Mtz poXi (ki) Oc póki NP A -ppo, B -wo, C -mo, D -b[o Ch A -po, B -ngwo, C -mo, D -mbo 246. “Dar--give” *õ-nR Ot Rani Maz R[anRS_ 247. “Dar--give” *Reo-n NP A -Rw[eogU, B -Rw[eogU, C -d[eogU, D -lR[eogU Ch A -Re, B –te, C –nde, D -rRe 248. “Dar--give *pa-nR Mtz pari, pahri Oc mbali 249. “Deber--owe” *tõ Ot ta Maz taRa 250. “Decir--say” *si-p Ot šíphi Maz šìphi Mtz ši- Oc -- NP sep, D chep Ch se, D che 251. “Decir--say” *R]-na Ot R[_nã Maz R^ñ^ NP R^hiR (?) Ch -- 252. “Decir--say” *mã-m/-t Ot mã D mhã Maz mãmã Mtz møti Oc mø NP A -mmãU, B,C -mãU, D -mhãU Ch A -mã, B,C -mã, D -mhã 253. “Dedo--finger” *n]a-nRiai Ot -- Maz ñidyR[ Mtz nuRye Oc nuye Note: The word is a compound of “head” and “hand.” 254. “Dedo--finger” *saoh Ot šöhö Maz šöhö


255. “Dedo del pié--toe” (*n]a)-*mo Ot yãmo Maz ñimo Mtz nuRmo Oc ñumo NP skamo “claw” Ch -- Note: The word is a compound of “head” and “foot” in Otomian (cf.

“finger”). The NP word contains the “foot” morpheme. 256. “Defender--defend” *mã-t Ot mãdi “love, protect” Maz m`ãrã 257. “Dejar--leave, abandon” *co-k Ot cogi Maz sógS 258. “Dejar--leave” *hai-k/-mR Ot h[gi, C hy[gi, D th[gi Maz h[zi, C hy[zi, D th[zi Mtz habi, (i)heXi Oc habi, heXi NP A -haigU, B,C -nhíagU, D -lháigU Ch A -he, B,C -nhi, D -rhe 259. “Delgado--thin” *tpia-s NP nip[i[s Ch dzíbès SP níbìš 260. “Desgranar maíz--shell corn” *tõa-h-k/-mR Cf. “frotar.” Ot tãhki Maz tö_mRS Mtz tobi Oc tubi 261. “Derramar--pour out” *phao-nR Ot phöni Maz phödRS 262. “Desabrido--without flavor” *Roe (OnomatopoeiaR) Ot (SF) Rw[ Maz Rw[R[ 263. “Despertar--awaken (tr.)” *nõ(h) Ot (SG) naha Maz -- Mtz -nuwi Oc ñu NP nn[o Ch énú SP -n[u 264. “Dientes--teeth” *cRi-mR/# Ot cRi Maz sRibi Mtz cibi Oc ci NP ncRiR SP nciR NP A -ccìR, B -c[iR, C -ccìR, D ncRèpt


265. “Diez--ten” *nRai-tRai Ot Rn[tRa Maz dyR[XRa Mtz ndatRa Oc mblátRa NP seskRai The second element is a D form of “hand,” cf. “hand.” 266. “Difícil--difficult” *h]e-m[# Ot hy[_i NP mahu_R[t 267 “Dilatar--delay” *m^-t/-nR Ot m[_di Maz meYe NP -mm[_nR Ch m^, D mh^ 268. “Dinero--money” *n-taih-nR NP nduh[dnR Ch (R) úrèhènR SP -dãhãn Ch A túndèn, B kùrén, C nírèn, D úrèn 269 “Dios--god” *k]ah-m/*kiah-p Ot okhã Maz (miYo) khimi mökhã “priest” mb/ökhìmi “priest” nikhã “church” ñichiRmi “church” Ch ntRàgéhé� “Monday” The Ch word for Monday is a compound of “one” and an unidentified mor-

pheme which may be cognate with the Ot-Maz word for “god.” The Ch -gehe� could come from *kiah-p differing from the Ot-Maz only in nasality.

270. “Doblar--fold” *to-R-mR Ot toRmi Maz -- Mtz tobi Oc tobi 271. “Doler--hurt” *Rio Ot RS Maz RSRS NP maR[[o Ch -- 272. “Dolor--pain” *Rio Ot RS Maz RSRS Mtz Ri Oc -- 273. “Dolor--pain” *Rãi SP (P) b/ãRãi, (J) báRa Ch nímR`ã Ch A númR`ã, B nìmR/ã, C nímR`ã 274. “Dormir--sleep” *R]ah-nR/# Ot Rãhã Maz R]h] Mtz RSwi Oc RS NP RR^hilR Ch énR`üh`ünR Note: The Ch vowel points to a cluster *õi. NP has such a cluster after an o


in the preceding syllable. Perhaps the NP-Ch underlying form should be *Rõi(a)h-nR.

275. “Sueño--sleep” (D form of “sleep) *tR]ah Ot tRãhã Maz tR]h] 276. “Dos--two” *nioh Ot yoho Maz yehe Mtz nowi, tenowewi Oc no, mno NP noi SP (P) tíyùi 277. “Dueño--owner, chief” *mhõ-R Ot hma Maz hmaRa Mtz mhu Oc mhu NP wimh]òR (-mhõ) Ch mhu 278. “Duro--hard” *mãi Ot m[_ Maz m^R^ Mtz mø Oc mø SP mmã Ch -- 279. “Eclipse” (“moon and “die”) *mRão *tõ NP tt`õ UgomRãoR Ch ùmR/ãR ír/a gúndù SP mpãR guta

280. “Echar--throw” *Rai-tR/-nR Ot R[tRi, R[ni Maz -- NP -RailyR Ch Rer SP -nu-Rwá Ot A R[ni, C Ry[ni, D tR[ni Ch A Rer, B tir, C ndir, D rRer 281. “Elote--ear of corn” *-sa Ot m/ãnša Maz m[aša Mtz muša Oc muša NP A nossà, B niš[a, C niššà, D masà, pl. wasà Note: The preposed element does not fit the established

correspondences. Perhaps it is a remnant of an older prefix system. The NP form looks like the adjective prefix plus the root “cut,” cf. “cosechar” (216).

282. “Emparejar--plane” *Rã-R-cR Ot RãRcRi “shave wood” Maz RãsRã Note: Cf. “tijeras” and “cortar con tijeras.”


283. “Empezar--begin *phiHC-t/*piHCh-t Ot phSdi Maz phSrS Note: Ot-Maz S comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. The aspirated

stop may be a D form or it may be the result of the syncope of the first vowel of a VhV sequence (*Vh).

284. “Empujar--push” *Ra-nR/*Roa-nR NP (G) walRwadnR Ch úRán SP man-nu-Rwán Note: The first reconstruction requires no explanation for the Ch

form, but does not explain the w in the Pame forms. The second reconstruction explains the Pame forms, but would give Ch *-RonR or *-RunR.

285. “Enaguas--skirt” *khoiHC-t/*khoi-R Ot (SF) nkhøde Maz kheYe NP nakhòiR Ch rùkhú (prob. rùkh/ü) SP (P) nøkwèR SP (J) nkhù NP A nakkòiR, B nákkoiR, C nakòiR, D rakhòRp Note: Ot-Maz reflexes require *kkoeHC. NP-Ch reflexes require

*khoi. The NP-Ch i may be the dual suffix. 286. “Encargar--entrust” *tai-h-t/ *t(o)e-h-t Ot t[hti Maz XehXe

287. “Encender--kindle a fire” *thiHC-tR/-h-t/ *thioHC- Ot thStRi Maz th`ShtS 288. “Encender--kindle a fire” yo-k Mtz yoki Oc yoki 289. “Encender--kindle a fire” *caoR/*cRaoh-t NP caRo Ch úcRàhàr 290. “Encender--burn, kindle” *(n)ttoe Ot nd[ Maz nd[R[ NP niUgy`[ “fire” Ch nùn/ü “ashes” sandw`[ “ashes” SP (P) s�èntè “ashes” 291. “Encino--Oak” *siR Ot (SG) zašiza Maz -- Mtz insica Oc -- NP kaséRe SP škøsíRi


292. “Encontrar--find” *pã-t Ot pãdi “know” Maz pãrã “know” Mtz pøti Oc pøndi NP -pã “visit” Ch -- 293. “Encontrar--find (an.)” *thai-i/*thoe-i Ot nth[wi Maz Xh[vi Note: The -i is the dual suffix. 294. “Endurecer--harden” *mãi-k Ot m[_gi Maz meze Note: Cf. “duro” (278). 295. “Enfermo--sick” *R]-n/# Mtz Ri Oc Ri NP nR]U SP nsRi 296. “Enjuagar--rinse” *noa-R-tR/-n-tR Ot waRtRi Maz wantRS 297. “Enojado--angry” *coe-mia Ot nc[ya Maz -- NP -ncw[gU Ch cü, C zü, D chü 298. “Enseñar--teach” *hi-h-t Maz híhXi Mtz hiti

299. “Ensuciar--dirty (tr.)” *po-s-k Ot poški Maz poškS 300. “Entero--entire, all” *nsoeHC-k/*nsoHC-k Ot nšøge, nXhøge Maz XhiYi Note: The Maz root vowel has been replaced by i, probably because

of the preceding palatalized consonant. The conditions are not clear. 301. “Enterrar--bury” *Rao-k Ot Rögi Maz RögS Mtz Raki Oc Raki NP -RRaogU Ch Ra Ot A Rögi, C Ryögi, D tRögi NP A -RRaogU, B -Rw[aogU, C -daogU, D lRaogU Ch A -Ra, B –ta, C –nda, D -rRa


302. Entrar--enter” *nhoiHC-t Ot -- Oc hS NP nhíR Ch nhür SP tìhít 303. “Entrar--enter” *poHCh Ot pøhø “come out” Maz -- Mtz phøwi Oc phø “door” Ch poo 304. “Escalera--ladder” *nRe-cR, nRe-t Ot tecRe “climb” Maz dReYe “ladder” Rnede “ladder” SP ndècR Ch -- 305. “Escarbar--dig” *sa-R-mR Ot šaRmi “scratch” Maz šaRbRS 306. “Escarbar--dig” *saoh-t SP nsáhaut Ch ésòr 307. “Escoger--choose” *hoa-nh Ot hwahni Maz hwahnS 308. “Escoger--choose” *soiR-t/*soeR-t SP -súRut Ch gàsüRr 309. “Escopeta--gun” *ntca-ph Ot nzaphi Maz záphS

310. “Escopeta--gun” *thoi-t NP -lhèiky Ch tarh/ür SP (P) níthín, (J) nthùt 311. “Escribir--write” *sa-t/*sao-t SP nsãt Ch ìsár[ Note: Cf. “rezar”and “estudiar.” 312. “Escribir--write *Ro-ph Ot Ropho Maz RophS 313. “Escribir--write” *Roe-cR/# Mtz we Oc we NP waRécR kílyRya Ch --


314. “Escupir--spit” *co-k Ot cogi Maz s[ogS Mtz co Oc congi 315. Espalda--back” *siHC-tha/*sioHC-tha Ot šStha Maz š[SthS 316. “Espejo--mirror” *khõih-t/-nR Mtz inkhuti Oc -- NP nakR/õhilyR Ch nág/üh`ün SP nkhwéhen 317. “Esperar--wait” *pe NP A –ppyu, B -w`[, C -m`[, D -b`[ Ch A –pi, B –ngwi, C –mi, D -mbi 318. “Esperar--wait” *toeHC-R-mR Ot tøRmi Maz teRbe Mtz tebi Oc tebi 319. “Espinas--thorns” *mRi-nR Ot Rmini Maz bRidyRi 320. “Esposa--wife” *sõ/*co Ot (SG) šicu, šisu Maz súRu Mtz šumhi Oc Xhú NP -- Ch màsú “my wife” 321. “Espumar--bubble up, froth *phiHC-k/-tR/-R Ot ph/Sgi Maz ph[SgS Mtz phø Oc phø NP Ch sùphéR “espuma” SP šphwi “espuma”

phiRil; mmigUR “boil”; šipphèR “espuma”

322. “Estar--be, live” *mRioHCh-mR Ot Rm`Si Maz bR`SbRS NP B -wého, C -mmého Ch A,B ngwe, C me 323. “Estar--be (pl.)” *kã-t/# Ot k]ã Maz kàrã NP k`ãt Ch kan 324. Estar adentro--be inside” *Ro Ot Ro Maz RoRo


325. “Estar (líquido)--liquid to be in sthg.” *po Ot po Maz poRo 326. “Éste--this” *nh]/*n] NP nh] SP kènì Ch kínní 327. “Estrella--star” *coeHC Ot cø Maz shehe Mtz nceRe Oc mce 328. “Estornudar--sneeze” *h(i)e-cR/-k Ot hecRe Maz h^sR^ Mtz hyeXi Oc hecRi, heši 329. “Estudiar--study *sao-t/-R Ot (n)š`ödi Maz š`örS NP A -šáoR, B -šaóR, C -sáoR, D -XháoR Ch A –sa, B –sa, C –dza, D cha 330. “Excremento--manure” *phoi-R/# Ot pho Oc NP mphói Ch SP (P) phí, (J) �íRì

pø úph/üR

NP A –ppói, B –pòi, C –pói, D-mphép Ch A –pü, B –pü, C -vü 331. “Exprimir--squeeze” *toe-R-mR/*tai-R-mR Ot t[Rmi Maz t[bRi 332. “Faja--belt” *tp]a-tR Ot bãtRi Maz mbS_tRS_ 333. “Falda--skirt” *thõ-nR/# Mtz thu Oc -- NP šilyh/õlR “camisa SP nth/an 334. “Feo--ugly, bad” *cRo Ot ncRo Maz sRo, sRoRo NP XiXRo Ch -- 335. “Fermentado--fermented” *Ri-s-k Ot Riški Maz Riški 336. “Fiesta--feast” *mRaoh Cf. “luna” NP -báho Ch -mba


Ch A kúmb`ã, B kìv/ã, C kímb`ã 337. “Flauta--flute” *p(h)iR-p/-R/# Mtz phipi Oc -- NP -pphíRi Ch -pèR 338. “Flor-flower” *ttoHC-n Ot døni Maz ndøhnø Mtz intøni Oc ndø NP UgotógU Ch úró NP A nondógU, B nikyògU, C niUgyógU 339. “Fluir--flow” *nih-t SP (bøsa) tøñít Ch (kúrì) énèhèr 340. “Frente--forehead” *-tãi Ot d[_ Maz nd^R^ Mtz tø Oc tø 341. “Frente--forehead” *ttao NP pikyào Ch ùr[a pRá SP kàddà mRú 342. “Frijol--bean” *khiHC-R Ot khS Maz kh[SRS Mtz XhS Oc XhS NP UkhwèR Ch kànkéR NP A rokhwèR, B rikhyèR, C rikhyèR, D rikhyeRt 343. “Frío--cold” *coe Ot c[ Maz s[R[ Mtz ce Oc ce NP mac`[ Ch màXí SP b/Scè 344. “Frotar--rub” *tõa-h-mh/-R-tR/-nR Ot tãhmi C dãhmi Maz th/ö_RtRS_ D Rnãhmi NP A -tt/ãolR, B,C -t[ãolR, D -lh[ãolR 345. “Fuente--fountain, spring” *poHC-the Ot pøthe Maz mb[erèhe Mtz pøntawi Oc pønda 346. “Fuerte--strong” *tcai-t/*tcoe-t Ot z[di Maz z[Yi


