Beads in Konso

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In:Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, ed. by Svein Ege, Harald

Aspen, Birhanu Teferra and Shiferaw Bekele, Trondheim 2009

369

Beads in Konso, Southern Ethiopia

Birgitta Kimura1 and Dinote Kusia Shenkere2

Glass trade beads are commonly encountered in archaeological excavations. Their use as

chronological markers and indications of trade is well-known, but what they mean to their

users have been less studied. This study explores the use and meaning of beads in

contemporary Konso society. In addition, we report the analysis of an excavated bead

assemblage from the Karate region of Konso.

Introduction

The earliest glass beads were manufactured in India, but in the 17th to 19th centuryEurope, especially Italy and Holland, were the major producers of glass beads used intrade particularly in Africa and the Americas (Brain 1979, van der Sleen 1980). Themajority of bead studies have focused on using them as chronological markers and asindications of trade (Brain 1979, Chami 1999, Hancock et al 1999, Kinahan 2000,DeCorse et al 2003, Robertshaw et al 2006). In North America bead chronologies basedon European trade beads are well developed and quite fine-grained (Brain 1979), but inAfrica most research has focused on earlier periods (Chittick 1974, Chami 1999).Kinahan (2000), however, showed how the trade bead assemblages recovered fromarchaeological sites in Namibia changed from the early contact period in the late 18thcentury to the colonial period in the 20th century. Indian and Roman beads found on theSwahili coast and Madagascar also clearly show the presence of trade networks from atleast the 1st millennium AD (Chami 1999, Robertshaw et al 2006). It is more difficult todiscern the meaning of beads to their users. From ethnographic studies it is known that

beads are a source of wealth and status and can be markers of ethnicity as well asdisplay the life stages of a person and that they may also be used for ritual purposes(Stine et al 1996, Sciama 1998, Carey, 1998, Ogundiran 2002).

This study will explore the use and meaning of different types of beads incontemporary Konso society. In addition, the analysis of beads recovered from a small-scale excavation will be reported and the assemblage compared to other beadassemblages of similar age3. The goal of the present study is two-fold: 1) to explore ifthere are chronological changes in the excavated bead assemblage; and 2) to exploresimilarities and differences between the meaning of beads in Konso, particularly in theKarate region, and that known from ethnographic sources.

1 Department of Anthropology, 1112 Turlington, University of Florida, FL 32611, USA2

Cultural Bureau, Konso special Woreda, Konso, Ethiopia3

This paper is based on dissertation work conducted in Konso September 2001 to July 2002, and it is anextension of the analysis of beads. The field work was supported by a Fulbright-Hays DoctoralDissertation Research Abroad Fellowship. I would like to thankAto Jara Hailemariam at the Authorityfor Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage (ARCCH) for administrative support, and AtoAwoke Amzaye at the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (SNNP) regional Bureau ofCulture andAto Sagoya Robia at the Cultural Bureau of the Konso Special Woreda for their help withthe fieldwork. In addition, I like to thank the Konso people for their help and support.


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Study area and methodology

Konso is situated in highlands in the Rift Valley in Southern Ethiopia. The Konso speakan Eastern Cushitic language and practice intensive agriculture (Hallpike 1972:3, 21-23). The area was incorporated into the Ethiopian empire in 1897. The traditional Konso

settlements are situated on hillsides and enclosed by stone walls with an average heightof 4 meters for intact walls (Kimura 2004: 81). The settlements contain ritual and public

places and individual fenced households. Stone-lined agricultural terraces surround thesettlements and a variety of crops are grown (Hallpike 1970, Westphal 1975:118-123,Amborn 1989). Hallpike (1972:71, 120-129) contends that the settlements are governed

by elected councils and that there is no clear power structure either within or betweensettlements. This interpretation is corroborated by the lack of spatial hierarchy ofsettlements (Kimura 2006), but see Watson (1997) for a different view. Bothhouseholds and agricultural fields are inherited by male heirs, with the oldest sonreceiving the majority. If there are no male heirs the nearest male relative inherits(Hallpike 1972: 99, 110-111). The only items a woman may inherit from her mother are

