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Introducti onFor many decades, bicycles have been a formati ve element in

American childhood; a main form of recreati on and transportati on before one reaches 16 and can enjoy the freedom of a car. For increasing numbers of people, however, bicycles are viewed as an environmentally sustainable, community-friendly, and healthy way to get around. Burgeoning numbers of cyclists as well as advocacy for more sustainable transportati on choices in the face of climate change and peak oil are increasing cyclists’ visibility. However, greater cycling parti cipati on also creates confl icts as cyclists att empt to carve out territory in the automobile-dominated transportati on network.

I studied the University’s att empts to provide a space for cyclists by observing designated campus bike lanes. Simply stated, I did this by observing cyclists’ use of bike lanes and adjacent spaces on campus (for in-depth descripti on of the actors and places studied, see taxonomic analysis secti ons II and III in the appendix). I hoped to gain insight into the implicit rules governing behavior and aiding in confl ict resoluti on between cyclists, pedestrians, vehicles, and other users. Fortunately, so few incidents of confl ict occurred that I turned instead to observing the types of cyclists using campus bike routes, and supplemented this informati on with interviews. What I learned gave insight into themes of bikes and identi ty, bicycle safety, and the confl icts cyclists experience.

MethodologyTo study the bike lanes, I selected three locati ons with

the potenti al to yield interesti ng observati ons, heavy traffi c, and representati veness of bike lanes on campus. I made observati ons in half-hour increments at each on several occasions to make co unts of cyclists. To interpret these counts, I used a simple, and not necessarily stati sti cally reliable, method of analysis. I subtracted the number of cyclists demonstrati ng a certain characteristi c or behavior within the whole populati on of observed cyclists (for example, about 94% of cyclists were students) from the percentage of observed cyclists demonstrati ng a certain behavior or characteristi c within a subpopulati on (for example, 100% of cyclists demonstrati ng reckless behavior were students). The resulti ng number shows whether people

Bikenography

An ethnography of University of Illinois Bike Lanes

Janet BroughtonFall 2010

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bars, and retail; to the north is the Engineering Quad; and across Green Street to the South is the Illini Union.

2. Bike lane near Observatory (Referred to henceforth as the Intersecti on Site)

Bike traffi c at the intersecti on site crosses both with other bike lanes and with pedestrian traffi c. Like other places on campus, this spot can become quite busy, especially when classes get out (to the north is the main quad; to the south is the agriculture quad). Unique to this site is the lack of confi ct with vehicular traffi c, and minimal diff erenti ati on between bike and pedestrian zones (paint only, the bike lane is highlighted in red in the photo for legibility).

Automobile Traffic

Walking Path

Bike LaneBike Lane

in s subpopulati on were more or less represented when a specifi c characteristi c is selected than they were in the populati on as a whole. Since, for example, the rate of student cyclists in a subpopulati on of reckless cyclists is greater than the rate of students in the general populati on, it stands to reason that students may tend to be a bit more reckless than other age groups.

Site Selecti onAft er walking (next to, of course) the majority of bike lanes on

campus, I selected three sites for observati on:

1. Bike Path along Green Street (referred to henceforth as Green Street site)

The bike path along Green Street is relati vely straight; there is ample space for pedestrians; and painti ng as well as paving diff erences indicate the zones for pedestrians and cyclists. However, pedestrians someti mes walk in the bike lane, especially when there is a lot of traffi c. Though separated by a curb at minimum, this bike lane borders Green Street, which is quite busy. To the west are restaurants,

Bike Lane

Walking Path

Brick Buffer

C rosswalkWestbound Traffic

Eastbound Traffic

Southeast Entryto Engineering Quad

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3. Bike lane near Undergraduate Library Bus Stop (referred to henceforth as the Library Site)

The Library site bike lane is rife with confl ict. The lane is confusing because of an awkward turn to get onto the quad toward the east; the lane ends shortly to the west; there are elevati on changes, including stairs cyclists cannot navigate; and the bike lane stands between a bus stop shelter and the street. When a bus lets out, the enti re bike lane can be packed with people. Also, the bike lane is bordered to the south by a retaining wall, making avoiding pedestrians in the lane more diffi cult. During my ti me of observati ons, the bike lane was also constantly blocked by constructi on just to the north of the extent of this aerial photo.

