Birth and Schooling

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Birth and Schooling

Jinnah's father Jinnahbhai Poonja (born 1850) was the youngest of three sons. He married a girl Mithibai

with the consent of his parents and moved to the growing port of Karachi. There, the young couple rented

an apartment on the second floor of a three-storey house, Wazir Mansion. The Wazir Mansion has since

been rebuilt and made into a national monument and museum owing to the fact that the founder of the

nation, and one of the greatest leaders of all times was born within its walls.

On December 25, 1876, Mithibai gave birth to a son, the first of seven children. The fragile infant whoappeared so weak that it 'weighed a few pounds less than normal'. But Mithibai was unusually fond of her

little boy, insisting he would grow up to be an achiever.

Officially named Mahomedali Jinnahbhai, his father enrolled him in school when he was six -- the Sindh

Madrasatul-Islam; Jinnah was indifferent to his studies and loathed arithmetic, preferring to play outdoors

with his friends. His father was especially keen towards his studying arithmetic as it was vital in his

business. By the early 1880s' Jinnahbhai Poonja's trade business had prospered greatly. He handled all

sorts of goods: cotton, wool, hides, oil-seeds, and grain for export. Whereas Manchester manufactured

piece of goods, metals, refined sugar and used to import into the busy port. Business was good and profits

were soaring high.

In 1887, Jinnahbhai's only sister came to visit from Bombay. Jinnah was very fond of his Aunt and vice

versa. She offered to take her nephew back with her in order to give him a chance of better education at

the metropolitan city Bombay, that was much to his mother's dismay who could not bear the thought of

being separated from her undisputedly favorite child. Jinnah joined Gokal Das Tej Primary School in

Bombay. His spirited brain rebelled inside the typical Indian primary school which relied mostly on the

method of learning by rote. He remained in Bombay for only six months, returned to Karachi upon his

mother's insistence and joined the Sind Madrassa. But his name was struck off as he frequently cut classes

in order to ride his father's horses. He was fascinated by the horses and lured towards them. He also

enjoyed reading poetry at his own leisure. As a child Jinnah was never intimidated by the authority and

was not easy to control.

He then joined the Christian Missionary Society High School where his parents thought his restless mind

could be focused.

Karachi proved more prosperous for young Jinnah than Bombay had been. His father's business had

prospered so much by this time that he had his own stables and carriages. Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm was

closely associated with the leading British managing agency in Karachi, Douglas Graham and Company.

Sir Frederick Leigh Croft, the general manager of the company, had a great influence over young Jinnah,

which possibly lasted his entire life.

Jinnah looked up to the handsome, well dressed and a successful man. Sir Frederick liked Mamad,recognizing his extreme potential, he offered him an apprenticeship at his office in London. That kind of

opportunity was the dream of all young boys of India, but the privilege went to only one in a million. Sir

Frederick had truly picked one in a million when he chose Jinnah.

The Wedding

When Jinnah's mother heard of his plans of going to London for at least two years, she objected strongly

to such a move. For her, the separation for six months while her dear son had been in Bombay was

testing, she said that she could not bear this long never ending stretch of two to three years. Maybe the

intuition told her that separation would be permanent for her and that she would never see her son again.

After much persuasion by adamant Jinnah, she consented, but with the condition that Jinnah would marry

before he went to England. 'England', she said 'was a dangerous country to send an unmarried and

handsome young man like her son. Some English girl might lure him into marriage and that would



be a tragedy for the Jinnah Poonja family.' Realizing the importance of his mother's demand,

Jinnah conceded to it.

Mithibai arranged his marriage with a fourteen-year-old girl named Emibai from the Paneli

village. The parents made all wedding arrangements. The young couple quietly accepted the arranged

marriage including all other decisions regarding the wedding like most youngsters in India at that time.

'Mohammad was hardly sixteen and had never seen the girl he was to marry.' Jinnah's sister

Fatima reports. 'Decked from head to foot in long flowing garlands of flowers, he walked in a procession from his grand-father's house to that of his father-in-law, where his fourteen year old bride,

Emi Bai, sat in an expensive bridal dress, wearing glittering ornaments, her hands spotted with henna, her

face spotted with gold dust and redolent with the fragrance of attar.'

The ceremony took place in February 1892; it was a grand affair celebrated by the whole village. Huge

lunch and dinner parties were arranged and all were invited. It was the wedding of Jinnahbhai Poonja and

Mithibai's first son and the entire village was lured into the festivity.

During their prolonged stay in Paneli, Jinnahbhai's business began to suffer. It was needed for him to

return but he wished to take his family and his son's new bride along with him. The bride's father

however, was adamant that Jinnah should stay for the customary period of one and a half month after marriage. The two families, newly bonded in marriage, were about to break into a quarrel until the

intervention of young Jinnah. He spoke to his father-in-law in privacy and informed him that it was

necessary for his father to return immediately along with his family. He gave the option of either sending

the young bride back with him or sending her later when he would go to England for two or three years.

Jinnah's persuasive power, coupled with extreme politeness was evident even at that age. Emi Bai's father

consented to send his daughter, and the wedding party returned to Karachi.

How Jinnah felt about that marriage and his new bride was uncertain, he had little time to adjust since he

sailed off to England soon after his return. Upon their return to Karachi, his young bride observed the

custom of covering her face with her headscarf in front of her father-in-law. But the progressive Jinnah

soon encouraged her to discard this practice.

He studied in the Christian Mission School until the end of October in order to improve his English

before his voyage that was planned by November 1892, though some argue that he sailed in January

1893. He was not to see his young bride ever again as she died soon after he sailed from India.

A Journey to London

Jinnah barely sixteen sailed for London in the midst of winter. When he was saying goodbye to his

mother her eyes were heavy with tears. He told her not to cry and said: 'I will return a great man from

England and not only you and the family but the whole country will be proud of me. Would you not behappy then?' This was the last time he saw his mother, for she, like his wife, died during his three and a

half year stay in England.

The youngest passenger on his own, was befriended by a kind Englishman who engaged in conversations

with him and gave tips about life in England. He also gave Jinnah his address in London and later invited

to dine with his family as often as he could.

His father had deposited enough money in his son's account to last him the three years of the

intended stay. Jinnah used that money wisely and was able to have a small amount left over at the end of

his three and a half year tenure.

When he arrived in London he rented a modest room in a hotel. He lived in different places before he

moved into the house of Mrs. F. E. Page-Drake as a houseguest at 35 Russell Road in Kensington.

This house now displays a blue and white ceramic oval saying that the 'founder of Pakistan stayed here in

1895'.



Mrs. Page- Drake, a widow, took an instant liking to the impeccably dressed well-mannered young man.

Her daughter however, had a more keen interest in the handsome Jinnah, who was of the same age of

Jinnah. She hinted her intentions but did not get a favorable response. As Fatima reflects, "�he was not

the flirtatious type and she could not break through his reserve."

On March 30, 1895 Jinnah applied to Lincoln's Inn Council for the alteration of his name the

Books of Society from Mahomedalli Jinnahbhai to Mahomed Alli Jinnah, which he anglicized to

M.A. Jinnah. This was granted to him in April 1895.

Though he found life in London dreary at first and was unable to accept the cold winters and gray skies,

he soon adjusted to those surroundings, quite the opposite of what he was accustomed to in India.

After joining Lincoln's Inn in June 1893, he developed further interest in politics. He thought the world of

politics was 'glamorous' and often went to the House of Commons and marveled at the speeches he

heard there. Although his father was furious when he learnt of Jinnah's change in plan regarding his

career, there was little he could do to alter what his son had made his mind up for. At that point in life

Jinnah was totally alone in his decisions, with no moral support from his father or any help from Sir

Frederick. He was left with his chosen course of action without a pillar of support to fall back upon. It

would not be the only time in his life when he would be isolated in a difficult position. But without

hesitation he set off on his chosen task and managed to succeed.

The Theatre

During his stay in London, Jinnah frequently visited the theatre. He was mesmerized by the acting,

especially those of the Shakespearean actors. His dream was to 'play the role of Romeo at the Old

Vic.' It is unclear when his passion for theatre was unfurlled, perhaps it occurred while watching the

performances of barristers, 'the greatest of whom were often spell-binding thespians'. This was no passing

phase in life, but an obsession which continued even in his later years. Fatima reminiscences, " Even in

the days of his most active political life, when he returned home tired and late, he would read

Shakespeare, his voice�resonant."

With a theatrical prop, his monocle, always in place in court, he performed like an actor on stage in front

of the judge and jury. With dramatic interrogations and imperious asides, he was regarded as a born actor.

After being enrolled to the Bar he went with his friends to the Manager of a theatrical company who

asked him to read out pieces of Shakespeare. On doing so, he was immediately offered a job. He was

exultant and wrote to his parents about his newfound passion. He said, 'I wrote to them that law was a

lingering profession where success was uncertain; a stage career was much better, and it gave me a good

start, and that I would now be independent and not bother them with grants of money at all. My father

wrote a long letter to me strongly disapproving of my project; but there was one sentence in his letter that

touched me most and which influenced a change in my decision: "Do not be a traitor to the family." I went to my employers and conveyed to them that I no longer looked forward to a stage career. They were

surprised, and they tried to persuade me, but my mind was made up. According to the terms of the

contract I had signed with them, I was to have given them three months notice before I quitting. But you

know, they were Englishmen, and so they said: "Well when you have no interest in the stage, why should

we keep you, against your wishes?"'

The signed contract is proof that how important the stage career was for Jinnah at that time, it was

possibly his first love. His father's letter had dissuaded him for the time being, disheartened and dejected,

he had consented to his wish. But it was probably the last time he changed his mind after seriously

devoting it to something.

Ruttie Jinnah



After his return to India Jinnah chose Bombay for his residence since he no longer had any intrest in

Karachi after the demise of his mother and his wife. His father joined him there and died in Bombay on

the 17th of April 1902, soon after Jinnah had started his political career.

In the next two decades after his return from London, Jinnah established himself first as a lawyer and then

as a politician. Devoted completely to his work he sailed between England and India and from one stage

of his political career to the next.

Jinnah vacationed in the north in Darjeeling in 1916, staying at the summer home of his friend Sir Dinshaw Manockjee Petit, the son of one of the richest and most devoutly orthodox Parsi of the

nineteenth century. It was in that summer that he met Dinshaw's only daughter Ratanbai. Born on

February 20, 1900, Ratanbai, or Rutti as she used to be called, was a charming child. ' � Precociously

bright, gifted in every art, beautiful in everyway. As she matured, all of her talents, gifts and beauty were

magnified in so delightful and unaffected a manner that she seemed a fairy princess' - Stanley Wolpert,

Jinnah of Pakistan.

She was sixteen at that time and Jinnah was about forty. He was enamored by her beauty and charm and

she was awe struck by Jay, as she called him. Jinnah spoke to Sir Dinshaw about inter-communal

marriages, to which his friend had replied that he was not opposed to them. When Jinnah put forth his

offer of a marriage proposal for his daughter Ruttie, Sir Dinshaw was taken aback. He refused bluntly andsaid there was no chance of his ever agreeing to such a thing. That was the end of their friendship as Sir

Dinshaw never gave in. He forbade Ruttie to meet Jinnah while she lived in his house. The couple

patiently waited for two years required for Ruttie to come of age. In February 1918 Ruttie turned 18 and

was free to marry. On April 18, 1918 Ruttie converted to Islam at Calcutta's Jamia Mosque. On

April 19, 1918 Jinnah and Ruttie married at a quiet ceremony at Jinnah's house in Bombay. The

Raja Sahib of Muhamdabad and a few friends attended the wedding. The wedding ring that Jinnah

presented to Ruttie was a gift from the Raja. Nobody from Ruttie's family attended the wedding.

The first few years of their marriage were a dream for both of them. They were a head- turning couple; he

in his elegant suits, stitched in London, she with her long, flowing hair decked in flowers. There was no

limit to their joy and satisfaction at that time. Their only woe was Ruttie's complete isolation and

ostracism from her family.

Jinnah's political life began to take its toll on his time in 1922. His heavy work schedule did not allow

him to spend enough time with his young and vibrant wife. Though she was supportive of his work, the

element of his lack of time was taxing for her. She could not lure him away from his work. She was

engulfed with feelings of desolation. By September of 1922 she packed her bags and took their only

daughter Dina with her to London.

Though her heart was still set on life with Jinnah, she could not accommodate herself to his busy

schedule. From London she wrote a letter to her friend Kanji in India in which she said: 'And just onething more - go and see Jinnah and tell me how he is - he has a habit of overworking himself and now that

I am not there to tease and bother him, he will be worse than ever .'

When she returned from England, the couple tried to give their marriage another chance, but Jinnah was

involved in campaigning for elections as an independent Muslim for the general Bombay seat. Jinnah was

to undergo a five-month tour to Europe and North America. He decided to take Ruttie along as an attempt

to save their failing marriage. But in this trip the rift grew. There was no chance of reconciliation and in

January 1928 the couple separated.

Ruttie lived at the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay, almost as a recluse, her health failing drastically. On

February 20, 1929, Ruttie Jinnah died. It was her 29th birthday.

She was buried two days later in Bombay according to Muslim rites. Jinnah sat like a stone statue

throughout the funeral. But when asked to be the first to throw earth on the grave as the closest relative,



Jinnah broke down and wept uncontrollably. Later Justice Chagla said, 'That was the only time when I

found Jinnah betraying any shadow of human weakness.'

Jinnah had been good to his wife. He had been a doting husband, fulfilling the demands of his young and

enthusiastic wife. She also, had played her part justly, had supported him and encouraged him in his

career. But the lack of time fatefully pulled them so far apart that eventually no reconciliation was

possible. The time of their separation was a trying one for Jinnah, in the photographs of this period he is

never seen smiling.

Dina

Exactly 28 years before the birth of Pakistan, Dina was born on August 14, 1919 at midnight. Jinnah's

only child, she was his sole comfort after the death of his wife. Though away at school most of the time,

she was home briefly for holidays. A dark eyed beauty, she was a charming young girl. She had her

mother's smile and was pampered by her doting father. After her mother's death, Fatima took the

responsibility of her care.

While living in London, Dina would cajole and pester her father to take her to a pantomime on High Road

insisting that she was on holidays and must be entertained. The time was a blissful one spent in London.

But they later grew apart, Dina never joined her father in Pakistan. She came to Karachi only for hisfuneral.

The relationship was marred by the fact that Dina wanted to marry a Parsi-born Christian, Neville Wadia.

Jinnah tried to dissuade her, just like Sir Dinshaw had tried to influence his daughter many years ago, but

to no avail. Justice Chagla recalls, " Jinnah, in his usual imperious manner, told her that there were

millions of Muslim boys in India, and she could have anyone she chose. Then the young lady�replied:

'Father, there were millions of Muslim girls in India. Why did you not marry one of them?'

The relationship became formal after she married. They did correspond, he addressed her formally as

'Mrs. Wadia'.

Dina and Neville lived in Bombay and had two children, a boy and a girl. Shortly after that they

separated.

