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‘Capitalizing on sport’: sport, physicaleducation and multiple capitals inScottish independent schoolsJohn Horne a , Bob Lingard b , Gaby Weiner c & Joan Forbes da School of Sport, Tourism and The Outdoors, University of CentralLancashire , Preston, UKb School of Education, University of Queensland , Brisbane,Australiac School of Education, University of Edinburgh , Edinburgh, UKd School of Education, University of Aberdeen , Aberdeen, UKPublished online: 07 Nov 2011.
To cite this article: John Horne , Bob Lingard , Gaby Weiner & Joan Forbes (2011) ‘Capitalizingon sport’: sport, physical education and multiple capitals in Scottish independent schools, BritishJournal of Sociology of Education, 32:6, 861-879, DOI: 10.1080/01425692.2011.614739
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2011.614739
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‘Capitalizing on sport’: sport, physical education and multiplecapitals in Scottish independent schools
John Hornea*, Bob Lingardb, Gaby Weinerc and Joan Forbesd
aSchool of Sport, Tourism and The Outdoors, University of Central Lancashire,Preston, UK; bSchool of Education, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia;cSchool of Education, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK; dSchool of Educa-tion, University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, UK
(Received 26 November 2010; final version received 6 May 2011)
This paper draws on a research study into the existence and use ofdifferent forms of capital – including social, cultural and physical capital– in three independent schools in Scotland. We were interested in under-standing how these forms of capital work to produce and reproduceadvantage and privilege. Analysis is framed by a multiple capitalsapproach drawing on and developing the work of Putnam and especiallyBourdieu. We suggest that sport plays a role with important effects forstrong bonding and for the production of symbolic capital in the form ofbranding by each school.
Keywords: independent schools; sport; physical education; capitals;distinction
Introduction
It is commonplace in the sociology of education that schools, whether inde-pendent or state maintained, private fee-paying or public, are portrayed ascomplex assemblages of curricula, pedagogies and assessment regimes.1 In apost-welfare, neo-liberalizing, educational market system we argue thatschools will increasingly seek to establish their distinctive curriculum andco-curriculum ‘offer’. Here we look at the way sport has been used to thiseffect in independent schools. The paper draws on a research study into theexistence and use of different forms of capital – including social, cultural andphysical capital – in three independent schools in Scotland. We were inter-ested in understanding how these forms of capital work to produce and repro-duce advantage and privilege. Consistent with other recent initiatives (see,for example, Savage and Williams 2008; van Zanten 2010), the research teamwere interested in conducting research into the education of elites,2 but the
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
British Journal of Sociology of EducationAquatic InsectsVol. 32, No. 6, November 2011, 861–879
ISSN 0142-5692 print/ISSN 1465-3346 online� 2011 Taylor & Francishttp://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2011.614739http://www.tandfonline.com
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paper operates at the intersection of several other ongoing concerns – thesociology of sport, the body and physical education (Evans, Rich, and Hol-royd 2004; Kirk 1998; Wright and Macdonald 2010; Wright and O’Flynn2007), the history and sociology of independent schooling (Walford 1995,2003; Mangan 2000), and the relationship between schooling and social capi-tal (Bourdieu 1986; Coleman 1988; Putnam 2000; Schools and Social CapitalNetwork 2006). It is the last of these, and especially the work of Bourdieuand Putnam, that primarily shapes the theoretical approach taken, since ourfocus is not on the production of classed or gendered subjects, identities andselves, nor the clarification of debates between Durkheimian and Foucauldianapproaches to schooling, so much as evidence of identifications with anddeployments of capitals in and through the schools.
Case studies were undertaken of three schools, given the pseudonymsAugusta Girls’ School, Balfour Boys’ School, and Charteris College. Thispaper discusses the extent to which multiple capitals operate within them,including whether students, senior teachers and head teachers in the schoolsacknowledged the effects of different capitals on their lives. Due, amongstother things, to the single-sex character of two of the case-study schools,gender formed a central aspect of the framework and analyses and a genderdimension was incorporated into the multiple capitals approach adopted(Adkins and Skeggs 2004). We were also interested in the extent to whichthe schools constructed themselves as Scottish, British and/or more globaland cosmopolitan in reach. This enabled us to consider the additional rolethat national capital exerts on the operation of these schools (McCrone2005; Hage 1998). Ground-clearing work for the research project includedthe identification and classification of a wide range of independent schoolsin Scotland, and analysis of how independent schools represented them-selves in prospectuses and websites (Forbes and Weiner 2008). This willtherefore not be discussed at length here.
We draw on two theoretical traditions concerned with various manifesta-tions of ‘social capital’. The first focuses on social capital, exploring hownetworks and shared values function as a resource for individuals and insti-tutions (Field 2003), and is derived from the work of Putnam (1995, 2000),Coleman (1988), and Woolcock (1998). Putnam (1995) in particular arguesthat social capital lies in the productive functioning of networks of relation-ships characterized by shared rules, norms and trust, and in later work(Putnam 2000) distinguishes between bonding ties as resources seen within,for example, families, schools and religious or ethnic groups, and bridgingsocial capital connections, which cut across social group solidarities andinterrupt exclusive, unfair or dysfunctional values.