Bikes and Identi ty

A prolifi c and humorous blogger, writi ng under the pseudonym Bike Snob NYC, recently wrote on the topic of bikes and identi ty in a post enti tled “Self-styled: You are what you ride”. According to the Bike Snob, cyclists range from folks who picked up a bike off the big-box shelf just to get around to those who build their own bikes, then post videos of themselves riding those bikes on Youtube (Snob 2010).

Bike Lane

Automobile Traffic

Elevated Plaza

Retaining Wall with Seating

Bus Stop

Age and RaceMost of the cyclists I observed were students; adults, older

folks, and children were represented in much smaller numbers. I also classifi ed cyclists based on race to the best of my ability into the categories of Asian, Black, Hispanic, White, and Other. The proporti ons of ethniciti es are shown in the graphs below. The graph with a bike wheel superimposed shows the proporti ons of each race within the cycling populati on, as compared to those proporti ons in the student populati on at right.

Bike TypesBikes in general suggest that the rider believes physical fi tness,

environmentally or people-friendly transportati on, and self-suffi ciency are important. Specifi c bikes, however, have specifi c things to say about the people who ride them. In this secti on, I have shown types of bikes, ordered from most popular to least popular, with the proporti on of the general cycling populati on riding that type of bike. I have also compared which kinds of people are riding each bike type with characteristi cs of the bike, exploring what each bike choice might say about the self.

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Mountain bikes were most common at the library site, and students are more likely to ride a mountain bike than are adults or older folks. Women ride mountain bikes more prevalently than men do, as do Hispanics in

comparison to other races. Mountain bikes off er a comfortable ride, the opti on of riding

off -road, and the ability to hop curbs. They are also handy during inclement weather, since their ti res are meant to have good tracti on. However, this comes at the cost of speed. The most probable reason a person would buy a mountain bike, however, is because mountain bikes are the cheapest and most readily available bikes to buy. A good-quality mountain bike may be selected by someone who cares about bikes but wants a reliable, safe, comfortable commute, but it is safe to guess that anyone on a inexpensive mountain bike (therefore, one with poor components that are not built to last) did not put a lot of thought into their bike purchase. For example, the person I interviewed who has a mountain bike said his bike says “That I don’t take good care of it.”

Road bikes were most common at the Green Street site. Students and adults are more likely to ride a road bike, as are men, Whites, Blacks, and other races.

Road bikes are used by people more

concerned with speed, and perhaps style, than comfort, as they require a more hunched-over riding positi on, and usually have a minimal, rigid seat. Their thin ti res also take more skill and are less

sure than those of a mountain bike. Inexpensive road bikes can either be acquired new (though of poor quality) or used. New, high-end bikes are not a good choice for commute because they are quite expensive; people who own these kinds of bikes tend to use them for other purposes. Those I interviewed who have road bikes said their bikes say, “That I rock;” “Probably that I am a hipster;”and “That I am cool, because I’m riding a road bike, and those are hip these days.” Old road bikes specifi cally also speak to the rider’s environmental tendencies since they are riding a reused bike instead of a driving a car; one interviewee with an old road bike said his bike “says that I am environmentally conscious.”

Hybrid bikes were most common at the Green street and library sites. Adults and older folks are more likely to ride a hybrid, as are Blacks and Whites.

Hybrid bikes off er not quite the speed of a road bike and not quite

the sureness and comfort of a mountain bike, but off er a good mix of speed and comfort for commuti ng. They are best suited for riding within the city. Hybrid bikes are hard to come by used, and are only made by higher-end companies, so may be expensive to purchase.

Cruisers were most oft en ridden at the library and the intersecti on. Older folks, women, Whites, Blacks, and other races are likelier to ride cruisers.

Cruisers are made for slow, easy, laid back, classy riding. Their

handlebars and seat are made for an upright, comfortable seati ng positi on, and they oft en have coaster brakes and only one speed.

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People who ride cruisers are not so interested in getti ng where they are going fast as they are in the experience of the ride, and perhaps the romanti c appeal of riding a bike that makes you feel like you are in an idyllic 50’s suburb.