Though isolated in many ways, Jinnah was always cared for by his sister Fatima who kept house for

him and nursed him till his death. She was his sole companion, never faltering, always present for him

in the time of need.

London

Jinnah left for England in January 1893, landed at Southampton, catching the boat train to Victoria Station. "During the first few months I found a strange

country and unfamiliar surroundings," he recalled. "I did not know a soul and

the fogs and winter in London upset me a great deal". He worked at Graham's

for a while surrounded by stacks of account books he was expected to copy

and balance. His father had deposited enough money in his account in a

British bank to last for three years of his stay in London. He took a room as

houseguest in a modest three-story house at 35 Russell Road in Kensington.

He arrived in London in February 1893 and after two months he

left Graham's on April 25 of that year to join Lincoln's Inn, one of

the oldest and well reputed legal societies that prepared students

for the Bar. On June 25, 1893, he embarked on his study of thelaw at Lincoln's Inn. His quest for general books especially on

politics and biographies led him to apply to the British Museum

Library and he became a subscriber of the Museum Library. The two

years of "reading" apprenticeship that he spent in barrister's chambers Entrance to Lincoln's

Inn, London



was the most important element in Jinnah's legal education.

He used to follow his master's professional footsteps outside the chambers as well.

When Jinnah landed at Southampton, it was the peak of British power and influence in the

world. The Victorian era was about to end and a new economic order was struggling to be born.

Young Jinnah was greatly affected by the life in what was then called, "the greatest capital of

the world", where people had more freedom to pursue what they believed in. Apart from his

upbringing according to the traditions and ethics of a religious family, the Victorian moral code

not only colored his social behavior but also greatly affected his professional conduct as a

practicing lawyer. Jinnah's political beliefs and personal demeanor as a public man in India for four decades clearly indicate that his training, education and life in London profoundly

influenced his way of life. It was that influence and training that helped him a great deal in

presenting the most important case of his life and eventually led him to win that case a free

country for the Muslims of the subcontinent.

In London, he received the tragic news of the death of his mother and first wife.

Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political

system by frequently visiting the House of Commons. He was the youngest student ever to be

called to the Bar.

"It was in London that he acquired love of personal freedom and national independence.

Inspired by the British democratic principles and fired by a new faith in supremacy of law,liberalism and constitutionalism became twin tools of Jinnah's political creed which he daringly

but discreetly used during the rest of his life." Aziz Beg, Jinnah and his Times.

He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime

minister for the fourth time in 1892.

Jinnah also took keen interest in the political affairs of India. He was extremely conscious of the lack of a

strong voice from India in the British Parliament. So, when the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji, a leading

Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament, it created a wave of enthusiasm among Indian students

in London. Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. Naoroji's victory acted as a

stimulus for Jinnah to lay the foundation of the "political career" that he had in his mind.

Jinnah was a marvelous speaker and was recognised as a balanced and reasoned debater. His power of

speech had an ability to mesmerise the audience. Frank Moraes, an eminent Indian journalist, painted

Jinnah's skills and attributes, "�watch him in the courtroom as he argues a case. Few lawyers command a

more attentive audience� No man is more adroit in presenting his case. If to achieve the maximum

results with the minimum effort is the hallmark of artistry, Mr. Jinnah is an artist in his craft�The drab

courtroom acquires an atmosphere as he speaks. Juniors crane their necks forward to follow every

movement of the tall, well-groomed figure, senior counsels listen closely, the judge is all attention".

BOMBAY (1896-1910)

Jinnah left London for India in 1896. He decided to go to Bombay after a

brief stay in Karachi. He opted for Bombay because it offered scope for the

exercise of his legal faculties and ground for his political ambitions. Bombay

had the brightest constellation of India's lawyer-politicians, at that time.

Ranade, Badruddin, Tyabji, Gandhi, Tilak, Gokhale, Cowasji, Dadabhoy

Naoroji, Bholabhai Desai, Wacha, Nariman and many more renowned men

were based in Bombay.

He was enrolled as a barrister in Bombays' high court on August 24, 1896. He took up lodgings

in Room No.110 of Apollo Hotel. Father's business had suffered serious losses by then, and hecould hardly get any brief for a year or so but he never stopped helping the poor and needy, even

in his precarious financial position. In a letter to the Times of India, Bombay, the June 10, 1910

issue, he appealed to the well-off section of the Muslim Community in Bombay to aid a Muslim

orphanage in the city. He donated a handsome amount to the orphanage at a time when his



practice was not even flourishing. By 1900, he was introduced to Bombay's acting advocate-

general, John Molesworth McPherson, and was invited to work with him in his office. But soon

he succeeded in crossing all the hurdles to become a leading lawyer of India. He won many

famous cases through powerful advocacy and legal logic.

In politics, he admired Dadabhai Naoroji and another brilliant Parsi leader

Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. It was Pherozeshah Mehta, who entrusted him to

defend him in the famous Caucus Case. Jinnah hit the headlines in this case;it was remarkable how a 62-year-old statesman of the Congress and an

eminent lawyer had entrusted his defence to a young Muslim barrister.

Jinnah's career as a lawyer is full of marvelous legal victories. Either it was

the Sapru-Jinnah encounter in Bhopal high court or the famous Bawla

murder trial of 1925; a legal case against the great Hindu leader Bal

Ganghadhar Tilak or his last case in 1945 where he defended Bishen Lal at

Agra; Jinnah always proved to be the most enviably popular counsel.

Sir Stafford Cripps called Jinnah the most accomplished lawyer -- outstanding amongst Indian

lawyers and a fine constitutionalist. As a fellow barrister of Bombay High Court put it, "he waswhat God made him, a great leader. He had sixth sense: he could see around corners. That is

where his talents lay�he was a very clear thinker �But he drove his points home -- points

chosen with exquisite selection --show delivery, word by word."

Joachim Alva said "he cast a spell on the courtroom�head erect, unruffled by the worst circumstances.

He has been our boldest advocate." Jinnah's most famous legal apprentice M.C. Chagla, the first Indian

Muslim to be appointed chief justice of the Bombay High Court said, "What impressed me the most was

the lucidity of his thought and expression. There were no obscure spots or ambiguities about what Jinnah

had to tell the court. He was straight and forthright, and always left a strong impression whether his case

was intrinsically good or bad. I remember sometimes at a conference he would tell the solicitor that his

case was hopeless, but when he went to the court he fought like a tiger, and almost made me believe that

he had changed his opinion. Whenever I talked to him afterwards about it, he would say that it was the

duty of an advocate, however bad the case might be, to do the best for his client". He reminisced that

Jinnah's 'presentation of a case' was nothing less than a piece of art."

Jinnah appeared in the annual session of the All India Congress, Calcutta, 1906. Dadabhai Naoroji

presided over the session with Jinnah serving as his secretary. In his speech Dadabhai called the partition

of Bengal a "bad blunder for England" and addressed the growing distance between the Hindus and the

Muslims in the aftermath of partition. He called for a thorough political union among the Indian people of

all creeds and classes. "The thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their emancipation is an

absolute necessity�

They must sink or swim together. Without this union, all efforts will be vain."

Jinnah reiterated this call for national unity at every political meeting he attended in those years, and he

emerged as true Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. He met India's poetess Sarojini Naidu at that

Calcutta Congress, who was instantly captivated by the stunning appearance and rare temperament of

India's rising lawyer and upcoming politician.

"If Jinnah� s stay in London was the sowing time, the first decade in Bombay, after return

from England, was the germination season, the next decade (1906-1916) marked the vintage stage; it could also be called a period of idealism, as Jinnah was a romanticist both in

personal and political life. Jinnah came out of his shell, political limelight shone on him; he

was budding as a lawyer and flowering as a political personality. A political child during the

first decade of the century, Jinnah had become a political giant before Gandhi returned to

India from South Africa."



Aziz Beg, Jinnah and his Times.

Jinnah�s fascination with the world of politics started from his early days in London. He was

very impressed by Dadabhai, a Parsi from Bombay. Upon returning to India, Jinnah entered

the world of politics as a Liberal nationalist and joined the Congress despite his father �s fury

at his abandoning the family business. The 20th annual session of the Congress in December

1904, was the first attended by Jinnah in Bombay. It was presided over by Pherozshah Mehta

of whom Jinnah was a great admirer. Mehta suggested that two of his chosen disciples be sent

to London as Congress deputies to observe the political arena at that time. His choices for the

job were M.A Jinnah and Gopal Krishna Gokhale whose wisdom and moderation the former also admired.

Partition of Bengal

The partition of Bengal shook India in 1905. Lord Curzon, one of the most powerful British

rulers gave affect to the partition. With a population of over 80 million, it was difficult to

administer the province so a line was drawn between the Hindu dominated West Bengal and

the Muslim dominated East Bengal. Dacca became the capital of the new Muslim majority

province comprising Eastern Bengal and Assam. West Bengal with Hindu majority was

administered from Calcutta. The birth of the�Eastern Bengal and Assam� province was

considered as a blessing and a moment of relief for the Muslims whereas it was an eyesore for the Hindus.

The Hindu community was aghast at the creation of the Muslim majority province and even a

movement was launched against the partition. Calcutta�s Bengali Hindu elite protested

vehemently against this partition. Large rallies and protests on the streets were carried out

frequently all over the country and the British goods were also boycotted.

The impassioned anti-government speeches brought the common man in the streets. Though

Jinnah was not very vocal about the issue of the partition of Bengal but its effects were to alter

his life and career tremendously in the future. The partition of Bengal gave the Muslims of

Bengal adequate representation in the power structure and awakened political consciousnessamong them which led to the formation of the Muslim League in 1906.

The All India Muslim League

The year 1906 was extremely important and eventful in

the history of Indian nationalism. On 1st October, 1906, a

deputation comprising of 35 Muslim leaders from all parts

of India gathered in Simla to meet the new viceroy and

place forth their appeal for help against the unconcerned

attitude of the Hindus towards the needs and status of the

Muslim majority in future political setup. They informedthe viceroy about their hopes for the representation of

Muslims in every branch of government. They further

elaborated that the Muslims should not be regarded

merely as a minority but a distinct community with strong

historical and political background.

Group photo taken at the Annual

Mohammaden Educational Conference in Dacca, 1906

The Viceroy was sympathetic to the demands of the group and applauded their loyal and

articulate address. As a result of this meeting, the Muslims were promised separate electorates,

which was a recognition of separate Muslim identity and proved a historical milestone in the

making of Pakistan.

In the year 1906, a leading landlord of Dacca, Nawab Salimullah Khan invited the annualMohammedan Educational Conference to be held in Dacca. The founding meeting of the All

India Muslim League was held in Dacca�s Shahbagh on December 30th, 1906. It was

presided over by Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk. The resolution was moved by the Nawab of Dacca,

and was seconded by Hakim Ajmal Khan. Nawab Viqar-ul-mulk, who was the first president



of the infant Muslim League, declared:

� The musalmans are only a fifth in number as compared

with the total population of the country, and it is manifest

that if at any remote period the British government ceases

to exist in India, then the rule of India would pass into the

hands of that community which is nearly four times as

large as ourselves � our life, our property, our honour,

and our faith will all be in great danger, when even nowthat a powerful British administration is protecting its

subjects, we the Musalmans have to face most serious

difficulties in safe-guarding our interests from the

grasping hands of our neighbors.�

Members of the All-India Muslim League Working committee;

Muslims were not happy with the

Communal Award

The main cause for the formation of the Muslim League was to safeguard and advanc the

rights and the welfare of the Muslim community and to convey their needs and problems to the

government. The Muslims had realized that it was important for them to have a platform to

voice their demands; their meeting with the Viceroy at Simla had already proved productive

and fruitful. Another reason for the formation of the Muslim League was to prevent the rise of

any kind of hostility among the Muslims towards other communities. Aga Khan was appointedthe first honorary president of the Muslim League. The London branch of the League was also

founded by Syed Ameer Ali.

The Realists and the Idealists

The Muslims at that point were divided into two groups. Firstly, there were the Idealists who

believed that the Hindus and the Muslims could still work together to achieve their goals.

These Idealists joined the Congress. The other group was that of the Realists who were

convinced that the Congress was a biased platform which protected only the interests of the

Hindus, whichn will ultimately lead to the Hindus ruling the Muslims. Jinnah attended the

annual session of the Congress at Calcutta in 1906 along with other similar minded Muslims,

Hindus, Parsis and the Christians.This meeting was presided over by Dadabhai Naoroji andM.A Jinnah acted as his secretary.

Dadabhai claimed that by partitioning Bengal, the British had made a grave mistake, which

must be remedied for the sake of the people of the subcontinent. Talking about the issue of the

mounting distance between the Hindu and the Muslim communities, he said,�Once self-

government is attained, then there will be prosperity enough for all, but not till then. The

thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their emancipation is an absolute necessity.�

At that point Jinnah was a firm believer of this ideology and strongly advocated it. He

therefore came to be known as the�Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity�. With this stance

in mind, he set out to accomplish the Congress�

s mission of uniting the two communities,which would ultimately help the Indians to achieve swaraj (self rule).

There was a split in the Congress led by the Maharashtra�s Lokamanya, Bal Gangadhar

Tilak, in the session held at Surat in 1907. Tilak had no confidence in the reforms promised by

Morley and in protest his followers first rejected British-made goods and later boycotted their

institutions too. They started protesting fervently for swaraj and became popular with the

masses. The British government in an attempt to gain control over the situation arrested the

prominent leaders of that movement which included Tilak.Tilak chose Jinnah to his case in the

High Court and although the British government refused to hear anything on Tilak �s behalf,

Jinnah�s exceptional skills as a barrister and orator were obvious in the way he presented his

case. Also the depth of his character can be seen in the fact that he was willing to fight, to the best of his ability, for the leader of an oponent party. This earned him the respect and esteem

of one of the most conformist leaders of the subcontinent at that time.

Jinnah was one of the few members to participate in the

Viceroy�s sixty-man Central Legislative Council in 1910.



He represent Bombay. He was 35 at that time and was

amongst the youngest members to join this high level

council, again verifying his brilliance and standing. This

was three years before when he actually joined the Muslim

League. King George V annulled the partition of Bengal, in

December 1911, leaving the Muslims of India with a

feeling of betrayal as the highest officials of the

government had assured them of its permanence.

Lucknow Pact

The Muslim League and the Congress held their meetings at

Lucknow in the end of December 1916. They accepted

unanimously agreed reforms scheme presented by their

respective committees. The Congress-League scheme popularly

known as the Lucknow Pact pointed out the steps that needed to

be taken to gain self government for India. Jinnah supported the

coming together of the two parties to coerce the government to

grant India self-rule.