The second tradition is derived from the work of Bourdieu (especially1984, 1986), and is used to develop the concept of intersecting ‘multiplecapitals’ (specifically economic, social, cultural, symbolic, national, andphysical) to show how these work together in and through Scottish
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independent schools. Following Bourdieu, and drawing on Shilling’s (1991,1992) development of Bourdieu’s work, we consider the potential for othercapitals, especially physical capital,3 to be converted into economic capital,and the role of sport and physical education for the development of intra-school solidarity, bonding and branding (a specific use of symbolic capitalin the form of reputation).
The paper begins by discussing briefly the significance of sport andphysical education for the formation of private school education (especiallyfor boys) in the United Kingdom. It then proposes an analytic frameworkthat includes a Bourdieusian conceptualization of multiple capitals beforedetailing the major characteristics of the three case-study schools. Our analy-sis then turns to the development and use of various forms of capital withinthe schools, focusing on the significance of physical capital in sport andphysical education. We conclude the paper by reviewing our findings andindicating possibilities for future research.
Sport, athleticism and British public schools
During the nineteenth century the use of organized athletics and ‘athleti-cism’ as an educational ideology became established as ‘the “essence ofschool life”’ for public (i.e. private) and independent schools for boys inBritain and elsewhere in the British Empire (Simon 1975, 8; Mangan 2000;Crawford 1987; Kirk 1998).4 Key features of the ideology of athleticismwere anti-intellectualism, anti-individuality, and conformity. The overridingend was the subordinating of selfish interest to the general good, but themeans, ‘the game’, led to the worship of physical prowess and competitive-ness and ‘the religion of athletics’, thus producing virtually the opposite ofwhat was intended (Simon 1975, 8). Thomas Arnold’s focus on religiousand moral influence at Rugby School at the beginning of the Victorian erawas replaced at the end of it by ‘an overpowering philathleticism’ – love ofsport and physical recreation – appropriate to a society ‘engaged in imperial-ist expansion’ (Simon 1975, 11).
Athleticism was a form of character training, which sought to developphysical and moral courage, loyalty and cooperation and the ability both tocommand and to obey (Mangan 1975). Mangan suggests that after the FirstWorld War such an ideology retreated and was challenged in the second halfof the twentieth century by a more individualistic educational ideology pri-oritizing individuality over service, freedom (for leisure) over physical cour-age, and variety over group loyalty. Mangan recognized, however, thatdifferent educational ideologies could co-exist, compete and overlap. Argu-ably since then the athleticism ideology has mutated, but sport remains espe-cially important in elite boys’ education. In contrast, girls’ physicaleducation became a means by which gender difference was ‘institutional-ized’, thus enforcing ideologies of female physical ability and capacity,
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motherhood and domesticity, and gender-appropriate behaviour among girls.For girls, forms of resistance to, and negotiation with, structures of genderand gender stereotypes often downplayed or challenged the centrality ofsport and physical activities (Scraton 1987, 1992).
Shilling (1992, 14) notes that ‘the bodily orientations produced’ byVictorian private schools for boys ‘were recognised by the higher profes-sions as markers of distinction’ and as constituting ‘prerequisites for entryinto elite occupations’. Crucially, the physical capital ‘private schoolingplayed a part in producing could be converted into economic capital throughthe labour market’ (Shilling 1992, 14). Hence elite schools (for boys) pro-vided the basis for both the production and later conversion into economicresources of physical capital associated with elite sports and physical educa-tional opportunities. In this context, the issue of ‘who plays whom’ in thegames fixture lists became one of the key indicators in defining not just thestatus of schools, as in the ‘Ivy League’ in American universities, but alsothe structure of the public school network as a whole.5
Aspirant schools, inspired by the sector leaders Rugby and Harrow, anddue to increasing middle-class demand for private schooling, broke links inthe mid–late nineteenth century with immediate locality to appeal directly toparents on a wider provincial and even country-wide basis. This was thesituation in Scotland with schools such as Loretto in Musselburgh nearEdinburgh. Mangan argues that athleticism led to the ‘Anglicization’ of suchScottish, middle-class boys and their assimilation into British middle-classidentity. He calls this a process of ‘cultural cloning’ (Mangan 1998, 71). Itwas by means of combining ‘sturdy sporting manliness’ (Mangan 1998, 71)that Loretto, for example, came to be perceived of as one of the greatEnglish public schools. de S. Honey further argues that the public school’s‘power to create alternative values and loyalties’ in opposition to home wasnot a product of ‘the conscious design of head masters’, but rather the priceparents ‘were prepared to pay for the non-scholastic benefits of the publicschool education, such as social status’ (de S. Honey 1975, 20). Thus thepublic schools acquired a ‘transfer of function’ from the families of theupper middle class. As such functions developed, the new ‘Old Boy’network emerged replete with standardized English pronunciation, speechpatterns and neckwear (ties). The product was ‘manly men’ and ‘manlygentlemen’ with an emphasis on process and style rather than content.6 AsShilling (1992, 15) suggests, the production of such masculine physical cap-ital ‘cannot be directly transmitted or inherited’; its ‘development is a com-plex and lengthy process which can last for years’ (also see Connell 1983,30–31; 2005). Elite schooling plays a central role here.