347. “Fumar--smoke” *ciHC-tR/-m Ot cStRi Maz s[StRS Mtz cRSbi Oc cuti “cigarro” 348. “Gallina--hen” *RoHC-n Ot Røni Maz Røhnø “guajolote” Mtz Røni Oc Rø NP koRógU “guajolote” talógU “gallina” SP kúRù “guajolote” 349. “Ganar--earn, win” *tõah Ot tãhã Maz t/õhõ Ot A tãhã, C dãhã, D Rnãhã, N thãhã 350. “Gavilán--hawk” *pai-n-cRio (Cf. “cola”) Ot p[ncRS Maz p[nsRS 351. “Gemelos--twins *tko-i Ot go Maz -- NP Ugokói SP nkui 352. “Golpear--hit” *paih-R-mR/-tR/-nR-R Ot ph[Rmi, ph[tRi Maz -- Mtz -- Oc phé “pegar” NP -ppáhiR, -ppaigUky Ch -UgwéRenR Ch A pe, ngwe, B ngwe, C me, D mbe 353. “Gordo--fat” *tpi Ot -- Maz piRi Mtz pi Oc nbi NP pimb[i Ch pìmbé 354. “Grande--big” *nttãi Ot ndã Maz ndãRã Mtz -- Oc ndø NP mand`ãi Ch már`^ SP (P) mád/], (J) mãdã 355. “Grande--big” *noh Ot noho Maz noho 356. “Grande--big” *te-R Ot te “alto” Maz teRe “crecer” NP Ugot[oeR Ch nándèR, (R) érèRr


357. “Granizo--hail” *ntto Ot ndo Maz ngSndo Mtz ninto Oc nimdo NP kíngyo Ch kíndò SP kudu 358. “Grano--eruption,

sore” *sã-s/*chã-s

Ot chãši Maz šãšã “sarna” Mtz canwaši “viruela” Oc chøši NP chãst “sarna” Ch ùc/ãs “viruela” SP nX`ãš “viruela” 359. “Gritar--call, shout” *paR-t/*ma-R-t Ot maRtRi Maz maRtRS NP A -ppáRat, B -wáRat, C -máRat, D -báRat (tr.) A -mmáRa, B -mbaRa, C -mmáRa, D -mmáRadnt (intr.) Ch A -ppar, B -ngwar, C -maar, D -mbar 360. “Grueso--thick” *pi-t/*mRi-t/-n Ot (m)pidi Maz piYi NP mRígU Ch dzímRér SP mbít 361. “Guardar--keep” *pai-cR Ot p[cRi Maz p[sRi 362. “Gusano--worm” *Ryo-s Ot -- Maz dyRošS Mtz yoši Oc nyoši 363. “Hablar--speak” *n]a Ot yã Maz ñãRã 364. “Hablar--speak to” *n-co-ph Ot nzopho Maz z[ophS Mtz copi “rezar” Oc nzópì “llamar” 365. “Hacer--do” RoHC-tR/ *ReoHC-tR Ot RøtRe Maz RøtRø 366. “Hacer--do” *hø Mtz høwi Oc hø


367. “Hacer--do” *chao NP chào Ch cha Ch A -ca, B -Xa, C -ca, D -cha 368. “Hacer--do” *R] NP -Rî, D -tRî Ch R^ 369. “Hacer--do” *ha Ot kha Maz khaRa 370. “Hacer con--do

with” *kha-h-p

Ot khahpi Maz khahpS 371. “Hacha--axe” *coe-nR Ot c[ni “cortar, rajar” Maz -- Mtz ceri “rajar leña” Oc céli NP stácc[R[dn Ch názíRìnR SP (P) nìcéRen, (J) mcRéR Ch A tátcìn, B kìtcín, C tátcìn, D názìr 372. “Hallar--find” *tao-tR Ot tötRi Maz XötRS 373. “Hambre--hunger” *th]o-mh/thõi Ot thaha Maz th]hm] Mtz thumi Oc thu NP Ugolh/õi Ch -- 374. “Hembra--female” *thoi NP niUkhy[oi Ch nìnth/ü SP (P) enthwí, (J) nthi 375. “Hembra--female” *sõ Ot ca, ša Maz šatRi “hija” Mtz šu Oc Xhu 376. “Hermana de mujer--woman’s sister” *khõ-hoe Ot khahw[ Maz khahw[ 377. “Hermano del hombre--man’s brother” *khõa-tã-m Ot khwãdã Maz khwãrmã 378. “hermano de mujer--woman’s brother” *Ri-tã-m Ot R]dã Maz ninYömS


379. “Hervir--boil” *kRoa-c Ot (SG) kRwàRcRi Mtz kRwacRi 380. “Hígado--liver” *nia Ot ya Maz -- Mtz ya “estómago” Oc -- NP niá SP nkRiá Note: The South Pame form is aberrant because of the kR, but it parallels the

kR in the Ch form in the set “camino.” 381. “Hígado--liver” *pø-t Mtz impøti Oc mbøti Note: Mtz-Oc ø comes from a variety of sources, one of which is *ã. It

could be that this word for liver has something to do with divination and, thus, with *pã-t “saber.”

382. “Hija--daughter” *tRi *sõ Ot tRiša Maz šutRi Note: Ot and Maz have different orders for the elements in this compund

word. 383. “Hija--daughter” *mhõ-te Ot (SG) hmahte Maz -- Mtz nihmuta Oc wehmunda 384. “Hilar--spin” *hãi-tR/-m Ot h[_tRi Maz heRXRe Mtz høti Oc høndi NP h[ãiU Ch úrhé SP hw[a 385. “Hilo--thread” *thãi-mh/-t *th]a-mh Ot thãhi Maz thS_hmS_ Mtz thSmi Oc thS NP lh/]U Ch ùrhér SP nthát Note: Cf. “malacate,” “mecate,” and “raíz.” 386. “Hincharse--swell” *pi-nR Mtz pini Oc -- NP péRigU Ch péRènR SP mpw]R 387. “Hoja--leaf” *mhi Mtz mhi Oc mhi


388. “Hoja--leaf” *si Ot ši Maz šiRi Mtz ši Oc -- NP nišši Ch rìsé 389. “Hombre--man” *ttõa-U NP kyw/ãU Ch ír/a SP iðía 390. “Honda--sling shot” *tRai-ntto Ot tR[ndo Maz tR[nYo 391. “Hondo--deep” *hãi Ot h[_ Maz h^R^ Mtz thøRø Oc -- NP hu_R[_ “difícil” SP -- kohwãi “hondo” 392. “Hongos--mushrooms” *kho Ot kho Maz khòho Mtz inXhowi Oc Xho 393. “Hormiga--ant” *khiHC Ot šãkhS Maz šãmkhã Mtz inXhSwi Oc neXhS NP -- Ch úkhè 394. “Hoyo--hole” *ci-tR NP cílR SP zin Ch ézénR 395. “Hoz--sickle” *cha Ot cha-(tR[i) Maz shà-(tR[bRi) Mtz sa-(ši) Oc cha-(thú) NP sá (UkhweR) “cosechar

(frijoles)”

396. Mistake in numbering Blank 397. “Huaraches--sandals” *th] Ot z[šthi, th]za Maz th]za Mtz thi�aki, inthi 398. “Huaraches--sandals” *phã-cR SP mphãcR Ch úph`ãcR


399. “huérfano--orphan” *hio-hia Ot hyoya Maz hyoya Mtz cRehyawi Oc cRehya Mtz (Gu) ynyoya “descuidado” NP lonh[eodnR 400. “Hueso--bone? *ntto-Rio/-nRio Ot ndoRyo Maz nodRye Mtz (nkRaR)ró Oc -- 401. “Hueso--bone” *pi-ntkõa-n/-R NP piUgyw/ãU SP binXáR Ch pínXáR Note: The palatalization of the *k in SP and Ch is not explained by

the present analysis. 402. “Huevo--egg” *tto Ot do-Røni Maz -- Mtz inhoto Oc -- NP nándo SP -ntìw Ch múndòR Note: The common element is “piedra--stone” 403. Humear--smoke” *phS-nR Ot mphSni Maz phSdS Note: Ot-Maz S comes from either *iHC or *ioHC. 404. “Húmedo--damp” *sa Ot ša Maz -- Mtz ša Oc šáhá

405. “Humo--smoke” *mRi-ph Ot Rmiphi Maz bRiphi Mtz inbipi Oc mbíphí 406. “Humo--smoke” *ki-Ri NP skiRì SP šíRì Ch kìRés 407. “Instrumento musical--musical instrument” *mRiR-ta Ot Rmida Maz bRiYi Mtz biti, (Cas) bithhi Oc -- NP A nobbéRi, B nibíRi, C nibbíRi, D nibbíRiky


408. “Invertir--turn over” *piHC-n-cR Ot pSncRi Maz ph]SnS “voltear” Mtz pSncRi Oc mbSncRi 409. “Ir--go” *pa/*ma/*wa Ot ma, pa Maz m]a Mtz pa Oc -- NP wa, mã Ch ma Ch A ngwa, B ngwa, C ma, D mba 410. “Ixtlahuaca--name of town” *hia-ph Ot hyaphi Maz hyaphS 411. “Ixtle--maguey

fiber” *s]a-mh

Ot šãhi Maz (khS)šiRmi Mtz šumi Oc díšu 412. “Ixtle--maguey fiber” *thãi NP nlhw^ (šiggyoa) SP thi (šXi) Ch kunthé 413. “Jalar--pull” *kiHCR-nR/-mR/-tR Ot khSRmi, khStRi Maz khSbRu, khStRS Mtz -- Oc ngSbi NP qqéRedn Ch ékèRènR SP kuin 414. “Jarro--jug” *c(R)i-R NP macì, macèi Ch úcRéR SP cRink[i


415. “Jícara--gourd”

*si-mo

Ot šimo Maz šihmo Mtz šimo Oc šimo NP XimmyóR Ch nímò (zìtás) SP (maha) nimíwR 416. “Jorobado--hunchback” *mp(h)o-nR SP nipwì šump[u Ch zímphon 417. “Jugar--play” *R^-n Ot R[_ni Maz Reñe tR[_ni “juguete” tReñe “juguete” Mtz Reni Oc Re 418. “Jugo--juice” *(n)-ki Ot gi Maz ngi Mtz nXiRtawi Oc -- NP Ugi Ch -- 419. “Juntar--pile up” *mõ-cR/-t Ot macRi, D hmacRi Maz hmarS_, hmàhtS_ NP A -mm/õcR, B,C -m`õcR, D -mh`õcR SP (P) kúm/acR, (J) kúmàc “laguna” 420. “Juntar--gather (clothes)” *kãR/h Ot kãhã, C gãhã Maz kãhã D khãhã NP A wakk/ãRã, B ndokw/ãRã, C lak/ãRã, D ndokhw/ãRã 421. “Labio--lip” *si-ne Ot šine Maz šine Mtz šiRna Oc šina NP XiUU`[t Ch sìní NP A collu, B Xily[[, C XiUUu, D šiUU`[t Ch A sùní, B sín1i, C sìní Note: The first element probably is a plural prefix as reconstructed.

Compare the NP C form (sg.) with its D form (pl.). 422. “Ladera--side” *(n)koa-t/-nR Ot (SF) Rnangwadi “a un lado” Mtz inkwari Oc kwahli 423. “Lagartija--lizzard” *(ti)-ka Ot (SF) chandiga Maz korga


NP -- SP šunkwà

424. “lago--lake” *tca-p/-ph Ot zabi Maz zaphS Note: The POP suffix *-p is rare, whereas *-ph is fairly common. The Maz

ph may be a later replacement of *-p by the more common form. 425. “Lágrimas--tears” *(n)tkittao Ot gidö Maz ngiYö Mtz nXiRtawi Oc nYindá NP (Mz) kinXiRkyau SP (Mi) gidyau 426. “Lamer--lick” *te-cR/-R Ot tecRe Maz -- Mtz (Cas) tazi Oc -- NP A -tt`[R, B -t`[R, C -t`[R, D -lh`[R Ch A –ti, B –ndi, C –ri, D -rhi 427. “lana--wool” *si-(n)Rio Ot šiRyo Maz šiRyo NP (so) dò SP šinRíw 428. “Largo--long” *ma/*mRaoR-nR Ot ma Maz maha Mtz tRumba Oc tùbálì NP mabáRo Ch mámbáRà SP mb/SRo 429. “Laringe--throat” *Ri-ioHC-ka Ot RySga Maz Ryizi Mtz niRyuwi Oc -- 430. “Garganta--throat” *to-nR SP cádúdú Ch (A) kùttún (R) nátsà érúnR 431. Lavar--wash” *soiHC-k/-tR/-mR Ot šSki, šStRi Maz šibRi Mtz šuXi, šuti, šubi Oc Xhubi NP -s[igU, -s[ilyR SP tíšín ndochw[ilyR “lo lavaron” 432. “Lavar la cara--wash one’s face” *soiHCttao Ot šSdö Maz šinYö 433. “Lavar ropa--wash clothes” *pe-nR/-k


Ot peni Maz pèdyRe Mtz paRaXi Oc mbálì

434. “Lavar ropa--wash clothes” *tãh-Rt/-nR NP -ttãhaRt Ch it`ãhãnR SP (P) t/ãhat, (J)-táhaR 435. “Lavar el pelo--wash hair” *hi Ot hi Maz hiRi 436. “lavar (legumbres)--wash (vegetables) *pe-R-tR Ot peRtRe Maz péRXRe 437. “Leche--milk” *mRa Ot Rma Maz bRa 438. “Leer--read” *hi-h-t Ot -- Maz híhXi Mtz hiti Oc hítì “rezar” 439. “Lejos--far” *hãi Ot -- Maz h/^R^ NP (G) kohu/î Ch m`ãh/ã SP (P) bãhãi, (J) b`ãhã 440. “Lengua--tongue: *kk]a-h-ne Ot khãhne Maz kRihñi Mtz ninlumi Oc nli 441. “leña--firewood” *(n)tca Ot (tR[n)za Maz zaRa Mtz inca Oc nzá 442. “Leña--firewood” *tRão-t Ot tRadi za “burning wood” Maz tRö_rS_ Mtz nitRø “ocote” Oc nitRø “ocote” 443. “leña--firewood” *tkõa-n NP Ugw/ãU ncwì Ch ríg/a SP (P) iðywá, (J) g`]wX`] 444. “León (puma)--mountain lion? *ca-h-te Ot (SG) ph[anzàhte Maz -- Mtz incate Oc --


