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Dimensions of Tradition at an Urban Southern Market:

A Case Study on the Carrboro Farmers’ Market

Alexi Wordell Professor Berlinger

Folklore 490 6 May 2016

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Introduction

Edna Lewis, a southern chef born in a small farming settlement in Freetown, Virginia,

said food is the bond that connected her to the people she grew up with. She added that her

lifelong effort is to recapture those tastes of her past. According to Lewis, southern food is about

the seasons—it is about eating what the land produced, when it produced it. It is evident that

Lewis’s words express a longing to reproduce a nostalgic past through the meals she creates. Her

words and wisdom remind me of the local food movements currently occurring throughout the

United States, in which people desire locally grown, seasonal foods.

As a student at a southern university, my awareness of local food has grown in a southern

context, which is mainly due to the content of my academic studies. Here at the University of

North Carolina, my studies in folklore are predominantly southern-focused. In addition, I am

pursuing minors in geography and urban planning. Although these disciplines have not examined

the South in the same depth as my American studies courses, my focus for this paper is to

combine my folklore and urban geographical studies background by studying a local southern

marketplace, the Carrboro Farmers’ Market (CFM). The CFM is located in Carrboro, North

Carolina, which is just over thirty miles northwest of Raleigh. I completed fieldwork and

observational analysis to explore what tradition means in the context of the CFM and what

effects food and the urban environment have on each other. In order to find answers, I asked the

following questions: What is an urban southern context? How do tradition and innovation

balance each other at the market? How does social interaction enforce or weaken southern

traditions? And, what can presentation say about identity?

Though ample research has conducted on farmers’ markets, there has not been research

specifically focused on place, material culture, and performance in a southern market setting.

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Furthermore, this work is significant because it contextualizes a farmers’ market in an urban

southern environment through ethnographic observations that draw upon folkloristic and

geographic scholarship.

As I researched, I framed the project questions in folklorist Henry Glassie’s structure for

studying the contexts of a text: creation, communication, and consumption. Glassie’s approach is

one that is cyclical. Meaning, the creation, communication, and consumption of an object repeat

with each passing of the cycle. By investigating the CFM within this framework, I found patterns

of performance and presentation that brought up issues of traditionalism. As the cycle continues,

the push and pull between “tradition” and innovation is distinct at the marketplace, and this

relationship revolves around local food at the urban CFM.

Fieldnotes and Observation Analysis

Creation

Through observational fieldwork, I saw how the southern urban environment influences

the friction between tradition and innovation at the CFM. This was examined within Glassie’s

structure, which begins with the creation of objects, by asking market producers how they began

farming and selling local goods at the CFM. Each farmer had a different story about her or his

experience in agriculture. While many of the producers at the CFM grew up on farms, just as

many did not. The latter tend to sell products from techniques they have learned themselves as

adults, as opposed to learning from transmitted transitions. Depicted in Image 1 below is the

owner of Cates Corner Farm who was raised in a farming family. In fact, her farm has been

family-ran and operated since 1742. Since that time, nine generations have tended to the land.

When I talked with her, standing beside her was her adult son who is also a farmer. While he

chatted with a vendor next to their stand, she proudly explained to me the lineage of family

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farmers, the family reunions they have around the United States, and family members’ increasing

interest in the land now that its price value has risen. For her, family ties to agriculture are deeply

important; this was realized after she told me, with a huge grin, that their farm is the oldest

represented at the CFM.

Image 1 Owner of Cates Corner Farm, family owned and operated for nine generations.

There are also vendors at the market who do not come from family farms, but have spent

decades specializing in certain handmade goods rather than fresh produce. One of these artisans

is Eddie Smith, who appears to be in his seventies and is a ceramicist. While he is not a farmer,

Eddie does source his clay locally—from his own home. He told me he procures the clay from

the walls of his unfinished basement, which he scrapes by hand. He turns his basement clay into

mugs and saucers that he says are inspired by those he grew up using at Moravian Lovefeasts in

North Carolina. His ceramics, however, differ from the traditional ivory ones used at Lovefeasts.

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Specifically, his are glazed in a variety of colors and patterns that bleed into each other, as shown

in Image 2 below. While Eddie’s past is presented in the work he creates and sells at the CFM,

he also modifies the ceramics in original ways, bringing a new life to traditional rural ceramics

that are sold in Carrboro.