The most significant achievement of this pact for the Muslims

was that for the first time the Congress had recognized theMuslim League as a

Jinnah (center) was the

principal architect of the

Lucknow Pact, 1916

representative body of the Muslims of the sub-continent and they were granted separate

electorates in the provincial as well as in Imperial Legislative Council. The central government

was generally to avoid undue intervention in the working of the provincial governments. The

Muslims who feared losing Islamic and cultural identity were assured that: No bill, nor any

clause thereof, nor a resolution introduced by a non-official memeber affecting one or the other

community, which question is to be determined by the members of that community in the

Legislative Council concerned, shall be proceded with, if three-fourth of the members of that

community in the particular Council, Imperial or provincial, oppose the bill or any Clause

thereof or the resolution. The Muslims were Guaranteed more seats than the ratio of their

population in the Center and minority provinces but less in Punjab and Bengal. This made theMuslims majority in these two provinces less effective in the days to come.

In an address where he said that the demand for united India

was�irresistible� Jinnah seemed to identify himself more

with the League than with the Congress.He became the

president of the League only after three years of joining it. This

raised the status of the League as well as of Quaid-i-Azam as a

political leader. He was of the view that the Muslims

Muslim League leaders pose

for a group photo at Lucknow,

1916

could organize themselves for political action, �lest impending changes (self rule) should

swamp them altogether as a community�.

The Congress had made it clear that the League was there to represent the Muslims and the

former would not speak for all the communities and minorities. Jinnah thus came to the

conclusion that the Congress did not represent all the communities of India, especially the

Muslim community. He utilized the Muslim League to interpret and express the opinions of

the Muslims.

At this point of history he believed in Hindu-Muslim unity and worked for the quick

attainment of full independence from the British rule.Act of 1919 (Montagu-Chlemsford Reforms)

Edwin Montagu, Secretary of State for India visited India in November to review the situation

under Lord Chelmsford�s Government. After an interview with Jinnah, Montagu expressed



his opinion and found Jinnah:

��Perfectly mannered, impressive looking, armed to the teeth with the dialects�

Chelmsford tried to argue with him, and was tied up into knots. Jinnah is a very clever man

and it is of course an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of

his own country.�

The act of 1919 came into force on January 1, 1921. The reforms introduced in the act were

based mainly on the proposals of the Montagu-Chelmsford report published on July 8, 1918.

The act substituted the Central Legislative Council by a legislature of two houses, which werethe Indian Legislative Assembly and the Council of States. The onus of the power rested with

the Governor General who could legislate and impose taxes under his power to certify the

bills. The Governor General�s Executive Council was still answerable only to the Secretary

of State but the composition of the Council that was previously six British and an Indian

member was now three Indian and four British. Communal representation was granted to the

minorities and Muslims were given separate electorates as agreed upon in the Lucknow Pact.

One of the most important feature of this act was the introduction of the system of diarchy in

the provinces. The ministers held office only to enjoy the comforts of the house and had little

significant powers.

These reforms received a mixed reaction in India. Jinnah was one of the first to comment on23rd July 1918. He talked about how different the reforms were from those decided by the

Congress and the Muslim League he did not reject them despite the fact that he was not

entirely satisfied with them. He was flexible about his reaction to the reforms provided that the

powers rested in the government were temporary. On 18th of July of the same year the Rowlatt

Act was passed which included three High Court judges would preside over a special court,

which could record evidence, which was not permitted under the Indian Evidence Act. The

provincial government was permitted to warrant and detain anyone to stop from any particular

act. The Quaid was against that Bill on the ground that it was against the law of justice that any

man shall be denied his rights without a judicial trial. He sent a letter to the Viceroy in which

he resigned from the Imperial Legislative Council,and said:

�The passing of the Rowlatt Bill�has severely shaken the trust reposed by them in British justice.�

The Khilafat Movement

The government of India Act of 1919 fell short of the expectations of the Indian political

parties. It introduced diarchy in the provinces, which meant subjects were to be divided into

reserved and transferred. The reserved were to be administered by nominated Ministers and

then transferred by the elected ones. While at the center, the British Governor General

remained sole authority. The people could not accept this after the imposition of unsatisfactory

Rowlatt Act and the atrocities inflicted on the people of Punjab. The Muslims were also

perturbed over the unfair treatment given to Turkey by the victorious allied powers. Duringthe war, the Muslims had shown concern about the developments in Turkey and the institution

of the Khilafat.

Lloyd George,the British Prime Minister to pacify the Muslims

all over the world, had assured the world that the Allies had no

intention to dismember Turkey and after the war Turkish

possessions would be made over to Turkey. He said,�nor are

we fighting to deprive Turkey of the rich lands of Asia Minor

and Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race.� But the

promise was not honored. The Jazirat-ul-Arab which includes

Mesopotamia, Arabia, Syria and Palestine was being dividedamong allies in the form of a Mandate. This development raised

a war of indignation among the Indian Muslims due to sanctity

and respect associated with these lands. They demanded that the

pledges given to them during the war should be honored. This

Gandhi linked the issue of

Swaraj with the Khilafat

Movement



demand gave rise to what is generally known as the Khilafat

Movement. This cause was initially taken up by Jamiat-i-

Ulema-i-Hind founded by Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Malani.

Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali also joined

it.

The Muslim League met in Calcutta under Jinnah. At this meeting Jinnah said:

�First came the Rowlatt Bill -- accompanied by the Punjab atrocities -- and then came the

spoliation of the Ottoman Empire and the Khilafat. One attacks our liberty and the other our

faith��

In November 1919, a joint conference of the Muslims and Hindus was called at Delhi in

pursuance of the Muslim League President Fazl-ul-Haq in which he said,� we should

renounce any lurking spirit of strife and quarrel with other communities and seek their help

and assistance in our troubles and difficulties. The question of cow protection was also raised

in order to create goodwill between the Muslims and the Hindus. Ghandi suggested to start the

non�cooperation movement which was opposed by Jinnah.

In December 1919, the Khilafat Conference held its second session in Amritsar where the

Muslim League and the Congress also held their annual sessions. But the tensions raised could

not be settled and Jinnah could no longer play a leading role in the Khilafat movement and it

passed into the hands of Ali brothers, Dr. Kitchlew and the militant segment of the Ulema.

Under that leadership it began to over power the Muslim League. Jinnah took a back seat to all

this and did not join the Indian leaders who met the Viceroy on January 19, 1920 to plead for a

settlement with Turkey.

The third Khilafat Conference was held in February 1920 at Bombay which passed the

resolution for non- cooperation and the Calcutta Provincial Conference decided to�

cease allrelations of loyalties� with the British and to assist the Caliph in all possible ways to keep his

dominion was not kept in tact as it was before the war. Jinnah and other fellow moderates did

not participate in this Khilafat agitation. In a letter to Ghandi, Jinnah said that the movement

was bound to lead to disaster. He said that this kind of a plan has appealed only to the illiterate

and the inexperienced youth of the country. He said that though he had no power to remove

the cause, he wished to advise his countrymen against the dire consequences of such an

extreme act.

Thus Jinnah opposed Gandhi�s plan of starting a mass non-violent, non-cooperation

movement all over the country. Gandhi became the head of the Khilafat movement and

declared that the Indians would boycott all British goods, courts, institutions, elections etc. Heurged that such large scale protest movement would force the British to grant India self rule.

He had envisaged four progressive stages of the movement. First the resignation of titles and

offices. Second, with drawl from all government services except police and military. Third,

with-drawl from police and military, and fourth, suspension of payment of taxes to the State.

The Quaid on the other hand, felt that the Indians should fight Imperialism constitutionally

instead. The Nagpur session, which was thirty-fifth Congress, was held in December 1920.

Gandhi�s non-cooperation movement had been approved at a special session at Amritsar and

during the Nagpur session, Jinnah was the only person who had the courage to openly oppose

the resolution proposed by Gandhi, despite strong opposition by the crowd. The Quaid said:

�� the weapon will not destroy the British empire� it is neither logical nor is it politically sound or wise, nor practically capable of being put in execution.�

Colonel Wedgood, who heard Jinnah�s speech was very impressed and commented:



� I do not know enough about Mr. Jinnah� s politics to say whether I agree with him or not, but I do

know that a man who has the courage to come to this audience and tell what he has told you is a man of

my money. The first thing in every political leader is not brains, but courage.�

Jinnah stayed aloof from Gandhi�s non-cooperation movement along with some other leaders. The start

of the movement followed the arrests of leaders and activists associated with it. Problems began emerging

when the movement, though remained one of non-cooperation was no more one of non-violence. The Ali

brothers were very persistent in their support of the Khilafat movement. Riots started broke out all over

the country and encounters with the police became a common occurrence. This was something leaderslike the Quaid had predicted.

The Prince of Wales was to arrive in India, and the call to boycott his welcome went forth. On his arrival

in Bombay violent outbreaks started in the city and several innocent people lost their lives.

Coincidentally, Gandhi was present in Bombay at time and witnessed the horrific situation, which was an

outcome of his non-cooperation movement. He commented:

� Swaraj stinks in my nostrils.�

The Khilafat movement intensified when Maulana Abdul Bari called on the Muslims to migrate from

India. Many young Muslims migrated to Afghanistan where they were looted and ruined.

Another unpleasant resultant of the Khilafat movement were Moplah riots of 1921. In Malabar, the

Moplah Muslim peasants and farmers rose against the Hindu landlords. That development created a rift

between the Muslims and the Hindus.

The non-cooperation movement was called off after the Chauri Chaura tragedy in which twenty-two

policemen were burnt alive by a mob on February 5th 1922. The Congress negotiated with the

government, Pandit Malaviya acting as the mediator. The government agreed to let off the civil

disobedience prisoners, if the Congress called off the boycott. Also, a Round Table conference was to be

arranged on March 22nd between the government and the Congress.

On the other hand the developments in Turkey were very disappointing for the Indian Muslims as the in

itself was abolished. The Muslim League was reduced to an accessory of the Congress and did not meet

as a self-sufficient body till 1924.

Jinnah learnt a lot from the Khilafat movement. It disillusioned him with the Congress and the British

rulers and strengthened his faith to work for the intrests of the Muslims. He worked hard to bring the

Muslims out of their demoralized state of mind and reorganize them under the banner of the Muslim

League.

Jinnah's Differences with the Congress

M.A Jinnah differed with Gandhi on the means of achieving self-rule. The League session

reassembled at Lahore under Jinnah�s presidency and was attended by a number of

Congressmen and leaders of the Khilafat movement. The Quaid, despite his differences with

Mahatma Gandhi and the Khilafatists, still enjoyed the trust and admiration of the Muslims of

Bombay which can be seen from the fact that he won the Bombay Muslim seat for the

Legislative Assembly that he had resigned in protest against the Rowlatt Act.

The Congress had boycotted the first elections under the Act of 1919, which were held in 1920

and so had Jinnah. A group of twenty-four people along with Jinnah formed a group by the

name of Independents. In February 1924, The Quaid introduced an important resolution in the National Assembly that went to the heart of India�s struggle for economic independence.

According to this resolution, tenders would be invited in India in rupees, which would be an

advantage to the businessmen and manufacturers of the country. In 1925, Jinnah was

appointed as a member of a committee, which was to survey the possibilities of more



Indianization of the army and opening of a military training institute on the lines of Sandhurst.

The Quaid was given this privilige in view of his deep interest in the issue of the Indians

holding better ranks in the army.

The Delhi-Muslim Proposals

Tension between the Hindus and the Muslims was on the rise from

1922 onwards. The Quaid, seeing that the Hindus had no inclination to

cooperate with the Muslims, invited the Muslims leaders of India to

meet at Delhi under his presidency. This meeting was held on the 20thof March 1927 and the result was the Delhi-Muslim proposals, which

were unanimously accepted by all the Muslim leaders. The proposals

were as follows:

Participants of the

Conference held in

Delhi, 1927

1- Sind should be separated from Bombay and made an independent province.

2- Reforms should be introduced in Baluchistan and NWFP on the same footings as in any

other province. In that case, Muslims are prepared to accept a joint electorate in all provinces

so constituted, and are further willing to make to Hindu minorities in Sind, Balochistan and the

NWFP, the same concessions that Hindu majorities in the other provinces are prepared to

make to Muslim minorities.

In the Punjab and Bengal the proportion of representation should be in accordance with the

population. In the Central Leglislature, Muslim representation shall not be less than a third,

and that also, by a mixed electorate.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah; M.H Sayid; p368-9.

The relinquishment of the right to separate electorate was an unprecedented concession by the

Muslims and it was a major achievement of Jinnah to have convinced his colleagues to

concede this to other communities.

The Hindu community reacted to these proposals by accepting the joint electorates and

rejecting the other two. It was the first time that the Muslims had agreed to joint electorates

and would not do so ever again. After this the demands of the Muslims increased day-by-day

and their stance to safeguard their intrests hardened furthur finally resulting in the demand for

partition.

The Simon Commission

The British Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, announced in the House

of Commons in November 1927 that a commission would be sent to

India to look into the political situation of India and suggest reforms.This commission would�inquire into the working of the Indian

constitution and consider the desirability of establishing, extending,

modifying or restricting the degree of responsible government�. The

Simon commission was to be headed by Sir John Simon and would

have six other members which included Clement Atlee who was to

preside over Indian independence as Prime Minister in 1947.

Simon Commission

had no Indian

members

When the composition of the commission was announced, it was found that it included only

British members and no Indian. This was greeted with strong protest from all parts of India

and all assurances that the government would consider the Indian viewpoint in all matters wasrejected. Complete equality with the British members of the commission was demanded and

no one was satisfied with the status of just being petitioners.

Jinnah and many Hindu and Muslim leaders signed a manifesto which declared that unless



Indian members were included in the commission, it was not possible for them to

conscientiously share in its work or take any part in it. Jinnah felt that by not allowing Indians

to participate in the commission, the British have tried to show that Indians are not capable of

making any decisions regarding the constitution of India.

Jinnah protested against this commission along with the Congress and other leaders of the

subcontinent. He tried to unite the Muslims to see how this commission would not be

beneficial for them, but at this point the Muslim League split into two; Jinnah who opposed theSimon Commission headed one faction known as the�Jinnah Group� while Sir Mohammed

Shafi who was in favor of cooperating with the Simon Commission headed the other known as

the�Shafi Group�.

Jinnah strongly criticized the commission calling it a � butchery of our souls�. As president

of the Muslim League he said:

� a constitutional war has been declared on Great Britain. Negotiations for a settlement are

not to come from our side� We are denied equal partnership. We will resist the new doctrine

to the best of our powers� I welcome Pandit Malaviya, and I welcome the hand of fellowship

extended to us by Hindu leaders from the platform of the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha� .this offer is more valuable than any concession which the British Government

can make.�

The Quaid moved a resolution that was accepted by the Jinnah group. The resolution was as

follows:

� This public meeting of the citizens of Bombay empathetically declare that the statutory

commission which has been announced is unacceptable to the people of India as it most

flagrantly denies the right of the people of India to participate on equal terms in framing the

future constitution of the country. This meeting further resolves that under the circumstances

Indians throughout the country should have nothing to do with the commission at any state or

in any form.�

Jinnah was distressed at this point. He had worked so hard for Hindu-Muslim unity and than

had to face the problem of the Muslims being divided amongst themselves.