445. “Levantar--lift” *(t)h^-cR Ot h[_cRi “high” Maz -- NP ndohw`[_cR D ndoth`[_cR Ch tets D thets 446. “levantar--lift up” *kiHCh-c// Ot khScRi Maz -- NP ndokwéhecR Ch kec Ch A kec, B kec, C gec, D khec 447. “Levantar--raise up” *so-cR Ot šocRi Maz šosRS 448. “Levantarse--get up” *na-n-k Ot nangi Maz nãmgã 449. “Liendres--lice eggs” *tpoeHC-tRo Ot bøtRó Maz mbèXRo Mtz impøtRo Oc mbøhtRo 450. “Liendres--lice eggs” *ntto-tRo NP níUgo UgolRo Ch rúrRò múndò 451. “Limpiar--clean, wipe” *th]o-h-k Ot thahki Maz th]hci 452. “Limpiar pencas de maguey--scrape maguey leaves: *tai/*toe Ot t[ Maz t[h[ 453. “Limpio--clean” *ci-nR NP niXXìgUR Ch dzìséRn SP Yin 454. “Liso--smooth” *ko-n Ot koni Maz kohnS 455. “Lodo--mud” *tpoe-hao-m Ot bøhöi Maz mbehömS Mtz impøhami Oc -- 456. “luna--moon” *mRão-R Mtz imbø Oc -- NP mR`ãoR Ch ùmR/ãR nínth`ü SP (P) mRãã, (J) mRmõ 457. “Luna--moon” *tcã-nã Ot zãnã Maz zãnã, zãRnã


458. “Llamar--call” *(n)tco-pho/-nh Ot nzopho, nzohni Maz zohnS Mtz soRpi, copi Oc nzópì 459. “Llave--key” *cho-k Ot chogi Maz shogS Mtz choki Oc choki Note: This is the D form of *so-k “abrir.” 460. “Llegar--arrive” *ceoHC-h Ot cøhø Maz søhø NP -- Ch ndze 461. “Llegar--arrive” *(n)hoaR Mtz hoRowi Oc hoRo NP -nhwáRa Ch no, D nho 462. “Llegar allí--arrive there” *ceoHC-tR Ot cøtRe Maz søtRø 463. “Llenar--fill” *si-tR Ot šitRi Mtz ši 464. “Lleno--full” *n]o-t Ot nyadi Maz niYi Mtz nuti Oc nuti NP n`[_ SP (P) k/anné 465. “Llenarse--eat to the full” *ni-m]a Ot n]yã Maz nihmi 466. “Llevar en las manos--carry in the hands” *thai-(R)-cR Ot th[RcRi Maz th[sRi 467. “Llevar--carry” *tõ-cR/-nR/-k/-mR Ot ta, tacRi Maz taRnS_, tasRS_ Mtz tuki Oc tumba, tuni 468. “Llevar (una persona)--take (a person)” *ci-cR/-nR/-tR Ot c]i, cicRi Maz sidyRi, s[ihi Mtz citi Oc -- NP A waccíR, B ndocèiR, C lacèiR, D ndocRìR 469. “Llorar--cry *-koe/*-koai Ot Rw[ Maz w`[R[


Mtz kwReRe Oc kwRe NP wài Ch ngwe 470. “Lluvia--rain” *Ri-e-mR Ot Rye Maz dyRebRe

471. “Macho--male” *meo-R/*peo-R/*weo-R Ot -me Maz -- Mtz mha Oc -- NP A rawuR, B wí[oR, C wámm[oR “father” Ch A --, B úngwè, C émè, D búpè “father” 472. “Machucar--bruise *coe-R-mR Ot c[Rmi Maz s[RbRi Mtz cebi Oc -- 473. “Madre--mother” *c(R)õ NP cR`õ Ch ca 474. “Madrugar--stay up til dawn” *ha-R-cRi Ot haRcRi Mtz haRXRi 475. “Maduro--ripe” *(n)ttã-R Ot ndã Maz ndãRã “cocido” Mtz tø Oc ndø NP mat`ãR Ch màt/ãR SP møta 476. “Maguey--century plant” *(n)Roa-ta Ot Rwada Maz RwàrS Mtz -- Oc nlóti NP Ugoddóa Ch kúnRù SP (P) pindywà, (J) šíndyoà NP A nóddoa, B nidyòa, C níggyoa, D Ugod[oa 477. “Maíz--corn” *thõa Ot thã Maz thö_Rö_ Mtz inthuwi Oc thu NP Ugolhõá SP thiu NP A nothõá, B nilhyõa, C nikhyõa 478. “Maíz desgranado--grains of corn” *ttoe-thõa Ot d[thã Maz nd[Xhö_ Mtz -- Oc dathu


479. “Malacate--spindle” *thãi-tR/# Ot th[_tRi Maz th^XR^ Mtz inthøti Oc thøndi NP (mz) lhainXR Ch ùrh/^ SP (P) náthãi, (J) nth`ã

480. “Maldecir--curse” *ca-nR Ot cani Maz sadRS 481. “malo--bad” *(n)cRo Ot ncRo Maz sRoRo NP XíXRo Ch núcRòhò SP šXíw 482. “Mamar--nurse” *coiHC-tR/-R Ot c]S, cStRi, cShti Maz s]iRi, sStRS Mtz XuRu Oc ci NP cciR Ch étš/üR SP (P) šiR, (J) zùiR NP A cíR, B kocwíR, C cwíR, D kocwíRky 483. “Mandar--command” *pai-nh/-n-te Ot p[hni “send” Maz pehñe “send” Mtz panta Oc -- NP A woppái, B ndowái, C lamái, D bbái Ch A –pe, B –ngwe, C –me, D mbe 484. “Mano--hand” *Rai/*nRi-ai Ot Ryu Maz dyR[[R[ Mtz niRye Oc nè”é NP A skaRài, B skanR[a, C skanRià, D skandR`[p Ch A kànRí, B kàRá, C kanRà, D kànRí 485. “Mano izquierda--left hand” *(n)tk]ah Ot gãhã Maz ng]h], nz]h] 486. “Mano derecha--right hand” *ho-k-nRiai Ot hogi Ry[ Maz hodyR[ 487. “Mano de molcajete--pestle” *t(h)ãoh-tR Ot nth/ãntRi Maz -- NP nalR/ãholR Ch táràhà (mútRü) SP nt/ãhant


488. “Manzana--apple” *Ri-s Ot Riši Maz Riši 489. “Mañana--tomorrow” *são-t/-m Ot šadi Maz šö_rS_ Mtz šømi (mušømi) Oc šu (mùšú)

490. “Marido--husband” *nRõa-n NP wanRw/ãU Ch náRà SP ùRw/ã 491. “Marihuana—

hemp?” *nR(o)ih-n

NP ndóehigU Ch tárRì úró Note: Cf. “tabaco.” 492. “Masa de maíz--corn dough” *tõih-tR NP nikky`õhilyR Ch mokori tühün SP (P) nítyúhin, (J) ntìhìn 493. “Masa de maíz--corn dough” *khiHC-n Ot khSni Maz khShnS Mtz inXhSni Oc XhS 494. “Máscara--mask” *mh]-te/-ta Ot hmihte Maz hm/]hXa Mtz hmiRta Oc hmìndá 495. “Matar--kill” *tõ Mtz tuwi Oc tú NP -ttõ SP -ta 496. “Matar--kill” *pao-R-tR Ot (SF) pöRtRi Maz pöRtRS 497. “Mazorca--ear of corn” *thõa Ot thã Maz thö_Rö_ Mtz inthuwi Oc thú NP lhõá SP nthu-mX[a 498. “Mecate--rope” *th]a-mh/*th(o)ãi Ot nthãhi Maz thS_hmS_ Mtz inthSmi Oc ñímthS NP -lhw`^ Ch kùnth/^


SP (P) nth^, (J) nth] NP A nothõè, B nilhy[e, C nikhy`^, D Ugolhw`^ 499. “Medicina--medicine” *nRi-ãi-th/tRe Ot Ry[_thi Maz Rñ[eXh^ Mtz teyeti Oc teyendi NP šilyR[[ Ch tárRì SP tétRè NP A stad[e, B skigy[e, C snad[e, D šilyR[[p

500. “Curar--treat sickness” *nRiãi-m/*Ri-m/*nRai Ot nRy[_i “curandero” Maz -- Mtz Rimi Oc Ri NP kad[e “curandero” Ch kátèheR “curandero” SP k/ndè “curandero” 501. “Medio--middle” *(n)tte Ot made Maz ndeRe Mtz pira, pirinta Oc pìmdá 502. “Medir--to measure” *Rai-nR Ot R[ni Maz R[dyRi ntR[ni “medida” tR[dyRi “medida” 503. “Medir--measure” *sao-R NP sáoR, D cháoR Ch sa 504. “Mensajero--messenger” *mRai-nh/-p Ot (Mez) Rm[hni Maz -- Mtz Cas) vee-bapy Oc -- NP Ugobái, nambái “my messenger” 505. “Mentira--lie” *mRai-thine Ot (SF) Rb[hthSni, Rm[tri Maz bR[Xine Mtz beXunanta Oc benlumná 506. “Mes--month” *mRão-R Mtz imbø Oc mbø NP mR`ãoR Ch ùmR/ãR SP mRmõ 507. “Metal--metal” *tRai-k Ot tR[gi Maz tR[zi 508. “Metate--grinding stone” *khoiHC-nR/-R


Ot khSni Maz kh]ShnS Mtz inkhSni Oc niXh/S NP nakhèigU Ch tàkh/üR NP A takèigU, B kik[iigU, C nakèigU, D rakhebmpt 509. “Metlapil--rolling pin” *nRioiHC/*tRoiHC Ot RyS Maz dyRiRi Mtz riwi Oc lí NP -- Ch mútR/üR

510. “México--Mexico City” *mRo-nttao Ot Rmundö Maz bRondö 511. “Mezquite--mezquite tree” *kR/^-R SP erkRw/^R Ch úkR/]R 512. “Miedo--fear” *t]o-nR/-k Mtz tiki Oc tíli NP -tt`ônR Ch ten NP A -ttèoU, B -tt`ôU, C -tt`ôU, D -lh`ôU Ch A –ten, B –nden, C –ren, D -rhen 513. “Miel--honey” *Rão (*ski-m]R) SP (P) škìmíRì �/ãRaw Ch b/aR`ã 514. “Milpa--cornfield” *nhõa-mh Ot hw/ãhi Maz hw[ãhmã Mta nomi Oc nu NP konhw`ã Ch (R) kìnth/a SP nhnù NP A kann`õa, B kon[õa, C kon`õa, D konhw`ãp(t) Ch A kùnú, B kínù, C kìnú, D kìnhú 515. “Mirar--look” *nõR Ot na Maz n[uRu Mtz nu Oc -- NP nn/õRo Ch énúRù NP A -nn/õRo, B, C -n`õ, D -nh`õ Ch A –nu, B, C –nu, D -nhu 516. “Mirar--look” *paoh-R NP A -ppáhoR, B -wáhoR, C -máhoR, D -báhoR Ch A –paa, B –ngwaa, C –maa, D -mbaa 517. “Moco--mucus” *mRao-s


Ot Rmöši Maz bRöšS Mtz maši “nariz” Oc máši “nariz” NP mbaos SP skámbáw 518. “Moco--mucus” *tkã-R SP igiaR Ch ùg/ã, (R) ùkh/ãR 519. “Mojado--wet” *(n)kRa-tR Ot nkRa Maz kRaRa NP (G) nkRalR Ch zíUgáRànR SP nkRiáR

520. “Molcajete--bowl for grinding chile”

*mah-ta

Ot mada Maz maza Mtz mati Oc mati NP -- Ch kàmáhá (kúrò) 521. “Moler--grind” *kiHC-n-k/-cR Ot kSni Maz kShnS Mtz kSnXi Oc kS NP -kkèiXR, B ndokwèiXR, C lakèiXR, D ndokhwèiXR 522. “Moler--grind” *tõih-nR SP (P) –ntáhù, (J) -ntahant Ch ùtühün 523. “Montar caballo--ride horseback” *teoHC-k Ot tøge Maz Xøge Mtz -- Oc ndyembáli NP -ll[gU Ch -- 524. “Monte--mountain with woods” *pi-ntca Mtz impinca Oc púnza 525. “Morder--bite” *ca Ot ca Maz saRa Mtz ca Oc ca 526. “Morder--bite” *coR-nR/-tR Ot coni Maz zodRS NP ccóRol Ch gàzónR NP A -ccóRol, B -cóRol, C -cóRol, D -cRóRol Ch A -Xon, B –nzon, C –zon, D -zhon


527 “Morir--die” *tõ Ot ta, C da Maz taRa Mtz tuwi Oc tu NP -ttõ Ch gàr/a SP -da 528 “Mosca--fly” *Rõe / *Roe/*R] Ot Rw^ Maz ngiRw[ Mtz niRu Oc níUgwí NP skaR[ei, UgoRw[ei Ch k/^Re “gusano” SP skúRà

529.

“Mostrar--show” *Rõ-h-t/-p

Ot Rahti Maz -- Mtz (Cas) uuntyta Oc Rumtinda NP A,B -R/õRop, C lanR/^Rep, D ndolR/õRop 530 “Mudo--dumb” *ne (“boca”) Ot gone Maz ngo nè Mtz niRna Oc nìná 531.

“Muelas--molars”

*cRa-ph

Ot cRaphi Maz sRaphS 532.

“Mujer--woman” *(n)sõ

Ot -- Maz ndìšu Mtz bešuwi Oc wèXhú 533.