Image 2 Ceramicist Eddie Smith makes Moravian-inspired mugs.

Compared to multi-generational family vendors and artisans drawing on their pasts for

inspiration, there are those who took up farming more recently. I found that many producers new

to the market have less “traditional” family structures. For example, Two Chicks Farm is run by

a lesbian couple, Debbie Donald and Audrey Lin. After being laid off from prior employment,

the two took a chance and decided to become farmers. Though initially a market garden

business, Donald told me they now only sell value added products made from the leftover fruits

and vegetables they grow, which can be seen in Image 3. Though neither of them previously had

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experience with farming or canning, they now make their living on preserving, a notably

southern practice.

Image 3 Debbie Donald of Two Chicks Farm sells value-added goods.

Each of these three producers balance tradition and innovation, but in different ways.

Although they come from dissimilar backgrounds, they share a common interest in local

production that has roots in tradition , which has been distinctively altered by the producers. I

argue that the CFM successfully draws upon traditional and “authentic” southern creation

because of the southern urban context. In terms of the South, farmers and producers look to the

past for inspiration, but also simultaneously replenish the region’s identity through innovations

that Ayer’s argues intrinsically belong to the South’s past.1 The urban environment of the market

amplifies the need for farmers to “dramatize” their identities and the multiple ways in which they

can do so.

Communication

Second in Glassie’s structure is communication, or the ways in which people express

ideas and values with one another verbally and through objects and presentation. At the market,

1 Edward Ayers, What Caused the Civil War?: Reflections on the South and Southern History (New York: Norton, 2005), 82.

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people are connected by repeatedly gathering with each other on a regular basis. In the market

setting, this regular assembly of people demonstrates solidarity of community in the context of

local food while the presentation styles offer insight about personal values.

In another photograph by SFA’s Kate Medley, farmer Marjorie Oakley is featured with

her handwritten note that states there is deep social communion at the market.2 I saw through my

own observations that this type of communion exists between the vendors, between the vendors

and customers, and between the market regulars. This is evident by how they speak with one

another and the content of their conversations. For instance, one morning at the CFM I observed

three farmers talking while circling one vendor’s table despite the fact he had sold out of goods

and his tables were bare. The three men talked about their business that day, which included

reflecting on the market’s good and bad selling hours. Initially, I thought the conversations and

interactions between the producers were a way to pass time, but they are much more meaningful

than that.

Though the market is a business with economic incentives, there is a social bond that is

created between the farmer and the customers. One ethnographic study on farmers’ market

writes, “[the market] is both the site and source of local communit[ies], that mode of relatedness

that transcends formal social bonds”.3 In other words, the market allows for a type of social

relationship that is liminal; it occurs at a site where space is transformed into place, the CFM,

becoming the source of community bonds, if only temporarily. For instance, Alex Hitt, owner

and farmer at Peregrine Farm explained to me that he and his wife had been selling at the

Carrboro market for over thirty-five years. He added that although the work is tiring, they refuse

2 Kate Medley, Carrboro Farmers' Market Oral History Project, Southern Foodways Alliance. 3 McGrath, Mary Ann, et al, "An Ethnographic Study of an Urban Periodic Marketplace: Lessons from the Midville Farmers' Market." (1993): 280-319.

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to stop because “all our friends are there”, which includes both vendors and customers. Hitt’s

words demonstrate the ephemerality of the farmers’ market and how the few hours they sell

every week are also important for social interaction in addition to income.

At the CFM, time moves slowly; customers take time inspecting produce, checking

prices, chatting with farmers and amongst themselves, and looping around the market. In an

urban environment, this type of movement is specific to a market setting, and more so at farmers’

markets where social interaction is integral to its success. In urban environments where there is

more anonymity, the CFM becomes a place of familiarity. There is a general feeling that people

are familiar with each other as they stop to chat. One regular customer, Woody, who drives from

Raleigh to the CFM each week told me he values the inevitable social interactions and said that

what makes the CFM so special are its “synergy” and “copacetic relationships” between people

who frequent the market and the farmers. Woody then started telling me facts about a number of

different farmers and why he appreciates their “very hard work”. He was especially fond of

Heek’s Farm that specializes in winter crops. He likes that instead of using a greenhouse and

unnatural chemicals, the farmers grow the produce outdoors, manually preparing the land.