After reading the statements of Sir John Simon and the Viceroy, Jinnah issued a statement in

which he said that no equality of status was given to the Indian Committee. Indians were not

allowed to vote at the proceedings of the Commission. This made the Jinnah that the Indians

were left to play a subordinate role.

Lala Lajput Rai passed a resolution in the Legislative Assembly on the 16th of February 1928,

which was strongly supported by Jinnah. This resolution declared that the Indians had no

confidence in the Simon Commission. The Simon Commission arrived in Bombay on the 3rd

of February and was greeted by black flags and loud slogans saying�Simon go back �.

Wherever the Commission went it was meeted out hostile treatment. The Simon Commission

left India on the 31st of March.

Nehru Report

Lord Birkenhead had never disguised his poor opinion of Indian

politicians. He felt that they were incapable of handling their own political affairs. His underestimation enraged the Congress which

decided to form a committee that would represent the demands of

united India. It extended invitations to twenty-nine organizations

including the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Central



Sikh League.

At its second meeting in March there was disagreement between the

Muslim League on the one hand and the Hindu Mahasabha and Sikhs

on the other. In the third meeting of this committee that a �small

committee viewing the communal problems as a whole�might

succeed in finding a way out�.

Quaid-i-Azam and

other Muslim leaders

condemned the Nehru

report

A committee was formed with Motilal Nehru as chairman to consider and determine the principles of the Constitution for India. The report of this committee came to be known as the

Nehru report. At the fourth meeting of the conference Motilal Nehru presented the report of his

committee.

The report opted for the Dominion Status for India bearing in mind that it was what the

majority of the parties in India would prefer. Fundamental rights were guaranteed,

rationalizing that if religious and cultural freedom were given to the minority communities, it

would resolve the communal problem. There were to be two houses of the Parliament, the

Senate and the House of Representatives. The Senate would consist of 200 seats, each

province to be represented in proportion to their population whereas the House of

Representatives would contain 500 seats and be unicameral. Both the Houses were to beelected by universal suffrage. The Muslims� demand for one-third of the seats in the Central

Legislature was rejected. Separate electorates, which were the aspirations of the Muslims, were

also eliminated. The report conceded the demand that Balochistan and NWFP should have the

same status as any other province of India and also agreed to the separation of Sind from

Bombay despite the protest of the Hindus of Sind.

The Muslim League held their 20th session in Calcutta on December 20, 1928. It was decided

there that a delegation including Jinnah would attend the conference convened by the Indian

National Congress to review the Nehru Report. The report was presented for final approval to

an All- Parties National Convention which opened on December 22, 1928.

Jinnah proposed 4 amendments to the report on December 28:

1. There should be no less than one-third Muslim representation in the Central Legislature.

2. In event of the adult suffrage not being established, Punjab and Bengal should have seats

reserved on population basis for the Mussalmans.

3. The form of the constitution should be federal with residuary powers vested in the

provinces. This question is by far the most important from the constitutional point of view.

4. With regard to the question of separation of Sind and the NWFP, we cannot wait until the

Nehru Constitution is established�The Mussalmans feel that it is shelving the issue and

postponing their insistent demand till doomsday and they cannot agree to it.

M.R Sapru who was a leader of the Hindu Mahasabha said that Jinnah was "�a fearless and

lucid advocate of the small minority of Muslims whose claim he has put forward in the course

of his speech."

Jinnah�s proposals were rejected when put to vote. The majority of the Muslims rejected the

Nehru Report. Instead of uniting the Indian communities, the report had exposed their

divisions. The Nehru Report unknowingly laid the groundwork for the making of Pakistan because it was so clearly against the intrest og Muslims. Muslim leaders like Jinnah and the

Ali brothers who had till then supported the Congress to a certain degree were gravely

disappointed and since they had great stature among on the Muslim masses, the Muslims in



general also started distrusting the Congress and the Indian society was polarized furthur.

In the December 1929 session of the report one of the resolutions declared that the entire

scheme of the Nehru report had lapsed.

Quaid-i-Azam's Fourteen Points

M.A Jinnah presented his famous fourteen points on March 28,1929 to

the Muslim League Council at their session in Delhi. Since all theMuslims opposed the Nehru Report, these points were to counter the

proposals made in the Nehru Report. The points were to recommend

the reforms that would defend the rights of the Muslims of the sub-

continent.

These points were as follows: . News paper clip about

Jinnah's 14 points

1- The form of the future constitution should be federal, with the residuary powers to be vested

in the provinces.

2- A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces.

3- All legislatures in the country and other elected bodies shall be constituted on the definite

principle of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every province without

reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality.

4- In the Central Legislature, Muslim representation shall not be less than one third.

5- Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by separate electorates: provided

that it shall be open to any community, at any time, to abandon its separate electorate in favor

of joint electorate.

6- Any territorial redistribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in anyway affect the Muslim majority in the Punjab, Bengal and the NWFP.

7- Full religious liberty i.e. liberty of belief, worship, and observance, propaganda,

association, and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities.

8- No bill or resolution or any part thereof shall be passed in any legislature or any other

elected body if three fourths of the members of any community in that particular body oppose

such a bill, resolution or part thereof on the ground that it would be injurious to that

community or in the alternative, such other method is devised as may be found feasible

practicable to deal with such cases.

9- Sind should be separated from the Bombay Presidency.

10- Reforms should be introduced in the NWFP and Balochistan on the same footing as in

other provinces.

11- Provision should be made in the Constitution giving Muslims an adequate share along

with the other Indians in all the services of the State and in local self-governing bodies, having

due regard to the requirements of efficiency.

12- The Constitution should embody adequate safeguards for the protection of Muslim cultureand for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion and personal

laws and Muslim charitable institutions and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given by

the State and by local self-governing bodies.



13- No cabinet, either Central or Provincial, should be formed without there being a

proportion of at least one-third Muslim ministers.

14- No change shall be made in the Constitution by the Central Legislature except with the

concurrence of the States constituting the Indian Federation.

Round Table conferences

Lord Irwin took over as Viceroy in the beginning of April 1926. His

efforts towards the prosperity of India were sincere. It was his integrityand earnestness because of which the Quaid soon developed a strong

bond of friendship and respect with him. Lord Irwin made a

monumental declaration on the 31st of October 1929, after returning

from England from a four-month visit. His decleration made two major

points. Firstly, that it was implicit in the declaration of 1917 that the

natural issue of India�s constitutional progress, as there contemplated,

was the attainment of Dominion Status.

The First Round Table

Conference was held

in London, 1930

And secondly in response to the Indians outrage over the Simon Commission, he said that the

representatives of different parties would discuss any further reforms that would be introduced

in the subcontinent in the Round Table conferences.

The Quaid was satisfied by the declaration made by Lord Irwin but

Jawaharlal Nehru in his presidential address on the 31 st of October

1929 was not as convinced. He said that he appreciated the Viceroy�s

good intention but did not trust the British, as they were wary of them.

Gandhi passed a resolution stating that he did not expect anything

constructive to be achieved by the Round Table conferences; the

Congress would therefore boycott them. The All-India Congress

Committee also decided to launch a civil-disobedience movement

under the leadership of Gandhi.

The Round Table

conference held in

London, 1930

The King inaugurated the first Round Table conference in the Royal Gallery of the House of

Lords on the 12th of November 1930. The total number of members attending this conference

was eighty-nine, which included sixteen representatives of the three political parties of Britain

and sixteen from the Princely States of India. The remaining fifty-seven were from the

political parties of India. The conference was attended by prominent Muslim leaders like

Jinnah, Shafi, Aga Khan and Muhammad Ali along with Hindu liberals such as Sastri, Sapru

and Jayakar.The Sikhs, the depressed classes, the Anglo-Indians and the Christians were all

represented. All except the Congress were present, but the absence of the Congress

representatives created a major obstacle in the way of any substantial progress that could have

been made by the conference, as it was the largest and most active party operating in the sub-continent.

The Quaid persuaded Lord Irwin to attend the conference but he was unable to do so due to his

hectic schedule in India. It was confirmed in the conference that the system of government in

the Center would be federal. However, the demand of the Indians to give India Dominion

status as soon as possible got a somewhat luke-warm response from the British.

Ramsay MacDonald, the Prime Minister of Britain in his concluding statement said:

�It is the duty of the communities to come to an agreement�

And also,

�Those engaged at present in civil disobedience� should also try and cooperate with the government.

Jinnah complained about the delay being made in giving India self-rule to which the British responded



saying that all the parties in India must be consulted, implying the Congress, which was not present.

Jinnah was exasperated by this and said that as far as this issue was concerned the Congress was in

agreement with all the other parties of India. He said:

�Seventy million of Muslims-all, barring a few individuals here and there- have kept aloof from the non-

cooperation movement. Thirty-five or forty millions of depressed classes have set their face against the

non-cooperation movement. Sikhs and Christians have not joined it. Do you want every one of the parties

who have still maintained that their proper place is to go to this Conference, and across the table to

negotiate and come to a settlement which will satisfy the aspirations of India, to go back and join the rest?�

Before the second Round Table conference, Lord Irwin released Gandhi unconditionally from prison.

Gandhi had been arrested in connection with his non-cooperation movement. Gandhi and Irwin held talks

and reached the Gandhi-Irwin Agreement on the 5th of March 1931.In, which it was, decided that the civil

disobedience movement would be ended, and the Congress would attend the second round Table

Conference. Gandhi was chosen to represent the Congress in the Conference. The Quaid maintained that

without resolving the Hindu-Muslim issue, there was nothing to be achieved by the second Round Table

Conference. Lord Willingdon meanwhile succeeded Lord Irwin as the Viceroy. Gandhi claimed at the

Conference that the Congress was the only party really representing the whole of India and power over

India should be handed over to it. He said that the Congress would solve the minority issue after sovereignty was handed over to it. The Second Round Table Conference was productive for the Muslims

for two reasons. Firstly because it was decided that Sind would be separated from Bombay if it could

sustain itself financially and secondly, the NWFP was made a Governor �sProvince.

The third Round Table Conference had no substantial results. The Quaid and Allama Iqbal were not

invited to it. The Congress and most of the Princely States did not participate in it either. Only forty-six

delegates attended this Conference.

Allama Iqbal's Presidential Address at Allahabad 1930

Allama Mohammad Iqbal,famous poet and philosopher, gave a

monumental presidental address at Allahabad on 29th of december

1930 when most of the Muslim leaders were busy in London at

Round Table conference.

He stated: Muslim leaders at

Allahabad, 1930

�I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Balochistan

amalgamated into a single State. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the

British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-Western Indian Muslim State appears to

me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of north-west India.�

�We are 70 million, and far more homogenous than any other people in India. Indeed, the

Muslims of India are the only Indian people who can fitly be described as a nation in the

modern sense of the word.�

He also stressed that��the model of British democracy cannot be of any use in a land of

many nations.�

The message that he gave through his poetry was that the Muslims should try to revive their

past glory and strive as a nation to attain independence. Iqbal was a great friend and supporter

of Mohammed Ali Jinnah because he saw in him those very qualities that were needed by the

Muslims at the time to lead them to independence. The Quaid was also a great admirer of

Allama Iqbal and said about him when he died on the 21th of April 1938 that:

�He was undoubtedly one of the greatest poets, philosophers and seers of humanity of all

times�to me he was a personal friend, philosopher and guide and as such the main source of



my inspiration and spiritual support.�London 1931

In January 1931, the Quaid called for his daughter and sister Fatima in London and took up

residence there. He was disappointed by the attitude of the British and the Hindus at the Round

Table Conferences. He wrote in a letter to his friend Abdul Matin Choudary:

� I have come to the conclusion that I can be more useful here at any rate for the present. Thecentre of gravity is here and for the next two or three years London will be the most important

scene of the Indian drama of constitutional reforms.�

The Quaid addressing the students of the Muslim University Union said:

� I received the shock of my life at the Round Table conference� . I began to feel that neither

could I help India, nor change the Hindu mentality, nor make the Mussalmans realize their

precarious position. I felt so disappointed and so depressed that I decided to settle down in

London. Not that I did not love India; but I felt utterly helpless. I kept in touch with India. At

the end of four years I found that the Mussalmans were in the greatest danger. I made up my

mind to come back to India, as I could not do any good from London.�

When the Indians delegates at the Round Table conference had been unable to agree upon any

suitable reforms especially concerning the communal issue, the job was left to the British once

again. The British Prime Minister announced the Communal Award on the 16th of April 1932,

in which he introduced reforms on the lines of Lucknow Pact, which was the only juncture in

history when the Muslims and Hindus had agreed uopn any issue. With the introduction of the

Award however, the Muslims lost their majority in important provinces like Bengal and

Punjab which was a set back for them. The understanding that had been reached between

Gandhi and Irwin had been nullified as Nehru was arrested before Gandhi got back from

London after the Round Table Conference. Gandhi officially resigned from the Congress in

October 1934 but still was a supporter of the Congress.

Reorganization of All India Muslim League

While in England, the Quaid had been watching the events that were happening in India and was

saddened to see how Muslim interests were being sacrificed by the chaotic situation within the Muslim

League. The Muslim League was in the hands of rich landlords or some middle class intellectuals with

limited horizons, while the All India Congress was emerging as the leading party for Indian

independence.

In 1933, the "Now or Never" pamphlet by Choudhry Rehmat Ali was published in which the concept of aseparate Muslim state was not only highlighted but the name "Pakistan" was also proposed for it. This

motivated the young intellectuals of Aligarh and other universities to accelerate the growth of Muslim

political consciousness throughout India.

Jinnah realized that organizing the Muslims of India into one powerful and dynamic organization was

badly needed and that he would face enormous difficulties in that task.

On March 4, 1934, in a combined meeting of various factions of the Muslim League, Delhi, the formation

of one Muslim League was decided and Jinnah was elected as president of that Muslim League. He was

given an enthusiastic welcome on his arrival in Delhi in April 1934.

He called a meeting of the All India Muslim League Council in Delhi in October 1934 and decisions were

taken to prepare grounds for the radical transformation of the Muslim League into a mass party

representative of all sections of the Muslim community. After two trips to England in that year, Jinnah

finally returned for good in December 1934. This was the start of a new era in India's struggle for



independence. The All India Congress was not willing to acknowledge the Muslim cause and insisted on

portraying only two parties in this regard, the Congress and the British. Jinnah emphasized the fact that

the Congress could not win the battle of freedom until it gained the support of all the communities and

assurance was not given to the minorities about their rights and protection of intrest in an independent

India.

On February 5, 1935 at a meeting of the Muslim Union at Aligarh, Jinnah said, "I am convinced and you

will agree with me that the Congress policy is to divide the Muslims among themselves. It is the same old

tactics of the British Government. They follow the policy of their masters. Don't fall into the trap. This isa moment of life and death for the Muslims�The Muslim League is determined to win freedom, but it

should be a freedom not only for the strong and the dominant but equally for the weak and the

suppressed."

He performed two important tasks after his return from England; the first was to unite and activate the

Muslim League as the sole representative body of the Muslims of India. The second was to continue the

struggle for freedom of India on constitutional lines.