personal ornaments and household pots.Personal ornaments among the Konso include metal bracelets, shells, ostrich eggshell

and glass beads. The ostrich egg shell beads are manufactured in Konso, whereas theglass beads nowadays are obtained from Addis Ababa. The trade route of older beads isuncertain, but they may have reached Konso with traders from Kenya, which is how saltand iron was obtained. Hallpike (1972:261) also mentions that some beads were broughtto Konso by the Borana. It is possible that beads were shipped to the Swahili coast andtraded overland through either Kenya or Somalia to Konso. Cowrie and marginellashells most likely originating from the Indian Ocean may have reached Konso by thesame routes. A comparative collection of contemporary bead work and common trade

beads was obtained during field work in 2001-2002. In addition a high status necklace

was photographed as were all beads recovered from a small-scale excavation. Theexcavation and the attribute analysis of the beads are described in detail in Kimura(2004:186-209).

In brief a 4 m2 test unit in an ash midden outside an abandoned part of the oldest areain the settlement of Olanta in the Karate region of Konso was excavated down to theoriginal land surface. Ash middens are formed where the Konso deposit householdwaste and periodically burn it. They are placed outside the outer wall of the settlement,and each neighborhood within a settlement has its own ash midden. There are two

problems with excavating ash middens. The first is that artifacts will sink in the matrix.The other is that when the midden reaches the height of the wall, it is flattened byshoveling the ash away from the wall. The test unit was placed on a flat area near the

wall to avoid the risk of reversed stratigraphy. The excavation was stepped to minimizethe risk of collapse and the unit was excavated in 5 cm levels within the naturalstratigraphy. There were seven strata (fig 1), with glass trade beads found throughoutthe sequence. Based on the frequency of stone tools, metal artifacts and glass debris, theash midden sequence can be divided into two major cultural layers.

The lower 4 strata contained substantial amounts of lithic artifacts suggesting thatthey were formed at a time when Konso was more isolated and relied on local materialsfor tool production. The upper 3 strata, on the other hand, contained metal artifactsincluding bullets and Haile Selassie coins, glass and few stone tools, indicating that itwas formed after Konso was incorporated into the Ethiopian empire in 1897.


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Figure 1. Stratigraphy in the ash midden (from Kimura 2004).

All excavated material was sieved through 1 and 5 mm screens and all artifactscollected. Glass beads were analyzed as to method of manufacture, color, shape andsize. The typology is based on criteria used by Kidd and Kidd (1970), Brain (1979) andKinahan (2000).

Beads fromthe excavationA total of 460 beads and identifiable bead fragments were recovered from the ashmidden. The types found are illustrated in figure 2. The frequency decreased with depth,and the lowest stratum only contained 3 beads. There were 97 beads/m3 in theuppermost stratum followed by 72, 59, 52, 45, 44 and 13 beads/m3 down to the loweststratum. The vast majority, 87%, were drawn beads. Wound and mold pressed beads,6.0 and 7.7% respectively, were rare in the 4 lower strata. There was only one bead withsurface decoration, a small annular white bead with red and blue stripes, which wasfound in the uppermost stratum.


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Figure 2. Bead types4 (modified from Kimura 2004).

4 1=drawn, light blue-blue-green 2=mold pressed, blue 3=wound, blue, blue-green 4=wound, red5=drawn, red with white interior, rounded 6=drawn, red with white interior, cylinder 7=drawn, redwith dark interior 8=wound, clear 9=drawn or wound, white 10=plastic, yellow, oval 11=Cowrieshell 12=Ostrich eggshell 13=drawn or wound, yellow, round 14=indeterminate 15=mold pressed,multifaceted sphere 16=drawn or wound, yellow, annular 17=drawn or wound, red, annular18=drawn or wound, blue, annular 19=drawn or wound, multicolor, annular 20=yellow, concavecone, side threaded 21=yellow, concave cone, top threaded 22= drawn or wound, green, annular23=marginella shell 24=drawn or mold pressed, blue, facetted 25=drawn, dark blue-black, cylinder26=drawn, blue with white interior 27=drawn, red cylinder