“Murciélago--bat” *coa-cR

Ot cacRi Maz -- Mtz (Cas) yntzotzi Oc cRólno NP niXòacR SP nXúac 534. “Nariz--nose” *si-nio/-noa Ot šiya Maz šihña, šìñ/a NP A conn`õa, B XiUy`õa, C XiUUy`õ a, D šiUyhõa Ch A kànú, B kánù, C kànú SP šiñù


535. “Negar--deny” *koHC-nR/# Ot køni, C gøni, D khøni Maz k`ødRø NP A wakkò, B ndokò, C lakò, D ndokhò Ch A -ko, B -ko, C -ko, D ko 536. “Negro-black” *(m)po-th/# Ot pothi Maz pothS Mtz bo Oc -- NP mamb]o, mboi Ch úmbó SP kúmpù 537. “Nene--infant” *Roe-ne/*Roai-ne/*kRoe-ne Ot Rw[ne Maz Rw[ne 538. “Nido--nest” *m(R)a-ph Ot Rmaphi Maz -- Mtz (Cas) mapy Oc mápì NP commàp SP nìmbíe 539. “Nido--nest” *tRo-s Ot tRoši Maz tRošS 540. “Nieto--grandchild” *mRai-(h)-to Ot Rm[hto Maz bR[hXe Mtz weRrutowi Oc wèplít]o 541. “Nieve--snow” *si-kha Ot šikha Maz šichi Mtz (Cas) in-xychi Oc -- 542. “Niño--child” *tRoiHC Ot tRS Maz tRiRi NP UgolRwép Ch bùrR/ü NP A naRi, B Ugodwì, C Ugod]oi, D UgolRwép 543. “Nixtamal--boiled corn” *chão-nR Ot chani Maz shõnS, shõnRS 544. “Nixtamal--boiled corn” *k]o-n NP rikk/]oU Ch ríké SP m`ãk[e 545. “No hay--there is none” *m^/*m]/*phe Ot -- Maz dyRa phé Mtz memo Oc tàmé NP mep Ch pám`^


546. “Noche--night” *são-m Ot šai Maz šõmS_ Mtz šømi Oc ~šu NP Ugos[ãoU Ch ús`ã SP mw]nsãw 547. “Nombre--

name” *thiõ-h/-R

Ot thaha Maz th[aha Mtz niRšu, (Cas) inihoo Oc ~šú NP Ugolh/õR Ch únh/]R, úrh/a SP nhn/a NP A nah/õR, B Ugoh/õR, C UgonhôR, D Ugolh/õRpt Ch A nah/õ, B únhà, C ùnhí, D úrh/a 548. “Nopal--cactus” *ha-t Mtz inhati Oc mihati

549. “Nube--cloud” *(n)-kão-m Ot gai Maz ngõmS_ Mtz ninkø Oc núngøhø 550. “Nudo--knot” *t(h)a-ncR/-RcR Ot thaRcRi Maz -- Mtz tuncRi Oc túmtsi NP -- Ch itàcR 551. “Nuevo--new” *nRa-nRio Ot RnaRyo Maz dRadyRo 552. “Ocote--pine” *toiHC-t Ot tSdi Maz tiYi 553. “Odiar--hate” *cRo-nR Ot cRo, cRoni Maz sRodRS NP -ccRódn Ch -- 554. “Oír--hear” *RoHC-t/-R Ot Røde, C Ryøde, D tRøde Maz Rørø Mtz Røti Oc Rø~ NP -RoR Ch éRòR SP man-úRù NP A -RoR, B -R[oR, C -dèoR, D -lR[oR Ch A -Ro, B -ti, C -ndi, D -rRi


555. “Ojo--eye” *-tao Ot d/ö Maz nd]öRö Mtz ninta Oc ta NP Ugotào Ch ùrá “cara” SP ntaw NP A nattào, B Ugotào, C Ugotào, D ndàot Ch A kàtá, B útà, C ùrá 556. "Oler--smell” *s]a-t Ot nšã Maz šiRi Mtz šuRti Oc šúnti 557. “Oler--smell” *p]a-cR Ot pãRcRi Maz pS_sRS NP A -ppéRe, B -wéRe, C -meRe, D -béRe Ch A -pe, B -ngwe, C -me, D -mbe

558. “Olla--clay pot” *cReoHC-mR/-R Ot cRøe Maz sRøbRø NP A naccéR, B UgocRéokR, C UgocwéR, D UgocRwéRp Ch A natsé, B ùtsé, C ùzé, D ùtsé 559. “Ombligo--navel” *cRao-mR/cRão-mR Ot cRöi Maz sR`önRS Mtz incRømi Oc ndzø NP UgocáogU, ncRabmpt 560. “Oreja--ear” *(n)tkão Ot ga Maz ngõRõ Mtz ninXø Oc nenlø NP Xik`ão Ch sìg/ã Sp šigiãw NP A cokkw`ão, B Xiky`ão, C Xiky`ão, D šiUkh`ãpt Ch A sùk/ã, B sík`ã, C sìg/ã 561. “Oriente--east” *h(i-)a-t/-cR Ot (SG) nipøšãhyati Maz ní mb]ešRe Rehy[arS hacRi “amanecer” Mtz -- Oc pìRàcRìšá NP mànháRa konhõR Ch -- 562. “Orina--urine” *mRi-tR/-Rt Ot (Mez) RbitRi Maz --


Mtz -- Oc mišnda NP kot[[ Ch sùmír, (R) sìmhíRr SP kìmíRi 563. “Orinar--urinate” *pi-tR/-cR Ot pitRi, C mitRi Maz -- NP A -ppeReXR, B -weReXR, C -meReXR, D -bbeReXR 564. “Oscuro--dark” *mRai-são-m Ot Rm[šai Maz bR[šõmS_ 565. “Otro--another” *nRa Ot (Mez) maRna Maz šedRaha Mtz murahni “otra vez” Oc mulá NP kad[at “otros” Ch kéntà 566. “Oveja--sheep” *ttoe-tão-t Ot d[hti, Rbod[tadi Maz nd[nXhSrS Note: Compound with *tão-t “blando” as second member.

567 “Pagar--pay” *cãi SP (P) -cãiU, (J) -nca Ch ece� 568. “Pagar--

pay” *po(i)-k

Mtz poXi(ki) Oc póki 569. “Pagar--

pay” *khão-tR

Ot khatRi Maz kh`õtRS_ 570. “Pájaro--bird” *thia-n Mtz inruthani Oc nlíthá NP nilyháigU SP nthiá 571. “Pájaro--bird” *cRioHC/*cRiHC Ot cRincRS, cRScRS Maz sRSRS 572. “Palabra--

word” *tpoe-mã-m

Ot mã “say” Maz mãmã “say” Mtz bemømi Oc mbémø NP mãU “say” 573. “Palabra--word” *nh]a


Ot hyã Maz hñaRa Mtz (Cas) inyhaa (a t ø) Oc niyø “voz” NP niUhã Ch rinhí 574. “Pan--bread” *thao-mhe Ot thahm[_ Maz th]õm[XRi Mtz (incRoR) mhewi Oc -- 575. “Papel--paper” *cV-kõa-mR Ot cSkwã, cahkwã Maz skwãRmã, šiskoRma 576. “Papel--paper” *kRoi-s NP UgokRwéš SP škRíš nakRwéš “amate--fig tree” 577. “Papel--paper” *hai-mR Ot h[Rmi Maz h[bRi 578. “Parar--stand something up” *mRao-R-mR Ot RmöRmi Maz bR/öRbRS 579. “Parar--stand something up” *maiR NP -mmáRi Ch me, (R) éméRè

580. “Pararse--stand up” *mRao-mR Ot Rmöi Maz bR/öbRS Mtz -- Oc -nbóho�i 581. “Pararse--stand up” *maiR NP mmaRi Ch m-e, D mh-e 582. “Pared--wall” *khã Ot (Mez) khãdo Maz -- Mtz -- Oc nukhø, ñùkø NP Ugokhw/ã Ch -- 583. “Palmo--palm tree” *mRa-mhe Ot mRahe Maz Rm]ãhmã NP -- Ch súbáRà 584. “Palmo--palm tree” *hoa-t Mtz hwati Oc -- NP šihwaRa SP škuhúa 585. “Pariente--relative” *m^-nR


Ot m[ni Maz m^ñR^ 586. “Parir--give birth” *mi/*me-nR Ot mi Maz miRmi Mtz -meriwi Oc mel(gwa) SP man-du-mwi Ch ím`^ 587. “Pasar lista--call the roll” *noHC-nR/*noeHC-nR Ot nøni Maz nødRø 588. “Patos de la laguna--wild ducks” *ti-ka Ot tiga Maz tizi Mtz tiXi Oc -- NP kátti Ch -- 589. “Pato--duck” *so-mo-R Ot (SG) šòmbo SP šúmùR 590. “Pecho--chest” *ti-m]a Ot t]yã Maz t`]hm] NP -- Ch A sútì, B sìtí, C sítì 591. “Pedir--ask for” *Rao-t Ot Rödi, C Ryödi, D tRödi Maz RörS Mtz Rati Oc Rati NP A -RàhodnR, B -RwàhodnR, C -dàhodnR, D -lRàhodn? 592. “Pegajoso--sticky,

slimy *(m) pe

Ot (m)pe Maz péRe 593. “Pegar--hit” *paih-R NP -mahiR Ch A -pe, B -ngwe, C -me, D -mbe 594. “Peine--comb” *(t)Re-h-k/-mR *R(i)e-k/mR Ot Rehke “peinarse”; ntRéhke Maz RebRe “peinarse” tRehtRo Mtz yebi “peinarse,” yeXi Oc -- 595. “Peine--

comb” *chV-mRa

Mtz chøbawi Oc chuba Note: The correspondence of Mtz ø to Oc u is puzzling. 596 “Pensamiento--thought” *(m) ph^-nR Ot mph[_ni Maz pheñe


597. “Peña--cliff” *nhie/*nRie Ot maRye; nhye “deep place” Maz ñinYe “barranca” Mtz inyewi Oc nle, ndóhñè 598. “Perder--lose” *mRai-t/# Ot Rm[di Maz bR[Yi Mtz bati Oc bati NP -mmè, D -mhè Ch úngwéRè 599. “Persona--

person” *tte

Ot -te “gente” Maz nteRe “gente” Mtz -ta NP l][ Ch úrì SP šm`^d`^ 600. “Perro--

dog” *nRio

Ot Ryo Maz dyRoRo NP nadò SP enR]u 601. “Perro--

dog” *(n)chini

Mtz inchini Oc nchí 602. “Pesado--heavy *hi-ioHC *thioHC Ot hyS Maz hySRS, hySnRS Mtz thi Oc mèthí NP mahèo Ch maxá SP bìhì

603. “Pescar--fish” *k(h)ãR SP -k/õR`ã Ch úkh/ãR`ã 604. “Pescar--fish” *pa Ot pa Maz páRa 605. “Pestañas--eyelashes” *sittao Ot šidö Maz -- Mtz šita Oc šíndá NP šiUgyáoR 606. “Petate--straw sleeping mat” *(si)ph]h Ot ši(m)ph] Maz phingwa Mtz imphiwi Oc -mphi


NP A -pp^hiR, B, C -p^hiR, D mbR/^heRp 607. “Petate--straw sleeping mat” *si-mhãs NP Ximhy`ã Ch sì-mh/ãs SP ši(m)hmie Ch A sùm/ãs, B sím`ãs, C sìm/ãs, D sìmh/ãs 608. “Pie--

foot” *tkoa

Ot gwa Maz ngwaRa NP makòa Ch ègú SP nøgwà NP A makkwà, B mákkwa, C makwà, D waUkhwàpt Ch A nàkú, B ékù, C ègú, D èkhú 609. “Piedra--stone” *tto Ot dó Maz nd]oho Mtz imto Oc níndó NP kot]o Ch kúrò Ch kúdù 610. “Piel humana--human skin” *si-pah-nR/-n Ot šiphani Maz šiphadRS Mtz nišipari Oc šìmbáli NP níbbyahagU Ch rìsé (cognate?) 611. “Pierna--leg” *tkoa Ot gwa Maz ngwaRa Mtz niRkwahtu Oc -- NP Xikyòa SP šíkíwà 612. “Pino (Ocote)--pine tree” *tkõa-n NP nákwãU Ch éngú SP neg[u 613. “Pinole--ground dry corn” *khoiHC-n(-tRe-mh) Ot khSnthi Maz khSntRehme NP UkhwìgU Ch éngú 614. “Pintura--dye” *koiHC-h Ot kShS Maz c]ihi 615. “Piojo--louse” *tRo Ot tRoni Maz tRoRo Mtz intRo Oc ñìtRo NP UgolR[o Ch rúrRò


SP /ntRù NP A naR]o, B Ugodò, C Ugod[o, D UgolR]o 616. “Plato--plate, bowl” *motmh Ot móhi Maz m]ohmS NP mammò Ch nímó Ch A númó, B nìmó, C nímó, D nìmhó 617. “Plato--bowl, dish” *mah-ta/-n Ot máda “molcajete” Maz m]aza “molcajete” Mtz mmati Oc máhti NP A nommàhagU, B nimyàhagU, C nimmyàhagU, D rimmyàhadnt Ch A numá, B nímà, C nìmá, D nìmhá 618. “Pleito--quarrel” *ci-mR Mtz cibi Oc cibi 619. “Pobre--poor” *cai-nR SP cán Ch cén 620. “Podrida--rotten” *ia/*iã Ot Rya Maz dyRaRa Mtz ya, XiRya “pus” Oc ya, Yiya “pus” NP miyy[ã Ch -- 621. “Poner adentro--put inside” *RiHC-tR/*RioHC-tR Ot RStRi Maz RStRS 622. “Poner adentro--put inside” *koa-tR Ot kötRi Maz kötRS 624. “Poner encima--put on

top” *hõ-cR

Ot hacRi Maz hasRS_ 625. “Poner encima--put on

top” *RiHC-cR/*ioHC-cR

Ot RScRi Maz RSsRS 626. “Poner encima--put on

top” *poHCicR/*peoHC-cR

Ot pøcRe Maz pøsRø 627. “Posesiones--possessions” *mai-h-t Ot m[hti Maz m[hXi “dinero” Mtz (Gu) -machi “hacienda” Oc maXi


628. “Preguntar--ask a

question” *Rao-nR

Ot Röni Maz RönS Mtz Rari Oc Rat-li Np A RàhodnR, B -RwahodnR, C -dàhodnR, D -lRàhodnR Ch A -R-a, B -tan, C -ndan, D -rR-an 629. “Prestar--lend” *mhi-h/*mih-nR Ot hm]hi Maz -- Mtz mhindi Oc démilpi~nda 630. “Probar--try” *cao(-h-p) Ot cöhpi, C zö, D cRö Maz s/öRö Mtz copi “gustar” Oc co NP A -ccáo, B -cáoR, C -ccáoR, D -cRáoR Ch A -ndza, B -tša, C -za, D -tsha 631. “Pulga--flea” *Rao Ot Rö Maz R]ö Mtz inRa Oc niRá 632. “Pueblo--town” *nhi-nR Ot hnini Maz hñiRñi 633. “Puerco--pig” *cRioHC-t/na *tc] Ot cRSdi Maz -- Mtz cRina Oc (p[) cRú SP køz/] Ch kùz/^ Note: The Pamean forms might be from Sp. “cochino.” 634. “Puerta--door” *tko-s-thi Ot gošthi Maz ngošti 635. “Pulque--fermented drink from the century plant” *tRa-ph Ot tRaphi Maz tRaphS Mtz tRaRpi Oc tRápi 636. “Púrpura-purple” *hoiHC-po-mR Ot nkhShpöi Maz khipobRS 638. “Pus” *phão NP kiphy[ão Ch síph/ã 639. “Quebrar--break” *poHC-t/*peoHC-t Ot pøde Maz p`ørø