The reorganization of the Muslim League was a difficult task and he was faced with enormous difficulties

including opposition from petty politicians with local interests, the propaganda of the Congress-paid

nationalist Muslims and open hostility of leaders from different provinces of Muslim majority. He set anexample of political and moral rectitude that was unparalleled in India. He meant what he said and was

extremely honest in his dealings with friends and foes alike. He followed certain well-defined principles

and nothing could persuade him to deviate from this path. He exercised his powers as president with due

regard to democratic principles, acted according to the constitution of the Muslim League and never

exceeded his powers as president.

1935-1939

The Quaid toured the whole country, visiting every corner of India, addressing meetings, meeting Muslim

students, arguing with double-minded local leaders, exposing the policies of the Hindu Congress and

slowly creating political consciousness among his people.

Meanwhile, the Act of 1935 was passed that was a clear attempt to crush the forces working for

democracy and freedom. Therefore, the Muslim League rejected it.

The provincial part of the constitution was however, accepted "for what it was worth".

Jinnah concentrated on the constitutional struggle within the Legislative Assembly and advocated his

point of view with great strength and skill.

"I believe that it (the proposed federation) means nothing but absolute sacrifice of all that British Indiahas stood for and developed during the last 50 years, in the matter of progress in the representative form

of the Government. No province was consulted as such. No consent of the provinces has been obtained

whether they are willing to federate as federating units on the terms which are laid down� by the British

Government. My next objection is that it is not workable."

In order to strengthen the League, bolster its bargaining position, and help prepare it for contesting

elections, Jinnah appointed and presided over a new Central Parliamentary Board and affiliated provincial

parliamentary boards. These boards, similar to those earlier established by the Congress, were to become

Jinnah's organizational arms in extending his power over the entire Muslim community.

In the 1937 elections, the Muslim League did not do well and won only 109 seats out of 482 it contested.The Muslim League failed to win majority in any of the Muslim provinces, where regional non-

communal parties like the Unionists in the Punjab won majorities and formed ministries. The results of

the elections demoralized many of the League leader. The only redeeming feature was that the Congress

had miserably failed to gain any Muslim seat and it had only succeeded in gaining Hindu and Sikh seats



in the Muslim provinces. The Congress had failed because it had made no effort to contact the Muslim

masses, and was certain that politics based on economic issues would prevail in India. However, the

conditions on which the Congress wanted to co-operate with the Muslim League were so humiliating that

no self-respecting party could accept them. The Congress was prepared to accept Muslims only if they

ceased to have a separate political entity and were merged in the Hindu-dominated Congress. The Muslim

League, of course, refused to do that for the sake of a few cabinet posts. The attitude of the Congress

towards other parties opened the eyes of all sections of politically conscious people. The Unionists and

other small parties who had been cold towards the Muslim League also changed their attitude within a

year of the Congress taking control of power in the provinces. Fear of the dictatorial attitude of theCongress and the pressure of Muslim public opinion soon influenced local Muslim parties and one by one

they came into the fold of the League or at least allied themselves with it.

Lucknow Session 1937

Jinnah utilized all his energies on revitalizing the League. With the assistance of the Raja of

Mahmudabad, a dedicated adherent of the Muslim League, the Lucknow Session was a grand

demonstration of the will of the Muslims of India to stand up to the Congress challenge.

Jinnah travelled by rail from Bombay, and as his train steamed into Kanpur Central Station "a vast crowd

of Muslims mobbed his compartment," Jamil-ud-din Ahmad recalled:

'So exuberant was their enthusiasm and so fiery their determination to resist Hindu aggression that Mr.

Jinnah , otherwise calm and imperturbable was visibly moved � His face wore a look of grim

determination coupled with satisfaction that his people were aroused at last. He spoke a few soothing

words to pacify their inflamed passions. Many Muslims, overcome by emotion, wept tears of joy to see

their leader who, they felt sure, would deliver them from their bondage'.

He arrived in Lucknow on October 3, 1937, where twenty years before he had acted as a true Ambassador

of Hindu-Muslim unity, heralding a bright era of Hindu-Muslim unity that lasted a little longer than

World War I. Jinnah's speech at that historic session gave a resounding reply to the Congress policies and

exposed the anti-Muslim acts of the Congress ministries.

Jinnah began, addressing the estimated 5,000 Muslims from every province of India:

"This Session of the All-India Muslim League is one of the most critical that has ever taken place during

its existence. The present leadership of the Congress, especially during the last 10 years, has been

responsible for alienating the Muslims of India more and more, by pursuing a policy which is exclusively

Hindu; they are in a majority, they have by their words, deeds and program shown, more and more, the

Muslims cannot expect any justice or fair play at their hands. Wherever they were in a majority and

wherever it suited them, they refused to co-operate with the Muslim League parties and demanded

unconditional surrender and signing of their pledges.

To the Muslims of India in every province, in every district, in every tehsil, in every town, I say: your

foremost duty is to formulate a constructive and ameliorative program of work for the people's welfare,

and to devise ways and means for the social, economic and political uplift of the Muslims� Organize

yourselves, establish your solidarity and complete unity. Equip yourselves as trained and disciplined

soldiers. Create the feeling of an esprit de corps, and the cause of your people and your country. No

individual or people can achieve anything without industry, suffering and sacrifice. There are forces that

may bully you, tyrannize over you and intimidate you, and you may even have to suffer. But it is going

through this crucible of the fire of persecution which may be leveled against you, the tyranny that may be

exercised, the threats and intimidations that may unnerve you - it is by resisting, by overcoming, by

facing these disadvantages, hardships and suffering, and maintaining your true glory and history, and will live to make its future history greater and glorious not only in India, but in the annals of the world.

Eighty millions of Muslims in India have nothing to fear. They have their destiny in their hands, and as a

well-knit, solid, organized, united force can face any danger, and withstand any opposition to its united

front and wishes. There is a magic power in your hands. Take your vital decisions - they may be grave



and momentous and far-reaching in their consequences. Think a hundred times before you take any

decision, but once a decision is taken, stand by it as one man."

It was at the Lucknow Session that Jinnah persuaded Sir Sikander Hayat Khan to join the Muslim League

along with his Muslim colleagues. That development later became famous as the Jinnah-Sikander Pact.

This Session marked a dramatic change not only in the League's platform and political position, but also

in Jinnah's personal commitment and final goal. He changed his attire, shedding the Seville Row suit in

which he had arrived for a black Punjabi sherwani long coat. It was for the first time he put on thecompact cap, which would soon be known throughout the world as "Jinnah cap". It was at that session

that the title of Quaid-i-Azam (the great leader) was used for Jinnah and which soon gained such currency

and popularity that it almost became a substitute for his name.

The great success was achieved the organization front of the Muslim league. Within three months of the

Lucknow session over 170 new branches of the League had been formed, 90 of them in the United

Provinces, and it claimed to have enlisted 100,000 new members in the province alone.

Allama Iqbal in last years of his life was a pillar of strength to Jinnah. He was an influential man and his

poetry had made a place for itself in the hearts and minds of the people of India and abroad and had a

special appeal for the Muslims. He was not an active, practical politician, but he could not remainindifferent to the Muslim majority provinces. In his letter of 28 May, 1937 he wrote to Jinnah to

concentrate on Muslim majority provinces. He recognized in Jinnah the man chosen to lead the Muslims.

"You are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has a right to look up for safe guidance

through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps the whole of India."

1938-1939

Jinnah's primary occupation in the year 1938 and

1939 was to build a mass party. He made tours of

India and roused the Muslims with stirring speeches

in which he exposed the Congress and answered the

propaganda directed against him by the Hindu Press.

His countrywide tours were superbly successful.

Wherever he went, he was received with great love

and fervor, especially by the Muslim students and the

younger generation who idealized him and saw him as

a beautiful mirror that reflected their future.

Arriving at the 26th All-India Muslim

League Session at Patna, 1938

A special session of the Muslim League was held in April 1938 in Calcutta in which the Bengal

leaders led by Fazlul Haq declared their loyalty to the League. In his presidential address,

Jinnah announced that in his extensive tours throughout the country he had come across an

insatiable desire among the Muslim masses to unite under the banner of the Muslim League.

The Muslim League had been revolutionized within a very short period and one of the results of

this was that members of provincial assemblies gladly joined the Muslim League parliamentary

parties.

The twenty-sixth session of the League was held in December 1938 in Patna. Jinnah made

another hard-hitting, historical speech to a tumultuous gathering from all over the country.

Jinnah made an objective assessment of the development of Muslim consciousness and claimed

that the Muslim League had "succeeded in awakening a remarkable national consciousness."

He told the meeting, "you have not yet got to the fringe of acquiring that moral, cultural and

political consciousness. You have only reached the stage at which an awakening has come,

your political conscience has been stirred � You have to develop a national self and a national individuality. It is a big task as I told you, you are yet only on the fringe of it. But I have great

hopes for your success."

By the end of 1938, the Muslim League was recognized as the representative of the Muslims by



the British Government and soon the Viceroy was giving the same importance to the views and

opinions of Jinnah that he gave to those of the Congress leaders. The Second World War broke

out in 1939 and the British government was anxious to win the favor and co-operation of the

major political parties and leaders in their war effort. The Viceroy made a declaration in

October assuring the people of India that after the war, the constitutional problems of India

would be re-examined and modifications made in the Act of 1935, according to the opinion of

Indian parties. The Congress reacted to that drastically, condemned the Viceroy's policy

statement and called upon the Congress ministries to resign by October 31, 1939. On theresignation of the Congress ministries, the Muslim League appealed to the Muslims and other

minorities to observe December 22, 1939 as the "Day of Deliverance".

Jinnah and his party were no longer willing to retain the status of a mere "minority", and the

capital of Punjab had been chosen purposely as the place to announce the Muslim League's

new-born resolve.

The Pakistan Resolution

Jinnah's Lahore address lowered the final

curtain on any prospects for a single united

independent India. Those who understood him

enough know that once his mind was made uphe never reverted to any earlier position

realized how momentous a pronouncement their

Quaid-i-Azam had just made. The rest of the

world would take at least seven years to

appreciate that he literally meant every word

that he had uttered that important afternoon in

March. There was no turning back. The

ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had totally

transformed himself into Pakistan's great

leader. All that remained was for his party first,

then his inchoate nation, and then his British

allies to agree to the formula he had resolved

upon. As for Gandhi, Nehru, Azad and the rest,

they were advocates of a neighbor state and

would be dealt with according to classic canons

of diplomacy. - Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of

Pakistan.

The Quaid-i-Azam is

presidung over the

session

The British had been compelled to recognize the Muslim League as the

sole representative of the Muslims of India by 1940 and Quaid-i-AzamMohammad Ali Jinnah as its undisputed leader.

Time and Tide of London published an article by Jinnah on January 19,

1940 under the caption "The Constitutional Future of India". He

maintained: "Democratic systems based on the concept of a homogeneous

nation such as England are very definitely not applicable to heterogeneous

countries such as India." He called the Hindus and the Muslims "two

different nations" with different religions and different social codes. It is

obvious that by calling the Hindus and the Muslims two nations, Jinnah

had reached the threshold of partition, but he was still reluctant to abandon

his lifelong dream that Hindus and the Muslims would come to anunderstanding and in unison make "their common motherland " one of

"the great countries of the world".

The Quaid-i-Azam crossed the barrier at the Lahore session of the Muslim



League in March 1940. He traveled to Lahore from Delhi in a colorfully

decorated train on which green flags were mounted, bearing the emblem

of the Muslim League: the crescent and star.

Jinnah decided to address a public gathering on

the opening day. It was a huge gathering of the

Leaguers, the Khaksars and the Muslims at

Minto Park (now Iqbal Park). Jinnah had

expounded the rationale of the resolution in his presidential address that lasted for hundred

minutes and frequently punctuated by

thunderous applause. Though, most of his

audience of over 100,000 did not know English,

he held their attention and visibly touched their

emotion. He asserted that the Muslims were "a

nation by any definition". In his historical

address he laid the foundation of a separate state

for the Muslims of India:

"The Hindus and the Muslims belong to two different religions, philosophies, social customs, and literature. They neither inter-marry, nor inter-dine together, and indeed they belong to two different

civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects on life are

different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their inspirations from different sources of

history. They have different epics, their heroes are different, and they have different episodes. Very often

the hero of one is foe of the other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two

such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to

growing discontent and the final destruction of any fabric that may be so built for the government of such

a state."

The session began with Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan presenting the annual report on March 23, 1940.

After the report, Maulana Fazlul Haq from Bengal, moved the famous Lahore Resolution, better known

as the Pakistan Resolution, "�the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the

North-Western and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'Independent States' in which

the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign." The resolution was seconded by Choudhry

Khaliquzzaman who gave a brief history of the causes which led the Muslims to demand a separate state

for themselves. Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, Sir Abdullah Haroon, Nawab Ismail

Khan, Qazi Mohammad Isa and I.I Chundigar supported it, among others.

The resolution passed in Lahore on March 23, created a scare in the minds of the Congress and the

Hindus. They could see that the Muslim League had now openly advocated the division of India into

"Independent States." The Quaid had anticipated the Hindu reaction and had taken organizational steps toface the opposition of the Hindus. He himself set an example of calm courage and an iron determination

to lead the Muslims to their cherished goal of freedom. The Pakistan Resolution released the potential

creative energies of the Muslims and even the humblest amongst them made his contribution for the

achievement of Pakistan. The Quaid knew that without a well-defined goal that could be understood even

by the simplest Muslim, there could be no real awakening of the Muslims. The Pakistan Resolution gave

them a legible, objective and reachable goal: Pakistan.

Cripps Mission 1942

The passing of the Pakistan Resolution was a turning point in the

history of Indian Muslims; it brought about a qualitative changein their status as a minority in India. By the middle of 1940, the

war had brought disaster for the allies, as France fell in June

1940, the British Government made renewed appeals for co-

operation to all parties in India. In the middle of 1941, the war



situation had become more serious for the allies, the Japanese

attacked Pearl Harbor and America was involved in the war, the

initial success of the Japanese armies in South-East Asia brought

the war to India's doorstep.

Quaid-i-Azam shaking hands

with Stafford Cripps at Delhi

in 1942

The British under the leadership of the die-hard imperialist Churchill were most reluctant to

make any firm commitment regarding Indian independence. Sir Stafford Cripps, who had

recently joined the government as Lord Privy Seal and become a member of the War Cabinet

and leader of the House of Commons, had decided to proceed to India. Churchill gave the

genesis of this new policy, "The crisis in the affairs of India arising out of the Japanese advance

has made Britain wish to rally all the forces of Indian life to guard their land from the menace of

the invader." The American President Roosevelt urged Churchill to settle matters with India that

finally persuaded Churchill to send Cripps to India.

Cripps flew into Karachi on March 22, 1942, and touched down at New Delhi's airport the

following day,the "Pakistan Day", the second anniversary of the Lahore resolution that was

celebrated in Delhi by a public meeting addressed by Jinnah. During his stay, Cripps met with

Maulana Azad, Jinnah , Gandhi and Nehru to discuss the issues regarding India. He met Jinnah

on March 25 and explained to Jinnah that he had changed his view about the Muslim League

and Pakistan because of the "change in the communal feeling in India and the growth of the

Pakistan movement."