Woody’s knowledge on Heek’s Farm reminded me of a quote in an article that examines

consumer preferences at farmers’ markets in three metropolitan areas in North Carolina. The

authors quote one customer from Hillsborough, North Carolina as saying, “A good thing about

buying local is that you know the people [who] you’re buying from”.4 These types of relations

make the CFM a “community-defining” place.5

In addition to verbal communication that occurs directly between people at the CFM,

there is communication in the levels of intentionality in the presentation of goods at the market.

4 Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, et al, “Communities, Supermarkets, and Local Food: Mapping Connections and Obstacles in Food System Work in North Carolina,” 250.5 Colloredo-Mansfield et al, 252.

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The arrangements, decorations, and displays differ greatly, giving the space variability and

interest. Presentation styles at the CFM highlight the importance of adding meaning to the goods

sold at the market, revealing a balance of “traditionalism” and innovation in a contemporary

urban market setting. For example, depicted in Image 4, there are relatively simple tables that

feature produce in plastic bins with few decorative touches, though it is clear even the most basic

displays are put together with intention as the goods are placed in the same spots every week.

These stands more commonly sell fresh fruits and vegetables and meats as opposed to value-

added goods, and they are also the busiest.

Image 4 Peregrine Farm displays their produce in plastic bins.

In comparison, there are stands like Fiddlehead Farm’s that are highly decorated in a

purposeful old-timey aesthetic. Image 5 on the following page indicates this aesthetic with the

price list that is pasted inside a tin cake pan, the mason jars wrapped in craft paper labels, the

repurposed wooden shelf, and the handmade quilted sign with the farm name sewn onto it.

Contrasted to the simpler stands, I argue that these elaborate displays purposefully borrow rural

and older southern aesthetics that honor traditional ideals to sell their products, which in the case

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of Fiddlehead Farm’s are jams and other preserves. This is demonstrated in Whitney Brown’s

article “Eat It To Save It”, which examines CFM producer April McGregor’s conversation with

tradition and change. Referring to why she believes customers engaged in “locavorism” frequent

the CFM, Whitney writes, “Traditional, rural culture has always held a certain appeal for those

who are dissatisfied with mainstream… whatever it is, Americans love the idea of the farm”.6

This infatuation with rural and pastoral is prominent at the CFM, and producers like McGregor

say they are ‘“In conversation with tradition’ but not bound to it”, by selling products that use

iconic southern ingredients with techniques learned in San Francisco.7

Image 5 Fiddlehead Farm's decorated stand draws on traditional aesthetics.

Consumption

Though the market is a public sphere, foods are bought to be consumed in private at

home, bringing us to Glassie’s third step in the lifecycle of a text: consumption. People visit the

market with the purpose of buying and consuming local goods, and the social relations form

6 Whitney E Brown. “Eat It To Save It: April McGregor in Conversation with Tradition,”101.7 Brown, 95.

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from that point of common interest. The primary function of the market is economic-based, and

it must be understood that the CFM is a cultural product created within an economic context.8

Once foods are consumed at home, the cyclical process is renewed; farmers continue to grow

produce and raise livestock; each week vendors and customers communicate by their behavior

and displays at the market; and, local foods and goods are hand-selected to be eaten at home.

Once the selling hours are over, the pubic space loses the meanings given to it by the goods sold

at the market; the communication between farmers and customers; and the elaborate styles of

displays are packed up and put away until the following market day.

Literature Review

In order to further pursue this research, I compiled both folklore and urban geography

scholarship that examines the core questions my study brings up about southern and urban

contexts, tradition, and the meaning of presentation styles. These central issues have been

discussed at length by a number of scholars over time, creating a history that examines the

changes in those expressive cultures.

The American South

For many without ties to the American South, it is often viewed as static and as a

backwards place for backwards people. The South is sometimes overlooked and even deemed as

unimportant. But for those with ties to or knowledge of this region, it clearly speaks volumes. In

order to examine traditions at the CFM, it is necessary to first understand what constitutes a

southern urban context. Historian and former president of the University of Richmond, Edward

Ayers, writes that the South is more than simply a geographical locale. Specifically, it is also a

8 Andreatta, Susan, and William Wickliffe. "Managing Farmer and Consumer Expectations: A Study of a North Carolina Farmers Market”

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state of mind, he explains.9 Because the South is both tangible (geographical) and intangible (a

state of mind) it should be understood as dynamic, rather than static. Once there is understanding

that the South’s identity is constantly evolving and changing, Ayers explains why southern

traditions are still central in southern culture. He argues that the South has always been

challenged by outside forces placing it “on the edge of extinction”, and this has caused

southerners to be more protective of their culture.10 Therefore, southerners “try to recapture the

authentic history, untainted by time, change, or contact with the outside world.”11 Though

seemingly paradoxical, southern culture attempts to preserve “authentic” aspects of the past

while also “continually coming into being [and] continually being remade.”12

In Edward Ayers study of the South, he describes it is a place that is both loved and

hated, impossible to figure out, nostalgic, and at times even dull.13 All of these aspects make the

South a place of mystery where even the language “suggests there are hidden ligaments and

tissues holding it all together”.14 One part of the South’s mystery and attractive pull, which

aligns with my research, is food. Professor Marcie Ferris argues that the “meaning and influence

of food in southern history” lies in the dynamics of racism, sexism, class struggle, politics, and

environmental exploitation.15 To southerners, food holds a special place in their hearts, which

may be caused by food’s link to larger issues in the South. Dr. Ferris describes the South as a

place “of relationships fraught with conflict, yet bound by blood and land” and the traces are

9 Ayers, 65.10 Ayers, 68. 11 Ayers, 69. 12 Ayers, 82. 13 Ayers, 64. 14 Ayers, 65. 15 Marcie Cohen Ferris. The Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American Region (2014), ix.

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visible in southern foodways.16 Like Ayers also explained, although it is a region with a history

of hostility and difference, the ligaments hold it firmly together.

In addition, I found photojournalist Kate Medley’s work with the Southern Foodways

Alliance on the CFM compelling. Medley photographed and interviewed many of the market

vendors, and created collages of their portraits coupled with their handwritten notes. They

provide primary information about the farmers’ and reveal their perspectives on issues such as

family dynamics, social networks, gender, and the importance of presentation styles. I, however,

also saw the bias in her images as they dramatize the market’s “authentic” experience. For

example, below is one of Medley’s photographs featuring CFM farmer Ken Dawson and his

handwritten note.17 The black and white photograph and handwritten text, however, create a

vintage, nostalgic feeling of market life, placing the farmer in one singular context. In effect, this

collage paints the market as quaint and picturesque where older farmers sell their goods. But the

market is much more diverse than what this photo depicts.

16 Ferris, 1.17 Medley, SFA.

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Image 6 Farmer Ken Dawson. Photographed by Kate Medley.

These three perspectives on the South provide a framework in which to study the region

and its folklore. Ayers’s and Ferris’s works reveal that the South is to be thought of and studied

differently because history is central and the past prevalent in the present. This theme is

highlighted in scholarship about how to examine and understand the South, and why I thought it

was important to consider the South like a palimpsest, or something that has been altered yet still

bears visible traces of its earlier forms. I applied this reasoning to the farmers’ market because

Ayers’s, Ferris’s, and Medley’s work help explain why market producers hold interest in

tradition. In addition, Ferris’s work especially highlights food’s centrality in the South, while

Medley’s underlines the South’s fascination with the past, even at the market. After reading

quotes by Edna Lewis, I realized that the local food movement in the South might take on a

different meaning than in other regions in the United States. Continued research in southern

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place and food scholarship would further contextualize why the CFM takes on the character and

meanings that it does.

Urban Geography

In addition to its southern setting, the CFM is situated in an urban environment, which

impacts market traditions. In 1983, folklorist Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett argued that urban

folklore studies are crucial because creative expressions of the everyday in rural America are not

simply reproduced in urban settings, but instead urban folklore is produced, altered, and made

more intricate due to the levels of complexity in cities.18 Within urban settings, values and styles

are constantly being negotiated because what they ultimately express is meaning.19 She argues

“rituals of authentication”—techniques of claiming history as authoritative—are performed by

organizers and participators to reconstruct the past to fit the present day needs of urban

residents.20 In terms of the CFM, Kirshenblatt-Gimblett’s work is useful because it helps explain

why producers and consumers at the market are in search of an authentic experience, and why

they must find ways to illuminate their identity in places of diversity. This experience, she

argues, is one that resonates with the past and dramatizes the needs and desires of urban

residents. This idea is also related to Medley’s photographic work and the ways that she modifies

the past to dramatize the farmers’ authentic roles.

