CUAPTBR IY

MONASTIC SAINT LEITMOTIVS OP IDEOLOGY

In this chapter, one must emphasize the equivocal

charater of many words, which have retained the

problematic of ideology in the lexicon of Maratha history.

They were directly transposed from religious vocabulary

which induced psychological confusion. When it was said

that Ramdas of Samarth Sampradaya contributed to the cause

of Marathas by adopting 'Jayishnu' attitude it was in

marked contrast with Warkari sect's path of devotion

especially so, when it comes to the placement of

ideological domain in this context.

From a socio-cultural point of view, there are at

least two very interesting domains of enquiry here.

First, there is the question as to why certain specific

virtues were selected as ones which revealed saintlines.

Here one would need to start not with a particular

virtue, but with social structures, so as to see how the

structures explain the choice of virtue as models. If so,

then why the same social structure could call Chokhamela

and Tukaram too a saint when Tuka'sYnode of expression

was diametrically opposite to Ramda~~4 ?

If it is true that saints are saints for other

people, then what is Ramdas's position in the context ? To

elaborate this question, one has to chart out the

development of the Ramdasi sect and Rarndas in particular,

262

on the ground. And here one would have to distinguish

between saints of 'popular' and of 'learned' religion. And

one might find that like ·rukaram, Ramdas also had his

distinct field of communication.

Sant Ramdas, founder of the Samartha Sampradaya,

who lived in the 17th century, coming in line with the

other saints and poets forming the Warkari tradition, has

been in a sense, the most controversial of all these

saints. Mostly one can say that the reasons for these

controversies lie in the way attempts have been made to

understand certain issues at 17th century history of

Maharashtra.

The late Justice M. G Ranade in his "The Rise of

the Maratha Power" was practically the first historian of

the Marathas who linked up the religious movements in

medieval Maharashtra with the rise of the political power

of the Marathas. For Ranade, "the political movement

itself was only a reflection, at the religious development

which was going on all over the country"C 1 ) The social

ideology of Bhakti which these religious movements

propagated united the Maratha people thus providing a kind

of background to their rise to political power. So for

Ranade, "the political revolution was preceeded, and in

fact to some extent caused, by a religious and social

263

upheaval which moved the entire population."< 2 >

In this specific link which Ranade's nationalist

interpretation formed between the ideology of the socio-

religious movements and the political developments, he

also assigned the Saint Ramdas a specific role. He

writes, "Shivaji's Chief advisor was Ramdas, who gave the

colour to the national flag and introduced a new form of

salutation, which displayed at once the religious

character of the movement and the independence at spirit

which prompted it."(J)

Apart from Ranade, a host of other scholars

jointed this controversy regarding the exact role of

Ramdas. Rajwade, another ultra-nationalist historian

challenging Ranade separated sant Ramdas from the rest at

the Warkari poets, amounting thereby that it was Ramdas

alone who proved a source of inspiration to Shivaji. The

Ramdar's chief purpose and the motives of the Ramdasi

movement for Rajwade, "was to liberate the Maratha people

from then spiritual indifference."C 4 )

For Rajwade and many like him, "it was Ramdas who

converted the warkaris into Dharkar is or the pious

pilgrims into fighters for

2. Ibid• p.4 '

3. Ibid•• p.5

freedom. The

4. Rajwade, "The Object, Form and Origin of the Sampradaya" in V.v.; Vol.I, Sec. 44.

264

Sahishnu

(tolerant) psychology was transformed into the Jahishnu

(etching for victory) one by Ramdas."C 5 ) Other writers

like s.s Oeo!!)a.v Bha~accepted Rajwades placing of the

central role of Ramdas as the political guru of Shivaji.

On the other hand, there are some others who not denying

the importance of Ramdas, argue for his spiritual

influence on Shivaji. For e.G Bhate, Shivaji had worked

independently, but Ramdas was equally great in his own

field, so "the king and the saint (like the Ganges and

Yamuna, which flow independently and fertilize the delta)

worked simultaneously but separately -the one striving for

political independence of Maharashtra, and the other

striving to reinforce the spiritual and pragmatic

foundation of the society.n(G) For the English

biographers of Ramdas like Rev. J. Abbott and Rev.