Cripps publicly disclosed the contents of the Declaration at a press conference on March 29. The

object was "the creation of a new Indian Union which shall constitute a Dominion, associatedwith the United Kingdom and other Dominions by a common allegiance to the Crown, but equal

to them in every respect." The said goal would be achieved in the following manner:

immediately after the war, an elected body would be set up to frame a new Constitution for

India. Any province of British India not prepared to accept the new Constitution would have the

right to retain its present constitutional position. To such non-acceding provinces, his Majesty's

Government would be prepared to give the same full status as to the Indian Union.

The proposals brought by Cripps were not received very enthusiastically by any section of

Indian opinion. Gandhi and other Congress leaders were against it because they believed that

Britain had already lost the war that it had nothing to offer for the future of India and therefore

they looked to Japan and other Axis powers who appeared to them to have the key to their future. Hindu chauvinists to whom Pakistan had become a nightmare smelt the germ of the idea

of Pakistan, even if it was not the Pakistan of the Muslim League's conception. Jinnah, in his

presidential address to the Allahabad session of the League, analyzed the Cripps proposals and

expressed the disappointment that their main objective was the creation of a new Indian Union

and Pakistan was treated only "as a remote possibility.'

The formal rejection of the Cripps proposals took the form of a Congress Working Committee

resolution dated 11 April 1942. The Muslim League too rejected Cripps' proposals by a

Working Committee resolution of the same date. It expressed gratification that the possibility of

Pakistan was "recognized by implication" but stated that "the only solution of India's

constitutional problem is the partition of India into independent zones; and it will therefore be

unfair to Muslims to compel them to enter such a constitution-making body whose main object

is the creation of a new Indian Union." The Committee concluded that as "the proposals for the

future are unacceptable, it will serve no useful purpose to deal further with the question of the



immediate arrangements.'

1942-1943

The failure of the Cripps Mission, though unfortunate in many ways, resulted in strengtheningof the Muslim League case for Pakistan. The positive outcome was that Pakistan was considered

seriously and not merely regarded as a stunt or bargaining counter. The Congress leadership had

tried to exploit the difficulties of the British to wrest power for itself but it had refused to

acknowledge the demands made by the Muslim League. A section of the Congress realizing the

causes of their failure to compel the British and realizing the danger to India's defense from the

advance of Japanese armies, decided to reconsider the question of Pakistan with an intention to

arrive at a settlement with the Muslim League without which there could be no political advance

in India. Rajagopalacharya, an elderly statesman, accepted in principle the Muslim League

demand for Pakistan and passed, Madras Resolution, calling upon the Congress High Command

to negotiate with the Muslim League on the question of Pakistan with the object of establishing

a national government in India to organize the defense of India. Towards the end of April 1942,in a meeting of the All India Congress held in Allahabad, the Madras Resolution was rejected

and the Congress leaders made angry and fiery speeches against Jinnah and his concept of

Pakistan. The Hindu Press took the cue from the All India Congress Committee and launched a

virulent hate campaign against Jinnah and the Muslim League, holding Jinnah responsible for

blocking the path to India's freedom and meanest of all, accusing him of playing the British

game.

The Congress decided to launch its final assault on British imperialism in the movement that

came to be known as the "Quit India" movement. Gandhi called upon the people to take

initiative and "to do or die" in a last struggle for freedom, throwing off the initial pretences of

non-violence. He did not consult the Muslim League or any other party and went ahead with his

plans in the hope that the momentum of the mass movement would take violent forms and

would involve all parties and sections of the people of India. He made a grave mistake of under-

estimating the reserves of power of the British to deal with the Indian movement, when they

were too deeply involved in their military struggle against the Japanese. Inspite of being warned

by the government that it would use all its powers to suppress any movement which obstructed

their war effort, the Congress passed the "Quit India" resolution in August 1942. The

Government swooped down upon the leadership and locked up them all in jail, including

Gandhi. There was turmoil in parts of India for about three months. The rail communications

were damaged, police stations were attacked, sacked and burnt, the Congress Socialist Party and

other terrorists got busy doing everything they could do to paralyze the war effort, destroy theagencies of the Government and spread anarchy. After a short span, the Government was able to

suppress the movement. Large sections of the people who were involved in the war effort and

were thriving on war contracts, recruitment to the army and defense services, ignored the

Congress appeals and went about their business as usual.

To the Congress slogan of "Quit India", the Quaid's answer was "Divide and Quit". When the

Muslim League Working Committee met in Bombay on 16 August, 1942, there were many who

wanted the League to plunge blindly into the struggle, while others went to the extreme of

giving full and unconditional support to the British and crushing the Congress. The Quaid

wisely advocated a middle course avoiding both the Congress and the British traps and

concentrated more on building up the Muslim League organization and removing some of itsinherent weaknessess.

Jinnah received several threats of murder in June and July 1943 from the Khaksars. The threat to Jinnah's

life almost materialized on the afternoon of 26 July 1943. A Khaksar named Rafiq Sabir Maznavi walked



up to the Quaid's residence and attacked him with a large knife. Jinnah defended himself by catching hold

of the assailant's hand. This softened the blow and Jinnah escaped with no more than a wound on his chin

and some cuts on his hand. In the meantime Jinnah's chauffeur and others arrived at the scene and

overpowered Sabir. He was subsequently sentenced to five years rigorous imprisonment by a British

judge.

In the autumn and winter of 1942-43, Bengal suffered a dreadful famine. The official estimate was that

one and a half million died of starvation or by its after-effects. No one knows for sure how many starved

to death or died of disease during these months of horror. The shortage of the rice crop would have beenovercome by purchases from Burma or Thailand, but these sources were under Japanese control at that

time. The provincial government was inefficient and imprudent and allowed the situation to get out of

hand, while the central government under Linlithgow did not assert itself effectively. It was not until

Wavell took over as Viceroy on 20 October 1943 and took a vigorous interest in the tragedy that anything

worthwhile was done to alleviate the suffering.

Jinnah-Gandhi Negotiations, 1944

Rajagopalacharia continued his efforts to bring about a

Hindu-Muslim accord and in this regard Rajaji formula

got famous. It was on 17 July, 1944 that Gandhi set the ball rolling by writing to Jinnah: "I have not written to

you since my release. Today my heart says that I should

write to you. We will meet whenever you choose. Do

not disappoint me." Jinnah, who at that time was in

Kashmir, replied that he would be glad to receive

Gandhi at his residence in Bombay on his return. They

met at Jinnah's house in Bombay on 9 September and

thereafter corresponded at some length. They did meet a

number of times up to 26 September, but without

arriving at an agreement. They did not keep any record

of their oral discussions but the text of their letters is

available.

The Quaid-i-Azam and M.K. Gandhi

talking to pressmen in Bombay, 1944

The first letter in this series was written by Jinnah to Gandhi on 10 September, and it is learnt

from it that during their meeting on the previous day, Jinnah had tried to persuade Gandhi to

accept the Pakistan Resolution of March 1940, while Gandhi had put forward the Rajaji Formula.

The main points that emerged during the debate were as follows:

Jinnah complained the Gandhi's claim that he had come to discuss Hindu-Muslim settlement in

his individual capacity raised "great difficulty" in his way because he himself could speak only inhis capacity as the president of the Muslim League. Gandhi characteristically claimed, "though I

represent nobody but myself, I aspire to represent all the inhabitants of India", to which Jinnah

replied, "I cannot accept that statement of yours. It is quite clear that you represent nobody else

but Hindus, and as long as you do not realize your true position and the realities, it is very

difficult for me to argue with you."

For his part, Gandhi questioned the right of the Indian Muslims to call themselves a nation, "I

find no parallel in history", he wrote in one of his letters, "for a body of converts and their

descendants claiming to be a nation apart from the parent stock", to which Jinnah gave the

famous reply:

"We maintain and hold that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any definition or test

of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million, and, what is more, we are a nation with our

own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and

nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendar,



history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitions. In short, we have our own distinctive outlook on

life. By all canons of international law we are a nation."

The two leaders also differed with regard to the

boundaries of Pakistan and how the issue of whether

India should be divided at all, was to be determined.

Gandhi was adamant on the question of partition and

although he appeared to be conceding the possibility of partition he did everything he could to persuade the

Quaid to give up his demand for the establishment of

two sovereign States.

The British had been watching with anxiety the progress

of the Gandhi-Jinnah talks and were making plans to

meet the situation if the Congress and the League

arrived at an agreement. The failure of these talks

spurred the Viceroy to make renewed efforts to break

the political deadlock in India.

The Quaid-i-Azam with M.K. Ghandhi

in Bombay, 1944

Though the Gandhi-Jinnah negotiations failed to achieve the avowed goal of the Hindu-Muslim

unity, they brought to Jinnah and the Muslim League two important political gains. Firstly, the

leadership of the Congress had now offered to discuss the question of Pakistan seriously -- before

that, the Congress and Mahatama had kept the door to that subject uncompromisingly shut.

Secondly, the Congress could no longer justifiably claim that it stood for all the communities in

India including the Muslims.

The Simla Conference

As the conditions of war began to turn in favor of the

Allies, the Viceroy Wavell felt that the time had come to

make proposals for a resolution of the political deadlock

in India. His objective, as stated in a letter to Churchill,

was to form "a provisional government, of the type

suggested in the Cripps Declaration, within the present

Constitution, coupled with an earnest but not necessarily

simultaneous attempt to devise a means to reach a

constitutional settlement."

Talking to Gandhi

Wavell had a one-and-a-quarter hour meeting with Churchill on 29 March 1945. The Prime

Minister thought that the problem of India, 'could be kept on ice", but Wavell told him quite

firmly that the question of India was very urgent and very important. It was on 31 May that

Wavell at last got a go-ahead from the Cabinet largely on the lines he had desired. He left

London on June 1, and landed at Karachi on June 4.The British Government's new proposals were publicly disclosed on 14 June 1945, on which date

the Viceroy made a broadcast at New Delhi and the Secretary of State made a statement in the

House of Commons. In this broadcast, Wavell said the proposals he was making were not an

attempt to impose a constitutional settlement, but the hope that the Indian parties would agree on

a settlement of the communal issue which had not been fulfilled, and in the meantime great

problems had to be solved. He therefore invited the great leaders to a conference in Simla on 25

June to consult with him the formation of the new Executive Council. The Viceroy concluded the

broadcast with the announcement that orders had been given for the immediate release of the

members of the Congress Working Committee who were in detention.

Wavell separately interviewed Azad, Gandhi and Jinnah

on 24 June. Azad appeared to accept the main principlesunderlying the proposals, including wholehearted

support for the war effort. He said that the Congress

would accept equality of Caste Hindus and the Muslims

but would not compromise on the method of selection.



The Congress must have a voice in the selection of non-

Hindus and the Muslims in particular must not be

selected by an exclusive communal body.

Gandhi said that he would attend the conference if the

Viceroy insisted but would "sit in a corner". In the end

he did not attend the meeting but remained available at

Simla for the duration.

Jinnah expressed the anxiety that the Muslims would be

in a minority in the new Executive Council and heclaimed that the Muslim League had the right to

nominate all the Muslim members to the Council.

Wavell said he could not accept this. Jinnah argued that

the League had won all the by-elections in the preceding

two years and therefore represented all the Muslims of

India.

Talking to Govinda Vallah Pant at

Simla

On the very first day of the conference on June 25, it

became clear that the real issue was the composition of

the Executive Council; all parties would accept the

proposal if they could reach an agreement on the

method of selection. By June 29 it became clear thatthe parties would not be able to come up with an agreed

list of Executive Councilors and the conference was

adjourned till July 14 to enable them to file separate

lists.

In a meeting with the Viceroy on June 27, Jinnah had

said that he wanted a council of fourteen, including the

Viceroy and commander-in-chief with five Hindus,

five Muslims, one Sikh and one Scheduled Caste. He

said that this was the only council in which the

Muslims would stand a chance of not being out-voted

on every issue. It was after seeing Jinnah on July 11

that the Viceroy accepted that the conference had failed

because he had been unable to accede to Jinnah's

demands. After the failure of the conference Jinnah

explained:

" � if we accept this

arrangement, the

Pakistan issue will be

shelved and out into cold

storage indefinitely,

whereas the Congresswill have secured under

this arrangement what

they want, namely, a

clear road for their

advance towards

securing Hindu national

independence of India,

because the future

Executive will work as

unitary Government of

India, and we know that this interim or

provisional arrangement

will have a way of settling

down for an unlimited



period, and all the forces

in the proposed

Executive, plus the known

policy of the British

Government and Lord

Wavell's strong

inclination for a united

India, would completely

jeopardize us."

When the conference met

on July 15, Wavell

formally announced his

failure and sportingly

blamed himself for the

result. In fact, the Viceroy

deserved the greatest

praise. With resolution

and persistence he had

succeeded in winning theconsent of Churchill and

of others to open the

Indian question and give

the Indian leaders another

chance to install a

national government.

It was the two principal

political parties, the

Congress and the Muslim

League, that were really

responsible for the failure.

They had taken up

positions that admitted no

compromise.

Congress leaders blamed

Jinnah for the lost

opportunity and said that

the Viceroy should have

gone ahead without theLeague. But in fact the

entire plan had been

based on the idea that the

Executive Council would

be an all-party body.

Some days after the

conference, at a public

meeting the Quaid-i-

Azam, referred to

Gandhi's presence atSimla during the Simla

Conference in scathing

terms:"The first question

is why did Mr. Gandhi as



one of the leaders of the

recognized parties go to

Simla? Having gone

there, why did Mr.

Gandhi not attend the

conference? The reason

is simple. It was to play

the role of wire puller."

The Cabinet Mission

Lord Pethick-Lawrence, Secretary of

State for India on February 19, 1946,

announced in Parliament that a special

mission consisting of three Cabinet

ministers, in association with the Viceroy,

would proceed to India, in order to hold

discussions with the Indian leaders. The

three Cabinet ministers would be Pethick

Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V.

Alexander.Cripps told the press conference on

landing at Karachi on March 23 that the

purpose of the mission was "to get

machinery set up for framing the

constitutional structure in which the

Indians will have full control of their

destiny and the formation of a new

interim government." The Mission arrived

in Delhi on March 24 and left on June 29.

With the member of the Cabinet

Mission. Mr. Alaxendar (left) Lord

Pethic Lawrence and Sir Stafford

Cripps

Jinnah faced extreme difficulties in the three-month-long grueling negotiations

with the Cabinet Mission. The first of these was the continued delicate state of

his health. At a critical stage of the negotiations, he went down with bronchitis

and ran temperature for ten days. But he never gave up the fight and battled till

the end of the negotiations.

Secondly, the Congress was still much stronger than the Muslim League as a

party. "They have the best organized -- in fact the only well organized --

political machine; and they command almost unlimited financial support�they

can always raise mob passion and mob support�and could undoubtedly bring

about a very serious revolt against British rule."-- Mountbatten's "Report on the

Last Viceroyalty".