Fixed gears were ridden most oft en on Green Street, and are ridden exclusively by male students in the observed populati on. Asian and Hispanic students are more likely to ride fi xed than other races.

Fixed gears are a bike associated with those steeped in biking culture. Originati ng in popularity amongst bike messengers in New York City for their simplicity (ease of self-maintenance), lightness, and speed, they have now spread and become popular with many people who are into fi xing and building their own bikes. Fixed gear bikes do not have a free wheel, so any ti me the real wheel turns, the pedals turn. This enables slowing down and stopping without brakes, as well as pedaling in reverse. As a result, some riders choose to ride without brakes, or do tricks with their bikes. One interviewee who rides fi xed said his bike says that “I am a self-involved hipster.”

BMX bikes were most oft en ridden near the intersecti on, exclusively by Hispanic male students.

BMX bikes are not practi cal for commuti ng; they are built for doing tricks.

I only observed one tandem bike; ridden by a mother and her very young daughter.

Tandem bikes are unique in that they off er a way for two people to ride a bike together, which is useful for

parents with young children or couples. Tandems may also be ridden, jokingly, by male students.

Locati onThe library site was highest in mountain bikes and cruisers. It is

situated between the dorms and the quad, so it stands to reason that more undergraduates are using this bike lane than the other sites. Undergrads likely have litt le money to spend on a bike, and if they are living in the dorms, do not have a convenient indoor space to store a nice bike. Two interviewees who are now interested in bikes and part of cycling culture reported that they did not become interested unti l aft er their undergraduate careers.

The Green street site is along an arterial road, so is probably used by more commuters. It is also more likely used by engineering students than the other two locati ons. Fixed gear and road bikes are most common here. Engineering students might be more interested in working on their bikes, as fi xed gear riders tend to do. Road bikes are also commonly worked on, as well as a cool and convenient bike for commuti ng.

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GenderMen, I observed, were more likely to cycle than women, as

shown in these graphs comparing the gender populati ons within cyclists (with a bike wheel superimposed) to those within the general campus populati on:

Men also ride diff erent kinds of bikes than women do. Men tended to ride the kinds of bikes most appreciated within specialized cycling subcultures of racers, messengers, and trick riders. Men ride more road bikes, fi xed gears, and BMX bikes than women do. These bikes are created for performance, whether speed or tricks, and require knowledge of bike culture as well as apti tude. They are symbols of status in that they demonstrate skills, mechanical profi ciency, bicycling knowledge, and physical prowess. Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton wrote in The Meaning of Things: Domesti c Symbols and the Self that “wealth, politi cal power, talent, and physical prowess are the stuff from which status is made” (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981).

Women ride mountain bikes, cruisers, and hybrid bikes. These bikes are slower, safer, and more comfortable to ride, though each has its own nuances. Mountain bikes are likely just the easiest choice for many women who see their bike as a tool for getti ng around, though this is certainly not true of all women, and there is also a fair share of men who ride mountain bikes for the same reason. Cruisers have a romanti c appeal, in that they allow one to sit upright and prim. They also tend come in colors like powder blue and pink; they are clearly marketed to women. Hybrids are a practi cal choice for campus living,

and may appeal to women who do not feel they need to ride fast or demonstrate skills in cycling as they commute.

AgeMore students rode mountain bikes, road bikes, fi xed gears,

and BMX bikes than other age groups. Adults rode road bikes and hybrids preferenti ally, whereas older folks rode hybrids preferenti ally.

Younger folks are riding bikes that are either likely indicati ve of indiff erence and/or limited funds or indicati ve of bike selecti on in an att empt to diff erenti ate from the mainstream. Adults and older folks rode bikes that are effi cient and practi cal for commuti ng.

Eliti sm- Bikes as a status symbolBikes are an interesti ng status symbol in their contrast to cars.

Csikzentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton describe as cars as a status symbol: “The physical energy of the owner is enhanced by more and more powerful machinery… An expression of Ethos in the broadest sense, a need to demonstrate that one is alive, that one matt ers, that one makes a diff erence in the world” (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981).