In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, debates about the purpose,equity, role and nomenclature of public schools in England and Scotlandhave continued (see, for example, Paterson 2003; Halsey, Heath, and Ridge1984). Independent school education on the other hand remains
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a heterogeneous ‘field’, containing long-established and well-known schoolsproducing leading politicians, business people, members of the entertainmentworld and the media; and hundreds of other private-sector schools of vary-ing design, provision and quality producing professionals for aspirant mid-dle-class parents (Sutton Trust 2009; Walford 1995). Contemporary publicschools continue to provide pupils with physical capital in the forms ofmanagement of the body, dress, manners and speech, which along with con-fidence and pride are attributes valued in elite jobs.
Theoretical frameworks
The multiple capitals approach adopted is linked to an explicit considerationof power, inequalities and their reproduction because, as has been arguedelsewhere, social capital alone as a concept is insufficient (Portes 1998).The multiple capitals approach foregrounds the intersection of social capitalwith other forms of economic capital, as one of a network of practices con-cerned with the production and reproduction of power. Bourdieu’s positionis that economic capital is the basis of all forms of capital, which are usedfor gain and which are linked to the (re)production of hierarchies andinequality. Capitals are thus contingent on their potential for conversion (or‘transubstantiation’) into economic and material goods and practices.
Bourdieu (1984, 1986) views body management and maintenance tech-niques as indicators of the accumulation and display of cultural capital inthree forms – institutionalized, objectified and embodied. Also of relevancefor our analysis is David McCrone’s (2005) construction of Scottish nationalcapital as ‘understated’. National capital is a concept somewhat underdevel-oped in Bourdieu’s work and refers to both the cultural and habitus charac-teristics of national citizens (McCrone 2005; Hage 1998), as well as to thecollective capital resources available to a nation in terms of internationaleconomic competitiveness (Bourdieu 2003). In terms of sport, Warde (2006,121) suggests that the body remains ‘a window onto social hierarchy, thetransmission of capitals and the process of domination by groups and clas-ses’. Value is placed on the size, shape and appearance of flesh, and so edu-cation in school is concerned with the production of competitive andhealthy bodies. The body (value) has significance for other resources. Physi-cality may offer symbolic value, labour power and/or access to other formsof capital or power (Shilling 2004). Bourdieu also proposes that class iswritten on the body (1984, 212–213); thus the working class broadly has aninstrumental relation to body whilst the middle class has body projects,varying according to whether the emphasis is on the functioning of the bodyas an organism (health) or on appearance (physique).
Different opportunities arise for the conversion of physical capital intoother forms of capital. For a select few members of the working class,mostly male, sports that value power, strength, speed and agility can be
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followed full-time. But such careers are short and consume time that other-wise might be spent on studying (especially amongst black and ethnicminority young people).7 Hence ‘there tend to be high risks and opportunitycosts associated with working class efforts to convert physical capital intoother resources’ (Shilling 2004, 478). Dominant classes in contrast have bet-ter opportunities for conversion of physical capital into valuable resources.As Bourdieu notes:
Sport does not carry the same meanings of upward mobility for the childrenof dominant classes, as they have access to alternative sources of economiccapital and tend to engage in socially elite sporting activities that facilitate theacquisition of social and cultural capital. (1978, 832)
Gender too is a major axis of differentiation in sport, especially in regard toparticipation, as fewer competitive sporting opportunities are available togirls and young women. Yet investment in physical education and sport cur-ricula of independent schools is far higher than that available in stateschools (Shilling 2004, 478).
In his analysis of sport and cultural capital, Warde notes that there is ageneral consistency between manifestations of institutionalized and embod-ied cultural capital’ (2006, 120). He explains this by reference to the follow-ing observations:
. . . some educational institutions foster a taste for games, and for particulartypes of games which are locally accorded prestige; . . . some educationalinstitutions give additional opportunities to learn to play games, and a rangeof games as a function of facilities and curriculum design; and . . . largerexposure to sporting activity and facilities retains interest further through thelife course. (Warde 2006, 121 fn9)
The result is that the ‘educated middle class adopt a distinctive attitudetowards exercise, seeing it almost as a duty to assume a personal responsi-bility for taking care of the body’ (Warde 2006, 120). In contrast, womeninvolved in sport and fitness tend to do so for body maintenance purposes,rather than engagement in the ‘culture of sporting events and spectacles’(Warde 2006, 120; see also Wright, O’Flynn, and Macdonald 2006).