Thirdly, The Congress had several powerful spokesmen, while for the League

Jinnah had to carry the entire burden of advocacy single-handedly.

Fourthly, the Mission was biased heavily in favor of the Congress. Secretary of

State Pethick-Lawrence and Cripps, the sharpest brains among them, made no

secret of their personal friendship for the Congress leaders.

Wavell was much perturbed by Pethick-Lawrence's and Cripps's private

contacts with the Congress leaders and the deference they showed to Gandhi.

Finally, Jinnah suffered from the disadvantage that it was the Muslim League,

a minority party, which alone demanded Pakistan. The Congress, the smaller

minorities and the British Government including the comparatively fair-

minded Wavell with whom the final decision lay, were all strongly opposed to



the partition of British India.

Quaid-i-Azam the constitutionalist took

appropriate steps to strengthen his hand as

the spokesman of the Muslim League. He

convened a meeting of the Muslim

League Working Committee at Delhi (4-6

April 1946) which passed a resolution

that "the President alone should meet theCabinet Delegation and the Viceroy. This

was immediately followed by an All India

Muslim Legislator's Convention. Nearly

500 members of the Provincial and

Central Legislatures who had recently

been elected on the Muslim League ticket

from all parts of India attended it. It was

the first gathering of its kind in the history

of Indian politics and was called by some

"the Muslim Constituent Assembly". In

his presidential address, Jinnah said that

the Convention would lay down "once

and for all in equivocal terms what we

stand for".

A resolution passed unanimously by the Convention (the "Delhi Resolution") stated that no formula

devised by the British Government for transferring power to the peoples of India would be acceptable to

the Muslim nations unless it conformed to the following principles:

That the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the North-East and the Punjab, North-West Frontier

Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the North-West of India, namely Pakistan, zones where the Muslimsare in a dominant majority, be constituted into a sovereign independent State and that an unequivocal

undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay.

The two separate constitution-making bodies be set up by the people of Pakistan and Hindustan for the

purpose of framing their respective Constitutions.

That the acceptance of the Muslim League demand of Pakistan and its implementation without delay are

the sine qua non for Muslim League cooperation and participation in the formation of an Interim

Government at the Center.

That any attempt to impose a Constitution on a united-India basis or to force any interim arrangement at the Center contrary to the Muslim League demand will leave the Muslims no alternative but to resist any

such imposition by all possible means for their survival and national existence.

This impressive show of strength, staged in the very city where the members of the Cabinet Mission were

quartered, demonstrated to the Mission and to all the others that the 100 million Muslims of India were

solidly behind the demand for Pakistan and further that the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was

their undisputed supreme leader.

The Mission began their talks by first informing themselves of the views of the different leaders and

parties. When they found the view-points of the League and the Congress irreconcilable, they gave a

chance to the parties to come to an agreement between themselves. This included a Conference at Simla(5-12 May), popularly known as the Second Simla Conference, to which the Congress and the League

were each asked to nominate four delegates for discussions with one another as well as with the Mission.

When it became clear that the parties would not be able to reach a concord, the Mission on May 16, 1946,

put forward their own proposals in the form of a Statement.



Azad, the president of the Congress, conferred with the Mission on April 3 and stated that the picture that

the Congress had of the form of government in future was that of a Federal Government with fully

autonomous provinces with residuary powers vested in the units. Gandhi met the Mission later on the

same day. He called Jinnah's Pakistan "a sin" which he, Gandhi, would not commit.

At the outset of his interview with the Mission on April 4 the Quaid was asked to give his reason why he

thought Pakistan a must for the future of India.He replied that never in long history these was "any

Government of India in the sense of a single government". He went on to explain the irreconcilable social

and cultural differences between the Hindus and the Muslims and argued, "You cannot make a nationunless there are essential uniting forces. How are you to put 100 million Muslims together with 250

million people whose way of life is so different? No government can ever work on such a basis and if this

is forced upon India it must lead us on to disaster."

The Second Simla Conference having failed to produce an agreed solution, on May 16, the Mission

issued it's own statement.

The Cabinet Mission broadcast its plan worldwide from New Delhi on Thursday night, May 16, 1946. It

was a last hope for a single Indian union to emerge peacefully in the wake of the British raj. The

statement reviewed the "fully independent sovereign state of Pakistan" option, rejecting it for various

reasons, among which were that it "would not solve the communal minority problem" but only raise moresuch problems. The basic form of the constitution recommended was a three-tier scheme with a minimal

central union at the top for only foreign affairs, defense and communication, and Provinces at the bottom,

which "should be free to form Groups with executive and legislatures," with each group being

empowered to "determine the Provincial subjects to be taken in common". After ten years any Province

could, by simple majority vote, "call for a reconsideration of the terms of the constitution". Details of the

new constitution were to be worked out by an assembly representing "as broad based and accurate" a

cross section of the population of India as possible. An elaborate method of assuring representation of all

the communities in power structure was outlined with due consideration given to the representation of

states as well as provinces.

The Quaid replied on the 19th , asking the Viceroy if the proposals were final or whether they were

subject to change or modification, and he also sought some other clarification. The Viceroy promptly

furnished the necessary explanations. It seemed as if the Quaid would accept the Viceroy's proposals. The

Congress Working Committee met in Delhi on June 25 and by a resolution rejected the proposals, as

"Congressmen can never give up the national character of the Congress or accept an artificial and unjust

party, or agree to the veto of a communal group." Azad sent a copy of the resolution to the Viceroy and in

his covering letter protested against the non-inclusion of a Muslim-Congressman from the Congress

quota.

After the Congress stand had become known, the Working Committee of the Muslim League resolved to

join the Interim Government, in accordance with the statement of the Viceroy dated 16th June. Theinterpretation of the Quaid-i-Azam was that if the Congress rejected the proposals, the League accepted

them, or vice versa,the Viceroy would go ahead and form the interim Government without including the

representatives of the party that decided to stand out. But the interpretation of the Viceroy and the Cabinet

Mission was different from that of the Quaid-i-Azam.

It became clear that the protracted negotiations carried out for about three months by the Cabinet Mission

did not materialize in a League-Congress understanding, or in the formation of an interim Government.

Towards the end of June, the Cabinet Mission left for England, their task unfulfilled.

It had, however not been a complete failure. It was clear to the Indians that the acceptance of the demand

for Pakistan would be an integral part of any future settlement of the Indian problem. In the meantime theLeague and the Congress were getting ready for elections to the Constituent Assembly.

The Interim Government



Wavell wrote identical letters to Nehru and Jinnah on July 22, 1946 asking them whether the Congress

and the Muslim League would be prepared to enter an interim government on the basis that six

members(including one Scheduled Caste representative) would be nominated by the Congress and five by

the Muslim League. Three representatives of the minorities would be nominated by the Viceroy. Jinnah

replied that the proposal was not acceptable to the Muslim League because it destroyed the principal of

parity. At Nehru's invitation, he and Jinnah conferred together on August 15 but could not come to an

agreement on the question of the Congress joining the interim government.

The Working Committee of the Muslim League had decided in the meantime that Friday 16 August, 1946would be marked as the 'Direct Action Day".There was serious trouble in Calcutta and some rioting in

Sylhet on that day. The casualty figures in Calcutta during the period of 16-19 August were 4,000 dead

and 10,000 injured. In his letter to Pethick-Lawrence, Wavell had reported that appreciably more Muslims

than Hindus had been killed. The "Great Calcutta Killing" marked the start of the bloodiest phase of the

"war of succession" between the Hindus and the Muslims and it became increasingly difficult for the

British to retain control. Now, they had to cope with the Congress civil disobedience movement as well as

furious Muslims that had also come out in the streets in thousands.

The negotiations with the League reached a deadlock and the Viceroy decided to form an interim

government with the Congress alone, leaving the door open for the League to come in later. A

communiqu� was issued on August 24 which announced that the existing members of the Governor General's Executive Council had resigned and that on their places new persons had been appointed. It was

stated that the interim government would be installed on September 2.

Jinnah declared two days later that the Viceroy had struck a severe blow to Indian Muslims and had

added insult to injury by nominating three Muslims who did not command the confidence of Muslims of

India. He reiterated that the only solution to Indian problem was the division of India into Pakistan and

Hindustan. The formation of an interim government consisting only of the Congress nominees added

further fuel to the communal fire. The Muslims regarded the formation of the interim government as an

unconditional surrender of power to the Hindus, and feared that the Governor General would be unable to

prevent the Hindus from using their newly acquired power of suppressing Muslims all over India.

After the Congress had taken the reins at the Center on September 2, Jinnah faced a desperate situation.

The armed forces were predominantly Hindu and Sikh and the Indian members of the other services were

also predominantly Hindu. The British were preparing to concede independence to India if they withdrew

the Congress was to be in undisputed control, the Congress was to be free to deal with the Muslims as it

wished. Wavell too, felt unhappy at the purely Congress interim government. He genuinely desired a

Hindu-Muslim settlement and united India, and had worked hard for that end.

Wavell pleaded with Nehru and Gandhi, in separate interviews, that it would help him to

persuade Jinnah to cooperate if they could give him an assurance that the Congress would not

insist on nominating a Nationalist Muslim. Both of them refused to give way on thatissue.Wavell informed Jinnah two days later that he had not succeeded in persuading the

Congress leaders to make a gesture by not appointing a Nationalist Muslim. Jinnah realized that

the Congress would not give up the right to nominate a Nationalist Muslim and that he would

have to accept the position if he did not wish to leave the interim government solely in the hands

of the Congress. On October 13, he wrote to Wavell that, though the Muslim League did not

agree with much that had happened, "in the interests of the Muslims and other communities it

will be fatal to leave the entire field of administration of the Central Government in the hands of

the Congress". The League had therefore decided to nominate five members for the interim

government. On October 15, he gave the Viceroy the following five names:

Liaquat Ali Khan, I.I Chundrigar, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan and Jogindar Nath

Mandal. The last name was a Scheduled Caste Hindu and was obviously a tit-for-tat for theCongress insistence upon including a Nationalist Muslim in its own quota.

External Affairs and Commonwealth Relations Jawaharlal Nehru

Defence Baldev Singh



Home (including Information and Broadcasting) Vallahbhai Patel

Finance Liaquat Ali Khan

Posts and Air Abdur Rab Nishtar

Food and Agriculture Rajendra Parsad

Labor Ragjivan Ram

Transport and Railways M.Asaf Ali

Industries and Supplies John Matthai

Education and Arts C. Rajgopalacharia

Works, Mines and Power C.H. Babha

Commerce I.I. Chundrigar

Law Jogindar Nath Mandal

Health Ghazanfar Ali Khan

New Indian Policy and Mountbatten's Appointment as the Viceroy

The Muslim League's refusal to take part in the Constituent Assembly meant that the plan of the Cabinet

Mission for the transfer of power in accordance with a Constitution framed cooperatively by the Indian political parties themselves had come to a deadlock. Accordingly, Prime Minister Attlee made the

following statement on Indian policy in the House of Commons on February 20, 1947:

His Majesty's Government desire to hand over their responsibility to authorities established by a

Constitution approved by all parties in India in accordance with the Cabinet Mission's plan, but

unfortunately there is at present no clear prospect that such a Constitution and such authorities will

emerge. The present state of uncertainty is fraught with danger and cannot be indefinitely prolonged. His

Majesty's Government wish to make it clear that it is their definite intention to take the necessary steps to

effect the transference of power into responsible Indian hands by a date not later than June 1948� if it should appear that such a Constitution will not have been worked out by a fully representative Assembly

before the time mentioned, His Majesty's Government will have to consider to whom the powers of theCentral Government in British India should be handed over, on the due date, whether as a whole to some

form of Central Government for British India or in some areas to the existing Provincial Governments, or

in such other way seem most reasonable and in the best interests of the Indian people.

In regard to the Indian States, as was explicitly stated by the Cabinet Mission, His Majesty's Government

do not intend to hand over their powers and obligation under paramountcy to any government of British

India. It is not intended to bring paramountcy, as a system, to a conclusion earlier than the date of the

final transfer of power, but it is contemplated that for the intervening period the relations of the Crown

with individual States may be adjusted by agreement.

It was announced at the same time that Rear-Admiral the Visount Mountbatten would succeed LordWavell as the Viceroy in March. Lord and Lady Mountbatten landed at Delhi on March 22, 1947 and he

took over as the Viceroy two days later. He could very well have represented to the British Government

that both the Congress and the Muslim League had already asked for the partition of India into Muslim-

majority and non-Muslim majority areas and sought their permission to embark upon the process of

partition straightaway. But he chose to follow the policy that first the attempt to transfer power in

accordance with the Cabinet Mission plan must continue. It is to that end, therefore, that he first directed

his endeavors.

Mountbatten's relations with the Congress party had a flying start. The foundation of Nehru's friendship

with Lord and Lady Mountbatten had been laid in March 1946 when the Indian leader visited Singapore.

The political conditions in India too had changed in favor of the Congress. In post-independence India the

Congress party was expected to rule the country. Consequently, it was the Congress's friendship that had

now to be cultivated. The fact that Mountbatten personally was bitterly opposed to partition, made it

much easier for him to court the Congress leaders.



All these factors greatly increased the already formidable odds facing the Quaid-i-Azam in his fight for

Pakistan. In his meetings with Mountbatten, he refused to budge from the position that Pakistan was the

only solution acceptable to the Muslim League.

The Plan of June 3, 1947

The plan for the transfer of power to which all concerned had agreed, was authoritatively

announced by the British Government in the form of a statement on June 3, by Prime Minister

Attlee in the House of Commons and Secretary of State for India the Earl of Listowel in theHouse of Lords.

The existing Constituent Assembly would continue to function but any

constitution framed by it could not apply to those parts of the country which

were unwilling to accept it. The procedure outlined in the statement was

designed to ascertain the wishes of such unwilling parts on the question

whether their constitution was to be framed by the existing Constituent

Assembly or by a new and separate Constituent Assembly. After this had

been done, it would be possible to determine the authority or authorities to

whom power should be transferred.

The final phase of

the partition of

India (meeting on

June 2, 1947)The Provincial Legislative Assemblies of Bengal and the Punjab (excluding the European

members) will therefore each be asked to meet in two parts, one representing the Muslim

majority districts and the other the rest of the Province.

The members of the two parts of each Legislative Assembly sitting separately will be

empowered to vote whether or not the Province should be partitioned. If a simple majority of

either part decides in favor of partition, division will take place and arrangements will be made

accordingly.

For the immediate purpose of deciding on the issue of partition, the members of the Legislative

Assemblies of Bengal and the Punjab will sit in two parts according to Muslim majority districtsand non-Muslim majority districts. This is only a preliminary step of a purely temporary nature

as it is evident that for the purposes of final partition of these Provinces a detailed investigation

of boundary questions will be needed; and, as soon as a decision involving partition has been

taken for either Province, a Boundary Commission will be set up by the Governor General, the

membership and terms of reference of which will be settled in consultation with those

concerned.