Mtz pøti Oc -- 640. “Quebrar--break” *to-tR NP A -ttolR, B -tòlR, C -tòlR, D -lhòlR Ch A -tun, B -ndun, C -run, D -rhun 641. “Quebrar--break” *koa-mR/-k Mtz kwaRabi “romper” Oc ngwáXi 642. “Quebrar--break (something hard)” *kRai-(R)-tR Ot (Mez) kR[Rti Maz kR[XRi 643. “Quedar--stay, remain” *kio-mh Ot kohi Maz ngehme, kehme 644. “Quemar leña--burn firewood” *Rão-t Ot Radi Maz RõrS_ 645. “Quemar algo--burn something” *cã-tR Ot cãtRi Maz sãtRã 646. “Querer--want” *neR Ot ne Maz neRe Mtz na, nawi Oc na NP -nnu_R[ 647. “¿Quien?--

who” *khoR

Ot khoRo Maz kho 648. “Quince días--fifteen days” *(n)NRaitRai-koiHC-tRai Ot nRn[tRamakStRa Maz dR[XikRiXRa 649. “Quitar de encima--take

down” *kã-h-k

Ot kãhki Maz kãhkã 650. “Quitar la punta de granos--shell corn from the cob” *tõa-h-k Ot tãhki Maz tõhkS_ 651. “Quitar (sombrero)--take off (hat)” *h]a-h-k/-R-mR Ot hãhki; hãRmi “sacar” Maz hS_hkS_; hS_RmS_ Mtz -- Oc hSbi 652. “Raíz--root” *th] NP nikhy`^ “its rope” Ch nìthé


SP Ukunthi 653. “Raíz--root” *Ri-iHC/*Ri-ioHC Ot RyS Maz dyRSRS Mtz di Oc bli 654. “Rajar--split

wood” *soa-cR/nRcR

Mtz -- Oc -šólXi NP -sóaRacR Ch ésúRùs SP sóa 655. “Rajar--split

wood” *coe-nR

Ot c[ni Maz -- Mtz seri Oc celi 656. “Rama--branch” *nRiaitca Ot Ry[za Maz dyR[za 657. “Rana--frog” *tk(R)oa/*tkoe Ot Rw[ Maz Rw[R[ Mtz inXoRkwa Oc nlúnkwRá NP kókRwa Ch kúngwãR SP kúkRwá 658. “Rápido--fast” *tih/*ni(h) Ot nihi, tihi Maz n]h], dRihi NP manéi Ch máné SP mer]i 659. “Rasguñar--

scratch” *sa-R-mR

Ot šaRmi Maz šabRS 660. “Raspar--suck maguey juice” *Ra-ph Ot Raphi Maz RaphS 661. “Ratón--mouse” *ntkão Ot nga Maz ngõRõ NP ningy`ão Ch nìng/ã SP nkyãw nci 662. “Recibir--receive” *taih-cR NP -ttàhiXR D -lRàhiXR Ch -tec, B –ndec, C rec, D -rhec


663. “Red--net” *tRao-cR Ot tRöcRi Maz tRösRS 664. “Redondo--

round” *tao-s

SP ntìàuš Ch dzìtás 665. “Regañar--scold” *co NP A cco, B -cò, C -cò, D -cRò Ch A -ndzo, B -tšo, C -zo, D -tsho 666. “Regar--irrigate” *R]o-nR(tteh) Ot Ranthe Maz Riñi 667. “Reír--laugh at” *teh-nR/tR Ot theni Maz theñe Mtz tari Oc táhti NP -tuh[lR Ch ítèhèRr 668. “Reírse--laugh at” *teh-t/-nR Ot théde Maz thèYe Mtz tati Oc táhtì NP -tt[h[dnR SP t/^h^ NP A -tt`[h[dnR, B, C -tuh[dnR, D -lRuh[dnR 669. “Relámpago--lightning” *n(h)oe/*n(h)õ-cR/-mR Ot hw[cRi “flash”; hw[i Maz hw[ši “flash”; hw[bRi Mtz maniheXi Oc rùmhéXi NP Ugonw/^ “thunder” Ch enütsR SP (P) tìñwin, (J) tìñìn 670. “Remendar--mend” *poHC-tR/*peoHC-tR Ot pøRtRe Maz p/øtRø Mtz pøRti Oc pøti 671. “Reñir--quarrel” *RioHC-(-i “dual”) Ot RSwi Maz -- NP A loRwèo, B ndoRwèo, C laRèo, D ndotRèo 672. “Repetir--repeat” *nio-h-p Ot yohpi Maz yehpe 673. “Respirar--breathe” *ci-n(h)]a Ot cihyã Maz -- Mtz kusinu Oc --


674. “Rezar--pray” *sao-t/# Ot šödi Maz šörS SP -cá Ch úpRèhe e sáRà 675. “Rico--rich” *pã-nR/-t NP -p`ãn Ch pã, (R) ip/ãr SP dipi^t 676. “Río--river” *tteh (“water”) Ot dãthe Maz ndàre Mtz betawi Oc mbinda NP Ugot]oeR kot][ Note: All the words for “river” mean “big water,” but the words for “big”

differ. 677. “Robar--rob, steal” *p^ Ot p[_, C b[_, D ph[_ Maz p^R^ Mtz pewi Oc pe NP A -pp[_, B -p[_, C -p[_, D -ph[_ Ch A -ppi, B -nbi, C -vi, D –phi 678. “Ladrón--thief” *tp^ Ot b[_ Maz mb^R^ Mtz pewi Oc pe NP p^ Ch kámb]r 679. “Rodilla--knee” *n]a-h-mõ-n Ot yãhma Maz ñihmo Mtz nuRmuni Oc numú 680. “Rojo--red” *(n)thai-n Ot th[ni Maz nth[ni 681. “Saber--know” *pã-t Ot pãdi, C bãdi., D phãdi Maz pãrã Mtz pøti, pøya Oc mbøya NP káppãt “adivino” Ch èp/ã SP -pã 682. “Sabroso--delicious” *kiHC-mh Ot nkShi Maz kihmi NP makèi “fragrant” Ch -- 683. “Sabroso--delicious *tRø Mtz kuXitRø Oc mètR/ø


Note: Mtz-Oc has a number of sources: *ã, *oHC, *eoHC, etc. 684. “Sacar--take out” *khiHC-cR/# Ot khScRi Maz khSsRS NP A -kkiRi, B -kwiRi, C -kiRi, D -khwíRi Ch A -ke, B -nke, C -ge, D -khe 685.

“Sacerdote--priest” *we-nR *wai-nR

NP kawudnR Ch rangwíR SP (P) kuwáin SP (J) kùwàn 686 “Sal--salt” *thõ-s Mtz inthuši Oc nthuši NP Ugolh`õs Ch urh/õs SP thìuš 687 “Salado--salty” *Rão-s Ot Ràši Maz R]õšS_ R/a “sal” R]õRõ NP RRãos 688 “Salir--go out” *poeHC-nR Ot pøni Maz pedyRe Mtz -- Oc pøli 689 “Salir--go out” *nih-n NP -nnèhigU Ch te, ne 690 “saliva--spit” *khi-nh Ot khìhni Maz kR`]hñ] Mtz Xini Oc nli NP Ukhwígn Ch síkhé SP šømøkí NP A ikkígU, B UgwìgU, C UgwígU, D nkhwíbmpt Ch A súkké, B síkké, C sígé 691 “Saludar--greet” *ntkoa/*ntkao-R Ot z[ngwa Maz z][ngwa NP -ngwàoR, D ndoUkhwàoR Ch A -gá, B -gá, C -ngá, D -ngá 692 “Sangre--blood” *khi Ot khí Maz kh]iRi Mtz Xihabi, (Gu) chiyabi Oc nlíhyá


NP kokhwì Ch ùkhé SP khì NP A kokhwìk, B kikh[i, C kikhì, D kikkhìk Ch A kòkhé, B kíkhè, C kíkhè, D kìkhé 693 “Secar--dry out” *R-o-tR Ot RyotRi Maz dyRotRS 694 “Seco--dry” *R-o-nR/# Ot nRyoni Maz RodRS Mtz yo Oc yo NP dío, maRó Ch móRó, (A) nindò SP múRú 695 “Sed, tener--be thirsty” *tõtteh Ot tathe Maz tùre 696 “Seis--six” *nRa-h-to, *ti-ti-nRa Ot Rnahto Maz ñanto Mtz indatowi Oc mblàhndòhó NP teliRgyá SP tikient (R) 697 “Semana--week” *nimpãi-R NP nímbyãiR Ch nímb`ãR SP mpiã 698 “Sembrar--plant (corn)” *tõR-mh/# Ot taha, C taha, D Rnaha Maz tàhmS_ Mtz tumi Oc tu NP -ttõRo Ch étúRùnR NP A -tt/õRo, B -t/õRo, C -t/õRo, D -lh/õRo Ch A -tu, B –ndu, C -ru, D -rhu 699 “Semilla-seed” *nttao Ot ndö Maz ndöRö Mtz daR Oc ndátu 700 “Sentarse--sit down” *(i) kho-nR Mtz Xhori Oc Xholi 701 “Sentarse--sit down” *coh NP ccóho SP cuhu 702.

“Sentarse--sit down” *mi/*m]oh

Ot mi, mihöi Maz mimi, mimRmi


NP (AL) m]ha 703 “Sentarse--sit” *hõcR/-t Ot hacRi, hadi Maz harS_ NP koh[acR “on top of” Ch hunts 704 “Sentir--feel” *cao-R Ot A cö, C zö, D cRö Maz s/ö Mtz -- Oc có NP A –ccáoR, B –áoR, C –cáoR D –cRáoR 705 “Servir--work for” *pai-h-p Ot p[hpite Maz p[hpi 706 “Servir comida--serve food” *si-cR Ot šicRi Maz šisRi 707 “Sesos--brains” *tkã-R NP Ugokw`ãRp Ch ùg/ãR SP (P) ]yw`ãR, (J) nky`ãR? 708 “Sibling--hermano” *nRi-o-i (dual) Ot nRyowi Maz dyRohwi 709 “Siete--seven” *nio-to *ti-ti-nioh-nR Ot yohto Maz yènXo Mtz netowi Oc myèhndoho NP tely-UyòhigU SP tiktí (R) 710 “Silla--chair” *p(R)oh NP UgopRóho Ch nábòhò Ch A tapoho, B kipoho, C tapoho, D navoho 711 “Sol--sun” *hia-t/-mR Ot hyadi Maz hy[arS Mtz inhyabi Oc -- 712 “Sólo--only” *nRa Ot (SF) Rdach[ Maz -- Mtz ra Oc la NP dahap 713 “Sombra--shade, shadow” *são-t *sõ-p/-mR Ot šamSi, šati Maz š`õrS_ Mtz šubi Oc Xhúbi NP kos[ãot


714 “Sombrero--hat” *piHC-mR Ot phSi Maz -- NP A -mbéheR, B -wéheR, C -méheR, D -béheR

715 “Soplar--blow” *hoi-p/-nR/-t Ot hwìphi Maz hwìphi Mtz nXihupi “soplador” Oc nìlhw/ípì “soplador” NP -hèigUR 716 “Norte--north” *hoi-p Ot (Mez) mahwifi Maz -- Mtz nXihupi “soplador” Oc nimhnupi NP sohòp (Ugop[ãiR) 717 “Soplador--fan” *hoi-tR/-k/-t Ot hwìtRi Maz hwìRXRi “aventar” Mtz ruthuhXi “soplar” Oc muhwiptí “soplar” NP šilyhèiky SP štuthwéRe 718 “Sordo--deaf” *tkotkão Ot goga Maz ngogo 719 “Sordo--deaf” *mo-t SP neka mud[u Ch nàng/ã í múr 720 “Sospechar--suspect” *hoHC-cR/*heoHC-cR Ot høcRe “acusar” Maz h[øsRø 721 “Subir--raise (price) *hõ-cR Ot hacRi, C hyacRi, D thacR?i Maz hasRS_ NP A -h/õsp, B –hi`õsp, C -hiõsp, D -h`õsp 722 “Subir--go up” *poHC-cR/*peoHC-cR Ot pøcRe Maz pøsRø “poner en la lumbre” Mtz pøcRi Oc -- 723 “Subir--ascend” *hãoR NP A tah/ão, B kohww/ão, C -nh/ãRo SP ma-ta-hãwk Ch gàh/ã 724 “Subir--ascend” *te-cR Ot tecRe Maz tesRe


725 “Sucio--dirty” *mpo-s Ot mpoši Maz pošS 726 “Sudar--sweat” *pa Mtz -- Oc ndepáki NP lilyh[et wóppap Ch rípà énèhèr SP rpià ten/]hi 727 “Suegra de mujer--woman’s mother -in-law *kao Ot kö Maz kö?ö 728 “Suegra de hombre--man’s mother-in-law *to Ot to Maz XoRo 729 “Tabaco--tobacco” *nRioHC-m

Ot Ry[ui Maz -- Mtz rumi Oc -- NP ndóehigU Ch (R) útRühü Ch (A) A núnd/üh`ü, B n`r/üh`ü, C nínd`üh`ü, D út`üh`ü 730 “Tamales” *th^-t Ot th[_di Maz th^Y^ Mtz intheti Oc thenti NP -lhu_R[_ Ch úrR`]hì SP nth/^R^ NP A nothu_R, B nilhyu_R[, C nikhyu_R[ 731 “Tapar--cover” *ko-R-mR Ot koRmi Maz kobRS 732 “Tejer--weave” *pe Ot pe, C me, D Re Maz pèRe Mtz pa Oc mbá NP -pp[ Ch pì SP -we NP A -pp[, B –wu, C –m[, D -bb[ 733 “tejocote--kind of fruit” *pai-nR Ot p[ni Maz p[dyRi Mtz pari Oc mbali 734 “Telar--loom” *mRe Ot Rme Maz bRèRe NP nab[[ Ch úpRí SP mRaé


735 “Temblar--shake” *tpi Ot bi Maz mbiRi 736 “Temblar--shake” *hõa/*tkã-R Ot hwã Maz hwãUkhã “sacudir” NP -ngãR Ch íg`ãnR “temblor de tierra”