Methodology
Data were collected from several sources. An overview of the independentschool sector in Scotland was developed through meetings with key actorsin the sector and experts on education in Scotland. A profile of the sectorwas thus developed as the basis for identifying exemplar schools. Contactwith suitable schools proved difficult initially, however, and generated someconcern regarding whether it was possible for a research team to gain accessto the independent sector; such issues of access are often evidenced in
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attempts to research elites. These difficulties of access confirmed in a meth-odological sense the importance of access issues as data, and the sensitivityof the independent sector to potentially intrusive investigation. Refusal toparticipate also manifested certain capitals and issues raised by other pro-jects seeking to research the powerful (Walford 1994). After a considerableperiod of negotiation, however, three schools agreed to participate. Outwiththe scope of discussion in this paper, a number of methodological issueswere raised by the case studies concerning researching ‘the powerful’,including the ways in which powerful gatekeepers may deny or restrictaccess and otherwise seek to control research, and the extent to which man-agement in the case-study schools sought to dictate and regulate the researchprocess.
Field research took place between November 2007 and June 2008. Mem-bers of the research team undertook observations of school facilities, inter-views with senior management and teachers, interviews with heads ofsubjects, focus groups with S2/Year Eight (13–14 years old) pupils andissued a short questionnaire to ascertain pupil opinions of the school experi-ence. Information about sport and physical education was gained throughanalysis of school documents and website texts and images, observationsduring visits, interviews with heads of physical education and/or directors ofsport, and data gained from focus groups. In order to maintain theanonymity of the schools involved, no specific details about sports suc-cesses, in for example competitions, or the identities of former ‘star’ pupilsor teaching staff are provided. It was noteworthy that during interviews withteachers, children in state schools (96% of the Scottish school population)were often positioned as ‘the other’; exemplified in the statement ‘most ofthe schools in Scotland’, meaning most of the Scottish independent schools,made by a teacher interviewed at Charteris. This ‘othering’ also stronglyinfluenced the inclusivity/exclusivity of the networks in which the threeschools were located – an element of social class closure (Parkin 1974).
Researching three Scottish independent schools
A noticeable feature of the three schools, apparent in the prospectuses andon the websites as well as through interviews with senior teachers, was anunderstanding and utilization of specific forms of national capital in theschools’ self-positioning and self-presentation in the Scottish, UK and inter-national independent school market. Reflecting their varying relationships tonational capital, the schools are also positioned differently in relation to gen-der and global challenges. Social class reproduction in Augusta, for exam-ple, is linked to outstanding academic achievement, responses in curricula toglobal changes (e.g. teaching of different languages), the development instudents of a cosmopolitan disposition, and a ‘girls can achieve anything’ethos, with a clear awareness amongst staff of the privileged position of the
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school. The focus in Balfour is on producing young men with a range ofskills including so-called ‘soft’, people-related, skills necessary today fornational and global labour markets in the professions and business. Balfourthus focuses, as the head teacher suggested to us, on constructing new mas-culinities, corresponding to those associated in the twenty-first century withelite jobs in business and banking and with emotional intelligence and good‘people’ skills. The focus in the co-educational school, Charteris, is more onthe reproduction of the Scottish higher professional social classes (e.g. law-yers, engineers, and doctors). Here there is an emphasis on ‘good’ disci-pline, maintaining relations with ‘their pupils’’ destination professions andsocio-cultural conformity, rather than on elitism or privilege.
Gender is significant in producing the context in and through which capi-tals worked in each of the three schools. At co-educational Charteris, wesuggest that a traditional gender regime is evident, for instance, in the privi-leging of boys’ sports, in boys’ greater confidence and in evidence of a lackof gender awareness or perspective among staff. Augusta and Balfour aredifferently characterized by a greater awareness of the salience of gender. AtAugusta, reflecting the founding purpose and history of the school, a liberalfeminist tradition persists and is sustained in an explicit discourse of girls’achievement and aspiration. Nonetheless, only one of the two sports imagesin the schools’ prospectus was of an active rather than posed (passive, headand shoulders) photograph. At Balfour, in contrast, traditional forms of mas-culinity evident (for instance) on the rugby pitches are in the process ofbeing re-negotiated alongside newer, more urbane, forms of middle-classmasculinity described by senior teachers as involving a strong culture ofcare (see Arnot, David, and Weiner 1999). In the prospectus, references tosporting opportunities generally concentrated on active boys’ achievements.This prominence given to sport and physical activity at Balfour is consistentwith other research into the differential educational experience and of boysand girls both in the United Kingdom and Australia (see, for example, Lightand Kirk 2000; O’Flynn and Lee 2010).
Each school has a differentiated character and ethos, exemplifying thevariation in the independent sector in Scotland as a whole (Sischy 2008).Thus at Charteris boys constitute the ‘normal’ subject of the school’s domi-nant cultural values in relation to science and engineering subjects and theprivileging of rugby and pipe band related activities and success. In contrast,the regimes of the two single-sex schools demonstrate more of a genderconvergence of (middle-class) girls and boys in terms of the subjects theychoose to study and their educational and career aspirations (Connell 1987,2005; Walby 1997; Lingard, Martino, and Mills 2009). The two single-sexschools also appear more reflective and ‘modern’, perhaps because of theirneed to justify their single-sex status, although all three display a cosmopoli-tanism and internationalism in outlook, as well as skill in creating anddeveloping a range of capitals. Charteris seems to be confident and
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comfortable in trading in most of the capitals – national, cultural and physi-cal. Balfour is striving to construct a new form of caring masculinity, whichsits in some tension with the school’s heavy emphasis on sport, especiallyrugby. Augusta focuses on producing strong, independent girls with profes-sional career aspirations, denoted by the outstanding academic resultsachieved by girls at the school. The characteristics of the three schools arespecifically outlined next in relation to the place of sport within each ofthem.