In addition to Kirshenblatt-Gimblett’s folkloristic work, there are a number of

geographical publications that study farmers’ markets in urban settings. One article by Susan

Andreatta and William Wickliffe is especially useful as it looks at the cultural relationships

between farmers’ food-selling habits and consumers’ food-buying habits at farmers’ markets

18 Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, "The Future of Folklore Studies in America: The Urban Frontier." Folklore Forum 16, no 2 (1983):175-234.19 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara, 221.20 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara, 187.

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near three metropolitan areas in North Carolina.21 In relation to these markets, the article conveys

how market successes could be improved by better understanding what urban residents want and

need. The authors take the position that in order to study the market, it must be understood that it

is a cultural product created within an economic context. This article is useful to further research

on the CFM because it takes an anthropological view of farmers’ markets and can be applied to

explain how relationships are formed in an urban economic setting.

Tradition

Tradition and innovation may appear paradoxical at first blush, but they go hand-in-hand

as traditions change over time and useful innovations present new options to groups that decide

what aspects matter, which they choose to value, and those they implement.22 Noyes writes that

“[B]y keeping up tradition, we remember where we came from. But performing tradition is more

than just an act of memory. We repeat what is meaningful to give order to our lives.”23 She

emphasizes that tradition is not static, but rather dynamic because groups are always

“reinventing” solutions to new problems. In her article, she looks at a diverse group of Italian

immigrants in Philadelphia who merge together to create traditions that fit their needs of living in

a new environment. These traditions, argues Noyes, become:

a source of group pride and identity based in culture inheritance a path to economic survival and success a source of individual pleasure, pride, and consolation in artistry a means to expressing and confirming community a shared language to ensure effective communication 24

Those uses of tradition can also be explained in the South when applied to Ayers’s scholarship

on southern culture. Like Ayers, Noyes writes that traditions are especially strong within groups 21 Andreatta and Wickliffe. 22 Dorothy Noyes. Uses of Tradition: Arts of Italian Americans in Philadelphia (1989), 13.

23 Ibid. 24 Noyes, 14.

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that fall outside of the norm, or dominant culture, though Ayers focuses on the South.

Implementing Noyes’s functions of traditions in a southern context could expound questions of

traditionalism.

One article I discovered regarding tradition is set at the CFM, providing a case study on

April McGregor, who is the owner and proprietor of Farmer’s Daughter Brand, which is a

“artisan food business celebrating the flavors of the South” with fresh preserves, and her

exchanges with tradition. By featuring McGregor, Brown says traditions have the ability to

“[recreate]the sense of community… through food”.25 She argues by bringing “the people of

Carrboro [with] a common love of good, fresh food” and incorporating levels of tradition,

solutions to problems like global warming, anonymous food systems, and the absence or decline

of community can be resolved.26 Moreover, engaging with foods that have strong southern ties

can invite us to engage our memories and traditions, as well as affirm our identities and connect

to family members.27 As far as tradition goes, McGregor values the communion involved with

cooking, which she learned growing up in rural Mississippi town. She, however, is not bound by

“traditional” recipes. Instead, she “understand[s] that food is not sacrosanct, and traditions

evolve”.28 And while she honors her roots and does things the slow way, she creates original

recipes that accentuate southern staples with ingredients from around the world.

Brown’s article demonstrates how central the idea of tradition is to producers at the CFM

and how they converse with traditions without fully binding themselves to it. Like Noyes’s

article, Brown’s piece also speaks on how tradition unites people by linking them to a certain set

of ideals and meanings. The enacting of tradition can reveal aspects of what communities value

25 Brown, 94.26 Brown, 95.27 Brown, 97. 28 Brown, 98.

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and how they identify themselves. Additional engagement with questions of tradition at the CFM

could reveal patterns between rural and urban, contextualizing how these two settings work

together to produce the marketplace.

Presentation

The southern urban context of the market and its relationship to tradition raises questions

of presentation styles and meaning. This mix of tradition in presentation is best seen in Kay

Turner’s Beautiful Necessity: Art and Meaning of Women’s Altars, first published in 1999.

Turner’s book explores spiritual tradition style altars remade by women around the United

States. She looks at the tradition of women’s altars and how the traditions are inherited and

changed. In addition, she studies the functions and meanings of altars and how women modify

and embellish them to represent certain ideas, values, and spiritual powers.

Though Turner’s work is on spiritual altar traditions created by women, her work’s

structure and the questions she raises are applicable to the CFM. Her work can be used to digest

the meaning of the relationship between aesthetics and social values at the market. Moreover,

Beautiful Necessity explains the importance of revealing the layers of meaning assembled

together in material culture, issues also presented in the Southern Foodways Alliance’s (SFA)

“Presentation is Everything” article on the CFM. Though short, the piece draws on quotes from

CFM producers, like Ken Dawson, who explain that at the market each week “it’s like building a

stage for a play.” Meaning, the work that goes into creating the stands takes considerable vision,

ability, and time.29 The vendors’ table displays, however, are not consistent. Specifically,

Dawson explains that there is competition at the market—“somebody is always raising the bar to

the next level.”30 As customers seek each season’s first harvests, the displays evolve and

29 "Presentation Is Everything." Southern Foodways Alliance (2016).30 Ibid.

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competition in presentation increases, revealing the dynamic structure of the market. In relation

to my own observational fieldwork, the SFA’s article contextualizes the reasoning in the

diversity in displays and why the market takes on a new look each week. While there are

consistent elements, the CFM’s presentations change as preferences and values continue to shift.

Conclusion

The research I conducted on the CFM combines observational fieldwork with folkloristic

and geographical scholarship to research place, material culture, and performance in a southern

urban market setting to understand the levels of sociality and presentation at the southern, urban

market. Through ethnographic observations, along with folklorist Henry Glassie’s structure for

studying the contexts of a text: creation, communication, and consumption, and the literature

review, this project examines patterns of performance and presentation that reveal exchanges

between tradition and innovation in the marketplace setting.

The CFM is a temporary economic and social space that accommodates sociality between

various groups of people, presents aesthetics inspired by traditional southern qualities, and

similar to Edna Lewis’s recollection of her experience in the South, the market is where bonds

are formed around local food. This interest is enacted in the market performance, which

identifies and illuminates the ways that people shape their expressive behavior in relation to their

lives and environment. In the market setting, rural and urban intersect, interactions between the

past and present thrive, and tradition and innovation are constantly being negotiated. By

examining aspects of creation, communication, and consumption, we see how people formulate

the organization of culture and give valuable meaning to a southern urban public space, making

the Carrboro Farmers’ Market a thriving economic and social center.

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References

Andreatta, Susan, and William Wickliffe. "Managing Farmer and Consumer Expectations: A

Study of a North Carolina Farmers Market." Human Organization 61, no. 2 (2002): 167-

76. doi:10.17730/humo.61.2.a4g01d6q8djj5lkb.

Ayers, Edward L. "What We Talk about When We Talk about the South." What Caused the Civil

War?: Reflections on the South and Southern History. New York: Norton, 2005. 62-82.

Print.

Brown, Allison. "Counting Farmers Markets." Geographical Review 91, no. 4 (2001): 655-74.

doi:10.2307/3594724.

Brown, Whitney E. “Eat It To Save It: April McGregor in Conversation with Tradition,”

Southern Cultures (Winter 2009).

Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudi, Meenu Tewari, Justine Williams, Dorothy C. Holland,

Alena Steen, and Alice-Brook Wilson. “Communities, Supermarkets, and Local Food:

Mapping Connections and Obstacles in Food System Work in North Carolina,” Human

Organization 73, no. 3 (2014): 247-257.

Ferris, Marcie Cohen. The Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American

Region. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina, 2014. Print.

Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. "The Future of Folklore Studies in America: The Urban

Frontier." Folklore Forum 16, no 2 (1983):175-234.

McGrath, Mary Ann, John F. Sherry, and Deborah D. Heisley. "An Ethnographic Study of an

Urban Periodic Marketplace: Lessons from the Midville Farmers' Market." Journal of

Retailing 69, no. 3 (1993): 280-319. doi:10.1016/0022-4359(93)90009-8.

McGregor, April. "Farmer's Daughter Brand." Web. 16 Apr. 2016.

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Medley, Kate. 2011. Carrboro Farmers' Market Oral History Project, Southern Foodways

Alliance, Carrboro, North Carolina. Photographs.

Noyes, Dorothy. Uses of Tradition: Arts of Italian Americans in Philadelphia (1989), pp. 1-7.

"Presentation Is Everything." Southern Foodways Alliance, n.d. Web. 16 Apr. 2016.

Turner, Kay. Beautiful Necessity: The Art and Meaning of Women's Altars. New York: Thames

and Hudson, 1999. Print.