737 “!!Ten!--here!” *nã Ot nã Maz nãRã 738 “Tenamaxtle--”hearth stones” *nh]o-m/-t” Ot hyai Maz hñamS Mtz -- Oc nyut 739 “Tener (milpas--have (fields)” *thai Ot th[ Maz th[R[ 740 “Tener--have” *mi Mtz miwi “agarrar” Oc mi “agarrar” NP -mm] 741 “Tener-have” *h]a-t Ot hã Maz h/S_RS_ Mtz yø Oc -- SP hyún Ch her Ch A -her, B –nher, C -nher, D -rher 742 “Teñir--dye” *kã-t/-R Ot kãti (kShS) Maz k`ãtRã Mtz nikhøti “pintura” Oc mukøndi, nikhøndi “pintura” NP -kkãR SP -kw/ãn 743 “Tercera persona--third person” *-p Ot -pi Maz -pi Mtz -pi Oc -pi NP -p Ch -� 744 “Tercio--a third (bundle of

wheat)” *khao-t

Ot khödi Maz khörS 745 “Terminar--finsh something” *te-k/*toi Ot Maz

tége thege “used up”

tèze theze “used up”

Mtz taXi Oc taXi


NP -ttwì Ch tü, D tü 746 Terminar--finish” *khwa-t Ot khwadi Maz khwarS 747 “Tiempo de aguas--rainy season” *hie-teh Ot nhyethe Maz -- Mtz inhyeti Oc héti

748 “Tierra--land, soil” *hao-m Ot h`öi Maz h`ömS Mtz hami Oc ha NP -hw[aogU Ch úhà SP ihyáw NP A nóhwaogU, B nihyàogU, C níhyaogU 749 “Tierra--land, ground” *po-R Mtz mapoRo “abajo” Oc -- NP kopóR Ch kímbó Ch

kúmbò, B kìvó, C kímbó, D úvó

750 “Tierra plana--plain, plateau” *mRa-tha Ot Rmatha Maz bathS Mtz inbati Oc bati NP nibià Ch -- 751 “Tijeras--scissors” *nR]a-s/*tR]a-s Ot (SF) Rñãši, (Mez) tRãste Maz Rñãšã NP nalRyãs Ch tárR]s NP

A tiRy/ãs, B kiRy/ãs, C niRy/ãs, D nalRy/ãs

752 “Cortar con tijeras--cut out with scissors” *R]a-s Ot Rãši, C Ryãši, D tRãši Maz Rãšã NP A,B -Ri/ãs, C -nRi/ãs, D -lRi/ãs 753 “Tirar--throw” *h(i) o-t/-nR NP wah[[olR Ch hun, B, C nhin, D rhun 754 “Tocar--touch” *taoh-nR/# Ot thöni, C döni, D Rnöni Maz thörS Mtz tari Oc -- NP A -ttaho, B -táho, C -táho, D -lRaho Ch A -ta, B -nda, C -ra, D -rha 755 “Tocar mmúsica--play music” *pai-mR/p *pai-nR


Ot p[i Maz ph[bRi Mtz papi Oc mbápi NP -- Ch pen Ch A -pen, B -ngwen, C men, D -mben 756 “Todo--all” *t^-s/-cho Ot -- Maz t^š^ Mtz teRso Oc ndechó 757 “Toluca--capitol of state of Mexico” *ntciHC-mh Ot nzShmi Maz zSmi 758 “Tomar--drink” *ci Ot ci Maz siRi Mtz ci Oc ci 759 “Tomar--drink” *hao-R NP -háoR Ch ráháR SP manh[u NP A waháoR, B, C -hwáoR, D -lháoR Ch A -ha, B, C -nha, D -rha 760 “Torcer-twist” *k]-s SP -kwíš Ch gak/^s 761 “Tortilla--corn cake” *mh^ Ot hm[ Maz -- Mtz imhewi Oc mhme NP -mh[_ SP mh^ 762 “Tortuga--turtle” *ko-mo-R NP kommóR Ch kúmmóR 763 “Toser--cough” *he(h)/*the(h) Ot hehe; thehe “tos” Maz hehe; thehe “tos” Mtz - Oc he NP -hw[ SP bøditkhy[e 764 “Tos--a cough” *kRiHC-cR Ot kRSRcRi Mtz -kRøcRi 765 “Trabajar--work” *pai-ph Ot p[phi, mp[phi Maz p[phi 766 “Trabajador--

worker” *mai-ph

Ot m[phi Maz mb[phi


767 “Trabajo--work” *tRa-m Mtz tRami Oc tRa 768 “Traer--bring” *pi-k/# Mtz piki Oc -- NP -- Ch pii Ch A pii, B ngwii, C mii, D mbii 769 “Tragar--swallow” *tõ-tR/-nR Ot tatRi, C datRi Maz -- SP -taR Ch étùnR NP A -ttõlR, B, C -tõlR, D -lh[olR 770.

”Tres--three” *nh]o-R/-nR

Ot hya; hyãhto “ocho” Maz hñ]R]; hñinXo “ocho” Mtz šu, hyu Oc phyu NP -nhõR Ch tínhùn (R) tínRùhùnR SP hn`]uR 771.

“Tripas--intestines” *phoi

Ot š^mpho, cRãmpho Maz šepho Mtz nXRimphowi Oc -- NP šimphioRk, -mbép Ch kúmb/ü 772.

“Triste--sad” *te-Ro-c-tRa-m

Mtz teRostRami Oc teRustRa 773.

“Triste--sad” *maR-p

SP maRabi Ch mRaha� 774.

“Tronco--trunk of a tree” *tpo-kõa-n

NP nimbyo niUgw/ãU Ch ríg/a rábó SP nka rbu 775.

“Trueno--thunder” *mphoHC-nh/*mpheoHC-nh

Ot mphøhni Maz phøhnø 776.

“Tú--thou” *kRe/*kR

Ot kRe, -kR Maz kRe


Maz kaXRi Oc kaXRi NP heokR, -kR Ch ihékRù SP hùkR 777.

“Tuna--cactus fruit” *ha-t

Mtz hati Oc hati 778.

“Vacío--empty” *nRi-oHC-nR/# *RoHC

Ot Ryøni Maz dyRødRø Mtz -- Oc nulRéli (?) NP maRó Ch móRó 779.

“Valer--be worth” *mo-i(dual)

Ot muwi Maz muwi Mtz mu Oc -- 780.

“Vecino--neighbor” *m^-ntkõ-m

Ot m[_nga Maz menzumS 781.

“Vela--candle” *nio

Ot yo Maz yoRo 782.

“Veinte--twenty” *nRa(o)-te

Ot nRnöhte Maz dyRöhte Mtz nronta Oc blóhndá NP ndalyR[[dn SP Rnáde 783.

“Venado--deer” *pah-nR

Ot phašthø, phanthø Maz phanthe, phantRehe Mtz inhapaari (Gu) ynte tzacapaari Oc ncRambali NP -- SP ph/ãmpài 784.

“Vender--sell” *Roi-nR/-R/-t

Mtz Ruri Oc wili NP -RReiR, B -Rw[eiR, C -dèiR Ch Rür Ch A -Rür, B –tür, C -nd:ru, D -rRür SP -Rù


785.

“Vender--sell” *pao

Ot pö Maz pöRö 786.

“Venir--come” *R^h/*R]a

Ot R[_h[_ Maz R^h^ Mtz Ri Oc pRi NP A -Rw`[_, B, C -nR`]a, D konR`]at Ch A -Ri, B, C -Ri, D -Ri 787.

“Verde--green” *koih-tR

NP niUgéhilyR Ch kuk`ü SP nkíhìl 788.

“Verde oscuro--dark green” *tpoe-th

Ot bøthe Maz mbeYe 789.

“Vereda--path” *tp^-nR]o

Ot b[_Rya Maz mb^Rñihi 790.

Vergüenza--shame” *chaR

Ot cö (?) Maz -- NP chá Ch chàRa 791.

“Vestir a alguien--dress someone”

*he-t

Ot hehte Maz hehXe Mtz hati Oc hati 792.

“Vestirse--wear clothes” *t]h

NP -t`^hi Ch t`^ Ch A –t^, B –nd^, C –r^, D -rh^ 793.

“Vestirse--wear clothes” *he

Ot he Maz heRe 794.

“Viejo--old” *nRoiR

NP madóRi SP mr ndíRì


795.

“Viejo--old” *tRõ-ma

Mtz intoma, -tuma Oc -tRuma 796.

“Visitar--visit” *pã-t/#

Ot pãdi “saber” Maz pãrã “saber” NP A -pp`ã, B – pã, C –pã, D -ph`ã Ch A – pã, B –nbã, C –vã, D -mbã 797.

“Vomitar--vomit” *co-k/-cR/-mia

Ot cogi, C zogi, D cRogi Maz nYohkS Mtz -- Oc cRoya NP -ccòcR Ch ítšòRò NP A -ccòcR, B -XòcR, C -cócR, D -XRòcR 798.

“Ultimo--last” *mRai-pha

Ot Rb[pha Maz bR[pha 799.

“Untar--anoint” *ko-cR

Ot kocRi Maz kosRS 800.

“Uno--one” *nRa/*tRa

Ot Rna, nRna Maz dRaha, nRàha Mtz indawi Oc bla, la NP nda Ch nantRa SP Rná 801.

“y--and” *nR^h

Ot Rn[_h[_ Maz ñé, ñéhe 802.

“Yerba--grass” *tRe/*nR^

Ot tR[i Maz tR[bRi SP détRe Ch únR`^ 803.

“Yo--I” *kao *-k

Ot gö, kö -gi, -ki Maz gö, kö -gV, -kV Mtz kaki Oc kaki


NP káok -k Ch ìkágù SP kàki

804.

“Nosotros--we pl, incl.” *kao-hoi/-n (*hoiHC)

Ot göhS Maz göhi Mtz kakhowi Oc kàkhó NP kaokU Ch ikágùnR SP kàkh 805.

“Zacate--fodder” *tca-pah-nR *cRa-pah-nR

Ot zaphani Maz sRaphadRS 806.

“Zancudo--mosquito” *mottao

Ot modö Maz mödö 807.

“Zapatos--shoes” *phã-cR

SP mphãcR Ch úph`ãts Ch A náp`ãts, B úp/ãts, C úv`ãts, D úph`ãts 808.

“Zapote blanco--white zapote fruit” *cRo-n

Mtz intsRoni Oc -tsRo 809.

“Zopilote--buzzard” *pa-ta/*waR

Ot pada Maz ndohparS Mtz impati Oc -- NP nawáRa Ch -- 810.

“Zorra-fox” *ha

Ot (Mez) haho Maz -- Mtz -- Oc yohá 811.

“Zorrillo--skunk” *nR]a-m/-mR/#

Ot Ryãi, (SG) nR`ãi Maz RS_hmS Mtz RSbi Oc nimRøøli (?) NP kon/õaRa Ch kárR/ã SP kraRa

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APPENDIX M LANGUAGES REPRESENTED

IN THE COGNATE SETS

Otomian and Pamean

347 sets

1, 10, 12, 16, 17, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 39, 42, 44, 49, 51, 54, 55, 59, 60, 61, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 76, 77, 80, 82, 87, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 154, 160, 166, 168, 169, 177, 178, 179, 180, 187, 192, 193, 196, 197, 198, 200, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, 222, 223, 225, 227, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 252, 255, 258, 263, 264, 264, 267, 268, 269, 271, 274, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281, 285, 290, 291, 292, 301, 302, 303, 304, 313, 316, 320, 321, 322, 323, 329, 330, 333, 334, 337, 338, 342, 343, 344, 348, 351, 352, 353, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 371, 373, 380, 384, 385, 386, 388, 391, 393, 395, 399, 402, 407, 409, 413, 415, 418, 419, 420, 421, 423, 425, 426, 427, 428, 431, 439, 445, 446, 456, 460, 461, 464, 468, 469, 471, 475, 476, 477, 479, 481, 482, 483, 484, 487, 489, 497, 498, 499, 500, 504, 541, 515, 517, 519, 520, 521, 523, 526, 527, 528, 529, 530, 533, 534, 535, 536, 538, 542, 545, 546, 547, 550, 553, 554, 555, 557, 558, 559, 560, 561, 562, 563, 565, 570, 572, 573, 582, 583, 584, 586, 588, 589, 590, 591, 598, 599, 600, 602, 605, 606, 608, 609, 610, 611, 613, 615, 616, 617, 620, 628, 630, 633, 646, 654, 657, 658, 661, 667, 668, 669, 671, 674, 676, 677, 678, 681, 682, 684, 686, 687, 690, 691, 692, 694, 696, 698, 702, 703, 704, 709, 712, 713, 714, 715, 716, 717, 721, 726, 729, 730, 732, 734, 736, 740, 741, 742, 743, 745, 748, 749, 750, 751, 752, 754, 755, 759, 761, 763, 768, 769, 770, 771, 776, 778, 782, 783, 784, 786, 790, 796, 797, 800, 802, 803, 804, 809, 811.

Otomian

106 Sets

4, 19, 35, 38, 43, 46, 65, 69, 83, 86, 98, 110, 111, 115, 118, 126, 127, 143, 151, 155, 156, 157, 161, 171, 174, 176, 181, 190, 201, 202, 209, 230, 239, 240, 241, 260, 272, 314, 318, 327, 328, 340, 345, 347, 362, 364, 375, 383, 392, 397, 400, 404, 405, 408, 411, 417, 422, 429, 433, 438, 440, 441, 442, 444, 449, 455, 458, 459, 467,


472, 478, 493, 494, 495, 444, 501, 505, 525, 532, 539, 541, 549, 556, 574, 580, 594, 629, 631, 635, 651, 653, 655, 670, 673, 679, 688, 699, 711, 722, 733, 738, 747, 756, 758, 779, 791, 810.

Otomi and Mazahua

215 Sets

2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 33, 34, 36, 37, 45, 47, 48, 56, 57, 73, 75, 78, 79, 81, 84, 88, 90, 95, 96, 103, 107, 109, 113, 124, 125, 134, 138, 139, 140, 153, 158, 163, 165, 170, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 189, 194, 195, 199, 203, 204, 207, 208, 213, 216, 221, 224, 229, 232, 246, 249, 254, 256, 257, 261, 262, 266, 275, 282, 283, 286, 287, 293, 294, 296, 298, 299, 300, 305, 307, 309, 312, 315, 324, 325, 331, 332, 335, 346, 349, 350, 355, 361, 363, 365, 366, 369, 370, 372, 376, 377, 378, 379, 382, 390, 403, 410, 424, 432, 435, 436, 437, 447, 448, 451, 452, 454, 457, 462, 463, 465, 466, 470, 474, 480, 485, 486, 488, 496, 502, 507, 510, 531, 537, 543, 551, 552, 564, 566, 569, 571, 575, 577, 578, 585, 587, 592, 596, 604, 614, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 626, 627, 632, 634, 636, 644, 645, 647, 648, 649, 650, 656, 659, 660, 663, 666, 672, 680, 693, 695, 705, 706, 708, 717, 720, 724, 725, 727, 728, 731, 735, 737, 739, 744, 746, 757, 764, 765, 766, 775, 780, 781, 785, 788, 789, 793, 798, 799, 801, 805, 806.

Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco

28 Sets

40, 41, 50, 53, 128, 161, 248, 253, 288, 366, 381, 387, 524, 548, 568, 595, 597, 601, 618, 638, 639, 683, 700, 767, 772, 777, 795, 808.

Pamean (Pame and Chichimeco)

109 Sets

5, 7, 13, 25, 52, 58, 62, 64, 67, 74, 85, 99, 112, 114, 116, 133, 141, 144, 150, 159, 172, 173, 175, 183, 191, 205, 206, 210, 211, 212, 218, 226, 228, 231, 242, 247, 259, 273, 279, 284, 289, 306, 308, 310, 311, 317, 326, 336, 339, 341, 367, 368, 374, 389, 394, 398, 401, 406, 412, 414, 416, 430, 434, 443, 450, 453, 473, 490, 491, 492, 503, 511, 513, 516, 518, 522, 544, 567, 576, 579, 581, 593, 603, 607, 612, 619, 637, 638, 652, 662, 664, 665, 675, 685, 689, 697, 701, 707, 710, 719, 723, 753, 760, 762, 773, 774, 787, 792, 794, 807.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

General

Bartholomew, Doris. “Some Revisions in Proto-Otomi Consonants, “International Journal of American Linguistics, XXVI (1960), 317-29.

Belmar, Francisco. Glotología Indígena Méxicana. México: n.p., 1921. [Pages xliv-xlivii have bibliography of materials in Otomi, Matlatzinca, and Pame.]

qqqqqqq. Lenguas Indígenas de México: La Familia mixteco-zapoteca y sus relaciones con el otomí. México: n.p., 1905.

qqqqqqq. “Sistema silábico en las lenguas de la familia mixteca-zapoteca-otomí,” Anales del Museo Nacional, 3a época, II (1910), 261-71.

Brinton, Daniel G. “On the Affinities of the Otomi Language with the Athabascan Dialects,” Proceedings of the X International Congress of Americanists, 1897, 151-62.

Catálogo de obras escritas en lenguas indígenas de México o que tratan de ellas de la biblioteca particular de Salvador Ugarte. México: Offset Vilar, 1955.

VIII Censo general de población, 1960. Resumen general. México, D.F.: Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Secretaría de Industria y Comercio, Dirección General de Estadística, 1960. [Source of figures on speakers of indigenous languages, cuadro 14: “Población que habla únicamente lenguas indígenas, por sexo,” pp. 263-66.]

Charencey, Comte Hyacinthe de. “Recherches sur la famille de lángues Américaines, Pirinda-Othomí,” Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne, n.v. (1867), n.p.

qqqqq. “Sur les idiomes de la Famille Chichimèque,” Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Americanists, 1906, pp.159-91.

Chávez, Alberto N. “Bibliografía antropológica otomí,” Ethnos, I (1920), 68-73.

Ecker, Lawrence. “Relationship of Mixtec to the Otomian Languages,” El México Antiguo, IV (1939), 209-40.


Hasler, Juan. “Reconstrucciones Matlatzinca-ocuiltecos,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, XII (1960), 269-79.

Manrique Castañeda, Leonardo. “Sobre la Clasificación del Otomi-Pame,” Proceedings of the XXXIII International Congress of Americanists, 1958, 551-59.

Marino Flores, Anselmo. Bibliografía lingüística de la República Mexicana. Mexico: Instituto Internacional Indigenista, 1957.

qqqqq. Distribución municipal de los hablantes de lenguas indígenas en la Republica Méxicana. México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Departmento de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Publicación núm. 12, 1963. [The data in this publication are according to the census of 1950. It appears that the 1960 census did not include information on monolingual and bilingual speakers by municipio.]

Pimentel, Francisco. Obras Completas. Vol. II. México: Tipografía Económica, 1903. [Of interest here are chapters LI “El Othomí ó Hia-Hiu,” pp. 358-74; LII “Comparaciones entre el Chino y el Othomí,” pp. 375-393; LIII “El Mazahua ó Mazahui,” pp. 394-400: LIV “Comparación del Othomí con el Mazahua y el Pirinda--Carácteres distintivos de la familia othomí,” pp. 401-11; LV “El Pame comparado con el othomí--El Jonaz ó Meco, el Serrano--Idiomas que forman la familia othomí--Observación sobre el antiguo chichimeco,” pp. 412-36; LVI “El Apache,” pp. 437-66. The last chapter has a list of words comparing Apache and Otomi.]

Newman, Stanley, and Weitlaner, Robert J. “Central Otomian I: Proto-Otomi Reconstructions,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XVI (1950), 1-19.

qqqqq. “Central Otomian II: Primitive Central Otomian Reconstructions,” XVI (1950), 73-81.

Soustelle, Jacques. “La Famille Otomi-Pame du Mexique Central,” Travaux et Memoires de l’Institut d”Ethnologie de l’Université de Paris, No. 26. Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1937.

Swadesh, Morris. “The Oto-Manguean Hypothesis and Macro Mixtecan,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XXVI (1960), 79-111.

qqqqqqqqqqqqq. “Algunos problemas de la lingüística Otomangue,” Anales de Antropología, I (1964), 91-123. [This article attempts to incorporate Otomi and Mazahua into the larger Otomanguean reconstruction.]

283 Bibliography

Thomas, Cyrus, and Swanton, John R. “Indian Languages of Central America and their Geographical Distribution,” 44th Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911. [Includes a linguistic map. Follows Brinton in including Matlatzinca in the Otomian area.]

Weitlaner, Roberto J. “Proto-Otomi-Matlatzinca: Reconstrucciones del Proto-Otomi III,” Memorias del Congreso Científico Mexicano, IV Centenario de la Universidad Autónoma de México, XII (1953), 199-206.

qqqqqqqqqqq. “Un idioma desconocido del Norte de México,” Proceedings of the XXVIII International Congress of Americanists, 1948, 205-27. [Compares Naolan, a language of Tamaulipas, with North Pame, languages of the Sioux-Hokan group and languages of the Yuto-Aztecan group. Weitlaner concludes that Naolan is closer to Yuto-Aztecan, but there are some resemblances with North Pame. The very limited corpus is insufficient for any final decision.]

Otomi

Agreda, Antonio de. Arte de la Lengua Otomí. (Manuscript in la Biblioteca Nacional, Santiago de Chile.) [The manuscript of 139 pages bears the date 1771. The Arte, which is mostly orthography, constitutes 23 pages. There are 38 pages of vocabulary in addition to the sections on Christian doctrine.]

Andrews, Henrietta. “Phonemes and Morphophonemes of Temoayan Otomi,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XV (1949), 213-22.

qqqqqqqqqqq. “Otomi Place-Names in the State of Mexico, “Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 161-64.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Aspect Prefixes in Southwestern Otomi,” (Typewritten).

Arroyo, Víctor Manuel. Elementos de Gramática Otomí. Ixmiquillpan, Hgo.: Patrimonio Indígena del Valle del Mezquital, 1955.

Bartholomew, Doris. “Palabras prestadas del español en el dialecto otomí,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 169-72.

qqqqqqqqqq. “El Limosnero y otros cuentos en otomí,” Tlalocan, IV (1963), 120-24.

Buelna, Lic. Eustaquio. Luces del Otomí. México: Imprenta del Gobierno Federal, 1893. [The subtitle is “Gramática del idioma que hablan los indios otomíes en la


República Mexicana. Compuesto por un padre de la compañía de Jesús.” Buelna, who edited the manuscript, dates it shortly after 1767. It consists of six parts and includes several vocabularies as well as grammatical information.]

Cárceres, Pedro de. “Arte de la Lengua Otomí,” Edited by Nicolás León, Boletín del Instituto Bibliográfico Mexicano, VI (1907), 39-155. [Manuscript of the 16th century from Querétaro.]

Caso, Alfonso. “Un códice en otomí,” Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of Americanists, 1930, 130-35.

Carrasco Pizana, Pedro. Los Otomies: Cultura e historia pre-hispánicas de los pueblos mesoamericanas de habla otomiana. México: Instituto de Historia, 1950.

Colección Polidiómica Mexicana. México: n.p., 1888. [Contains the Lord’s prayer in 68 languages and dialects of Mexico. This edition more complte than the 1860 edition.]

Castaño, Bartholomé. Lo que precisamente debe saber el Christiano. (Photograph manuscript in the W. E. Gates collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago. 15 pp. 13.7 cm.)

Catessismo Nathonate. (Manuscript of 1750, 8 pp., 21.5 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Cathecismo y breve explicación de la doctrina Christiana en idioma othomí. (Photograph manuscript in the W. E. Gates Collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago. 33 pp. 13.7 cm.)

Codex de Huichapan. (Otomi manuscript, approx. 1632, in the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, México, D.F.)

Cornejo Cabrera, Ezekiel. “Los Otomies: Historia del grupo y de la cultura y su situación actual,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología, XXIII (1961), 55-90.

Dávila Garibi, J. Ignacio. “Los últimos representantes de la raza Othomí en Jalisco,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, XLIV (1932), 39-68.

Diccionario Castellano-Otomí; Otomí-Castellano. México: Patrimonio Indígena del Valle del Mezquital y del Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1956.

Diccionario Otomí. (Manuscript dictionary in the margins of Gilberti, Maturino. Vocabulario in lengua Castellana y Mechaucana, 1559. In the New York Public Library.)

285 Bibliography

Diccionario Otomí. (Manuscript dictionary in the margins of Molina’s Spanish-Nahuatl Dictionary of 1571. In the American Museum of Natural History, New York City.

Diccionario Otomí. (Manuscript in la Biblioteca Nacional, México, D.F. 800 pp.)

Dos Sermones en lengua otomí. (Manuscript of the 17th entury. 7 pp. 21.6 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Ecker, Lawrence, “Los dos “Metoros”,” Investigaciones Lingüísticas, IV (1937), 254-61. [An Otomi text from Xuchitlán, Santiago de Ayala, Hidalgo, by Ricardo Mayorga, edited by Ecker.]

qqqqqqqqqq. “A Criticism of the Second Part, Entitled “La Langue Otomí,” of the work of Jacques Soustelle, La Famille Otomi-Pame du Mexique Central,” Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana, II (1938), 17-30.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Retraction of Remarks on Soustelle’s La Famille Otomi-Pame du Mexique Central, Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana, III (1939), 29-30.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Testimonio Otomí sobre la etimología de México y Coyoacán,” El México Antiguo, V (1941), 198-201.

qqqqqqqqqq. “La Incorporación del objeto al verbo en otomí y mexicano,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists, 1947, 269-77.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Compendio de Gramática Othomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, IV (1952), 121-74.

Escandón, Luis A. “Arte del idioma otomí,” Ensayo Histórico Estadístico Geográfico del Distrito de Ixmiquilpan, n.v. (1891), n.p.

Exámen crítico de la Gramática Otomí de Neve y Molina; Discurso crítico de la Doctrina Otomí. (Manuscript, 143 pp. 21.3 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Gaona, Juan de. Colloqvios de la paz y tranquilidad Christiana. Interlocutores: un Religioso, y un Collegal. México: n.p., 1582.

Garibay, ángel María. “Morfemas nominales en otomí,” Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, 5a época, I (1934), pp. 291-323.

qqqqqqqqqqq.“El Enigma Otomí,” Ábside, II (1938), 3-12.


Haedo, Francisco. Grámatica de la lengua otomí y método para confesar a los indios en ella. Mexico: n.p., 1731.

Harley, M. de. “De quelques principes de linguistique et de la langue Othomie,” Proceedings of the III International Congress of Americanists, 1879, 525-68.

Hess, Harold Harwood. “The Syntactic Structure of Mezquital Otomi.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1962.

Jenkins, Joyce. “Morphological Phoneme Sequences in Eastern Otomi,” Phonetica, II (1958), 1-11.

Jiménez Moreno, Wigberto. “Orígen y Significación del Nombre Otomí,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, III (1939), 62-68.

Leon, Frances, and Swadesh, Morris. “Two Views of Otomi Prosody,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XV (1949), 100-105.

Leon, Frances. “Revisión de la Fonología del Otomí,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, XV (1963), 315-22.

León, Nicolás. “Uso de la Escritura Jeroglífica por los Hiá-Hiú, en tiempos muy posteriores a la Conquista,” Proceedings of the XI International Congress of Americanists, 1897, 288-90.

López Yepes, R.P. Fr. Joaquín. Catecismo y Declaración de la Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua Otomí, con un vocabulario del mismo idioma. Mexico: Impreso Alejandro Valdés, 1826.

Mena, Ramón. “Lingüística y glotología nacionales,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, 5a época, VII (1919), 207-208.

Mendoza, Gumesindo. “Disertación sobre el Otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, 2a época, IV (1872), 41-52. [Tésis: “El olomí es un modelo del orígen de las palabras en las lenguas madres, y un ejemplo de cómo procedieron las razas primitivas para formar un idioma.”]

qqqqqqqqqq. “Respuesta a las observaciones del Sr. Pimentel sobre la Disertación que leí ante esta Sociedad acerca del Otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, 2a época, IV (1872), 440-453.

Méthodo breve para confesar á un Yndio en idioma Otomí. (Photograph manuscript, 33pp. 13.7 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Miranda, P. Francisco de. Catecismo Breve en Lengua Otomí. México: Imprenta de la Biblioteca Mexicana, 1759.

287 Bibliography

Náxera, Fr. Manuel de S. Juan Crisóstomo. Disertación sobre la lengua Othomí. México: Imprenta del Aguila, 1845. [Read in Latin before the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia in 1837. Compares Otomi and Chinese.]

Neve y Molina, D. Luis de. Reglas de ortografía, diccionario, y arte del idioma othomí. Mexico: Imprenta de la Biblioteca Mexicana, 1767. [Also in an 1863 edition (Tipografía de Mariano Villanueva) and translated into German, French, and Italian.]

Olaguíbel, Manuel de. Onomatología del Estado de México. Toluca: Tipografía del Gobierno en la Escuela de Artes y Oficios, 1894.

Peñafiel, Antonio. Ciudades coloniales y capitales de la República Mexicana. Querétaro: n.p., 1911. [Includes Otomi place names and plant names.]

qqqqqqqqqq. Lenguas Mexicanas. n.p., nd. [Includes an Otomi vocabulary.]

qqqqqqqqqq. Composición de los nombres de lugar en lengua otomí y mixteco-zapoteca. México: n.p., 1897.

Pérez, Presb. D. Francisco. Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en lengua otomí. México: Imprenta de la Testamentaría de Valdés, 1834.