Sport and physical education in the three schools
Augusta, the girls’ school, is situated in a residential urban area (with nosports field expanse), and the role of sport is thus in some ways understated.Nonetheless, facilities include a sports hall, two squash courts, a large all-weather facility (adaptable for hockey, lacrosse or tennis courts), a gymna-sium, two grass hockey/lacrosse pitches and a netball court. The availabilityof tennis and tennis scholarships (in conjunction with another independentschool), and the playing of lacrosse as the norm, stand out as opportunitiesin sport that differ from those available in state-sector schools.8 The visibil-ity of sport in the promotional material for the school, however, is not high.For example, a publicity DVD features two brief images of sport, but nei-ther of them focuses on competitiveness or sporting achievement, but ratheron the activity per se (in this case throwing a javelin). Reflecting both thetradition and gender objectives of the school, the main focus is on girls’academic attainment.9
Balfour was founded in the mid-nineteenth century as a boys’ school andis now located in a part of a city that has a countryside feel to it, with sur-rounding playing fields and close-by hills, although close to major transpor-tation links. It is regarded as one of the top schools in Scotland for teamsports, and on entering the school grounds through the gates from the streetthis impression is reinforced (a visit in June found ground staff busily pre-paring cricket pitches). Rugby fields are converted into an athletics runningtrack for the summer term. There is a swimming pool, gymnasium andindoor and outdoor courts for several racquet sports. Both boys and teachersreferred during interviews and focus group discussions to the ‘necessary’linkage between masculinity and the need for space. Asked whether hewould send his expected child to the same kind of school, the Head of Sportsaid: ‘If he is a boy and he is sporting, I don’t think anyone else can com-pete with what we offer’. If boys do not like sport, especially rugby, how-ever, they might have a difficult time – as is intimated in some of theresponses to our student questionnaire.
The third case-study school, Charteris, is located in a small townwith one main street and roads running off it. It is a gated and walledHeadmasters’ and Headmistresses’ Conference school,10 established in the
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mid-nineteenth century, slightly earlier than Balfour, according to a plaqueon the wall that marks the school boundary. The immediate impression ofthe school is of trees and grass, set against the backdrop of heather-coveredhills. In terms of space and size, the school grounds (including playingfields) extend almost the length of the town’s main street, and occupy some65 acres. Surprisingly for Scotland there is no sign of football (soccer) any-where, even on the playing fields behind the Physical Education Departmentand pavilion. There is a cricket square surrounded by several other rugbypitches, including that for the first rugby team. It transpires that the onlyschool football pitch is located across the town, a distance away from themain school campus.
Each of the schools seems keen to exploit the concept of tradition. Cen-tral importance is given to intra-school norms relating to rituals – for exam-ple, prize-giving; assemblies; church services; sponsored walks and runs;sports weekends; ‘bridging and bonding’ inter-school sporting matches; andother intra-school, intra-house ‘bonding’ events and competitions. Theschools are reliant to some extent on legitimizing functions of the state interms of their responsibility for a duty of care and for school examinations.We now turn to specific consideration of the place of multiple capitals – cul-tural, national, and especially physical – in the three schools.
The multiplicity of capitals in three Scottish independent schools
We suggest that cultural capital, in its three forms (the embodied state, theobjectified state and the institutionalized state), is evident in all of the case-study schools. The schools appear committed through their curricula andextra-curricular activities to the development of embodied cultural capital;that is, developing in their students the habits and dispositions necessary for‘successful’ futures. For instance, habits of hard work and hard play are cul-tivated in the long school day of curricular and co-curricular activities atCharteris and at Balfour, where boys are active from 8:00 am until 8:00 pmor 9:00 pm. Teachers, too, model hard-working dispositions through theiraccessibility during evening preparation sessions and for weekend activities.At Augusta, a confident and outward-looking disposition is fostered throughpractices such as ‘career breakfasts’. Women who have succeeded in busi-ness and in the professions are invited to meet with students to discuss stu-dents’ aspirations and possible career trajectories, developing in them asense of wide possibilities, habituating them to interactions with and as suc-cessful women, and also intersecting here with the formation of social capi-tal, in the sense of initiating and building networks and contacts that mightserve students well in the future.
Cultural capital is objectified in each of the schools in architecture,playing fields and buildings, as well as the artefacts contained therein. Forexample, paintings of head teachers and former heads provide a reminder of
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the schools’ histories and legacies. Institutionalized cultural capital is evidentin all three schools’ emphasis on academic attainment as well as widerachievement, and particularly credentialized success relative to other similarschools. At Augusta, particular pride is taken in the wide choice of subjectoptions available to girls at public examination level, as well as success inthese examinations: and at Charteris, students are allowed flexibility of sub-ject choice until very near to the date of final examinations. Such actionsseek not only to indicate the schools’ responsiveness to individual choice,but also to maximize performance in examinations. At Balfour, support for‘special needs’ is promoted instrumentally to maximize examination results.