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The frequency of specific bead types differed with depth (fig 3). The most commonbead type, a drawn light blue bead (type 1), occurred in all strata except the lowest. Adrawn red bead with white interior (type 5/6), commonly known as white heart,decreased in frequency with depth, whereas a drawn red bead with dark interior (type

7), known as Indian red on green, was more frequent in the lowest strata. Smallannular beads (types 16-19 and 22), also known as seed beads, were restricted to thethree uppermost strata. These are the type of beads that are obtained from Addis Ababaand used to make contemporary jewelry, although they were also manufactured inearlier times. A plastic bead, type 10, was only found in the top stratum, consistent with

plastic beads being a very recent phenomenon. Ostrich eggshell beads (type 12)occurred at relatively low frequencies throughout the sequence except the loweststratum consistent with them being manufactured in Konso. White drawn beads (type 9)were slightly more common in lower strata, but absent from the two lowest.

Figure 3. Bead type frequencies in the ash midden (from Kimura 2004)


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Comparisons with other bead assemblages

The majority of the beads recovered in the excavation were glass trade beads ofEuropean manufacture, which have world-wide distribution. Unfortunately there have

been few African studies of trade beads dating to periods after European contact and

there are no published studies from Ethiopia. There are, however, well recorded beadassemblages from the Swahili coast, as well as from Namibia and Senegal dating fromthe last 500 years that can be used as comparisons (Kirkman 1974, Kinahan 2000,DeCorse et al 2003). Of particular value is the assemblage from Fort Jesus on theSwahili coast, where Kirkman recovered over 130,000 glass beads. Associated ceramicsdated them from the early 17th to the 19th century. This assemblage is very important

because it reflects the types of beads intended for trade and fits with one of the possibletrade routes for the Konso beads. A drawback though, is that it does not include trade

beads from the 20th century. Kinahans (2000) Namibian study extends into the 20 thcentury and may thus be a valuable comparison even though it is from a different regionof Africa. DeCorse et als (2003) study of beads recovered from surveys and

excavations in Senegal includes sites dated to the 19th

century and thus gives anexample of European trade beads in West Africa. There are problems with comparisonsof bead assemblages. One is that there is no standardized classification system. Eventhough most classifications are built on Kidd and Kidds (1970) nested categories ofmanufacture, shape and color the tremendous variation in bead attributes means thateach site will have many bead types and that there is some degree of subjectivity in thetypology, particularly in regards to shape and color. Consequently comparisons have torely on perceived similarities in assemblages based on photographs and descriptions andwill not be standardized between studies. Chronological determinations are also difficultas beads are heirlooms and thus may be in use centuries after they first appear in anarea. However, comparisons based on frequencies of several types of beads are likely to

yield some chronological information as shown by Kinahan (2000). The currentcomparison is based mainly on color and to some degree manufacture and size, whichare attributes that are well described in the sources used. The aim of the comparison(table 1) is two-fold. 1) To attempt to date the 2 main cultural layers recognized in theexcavation by exploring if the frequency of bead types in them corresponds to datedfrequencies of bead types in other areas. 2) To explore whether the distribution of beadtypes is likely to reflect availability of the different types of beads or reflect a choice of

preferred types in the area. If the latter, the colors and perhaps the type of manufactureshould differ between sites, particularly between Fort Jesus and Konso.

Most bead types recovered in the excavation show little change over time, but thereare differences in the frequencies of Indian red on green, red on white, wound and

molded beads and small annular beads. The Konso bead assemblage differssubstantially from that of the 17th century in Fort Jesus, so it is likely to date to a morerecent time. At Fort Jesus the Indian red on green bead increases in frequency in the18th and 19th century, whereas the red on white bead is very rare at all time periods. TheIndian red on green also predates the red on white bead in South Africa. In Konso it ismore common in the 4 lower strata which suggests that these layers were deposited

prior to the 20th century. The bead assemblage in the three upper strata in Konso do notfit with any time period at Fort Jesus, but the increase in red on white beads, wound

beads and small annular beads is similar to that of the early 20th century bead typefrequencies in South Africa suggesting that these layers were deposited after Fort Jesuswas abandoned, probably in the 20th century.