Pimentel, Francisco. “Observaciones de Francisco Pimentel a la Disertación sobre el idioma otomí, leída en la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística por el Sr. Gumesindo Mendoza,” Boletín de la Socieded Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, IV (1872), 224-36.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Réplica de Francisco Pimentel al Sr. Gumesindo Mendoza, acerca de su disertación sobre el idioma otomí,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, IV (1872), 629-36.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Cap. LI “El Otomí ó Hiá-Hiú,” Obras Completas. México: Tipografía Económica, (1903) II, pp. 358-74.

Ramírez, Fr. Antonio de Guadalupe. Catecismo breve othomí. México: Imprenta Nueva Madrileña de los Herederos del Lic. D. Joseph de Jauregui, 1785.

Robelo, Cecilio A. Nombres geográficos indígenas del Estado de México. Cuernavaca: Luis G. Miranda, 1900.

Sánchez de la Baquera, Juan. Modo Breve de aprender a ler, escrevir, pronunciar, y ablar el idioma othomí. (Manuscript, 1747. 110 pp. 15 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.)


Sancturale Hiemale: Recueil de sermons pour les f[etes de différents Saints. (Photograph manuscript of 17th century from original in Bibliotèque Nationale, Paris. 152 pp. 14.2 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Sermonario en Lengua Otomí. (Manuscript of the 16th century. 405 pp. Incomplete. Number VII of the manuscript collection of la Biblioteca Particular de Salvador Ugarte, Monterrey.)

Sinclair, Donald S., and Pike, Kenneth L. “The tonemes of Mezquital Otomi,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XIV (1948), 91-98.

Soustelle, Jacques. “Deux contes otomis,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes, XXVII (1935), 1-19.

qqqqqqqqqq. “Les Noms de Lieux en Otomi et dan les Langues,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists, 1947, 296-305.

Urbano, Alonso. Arte breve de la lengua otomí. (Photograph manuscript. 90 pp. 18.1 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Uribe, Oscar. “Toponímicos Otomíes,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 207-12.

Vargas, Melchior de. Doctrina Christiana, muy útil, y necesaria en Castellano, Mexicano, y Otomí. (Photograph manuscript of 1576. 73 pp. 13.7 cm. W. E. Gates collection. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Velázquez, Gustavo G. “Vocabulario otomí del pueblo de Santa María Mazatla, Méx.,” Investigaciones Lingüísticas, II (1934), 54-58.

Vivó, Jorge A. “Sobre Leyes Fonéticas del Otomí,” Proceedings of the XXVII International Congress of Americanists, 1947, 366-73.

Vocabulario Otomí. (Manuscript, 1750. 571 pp. 31 cm. Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Wallis, Ethel E. “Toponomía Otomí del Valle del Mezquital,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 153-60.

qqqqq. “Simulfixation in Aspect Markers of Mezquital Otomi,” Language, XXXII (1956), 453-59.

qqqqq. “Mezquital Otomi Verb Fusion,” Language, XL (1964), 75-82.

Weitlaner, Robert J. “El Dialecto Otomí de Ixtenco,” Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, 4a época, VIII (1933), 667-92.

289 Bibliography

qqqqq. “El Otomí de Ixtenco, Tlaxcala,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, VI (1955), 11-14. Also in Estudios Antropológicos Publicados en Homenaje al Dr. Manuel Gamio. Mexico: Dirección General de Publicaciones, 1956, pp. 693-96. [This second article on Ixtenco Otomi compares it with Newman and Weitlaner’s reconstruction of Proto-Otomi.]

Weitlaner, Roberto, et Soustelle, Jacques. “Canciones Otomíes,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes, XXVII (1935), 304-24.

Mazahua

León, Nicolás. “Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics,” American Anthropologist, II (1900), 722-84.

Nájera Yanguas, Diego de. Doctrina y Enseñanza en la Lengua Mazahva de cosas mvy vtiles, y prouechosas para los Ministros de Doctrina, y para los naturales que hablan la lengua Mazahva. México: Iuan Ruyz, 1637. Reprinted in Biblioteca Mexicana de Obras Raras y Curiosas, Vol I. México: Offset Vilar, 1953.

qqqqq. “Arte de la lengua Mazahua,” Actes de la Société Philologique du Paris, XXVII (1898), 239-94; XXVIII (1899), 171-304.

Pike, Eunice V. “Tonemic-Intonemic Correlation in Mazahua (Otomi),” International Journal of American Linguistics, XVII (1951), 37-41.

Pimentel, Francisco. Cap. LIII “El Mazahua ó Mazahui,” Obras Completas, Vol. II, México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 394-400.

Rojas Gonzales, Francisco. “Los Mazahuas,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología, I (1939), 99-122.

Spotts, Hazel. “Vowel Harmony and Consonant Sequences inMazahua (Otomi),” International Journal of American Linguistics, XIX (1953), 253-58.

qqqqq. “Mazahua Place Names,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 165-67.

qqqqq. “Some Post-Conquest Changes in Mazahua,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XXII (1956), 208-11. [A comparison of Diego de Nájera Yanguas, Doctrina y Enseñanza en la lengua Mazahua (1637) and modern Mazahua. There have been changes in vowel harmony, involving more back vowels in stem-formative syllables. The earlier c (tz) has become s. A phoneme l has developed. There have been several changes in prefixes. Other changes in phonology or lexicon are trivial.]


Stewart, Donald and Stewart, Shirley. Vocabulario Mazahua. México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 1954.

Stewart, Donald. “Progress Report on Tone Reconstruction of Proto-Otomi-Mazahua.” (Unpublished Manuscript, 1954)

Matlatzinca and Ocuilteco

Acosta, Francisco. Arte de la Lengua Pirinda. (Manuscript, before 1605. La Biblioteca del Convento de Charo, Michoacán.) [Used by Basalenque in composing his grammar.]

qqqqq. Sermones en Lengua Pirinda. (Manuscript, before 1605. Location undetermined.)

Andrews, Henriette G. “Observaciones en fenómenas tonales de matlatzinca.” (Manuscript, 1945, 14 pp. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.)

qqqqq. “Matlatzinca Kinship System.” (Manuscript, 1945. 2 pp. Chart. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.)

qqqqq. “Language Notebook of Matlatzinca.” (Manuscript, 1945. 100pp. In my possession.) [Evidently basis for paper on the tone system, but contains other things as well.]

Andrews, Henrietta, and Shell, Olive. “A Preliminary Report on Matlatzinca Grammar,” (Manuscript, 1945. 7 pp. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.)

qqqqq. “A Tentative Statement and Description of Matlatzinca Phonemes with their Distribution.” (Manuscript, 1945. 21 pp. Chart. Files of el Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, México, D.F.)

Basalenque, Diego. Arte de la lengua Matlaltzinga. Vocabulario de la lengua Castellano buelto en la Matlaltzinga. Vocabulario de la lengua Matlaltzinga buelto en la Castellana. (Manuscripts, 1640-1646. Three copies known to exist: one in el Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia, y Etnografía, México, D.F.; one in la Biblioteca Particular de Salvador Ugarte, Monterrey, N.L.; and the third in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R.I.)

Caso, Alfonso. “El Calendario Matlatzinca,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, VIII (1946), 95-109.

291 Bibliography

Castro, Andrés de. Arte y Diccionario de la Lengua Matlatzinga. (Manuscript, before 1577. Said to be in la Biblioteca de Santiago Tlaltelulco, México, D.F.)

qqqqq. Sermones en Lengua Matlatzinca. (Manuscript, before 1577. 187 pp. Location undetermined.)

qqqqq. Vocabulario de la Lengua Matlatzinga. (Manuscript, 1557. In the margins of Molina’s Vocabulario de la lengua Castellano y Mexicana, México, 1555. Library of the American Indian, New York.)

Cazés, Daniel. “Tésis Profesional sobre el Matlatzinca.” Unpublished Master’s thesis, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México, 1964.

García Payón, José. La zona arqueológica de Tecaxic-Calix-tlahuaca, y los matlatzincas. México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1936. [Contains historical notes regarding early priests and their writings in and about Matlatzinca. Pages 223-36 give a bibliography of Matlatzinca materials.]

qqqqq. “Interpretación de la vida de los pueblos matlatzincas,” El México Antiguo, VI (1942-47), 73-90; 93-119.

qqqqq. “Manera de disponer de los muertos entre los matlatazincas del Valle de Toluca,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, V (1951), 64-78.

qqqqq. Matlatzincas ó Pirindas. México: El Nacional, 1942.

Génin, M. Auguste. “Notes d’Archéologie mexicaine, Le pays des Matlaltzinques,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes, III (1901), 1-42. [Contains a map of the region occupied by the Matlatzincas in 1470.]

Guevara, Miguel de. “Arte doctrinal y modo para aprender la lengua Matlaltzinga,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, IX (1862), 197-260. [Guevara’s manuscript is of 1638. The editorial comments consider Guevara’s grammar to be more thorough than Basalenque”s. Part of Guevara’s manuscript was missing, however, so the section on the verbs was taken from Basalenque’s manuscript, described above.]

León, Nicolás. “Orígen, estado actual y geografía del idioma pirinda ó matlatzinca en el estado de Michaocán,” Gaceta oficial del Gobierno del Estado de Michoacán, I (1886), n.p. [Evidently reprinted in México, 1944.]

qqqqq. “Los Matlatzincas,” Boletín del Museo Nacional, I (1903), 57-82.


qqqqq. Catálogo de la colección de antigüedades matlatzincas del territorio michoacano existentes en el Museo Nacional de México, arreglado por el profesor de etnología, Dr. Nicolás León. México: Imprenta del Museo Nacional, 1903. [Contains material on the Matlatzinca calendar.]

Pimentel, Francisco. Cap XLI “El Matlatzinca ó Pirinda,” Obras Completas, Vol. II. México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 136-63.

qqqqq. Cap. XLII “Observaciones sobre el Matlatzinca ó Pirinda,” Obras Completas. Vol. II, México: Tipografía Económica, 1903, pp. 164-71.

Plancarte, F., y León, Nicolás. “Noticia de un Dialecto nuevo del Matlatzinca,” Boletín del Museo Nacional, I (1903), 201-203. [About the dialect of San Francisco Oztotilpan, Edo. de México.]

Ramírez, José Fernando. “Calendario Matlatzinca,” Anales del Museo Nacional, 2a época, II (1905), 377-386.

Schuller, Rudolf. “Los indios matlatsinca y su lengua,” Ethnos, 3a época, I (1925), 105-114. [Contains bibliography of old material on Matlatzinca.]

qqqqq. “An Unknown Matlatsinka Manuscript.” Indian Notes, VII, 1930. 175-94. [Notice of the manuscript dictionary by Andrés de Castro in the margins of Molina’s 1555 Spanish-Nahuatl dictionary. Schuller planned to publish the manuscript, but died before this was possible. Plans are again underway to publish this valuable dictionary.]

Sermones sobre los Evangelios y fiestas del año en la lengua Matlaltzingue de las Indias. (Photograph manuscript of the 17th century. 570 pp. 14.3 cm. Imperfect, lacking leaves 1-62, 136-140. W. E. Gates collection, Newberry Library, Chicago. Photographed from the original Ms. in Bibliothèque Nationale.

Weitlaner, Robert J. “Beitrag zur sprache der Ocuilteca von San Juan Acingo,” El México Antiguo, IV (1939), 297-328.

Pame

Castro, Carlo Antonio. “La Pluralización en Pame Meridional,” Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos, XIV (1954-55), 213-218.

qqqqq. “Testimonio Pame-Meridional para la Etimología de México,” Tlatoani, (1952), 33.

293 Bibliography

Gibson, Lorna. “El sistema de parentesco pame,” Yan, II (1954), 77-84.

qqqqq. “Pame (Otomi) Phonemics and Morphophonemics,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XXII (1956), 242-65.

qqqqq. “Patterning in Pame Noun Morphology.” Unpublishd manuscript, 1964.

qqqqq. and Olson, Anne. “Four Pame Texts,” Tlalocan, IV (1963), 125-43.

Manrique Castañeda, Leonardo. “Descriptive Sketch of South Pame (Jiliapan Dialect),” to appear in Handbook of Middle American Languages, ed. N. A. McQuown.

qqqqq. “Dos grámaticas pames del siglo XVIII,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, XI (1960), 283-87.

Maza, Dr. Antonio de la. “La Nación Pame,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, LXIII, (1947), 493-575. [Includes a vocabulary of about 1000 words from Santa María Acapulco. Also contains the present tense conjugation of 18 verbs.]

Olson, Anne Blackman. Pedagogical Grammar of Pame. Unpublished manuscript, 1953-54.

Olson, Donald. “Spanish Loan Words in Pame,” International Journal of American Linguistics, XXIX (1963), 219-21.

Soriano, Fr. Juan Guadalupe. Difícil Tratado del Arte y Unión de los Idiomas Othomii y Pamee. Doctrina Christiana, para la fácil enseñanza he intelligencia de los Misterios de Ntra. Santa Fee en el idioma Pame, para bien de las Almas. (Manuscript, 1776. Dr. de la Maza made a copy of the manuscript from archives in Madrid. The copy is now in the possession of Leonardo Manrique.)

Soustelle, Jacques. “Documentos sur les langues Pame et Jonaz du Mexique Central (Hidalgo, Querétaro, et San Luis Potosí),” Journal de la Société des Américanistes, XL (1951), 1-20.

Valle, Francisco. “Quaderno de Algunas Reglas y Apuntes Sobre El Idioma Pame: Notas acerca de las letras con que se escriben muchos términos, sus acentos, y modo de pronunciar,” Bibliografía Española de Lenguas Indígenas de América, Madrid: N.P., 1892. 287-314. [Published (incomplete) by Rudolf Schuller with the title La Unica Gramática Conocida de la Lengua Pame, México, Secretaría de Educación Pública, Depto. de Antropología, 1925.]


Chichimeco

Angulo, Jaime de. “The Chichimeco Language (Central Mexico),” International Journal of American Linguistics, VII (1933), 153-94.

Driver, Harold E., and Driver, Wilhelmine. “Ethnography and Acculturation of the Chichimeco-Jonaz of Northeast Mexico.” Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, No. 26, International Journal of American Linguistics, XXIX (1963).

Gerste, Aquiles. “La langue des Chichimèques,” Revue des Questiones Scientifiques, XXX (1891), 81-103. [Also published separately with the title La langue des Chichimèques: Etude ethnologique. Bruxelles: Polleunis et Ceuterick, 1891.]

González Casanova, Pablo. “Un vocabulario chichimeco,” Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of Americanists, 1930, 918-25.

Romero Castillo, Moisés. “Los Fonemas del Chichimeco-Jonaz,” Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, XI (1957-58), 288-99.

qqqqq. Vocabulario Chichimeco. In press.

295

Documents

Bartholomew Collection of Unpublished Materials SIL ... · to James D. McCawley for an introduction to generative phonology (in spite of my own imperfect grasp of it). Grateful acknowledgement