Demming, the political influence of Ramdas, II was

generally subordinated to the spiritual emphasis", as, "it

was the religion of Maharashtra that weighed most heavily

on him, and he looked upon Shivaji's conquests as a golden

opportunity

Faith ....• nP)

to extend the influence of Hindu

\, ... a)

b)

s.s Deo: Charita, B.V Bhat bsmdhi.!': ...-

Samartha Avatar, Samartha Rhyadaya and Atmaram Press, Dhul1a, 1930. Ramdas Ani Shivaji Yancha Anonya Sam 1928, Atm~~~ro Press, Dhulia.

.. -- . - - .. :- -;;.- ., -· . -""'- -5. N.H. Kulkarnee; ,.3.oc1a.l Implicat1ons oJ,. Religious

Movements in Medieval Maharashtra~ pp ~54-155, in N.N Bhattacharya (edJ 'ttfedieval Bhakti movt. in India~ 1989. \ 1

6. Bhate, G.c.: Sa~jangad Wa Samarth Ramdas, Poona, 1918. 7. Wil~Demmingt Ramdas and Ramdasi; (AOVP, Cal. 1928)

(Reprint Vintage Books, 199o), p. 128.

265

The reason why one alluded to some names in the

Maratha historiography, which now spreads out on a century

was to bring to somewhat clearer forms the kind of issues

surrounded the considerations on Ramdas as a saint. The

positioning of the role of Ramdas becomes crucial because

on it actually hinges the kind of argument one builds up

regarding the relation between tradition, social ideology

and politics in late 17th century medieval Maharashtra.

In this respect it can be perhaps said that

contrary to the way other saint-poets like Eknath, Namdev,

Tukaram have been studied and understood, it looks that it

is not the poetical genius of Ramdas which has attracted

much controversy. Ramdas has attracted attention in

academic controversies as well as caught the popular

imagination of people because of his relation as a

spiritual preception and political guru of Shivaji. As

Demming writing in 1920's observes. "No one can read

Marathi papers and magazines at the present time without

frequently seeing the name Ramdas."(S) .Whether Ramdas was

more important or Shivaji is an issue which has dominated

popular discussions and has been quite a favourite subject

of public-speech making and of newspaper writings" (9 ) in

Maharashtra till now. Demming in his Introduction

mentions, 'the centroversy a Ramdas vs. Shivaji or

Brahmins vs. Non-Brahmans is very much in evide~ce at the

8. ••--... Ibid, p. 2

' '' I 9.' Shivaji & Ramdas, 'Studies in Martha History (ed:l A.G Powar, , p . 19 2

266

time of writing."(10)

From the above discussion it is clear that any

considerations on the role of Ramdas as a saint have to

keep in mind these issues which surround him in particular

and the history of 17th century Maharashtra in general;

issues whose broad parameters were actually set in, and

hence are more properly placed, in history of modern

nationalism in late 19th-20th century Maharashtra.

Movements of three times in their attempt to define

natioanlism as their ideology sought for a certain

relation with the medieval past of their own society. It

is this relationship between what is then referred to as

tradition as prevalent among people, a socially accepted

set of values and beliefs and imperatives of modern

politics which give to us a specific construction if

Ramdas as a saint who comes to representing the ideal

national hero of the people of Maharashtra. Kulkarnee

perceptively makes the point that, "it is very strange but

true that Ramdas misunderstood wielded a much more

powerful influence on the 19th century and early 20th

century freedom-fighters than Ramdas properly

interpreted."( 11 )

Historiographically speaking, Ranade's nationalist

interpretation looks crucial in the sense that it provides

a certain 'frame of reference' which locates the relation

between tradition, social ideology and politics in a

10.Demming, op.cit, p.2 11.N.H Kulkarnee, op.cit., p.158

267

specific way. It gives to us a specific understanding of

one way social ideology, relates to politics, an

understanding, whether one agrees with Ranade or not,

looks to be an assumption which has proved to be quite

enduring in the historiography of Maharashtra on this

issue. Following from this kind of an assumption, bhakti

as the social ideology of the otherwise socially divided

Marathi people not only unifies them, but also a creates a

kind of a backdrop on which Randas in his articulation of

the concept of Maharashtra Dharma is able to give a

political shape, that of putting the people under the rule

of Shivaji. For historians for whom the Maratha movement

had a "social background, was the result of a deep-seated

ferment within the society, 'the bhakti movement provided

an intellectual and ideological frame work" ( 12 ) of

unification.

From the above discussion, it becomes clear that

any attempt to consider the role of Ramdas as a saint

means responding to a certain construction of him as well

as the medieval period in Maharashtra. It also means

looking for a different understanding of the relation

between what is considered as forming the tradition, the

social ideology and politics, where then ideology, is not

necessarily viewed as a kind of unifying factor, as a kind

of social cement which binds people together, by making

12. Sat ish Chandra, '• Rise of Maratha Movement, '' in Sat ish Chandra(ed.) Medieval India (Macmillan, 1982), p.145

268

the 'living tradition' a kind of a background for a

particular political articulation.

BIOGRAPHY OP RAMDARS :

As is the case with many other saints, it is not

possible to string together a strictly historical life of

Ramdas, which can give to us even a chronology of the life

of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th century. In the

absence of references to him in the historical writings

and secular documents of his period, one is left with a

number of 'bakhars' of the Ramdas tradition which as

Abbott argued have to be considered as 'traditional rather

than historical'.

Demming discussing the sources for the life of

Ramdas groups means into two early and later. Among the

early sources, he includes some poems of Ramdas which are

of biographical value in the sense that more he talks

about the condition of people in relations between Muslims

and Hindus and the political conditions of the country.

As "in are of his poems, found in the Takerli Math, near

Nasik, he tells of the evil conditions prevalent in the

land and of his desire to improve them." (lJ) In his

poetry, there are also references to various geographical

names, which help us to locate the travels and wanderings

of the saint. Among the early sources, Demming also

13. Sulabh Dasbodh, tedJ. S. K. Altekar, Chapt. 6, sec. 6, line-35. It says several idols have been polluted, some being thrown into the water and some trodden underfoot. All the sacred places have been polluted by the wicked."

269

mentions some correspondence, some of which, have been

used to fix some chronological points in Ramdas·'s life.

He also lists a diary maintained by Antan Gopall, four

days after the Svamis death as well as a biography of the

svami called Bhaktamanjali by Bhimasvami, the only one by

an immediate disciple of Ramdas, who on Ramdas's

instruction went to Tanjore in 1675 and established a math

there. This biography may be more reliable as most other

biographies were written a hundred years after the death

of Ramdas. Another biography grouped in the early sources

is Samarthapratap written by Giridhar, who died in 1728.

He is supposed to have seen Ramdas as a young boy and his

account has been considered important for the description

of the appearance and habits of Ramdas.< 14 )

The later sources would mainly include numerous

poetical and prose biographies of Ramdas, most of which

base themselves upon oral traditions and thus incorporate

a lot of legendar material which attributes lot of

miracles to Ramdas. Important among them can be a

poetical biography by Bhimasvami Sirgavakar, a prose-

biography, by Hanumant Svami, a poetical account called

Santavijaya written abou~ 1774 by Mahipati. (l5)

Ramdas was born in A.D 1608 at Jamb, an attractive

----------------------------------------------------------14.Sri Samartha Pratae; Sattkaryottejak Sabha; Dhulia;

\introduction p.l4.

15. J. F Edwards & J. N. Frarer, · "The 1 ife and Teaching of Tukaram. "op.c.i t. L1'-'+Y~o"')

270

village situated among the fertile fields near Jalna in

the Nizam's territory. Surayaipant and Ranubai, his

father and mother belonged to the House of Thosars and

were devort worshippers of sun. Their wish to have

children was finally realized in the birth of two sons -

Gangadhar born in 1605 and Narayan (later called Ramdas)

three years later in 1608. <16 ) Ramdas, developed into one

of the liveliest of boys. He loved nature as he loved to

climb trees, to wander in the forest, swim in the streams,

and so aonkey-like were his wild pranks that it was not

strange that he was declared to be an avatar of the

monkey-god, Hanuman".(1?) Almost all his biographers

assert that even as a boy, he developed a keen interest in

religion and used to spend long hours in solitude away

from others. At the age at 12, on his mother's pleading

he consented to go through the marriage ceremony.

Narayan's marriage was thus fixed with 'the daughter of

Bhaj ipant Bodalapurkar, who lived two miles away in the

village of Asagaon, and the wedding occured there in the

house of the Deshmukh family.•d 18 ) Oeser ibing the

marriage ceremony, Mahipati writes, "A curtain was held

between the bride and the bridegroom. Around stood the

marriage panty, including the bro~hers of the bride.

16.Demming, op.cit. p.2

17.J.Abbot STOTRAMALA The Poet Saints of Maharashtra No.6, A Garland of Hindu Prayers ( 1929), p. 40

18.Demming, op.cit., p.28

271

Narayan turned to them'and said "the Brahman repeats again

and again the words "Savadhana, Savadhana. