Cricket 2013 Just Not Cricket

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    31/07/13 7:00 PMust not cricket? | TLS

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    After Independence, their role was taken over by commercial patronage, and the game run by politicians. Sponsorship

    by companies such as Coca-Cola and Pepsi brought in billions of dollars. It is no coincidence that Indias current

    captain, Mahendra Singh Dhoni, who is ranked only fortieth among the worlds best batsmen, is at around 25

    million a year one of the highest paid sportsmen in the world. Astill observes, however, that the money does not

    trickle down. The BCCI spend only small sums on providing pitches and equipment for the poor and deprived lovers

    of the game, which remains principally a middle-class pursuit.

    Astill, who was Delhi Correspondent for The Economist, found that cricket brought him closer to India. He travelled

    the subcontinent interviewing everyone who counts in Indian cricket, and many more who dont. For example, inRajkot he met a railway worker called Arvind Pujara, who coached children on a dilapidated ground belonging to the

    railways. His best pupil was his son, Cheteshwar. Starting when the boy was four, Arvind concentrated on getting him

    to play with a straight bat in the classical manner. He was well enough taught to make his first-class debut at sixteen

    and win his first Indian cap at twenty-one. England discovered him last winter in Ahmedabad when he scored 206 not

    out. Wisden declared the elegant Pujara to be the engine of the Indian middle order. His proud father said his son had

    had the worst facilities in India, but the best record.

    Astills sympathy for the poor is a recurrent theme. In Dharavi, one of Mumbais worst slums, he found skinny young

    boys whose job was to decorate silken saris, and whose day off was spent watching cricket on television. It is the only

    culture they share with the elite of corrupt politicians, tycoons and film stars who run the IPL. In the six years of its

    existence, they have transformed international cricket and reflected a profound change in the Indian economy. Vijay

    Mallya, a booze magnate from Bangalore, boasts that they have transitioned India from a saving economy into a

    spending economy. Young generations of Indians have become consumers. Forget about ancient Hindu culture, and

    listen to the marketing men.

    The IPL is the brainchild of Lalit Modi, son of a sugar baron. He had a flair for business and an appetite for risk. The

    teams were to bear the names of Indian cities, and franchises would be auctioned. Bids were so high that only tycoons

    in industries such as cement, construction, liquor, media and Bollywood could afford to play. The franchise auction

    raised no less than $732.5 million. Television rights sold for more than $1 billion. Players received unheard-of sums

    for a short season in April and May. Dhoni fetched 1.5 million, more even than Sachin Tendulkar, one of the top five

    batsmen ever to have played the game. It was madness, says Astill, and absolutely compelling.

    The IPL was a sensation. Players had complained for years that they were playing too much cricket, but they had no

    objection to increasing the workload when so much was to be earned so quickly. The game emphasized the skills of

    batsmen, who were expected to thrash six after six. Bowlers, who are limited to four overs each, lose out. Astill admits

    he found that many of the games he watched were rubbish, but adds that for millions of viewers it is the cricket of

    their dreams, purest tamasha. A disenchanted former Indian player compares the IPL to pornographic films: OK for a

    bit, but how long can you watch bonking?

    As dedicated men of business, the owners of IPL franchises believe that, like all consumer products, the IPL needs to

    freshen itself up. This process began with the dismissal of Modi, a charming man who had succumbed to a dreadful

    case of hubris. In a damning commentary on English county cricket, one IPL owner remarks: We dont want to end

    up with no one watching in the stadium, as if its Lancashire against Sussex. One solution is to make the League a

    year-round business. They need the consent of the BCCI, but Astill suggests that would be forthcoming. Indians want

    still more tamasha. Perhaps because of his own love of India, Astill makes his case when he says that India is thegravest threat to crickets precious traditions, but then undermines it by saying that it is hard to be disapproving

    because, for the poor, the game is a consolation, and they deserve the cricket they most want.

    An early generation of writers on The Economistwould have dismissed this as mawkish nonsense, and concentrated

    instead on Indias malign threat to Test cricket. So boring, some IPL owners told Astill. Tests are where the essence

    of cricket is to be found (as Englands 14-run win at Trent Bridge in the Ashes series recently demonstrated). That is

    one damaging charge against Indian cricket, but there is another, which undermines the legitimacy of the game itself.

    Gambling on cricket takes place in all cricket-playing countries, but nowhere on the same scale as in India. Despite

    the efforts of the International Cricket Councils Anti-Corruption Squad, corruption remains endemic. Only this

    spring, match-fixing allegations have been made against a flamboyant Indian fast bowler, Sreesanth, and two

    colleagues in the Rajasthan Royals IPL team; and Mohammad Ashraful, a former captain of Bangladesh, has been

    accused of losing at least two matches in Bangladeshs own Premier League.

    Initially, cricket was organized by eighteenth-century English aristocrats to give them a chance to gamble their

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    fortunes away. When the Marylebone Cricket Club became the arbiter of the spirit and the rules of cricket in the

    nineteenth century, gambling went into hibernation. It was revived, largely after the popularization of one-day cricket

    in the 1980s, especially in India, where it expanded at the same rate as the Indian economy. The fact that gambling is

    illegal in India seems irrelevant, and it appears to have become an important income stream for mafia bosses in India,

    Pakistan and Dubai. Because it is illegal, much of what is written about it is speculative.

    InBookie Gambler Fixer Spy Lalit Modi himself tells Ed Hawkins, Spot-fixing is rife in the game. And Im talking

    globally; its a Pandoras Box. Its staring you straight in the face, but difficult to prove, almost impossible to prove.

    Hawkins spent time in India with bookmakers he had tempted to talk to him by emailing them tips about the Englishweather and pitches that might help them make their odds. He learned about the main varieties of betting on cricket,

    all known as spot-fixing: the lunch favourite bets on the number of runs scored before lunch; the lambi on the

    total runs scored in an innings; brackets are a bet on the number of runs scored in specific segments, say of ten

    overs.

    The bookies work in crowded rooms dominated by televisions and heavy black suitcases, each half of which holds

    thirty mobile phones: an essential requirement of illegal betting. A clerk shouts the odds down phones and records

    bets on A4 lined pads. The bookies Hawkins got to know were middlemen passing a large proportion of the profit to

    mafia men in Mumbai. Their cost structure covers the cost of bribes to the local police. The Indian police are not

    completely passive, however. A Delhi police investigation in 2000 exposed Hansie Cronje, South Africas captain, as a

    match-fixer, and the same investigation revealed that Mohammad Azharuddin, Indias captain and one of its most

    polished batsmen, had thrown three one-day games.

    Despite the odds against him, Hawkins has written a brave book in which he tries to identify some of the matches that

    have been fixed. The World Cup semi-final in 2010 between India and Pakistan became an obsession. He was

    confident that Englands win against Sri Lanka in Cardiff in 2011 was fixed, and also a forty-over game between Sussex

    and Kent in 2011. English county games are of interest in India because they appear on television, and the one cast-

    iron case of fixing led to the conviction in England of an Essex bowler, Mervyn Westfield, for accepting 6,000 to

    concede at least twelve runs in his first over of a one-day game. He was sentenced to four months. But, to the

    frustration of the reader, never mind the author, the evidence for all the other allegations is stubbornly circumstantial.

    Oddly, Hawkins is most convincing about the most famous of all recent cases of fixing. Pakistans captain, Salman

    Butt, and two talented fast bowlers were entrapped by the News of the Worldinto accepting 150,000 to bowl no balls

    at agreed stages of the innings in a Test against England at Lords in 2010. TheNews of the Worldclaimed that this

    was the biggest story in its history; all three were convicted and jailed. Ed Hawkins is contemptuous. He insists that no

    Indian bookie would take a bet on the timing of a no ball. The newspaper actually confirmed a less absorbing truth:

    that Pakistani cricketers are susceptible to corruption. We knew that. There remains a great deal that we dont.

    Stephen Fayis writing about the Ashes this summer for the Business Spectator of Melbourne, Australia. His book

    Tom Graveney at Lords: A year at the home of cricket was published in 2005.