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Table 1 Comparison of bead frequencies (modified from Kimura 2004)

Konso Fort Jesus **

S1-3 S4-7 L 17th 18th 19thType % % % % %

Drawn blue-green 22.0 25.9 2.9 0.2 0.2

Molded blue 5.5 3.4 0 0


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The beads from the excavation in Olanta do not appear to reflect the availability ofglass trade beads, either world-wide or on the Swahili coast. The most common typesare blue-green drawn beads, Indian red on green and red on white beads. However,drawn blue-green beads are rare at Fort Jesus, in Senegal and in the later time periods in

South Africa. In addition, drawn white beads comprise more than 20% of the beads atFort Jesus and Senegal and over 50% of the beads in the late 19th century in SouthAfrica, but are present in frequencies of less than 10% in the Olanta excavation.Another difference is the lack of black and transparent dark blue beads in theexcavation, surprising as transparent dark blue beads is the most common type at FortJesus. Thus, either the beads were obtained from a different source or the beads reflectthe preferences of the Konso. The latter appears more likely as the assemblage differsfrom all three African assemblages and it is known that traders elsewhere brought beadsthat were popular in the areas they traded with (Quimby 1978).

Contemporary use of beads in Konso

Beads are popular in Konso, they are worn by women and children and certain typeshave cultural and symbolic importance. Beads are used to make necklaces, bracelets,anklets, waist ornaments and rings. Small annular beads are obtained from AddisAbaba, strung by enterprising individuals (often young men) into ornaments frequentlyin the colors of the Ethiopian flag and sold mainly to tourists (figure 4).

Figure 4. Modern bead work from Konso (from Kimura 2004).

Most of the beads in use in Konso today, though, consist of heirloom beads. They maybe inherited from mother to daughter through generations, given as gifts from parents orhusbands or purchased. The beads may be strung on wire or thread. The first results in a


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rigid, round necklace and the second in a looser necklace that is often folded two ormore times. Different types of beads have different value, with the more common typesless expensive. Among the most valuable are the dark blue transparent glass beadsknown as chimira. Indian red on green (type 7 in figure 2) and drawn blue-green

(type 1 in figure 2) beads have intermediate value, whereas white drawn (type 9 infigure 2) and wound blue-green (type 3 in figure 2) beads are among the least valuable.Consequently, both the number and types of beads play a role in determining the valueof a particular necklace or other bead work. Shown in figure 5 are necklaces of red onwhite beads (A), Indian red on green beads (B) and drawn blue-green beads (C).These beads are the same types that were found in the excavation in Olanta. Mostheirloom necklaces contain more than one bead type, but usually one type of bead

predominates and other types consist of one or a couple of beads. The necklace ofdrawn blue-green beads (C in figure 5) for example has one Indian red on green beadand two molded blue beads (indicated by arrows). These types of necklaces are worn bywomen, who may lend them to brothers for ritual dances.

Figure 5. Heirloom beads.

The anklet (D in figure 5) is made from ostrich eggshell beads, manufactured in Konso,and blue facetted heirloom beads (type 24 in figure 2). This type of anklet is worn bymothers and grandmothers, and needs to be made from ostrich eggshell beads and blue

beads, preferably facetted, but drawn blue-green beads can be used. Mothers weardouble strands on each ankle and grand-mothers one strand. The number of blue beadsindicates whether a woman has both sons and daughters or only sons or daughters. Girlswear strands of beads around their waist and young boys wear a necklace of white beadsor Cowrie shells. Men may wear a single large bead, but they usually dont wear beadnecklaces. However, one exception is the special necklace shown in figure 6. This typeof necklace contains white iridescent beads and the dark blue transparent glass beadsknown as chimira. It may only be worn by men who have high ritual status. One such


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necklace can be seen in a photograph of a prominent priest in Hallpikes The Konso ofEthiopia (1972:288) and another was worn by a lion killer in a ritual recorded byPoissonnier (2007). The necklace has three strands, perhaps a reflection of the number 3

being associated with males and ritual actions (Hallpike 1972: 273-277).