Moreover, it was stated that the Legislative Assembly of Sind was similarly

authorized to decide at a special meeting whether the province wished to

participate in the existing Constituent Assembly or to join the new one. If the partition of the Punjab was decided , a referendum would be held in the

North-West Frontier Province to ascertain which Constituent Assembly they

wished to join. Baluchistan would also be given an opportunity to

reconsider its position and the Governor General was examining how this

could be most appropriately done. Lord Mountabtten -

11 days before the

transfer of power

In his broadcast, Mountbatten regretted that it had been impossible to obtain the agreement of

Indian leaders either on the Cabinet Mission plan or any other plan that would have preserved

the unity of India. But there could be no question of coercing any large area in which one

community had a majority to live against their will under a government in which another community had a majority. The only alternative to coercion was partition.

On the morning of June 4, the Viceroy held a press conference and said for the first time



publically that the transfer of power could take place on "about 15 August" 1947.

The Council of the All India Muslim League met in New Delhi on 9th and 10th of June 1947

and stated in its resolution that although it could not agree to the partition of Bengal and the

Punjab to give its consent to such partition, it had to consider the plan for the transfer of power

as a whole. It gave full authority to the Quaid-i-Azam to accept the fundamental principles of

the plan as a compromise and left it to him to work out the details.

The All India Congress Committee passed a resolution on June 15 accepting the 3rd June plan.

However, it expressed the hope that India would one day be reunited.

The Radcliffe Boundary Award

Two boundary commissions were set up by the Viceroy, one of them was to deal with the detailed

partition of Bengal and separation of Sylhet from Assam and the other to deal similarly with the partition

of the Punjab. Each of the commissions would have a chairman and four members, two appointed by the

Congress and two by the Muslim League. Sir Cyril Radcliffe, a leading member of the English Bar, was

appointed the chairman of both the ommissions.

Radcliffe had never visited India before and there is no indication that he had any worthwhile knowledge

of Indian affairs. He arrived in Delhi on July 8. Mountbatten disclosed the awards to the Indian leaders on

August 17.

The awards satisfied no one. The Congress' criticism of the award relating to Bengal mainly related to the

allotment of the Chittagong Hill Tracts to Pakistan. The major Pakistani criticism was the allotment of

Calcutta to India.

With regard to the Ferozepore district, Pakistan pointed out that Muslim majority tahsils of Ferozepore

and Zira, contiguous to Pakistan, were first allotted by Radcliffe to Pakistan later on as the result of a last

minute intervention by Mountbatten, were alloted to india.

The Quaid-i-Azam could do no more than to console his countrymen, 'we have been squeezed in as much

as was possible and the latest blow that we have received is the Award of the Boundary Commission. It is

an unjust, incomprehensible and even perverse Award. It may be wrong, unjust and perverse; and it may

not be a judicial but a political Award, but we have agreed to abide by it and it is binding upon us. As

honorable people we must abide by it. It may be our misfortune but we must bear up this one more blow

with fortitude, courage and hope."

Pakistan, Birth of a Free Nation

On the morning of June

3, Mountbatten

concluded the

conference by

announcing that an

official announcement

of the acceptance of the

plan would be made by

him and by the two

leaders, Jinnah and Nehru, that evening in a

radio broadcast.

The Delhi Station of All

Quaid-i-Azam announcing on the All-India Radio Delhi at Pakistan

would come into being August, 1947



India Radio was agog

with excitement.

Mounbatten was there

to announce, on behalf

of His Majesty's

Government, what

Churchill in his

inimitable style had

termed, a few years back as the impending

liquidation of the

Bristish Empire in India.

Mountbatten spoke with

poise and dignity, and

millions that heard him all over India, realized that the end of a long drawn-out struggle for

independence was in sight, as he declared in unequivocal terms that power would be definitely

transferred by the British to two successive sovereign States. The Viceroy concluded his

broadcast with the words, "I have faith in the future of India and I am proud to be with you all at

this momentous time. May your decisions be wisely guided and may they be carried out in the

peaceful and friendly spirit of the Gandhi-Jinnah appeal."

Then Nehru, in a solemn voice announced that the Congress had accepted the plan for India's

independence, as set out in His Majesty's Plan announced by the Viceroy.

Then it was the Quaid-i-Azam, who was to address the Muslim Nation. His first sentence on that

historic occasion was, "I am glad that I am offered an opportunity to speak to you directly

through this Radio from Delhi." Regarding the Plan for the transfer of power to the peoples of

India, he said: had to take momentous decisions and handle grave issues, "Therefore we must

galvanize and concentrate all our energy to see that the transfer of power is affected in a

peaceful and orderly manner." In this, his finest hour, he was meek and humble, "I pray to God

that at this critical moment that He may guide us and enable us to discharge our responsibilities

in a wise and statesmanlike manner." He did not forget to pay his tribute to those that had

suffered and sacrificed in the struggle for Pakistan. "I cannot help but express my appreciation

of the sufferings and sacrifices made by all classes of Muslims". He gave wholehearted credit for

"the great part the women of the Frontier played in the fight for our civil liberties." He did not

forget those who had died or suffered in the struggle for Pakistan, "I deeply sympathize with all

those who have suffered and those who died or whose properties were subjected to destruction".

Quaid-i-Azam ended his memorable speech by saying, extemporaneously, "Pakistan Zindabad" .

The Quaid-i-Azam and his sister Fatima Jinnah flew from New Delhi to Karachi on August 7,

1947. The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan elected Jinnah as its president at its inauguralsession on August 11, 1947. In his presidential address to the Assembly, the Quaid said that the

first duty of a government was to maintain law and order so that the life, property and religious

beliefs of its subjects are fully protected. If Pakistanis wanted to make their country happy and

prosperous they should "wholly and solely concentrate on the well being of the people, and

especially of the masses and the poor." In that historical address he remarked further:

"You are free;

you are free

to go to your

temples, you

are free to go

to your mosques or

any other

place of

worship in

Muslim women of

Delhi

congratulating the

Quaid on the



this State of

Pakistan Yo�u may belong

to any

religion or

caste or creed

-- that has

nothing to do

with thebusiness of

the

State We�are starting in

the days when

there is no

discriminatio

n between one

caste or creed

or another.

We are starting with

this

fundamental

principle that

we are all

citizens and

equal citizens

of one

State. My� guiding

principle will be justice and

complete

impartiality,

and I am sure

that with your

support and

co-operation,

I can look

forward to

Pakistan

becoming one

of the greatest

Nations of the

world."

creation of

Pakistan after the

announcement of

June 3 Plan

On the afternoon of August 13,

Lord and Lady Mountbatten flew

from Delhi to Karachi. The state

procession on August 14 was

staged in open cars with Jinnah

and Mountbatten in the leading

car and Miss Fatima Jinnah andLady Mountbattten in the next car.

Mountbatten addressed the

Constituent Assembly of Pakistan

followed by Jinnah.



Pakistan became constitutionally

independent at midnight between

the 14th and 15th August 1947.

The Quaid assumed charge as

Governor General on August 15

and the Cabinet of Pakistan, with

Liaquat Ali Khan as Prime

Minister, was sworn in on the

same day.THE GOVERNOR GENERAL

Quaid-i-Azam and Fatima Jinnah

drove on the morning of August

14th, from the government house

to the Legislative Assembly hall

along a carefully guarded route,

lined with soldiers as well as

police alerted to watch for

possible assassins, since reports of a Sikh plan to assassinate Jinnah,

had reached Mountbatten and

Jinnah several days earlier. But

only shouts of Pakistan�Zindabad and Quaid-i-Azam� �Zindabad were hurled at his�carriage. The Mountbattens

followed in the crowded

semicircular chamber of

Pakistan s parliament, which had�

been Sind s Legislative�Assembly. Lord Mountbatten

graciously felicitated Jinnah and

read the message from his cousin,

King George, welcoming Pakistan

into the Commonwealth. Jinnah

replied:

Your Excellency, I thank His�Majesty on behalf of the Pakistan

Constituent Assembly and myself.I once more thank you and Lady

Mountbatten for your kindness

and good wishes. Yes, we are

parting as friends and I assure�you that we shall not be wanting

in friendly spirit with our

neighbors and with all nations of

the world.�

A witness reported: If �

Jinnah s personality is cold and�remote, it also has a magnetic

quality -- the sense of leadership is

almost overpowering here�indeed is Pakistan s King�



Emperor, Archbishop of

Canterbury, Speaker and Prime

Minister concentrated into one

formidable Quaid-i-Azam.�THE LAST YEAR

Pakistan became constitutionally independent at midnight between the 14th and 15th August

1947. The Quaid assumed charge as the Governor General of Pakistan on August 15, 1947.

Soon after that Jinnah riveted

himself to work. The colossal task

of building Pakistan from scratch

needed his immediate attention.

Since the Lahore Resolution of

1940, he never rested even for a

moment. But he surpassed himself

after becoming the first head of

the biggest Muslim State. From

the day he arrived in Karachi onAugust 7, till he breathed his last,

is a tale of self abnegation,

exemplary devotion to duty and

intense activity.

Even at the hour of triumph,

Jinnah was sick and in pain. He

had little or no appetite; he had

lost his gift of being able to sleep

at will and he passed many

sleepless nights; also, his cough

increased and with it his

temperature. The harrowing tales

of the sufferings of the refugees

affected him deeply.

Inspecting an Anti-Aircraft Gun at Malir, Karachi

Of the numerous disputes with India and domestic worries,evidently the unsolved problem of

Kashmir, his inability to complete the Constitution of the new state of Pakistan, and the plight

of the millions of refugees who had arrived in their new homeland utterly destitute affected

him the most.

The scale of the refugee problem and the depth of the tragedy were indeed heart rendering.

For Pakistan the problem of coping with the refugees was proportionately far more serious

than it was for India. Her territory and resources were much smaller and her administration

was still in its infancy.

It was not only the plight of the Muslim refugees who had arrived from India that grieved the

Quaid-i-Azam deeply. The sad condition of the Hindus in Pakistan hurt him no less.

Apart from Kashmir, there were two Princely states Junagarh and Hyderabad that formed the

subject of disputes between India and Pakistan. All the states in the subcontinent except thesethree had acceded either to India or Pakistan by 14th August 1947. It so happened that all

these three were ruled by princes whose own religion was different from that of the majority

of their subjects.

THE LAST YEAR



He took the oath of office as Governor General on August 16th before members of the Cabinet and high

civil and military officers.His Eid day message was broadcast two days later on August 18th. It was a

memorable message which appeared with steamers in all the newspapers of the country. I wish on this�auspicious day a very happy Eid to all Muslims wherever they may be throughout the world -- and Eid

that will usher in, I hope, a new era of prosperity will mark the onward march of the renaissance of

Islamic culture and ideals.�

The Quaid s first public appearance after assumption of office was also on Eid day, August 18th, when�

he offered his Eid prayers on Bunder Road.He was the guest of honour a week later of the KarachiMunicipal Corporation. He urged the need of devotion to duty and building up and reconstructing�Pakistan in a manner that will command the respect of sister nations and find a place of honour along with

great nations of the world as an equal.�

On September 17, the Quaid, accompanied by Fatima Jinnah visited refugee camps in Karachi. He was

visibly moved by their pain and tales of woe. There were touching scenes when an old woman sought his

blessings for her sole surviving grandson.

The Quaid laid the Foundation-stone of the Vakila Textile Mills on September 25. Making a speech on

the occasion he showed his grasp of the economic problems. He said, If Pakistan is to play its proper �

role in the world to which its size, manpower and resources entitle it, it must develop Industrial potentialside by side its agriculture and give its economy an industrial bias. By industrialzing our state we shall

decrease dependence on the outside world for the necessities of life, give more employment to our people

and also increase the resources of the new State.�

The Legend

"Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the

world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did

all three." Stanley Wolpert . Jinnah of Pakistan.

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the voice of one hundred million Muslims, fought for

their religious, social and economic freedom. Throughout history no single man yielded as

much power as the Quaid-i-Azam, and yet remained uncorrupted by that power. Not many men

in history can boast of creating a nation single handedly and altering the map of the world but

Jinnah did so and thus became a legend.

"Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the

world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did

all three.", Stanley Wolpert

In the words of John Biggs-Davison, " Although without Ghandi, Hindustan would still have

gained independence and without Lenin and Mao, Russia and China would still have enduredCommunist revolution, without Jinnah there would have been no Pakistan in 1947."

Lord Mountbatten had enormous confidence in his persuasive powers. But as far as Jinnah was

concerned, he felt that though he tried every trick, he could not shake Jinnah s resolve to have�

partition. Mountbatten said that Jinnah had a " consuming determination to realize the dream of

Pakistan." And he remained focused on that till his death.

Lord Lothian had said that though Jinnah s scheme of partition was good, it would take at�least 25 years to take shape. But great wars and great men shorten history, and Jinnah was such

a man who could alter the history of a nation.

The lessons he taught his countrymen were worth remembering for the life time, especially the

lesson of equality. Always a worker for Hindu Muslim unity, he served a political

apprenticeship in the Congress. He said: "Whatever you may be, and whatever you are, you are

a Muslim , you have carved out a territory, a vast territory . It is all yours. It does not belong to



a Punjabi or a Sindhi or a Pathan. There is white too in the lovely flag of Pakistan. The white

signifies the non- Muslim minorities."

An upright man who always kept his word, he thought well before he spoke. If he made a

promise he made sure he kept his word. In his last days when he was suffering from extreme

illness, he went to the meetings and dinners he was invited to and made it to the inauguration of

the State Bank of Pakistan because he had promised he would be there. He advised, " if ever

you make a promise, think a hundred times, but once you make a promise, honor your promise."

Quttabuddin Aziz remarks that Muslim India was beset by socio-economic frustration. At such

a time Jinnah guided a virtually rudderless Muslim League. Aziz refers to Jinnah as the greatest

Muslim leader of the 20th century who was able to turn a dream state of Pakistan into a reality.

Saleem Qureshi refers to him as a messiah in the restricted sense, that he revived the spirit of

nationhood among the Muslims of India and secured a homeland for them. He wanted partition

to be a peaceful one because he believed in non-violence and practiced and preached it.

Director, Center of South Asian Studies, Gordon Johnson said rightly of Jinnah: "He set a

great example to other statesmen to follow by his skill in negotiation, his integrity and hishonesty."

In March 1940 after laborious attempts at Hindu-Muslim unity failed, Jinnah proposed the

idea of an independent nation for the Muslims of India in areas where Muslims were

numerically in majority. He was then given the title of Quaid-i-Azam (supreme leader) by the

Muslims of India. Yet Jinnah was more than Quaid-i-Azam for the people who followed him

and more than the architect of the Islamic nation he called into being. He commanded their

imagination and their confidence. He was not bogged down by the daunting task of creating a

home for Muslims in which they would be able to live in the glory of Islam. Few statesmen

have shaped events to their policy more surely than Jinnah. He was a legend even in his

lifetime.

Documents

Birth and Schooling