A bike can be a status symbol, but mostly to other bikers in the know, an exclusive group. As one interviewee said, when asked what his bike says about him, “To people in the know, [my bike says] that I have good taste, and to people who aren’t that I’m riding a normal bike. ’74 Peugeot. It’s a prett y good bike.” To those who are not “in the know,” cyclists are rejecti ng a traditi onal status symbol, the car, perhaps for environmental, social, or material reasons. They are, therefore, in a way saying that they do not care what people outside of their exclusive group think. These bikes are a means of integrati ng into the bike subculture, while diff erenti ati ng from the car culture; perhaps contributi ng to an “us versus them” mentality.

Bike Safety: Nerdy or cool?In additi on to the kind of bike one rides, the use of safety

accessories and how one rides provide avenues of inference about the self.

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Helmet UseVanity is clearly a part of bike riding because of people’s

aversion, and stated reasons for avoiding, wearing helmets. A bit less than nine percent of cyclists wore helmets, an important line of defense against injury.

Adults, older folks, men, whites, and other races wore helmets more commonly than other categories. Only two interviewees wear helmets, because “it can literally save your life” and because “to me it’s just ridiculous not to wear a helmet because if you’re in an accident with a car, the car’s gonna win, so you should be protecti ng yourself.”

Those who did not wear helmets cited inconvenience, discomfort, expense, and aestheti cs. Aestheti cs were the most reference reason—from “It messes up my hair” to “I don’t want to look like a nerd” to “Girls look at you when you’re not wearing a helmet, and they don’t pay att enti on to you when you’re wearing a big, orange helmet.”

Reckless and Deviant BehaviorI defi ned reckless behavior as riding one- or no-handed, riding

the against traffi c in the street (bike salmoning), carrying something in hand while riding (I saw someone carrying and eati ng a sandwich, someone carrying hot coff ee, and someone carrying what appeared to be a musical instrument), biking with headphones, or racing in the street.

Students tend to be a bit more reckless than the other age categories. In terms of race, Black and Hispanic cyclists exhibited more reckless behavior. Men also seem to be more reckless than women.

I described deviant behavior (for the terms of this study) as riding in the street or on the sidewalk when a bike lane was provided. Very few people rode on the sidewalk on Green Street; sidewalk riding was most common at the intersecti on site. Riding in the road instead of on the bike lane was equally common at Green Street and the Library site, however, it should be noted that the associated bike salmoning only occurred at the library site where there is a one-way street.

Bike Confl ictsCyclists can bike legally in most public places; confl icts arise,

however, because many of these spaces are also used by motorists and pedestrians.

Campus bike lanes can be separated from pedestrian and vehicular traffi c by various means (see taxonomic analysis secti on IIIA). However, these territories can be co-opted via their occupati on by other users, as occurs with cars in bike lanes (observed on Green Street), walkers in bike lanes (observed at all sites), people waiti ng for the bus in the bike lane (observed at the Library site), and constructi on blockages (observed on Green Street). Bike confl icts occur because the right of cyclists to occupy space on the road or bike lane is not respected by other users.

Multi ple interviewees insisted that they prefer not to bike in the campus bike lanes. Why? “The paths are usually crawling with pedestrians.” “I’m constant going like, ‘This is the bike path. You’re in the bike path!’” “People walk in them, and cars drive, pull out into them.” “They’re in the path or crossing the path without looking.” “People get in the way; cars park in them.” Even people who go out of their way to use the bike paths as a way of showing support for them complained, “Pedestrians usually walk in them; they don’t usually pay att enti on;”and “Actually I think looking out for pedestrians is more challenging than cars.” In these instances, other users are encroaching on cyclists’ territory, even when it is clearly delineated for bicycle use.

As an alternati ve, cyclists may att empt to bike on the road or the sidewalk. Indeed, bikers do have a right to be in the road (except interstates) and on most sidewalks. However, the laws regarding bikes in traffi c are not universally understood as are those regarding pedestrian and car traffi c. The well-ingrained pedestrian navigati on laws we learned as preschoolers and the vehicular traffi c rules crammed before the driver’s educati on exam become confused and jumbled when you add bikes into the mix. Though bikes have equal rights to using the street, how cyclists should use the street is unclear and contested (I have, for example, been yelled at by pedestrians, drivers, and bystanding drunks and told that I should get on the sidewalk instead of riding in the street).