According to Hallpike (1972:279-282), the Konso have three principal color words,white, black and red, with white also meaning light and black dark. White hasconnotations with death as well as with providing protection from evil influences. The

protective properties may be the reason why young boys wear white bead necklaces.Red has associations with food, namely meat and blood, and is considered a good color,which may be reflected in the popularity of red beads. The Indian red on green beadalso has a more direct association with food as it is named for red sorghum. Hallpike(1972:282) believes black to be associated with rain and thus be an auspicious color.Black beads might therefore be expected to be common, but they were not found in theexcavation. Hallpike (1972:261), however, mentions that the blue beads that can only beworn by priests are considered black. This color may therefore be restricted to ritual use

and expected to be very rarely found in excavations. However, the color associationsnoted by Hallpike does not explain the popularity of blue-green and blue beads inKonso.

Figure 6. Necklace denoting high status (from Kimura 2004).


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Ethnographically known uses and meanings of beads

European traders brought beads to exchange for other items. Kinahan (2000: 93) notes

an account of a pastoralist exchanging copper beads for blue glass beads on theNamibian coast in 1793, and although metal and tobacco were the preferred goods toobtain in trade for livestock, beads were also popular among the inhabitants. Sciama(1998) also mentions that beads could be used as counters in trade and that they could

be a significant portion of bride wealth. Those practices show that the glass beads hadeconomic value. But beads are also known to have symbolic value. They denote royalstatus among the Anuaks of Sudan and the Yoruba in Nigeria (Carey 1998, Sciama1998, Ogundiran 2002). They may also be worn by other high-status men, such as ritualleaders and elders to express ritual powers (Hallpike 1972:261, Ogundiran 2002).

The types of beads a woman wears may differ through her life. As a child she maywear a waist string with beads, as she matures she may start wearing bead necklaces,

which increase in number as she grows (Carey 1998). Among the Samburu of Kenya,the bead work on a womans dress will change when she has children and when thosechildren grow up and when she becomes a grandmother (Carey 1998). Pregnancy is atime of danger and beads either in the form of necklaces, bracelets or anklets, or used asdecorations on pregnancy aprons have been used to protect the mother and the unbornchild (Stine et al 1996, Carey 1998). Young children are also at risk and often protected

by bead charms (Stine et al 1996). Stine et al (1996) suggests that in particular blue beads, which are the most common in Afro-American sites, were used as charms.However, they also note that blue beads are likely to have been manufactures in highernumbers than other colors.

Summary and discussionBeads are heirlooms and most of the types found in the excavation are common inKonso today. In the Olanta excavation there were some changes in bead frequencies

between cultural layers, in particular regarding Indian red on green, red on white, andsmall annular beads, which is likely to reflect the availability of types. Thus the beadtype frequencies may be useful chronological markers. The change in frequencies ofIndian red on green and red on white beads may be the most reliable difference.Wilmsen (2003) notes that Indian red on green beads were manufactured in the

Netherlands since the 17th century and had reached Namibia by the early 18th century,whereas the red on white bead was not introduced to the region until the second half ofthe 19th century. The Konso assemblage suggests that the Indian red on green bead also

reached the Horn of Africa before the red on white bead, although further studies ofmore sites are necessary for a confirmed chronology.

In Konso as well as elsewhere beads, in addition to being decorative, are used toexpress wealth and status, and to signal the stage of life of a woman. Some beads mayalso have protective properties. It is likely that white beads are used to ward off evil inKonso as they are worn by young boys and white is a color that has connotations of

protection among the Konso. Red is also an auspicious color and popular in beads. Thehigh proportion of blue-green and light blue beads, on the other hand, may be due tonotions of beauty, to availability, or to unknown symbolic properties of this color.Further research into distribution of bead types, both contemporary and historical, and


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investigations into the meaning of bead types and colors will aid in understanding thesymbolic properties of beads better.

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Beads in Konso