As already noted, national capital also plays an important part particu-larly in the context of the construction of global labour markets and mobilityas indicators of economic advantage. Interestingly, while all three schoolsseek to produce an ‘understated’ symbolic form of national capital, suchunderstatement is simultaneously challenged in Augusta, in particular, bymore cosmopolitan outlooks. In focus groups, the notion of Augusta as aScottish school, was strongly rejected in favour of a more ‘British’ and cos-mopolitan positioning. The Head of Balfour also sought to position thisschool in a similar British and cosmopolitan way. The three schools clearlycontribute to and work with the formation of national capital and do so incomplex ways in relation to conceptualizations of Scotland, the UnitedKingdom and the global. The cosmopolitan dispositions most evident inAugusta and Balfour seemed also to work with a more global (or post-national), rather than a traditional national form of gendered capital.
The Bourdieusian notion of physical capital was useful in analysingpower, difference and social/cultural reproduction through sport and physicaleducation at each of the schools (Shilling 1994). Each has a tradition of pro-vision or involvement in at least one sport that marks the school as distinc-tive – whether it be a form of sport long associated with the independentsector (Augusta and Balfour), a school tradition for supplying elite, highperformance, internationalist athletes in particular sports (Balfour and Char-teris), or simply the amount of time (Augusta and Balfour) or quality offacilities devoted to sport and physical education (all three). Additionally, byexploring the extent to which the human body acquires value in socialfields, which can in turn be traded in (or converted) through work and lei-sure for other returns (other forms of capital), we can see the importance ofphysical capital in the three schools for the perpetuation of exclusive bond-ing networks. This was evident especially in the opportunities to frequentlypartake in specific sports, using dedicated facilities, the competitions, largelyif not exclusively in some cases, with other independent sector schools, andthe networks that have been established over years with other elite educa-tional institutions elsewhere in the United Kingdom and internationally.
In the three schools, sport and physical education is a compulsory part ofthe curriculum until the senior years of school, with physical education
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available as an examination subject from Standard Grade (Scottish system)and GCSE (English system). Each school has a head of sport/physical edu-cation and two have additional directors of sport positions. For example, atAugusta, pupils from age nine to 14 are expected to participate in hockey,lacrosse, volleyball, tennis, athletics and netball at some stage of the schoolyear. Physical education is scheduled in two 80-minute sessions in the firsttwo secondary years, reducing to a total time of 120 minutes and then 80minutes in the final two senior years. Achievements in sport are celebratedweekly in the internal school newsletter, the website and through announce-ments in assemblies. ‘Colours’ for 15–18 year olds for performance in sportand team games are presented at an annual awards evening.
In Balfour physical education, swimming, and/or other games occurevery day at the same time in the morning throughout the year for eight-year-old to 13-year-old pupils. Physical education is also available as anexamination subject in the English curriculum (GCSE, AS and A-level).Sport occurs three afternoons per week for older boys in the school – inwinter, rugby is the main sport; and in summer, cricket and athletics.According to the director of sport, it is possible for a boy to do six after-noons of sport each week due to sufficient student free time and availablegames slots in the timetable. However, with eight rugby pitches (convertibleinto cricket pitches in the summer) surrounding the school buildings anddominating the landscape, rugby is the only compulsory sport.11 Trophiesand commemorative cups for several sports – including cricket, athletics,curling, swimming as well as rugby and rugby sevens – are displayed in aprominent position at the entrance to the main school hall. The annual sportsawards event for the school at which achievements in 17 different sports arecelebrated was attended by two Scottish Rugby Union internationals shortlybefore our research was conducted. At Charteris, physical education is timet-abled for 120 minutes (two x 60 minutes) per week until S3 (age 14), thenreduced to 60 minutes per week. Except for students taking examinations inphysical education, physical education is not compulsory for senior pupils.Hockey and tennis are taught to girls and rugby and cricket to boys. Othersports available to both genders are swimming, basketball, gymnastics,dance, cross-country and athletics. From 14 years of age, choice extends towater polo, volleyball, squash and softball. Golf at a nearby private club isalso available in the summer term.
Despite extensive provision, at Augusta the facilities and space for sportare more limited than at Balfour and Charteris. A few students join theschool because of the opportunities it affords for developing prowess in cer-tain sports, including tennis, but sport does not play the same role in theself-promotion or branding of the school as it does in Balfour and Charteris.The director of sport at Balfour recognizes that the majority of prospectiveparents are looking for the complete educational package; the ‘overall Bal-four journey’, and parents feel that ‘sport is definitely a major part of that’
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journey. For example, when the head teacher takes weekly assembly in theschool hall, his evaluation includes the celebration of achievement, notablysporting achievement.