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The issues cyclists face are caused by issues of perceived legiti macy of bikers’ claiming territory, whether they are doing it bodily or someone has done it for them with paint. Confusion about what bikes should be doing exists both among cyclists (as demonstrated by some cyclists using the sidewalk, some the road, and some the bike lane) and within other groups such as pedestrians and drivers. Kati e Linneman, for example, a previous ethnographer of the library site, wrote, “When the bicyclists chose to ride on the vehicular path [the street], they chose to create the confl ict that ensued,” insinuati ng that bikes do not belong in or have fewer rights to that space, and are the sole blameworthy party (why are the drivers not complicit in the confl ict?) (Linneman 2007). Indeed, the design of roads speaks to the dominance of cars. However, others, such as interviewees (“I bike in the road, because I am a vehicle”, “I would rather stay on the street”) and a bike commentator (“The people who want to go fast can get on the road” (Blue 2010)) suggest bicycling in the street is actually a safer alternati ve.

These territorial batt les can lead to animosity between cyclists, pedestrians, and drivers. However, perhaps a point of understanding could be reached around (and design could be informed by) the fact that people will do what is most convenient for them. Elly Blue, a bike acti vist, wrote, “There ‘s a tendency to talk about people who ride bikes as though they’re a lawless bunch of yahoos. … [but] they are simply, like all other people, responding to an environment that doesn’t always serve their needs” (Blue, We need real bike paths for real bike transportati on 2010). Interviewees also said, “I mean, it’s true that I jump onto sidewalks and cross bike paths when it’s most convenient;” “[I take the bike paths] because they cut through and it’s the closest distance to my studio;” and “It depends too on shortcuts someti mes, it’s a lot easier to cut across a certain way.”

A progressive bike-positi ve campus, a diverse cycling cultureA successful redesign of campus bike infrastructure should

make cycling convenient, safe, and att racti ve to people of all ages, races, and gender. Since many cycling confl icts arise from confusion about where bikes belong, the university should legiti mize bike presence with a strong top-down approach.

Many interviewees pointed out spati al design issues with campus bike lanes. The campus should design a comprehensive, clear, and convenient bike plan with paths that do not end suddenly or have blind spots. The most universal complaint among interviewees was the presence of pedestrians on paths. I observed that more pedestrian-cyclist confl icts occurred when either signage or design indicators did not direct where people belong. Signage alone is not enough; the design must also accommodate all users and indicate territory and right-of-way through, for example, physical divisions and disti ncti ons made through material choice.

Spati al redesign must also be supported, however, with programmati c and policy changes. Cyclists would be greatly helped through the creati on, adverti sement, and strong enforcement of clear traffi c laws for bikes. These laws should be tailored to the physics of cycling to encourage bike use. For example, allowing bikes to yield at stop signs and treat red lights as stop signs is a sensible choice, especially at lights where bikes cannot trip the light. The University should, in additi on to painti ng bike path crossings on the road, indicate right-of-way for cyclists through signage as they do for pedestrian crossings. Stronger ti cketi ng of drivers breaking traffi c laws and endangering cyclists should be coupled with ti cketi ng of cyclists who do not follow traffi c laws. The safety of cyclists could also be improved by the legal requirement of helmet and bike light use.

The University has a special capacity in the creati on of a bike-positi ve community in that it can off er educati onal and research opportuniti es on bicycles. Though students can learn about other sports and hobbies, there is only one class currently off ered at the university about mobile cycling, and it will only be off ered for one term. In additi on to off ering classes on cycling, safety, and techniques, the university could off er bicycle mechanics classes. Even bett er

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would be the use of the university as a place for research and improvement of bikeway planning, maintenance, and promoti on.

In order for cycling to be a welcoming transportati on alternati ve for all students and adults, top-down design and program implementati on must legiti mize cycling as an att racti ve and socially acceptable alternati ve to cars. American girls and boys of a variety of races ride bikes in youth; perhaps legiti mizati on could open up cycling to a larger and more diverse populati on of adults who choose to bike instead of drive. This diversity could only enrich cycling; opening up new opportuniti es for cycling subcultures to collecti vely dream new realiti es for this simple and beauti ful machine.