The house system (different for boys and girls) forms the basis for intra-school sporting and other competitions at Charteris. Thus senior pupils wearcolours on their blazers to indicate their achievements in inter-school andintra-school sport and other cultural arenas. The relatively new physical edu-cation building, with fitness room, staff office, and a new gymnasium, hasalternating photographs on the walls of athletic pupils and elite (UK) ath-letes. A more traditional gender regime at Charteris is also confirmed – ifironically – by an ‘infomercial’ on the school website of a schoolteacherand mother extolling the benefits of a product for cleaning sportswear (espe-cially rugby shirts).
The variety and range of sports competitions and training required forelite performance provides evidence also of intensive bonding throughshared norms and networking, and of a comparative lack of bridging andlinking forms of social capital (i.e. with pupils from non-independentschools). Sport is used by the schools for distinctive representations, brand-ing, and thus for both internal and external reputation building and promo-tion. Performance in sport – whether related to the amount and tradition ofintra-school and/or inter-school competitions or to sports predominantlyopen only to other independent schools – provides evidence of the distinc-tive quality or class of opportunities at the schools. In the schools, availabil-ity of distinctive forms of sport, traditions of schooling elite performers incertain sports, routine announcements of sports awards and events and theopportunities that involvement in sport provides for inviting internationalathletes to the schools, all produce an environment that, whilst not athleticistin nineteenth-century terms, is very sports focused.
The relationship between space and gender is marked across the threeschools. At the co-educational Charteris, space is dominated by boys’ sports.At Balfour the vast amount of space occupied by the playing fields is linkedthrough a naturalizing discourse to the dominant construction of masculinity,repeated in interviews with staff and pupils, about the need for boys to havespace to run. At Augusta, in contrast, space is dominated by a communitycentre, rather than playing fields or facilities, and the girls are relativelycrowded in the space available.
Conclusions
Deploying two different theoretical approaches to capital – Putnam’s andBourdieu’s – we have identified different types and characteristics of socialcapital. Conceptualizations of institutional power inequalities and resourcesderived from the Putnam tradition provided some analytical purchase in ourexamination of the education of elites and the reproduction of advantage.
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Bourdieusian social theory, however, has helped us to ‘understand elites, notas fixed, traditional pillars, but as a group of intermediaries whose powerrests on being able to forge connections and bridge gaps’ (Savage andWilliams 2008, 4). Under current socio-economic circumstances, as Savageand Williams (2008) also note, it is not just those with the largest numberof social connections who are most powerful so much as those whose con-nections can create networks that enjoy social advantages. In such an envi-ronment, contacts and networks are not simply hangovers from going to the‘right school’ – although this undoubtedly helps in terms of learnt sharednorms of behaviour – but rather have the capacity to traverse diverse worldsor fields.
Drawing on research into independent schools in Scotland, this paper hassought to illustrate how sport is used to promote educational and socialadvantage. In each of the case-study schools, individual expression and fulf-ilment, creativity, endurance and teamwork, character formation, and theprovision of comfortable surroundings, all provide exemplars of discursiveelements that interweave with the central promise of exacting high academicstandards from students.-12 Discourses are invoked both of excellent aca-demic attainment and of a broadly based curriculum made up of aesthetic,cultural, linguistic, sporting, travel and other experiences. Thus, particularvalues and menu of practices are proposed that produce particular forms ofembodied capital – capitals that in the view of the school will be of particu-lar benefit to ‘their’ young people.
Involvement in sport is used as both a shield against accusations of elit-ism, and an understated means of ‘adding value’, demonstrating the advanta-ges of each case study school. As Shilling (1992, 11) suggests, an attractionof the transmission of physical capital in elite schools – whether developedin ways of sitting, walking, talking or being physically active in sport – isheightened by it being a hidden form of privilege. This is manifested in thewide range and specialist forms of sport offered in an environment thatpushes pupils to participate. The capitals embedded in the schools are alsoevident in their extensive sporting facilities and playing fields. Thus pupilsat the three schools have spatio-temporal (Sassen 2001) advantages overpupils in the state education sector, expressed in interviews and focusgroups, as a disposition of apparent ‘ease’ of control over the future and theglobe. That the salience of sport is different in the all-girls’ school remindsus that sport is a highly gendered activity, although it does not lessen thestatus accruing from the distinctiveness of the provision at Augusta. Cer-tainly, girls’ engagement in sport and fitness tends to focus on body mainte-nance purposes, rather than engagement in the ‘culture of sporting eventsand spectacles’ (Warde 2006). We also suggest that the schools reveal differ-ent degrees of self-deprecation, distinction and difference through their pro-vision of sport, and that the volume and forms of physical capital on offersustain elite distinctions and differential bodily habituses.
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The discursive positioning of the case-study schools in Scotland suggestsimportant ‘value-addedness’ of independent schools, especially in relation tothe range of activities and specific types of cross-curricular opportunities thatare offered, and unavailable to the state sector. While acknowledging thecrucial influence of economic capital, value-addedness lies in the promise ofwider experiences and achievements, as well as excellence in academiclearning and teaching environments, rather than the exclusivity or privilegeexpected of nineteenth-century public schools. The lack of website text andimages that bridge and link readers to less privileged social groups repre-sents a glimpse, following Bourdieu, into the schools’ perception of therecipients of their messages, the specific ways in which such recipients aresocially produced and situated, and in the assumed ways in which theyinterpret the messages. Community use of independent school sites andresources is currently not a positive selling point to potential parents whomay well expect their child to have unrestricted, and ‘exclusive’, access tothe full range of school facilities and services including those for sport. Thispromise of exclusivity is likely to be at odds, however, with the charitablestatus claimed by independent schools.
We have only just begun to understand the complexities of the operationsof various capitals and body pedagogies to produce advantage and privilegein/through independent schooling (Shilling 2007, 2010). We recognize thatwhilst independent schools may produce future middle-class citizens, theydo not do so in an unproblematic or straightforward way (Evans, Rich andHolroyd 2004; O’Flynn and Petersen 2007; Rich and Evans 2009). Ourresearch has shown that a specific nexus of spatial and capitals resourcesand formation of bodily habits and dispositions are involved. To identifymore fully the effects of the ways in which different capitals are privileged,built up and utilized in/through schools we need now to compare in moredetail the specific spatio-temporal discourses and practices – including intra-school and inter-school sport, competitions and rivalries – involved in theframing, privileging and promotion of particular corporeal techniques, skillsand dispositions in different experiences of schooling. Further, we plan toinvestigate the effects on young people of the contemporary organization ofspatialities and bodily pedagogies – realized in architecture, facilities, andspatial relations and provided in both independent and state schools acrossthe UK countries.
Notes1. ‘Public’, ‘private’ or ‘independent’ schools are alternative names for the
schools we investigated. We will refer to them mainly as ‘independent’although some citations refer to ‘public schools’ and thus should be consideredas interchangeable terms in this context.
2. This is not to deny the diversity of the middle class as consumers for fee-paying education and the heterogeneity of the independent school sector.
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At the time of the research there were 57 Scottish independent schools, withjust over 4% of pupils in Scotland attending them. Independent schools areunevenly distributed – with the largest number of schools and percentages ofattendance in Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Glasgow. The majority of schools (48)are co-educational and some single-sex schools have mixed provision in earlyyears or at senior levels. Schools range in size from over 2000 pupils to fewerthan 50, but the majority have between 300 and 1000 pupils. Schools’ fee ratesvaried and we categorized them into three bands – high (over £20,000 per yearfor boarding), medium (more than £15,000), and low (around £12,000). Theschools in our project were all non-denominational and their fees were in thehigh band.
3. That is, embodied cultural capital, not simply ‘tools’ or ‘physical objects’ as inPutnam’s formulation (Putnam 2000, 18–19).
4. The historical development of girls’ education and specifically girls’ physicaleducation from the late nineteenth century onward had a different trajectory;see Fletcher (1984) and Mangan and Park (1987). Space limitations prevent afull discussion here.
5. As de S. Honey (1975, 27–31) noted, by 1902 there was a relatively closecommunity of 64 boys’ schools that interacted with each other in two or moreactivities including rowing, athletics, gymnastics, rifle shooting, cricket, rugby,association football, racquets and fencing. Interaction in activities with differen-tial prestige attached to them created different social levels of schools: schoolssuch as Rugby and Harrow, Eton and Winchester, for example, were in a lead-ing group of 22; Hurstpierpoint, Lancing and Merchant Taylors’ schools in asecond cluster of eight schools; Edinburgh Academy, Fettes, Loretto andMerchiston Castle were in a third group of 20 schools.
6. Yet in some schools it was accompanied by more than simple athleticism.Headmasters such as Almond of Loretto School were interested in moral andphysical health as well as sport. Almond ‘inaugurated a ‘Sparto-Christian’ idealof temperance, courage and esprit de corps supported by a regimen ofall-weather exercise, cleanliness, comfortably informal dress and fresh air’(Mangan 2000, 77). For further discussion of the role of the reformed publicschools in the reproduction ‘of gentry-class power’ (Wilkinson 1964, ix) in thenineteenth century, see Wilkinson (1964), Arnstein (1975), and Gruneau (1981355).
7. In the USA, Howard (2008, 189) has found differential valorization of involve-ment in sports by the parents of African American students attending eliteschools.
8. Whilst several specialist sports academies have been developing in the state-maintained sector in England, in Scotland at the time of research there wasonly one ‘school of sport’, at Bellahouston Academy in Glasgow.
9. This downplaying of the centrality of sport and physical activities can be readas a form of negotiation with, if not resistance to, the structures of gender asso-ciated with girls’ physical education identified by Scraton (1992).
10. The Headmasters’ and Headmistresses’ Conference represents the head teachersof about 250 independent schools in the United Kingdom and Ireland.
11. In total in one season there were 293 rugby fixtures and 18 rugby teams oper-ating at Balfour.
12. Although at Charteris, amongst the investment, improvements and updating ofsports and other facilities, we also found some evidence of dilapidation and rel-ative discomfort and the apparent privileging of boys’ over girls’ sports.
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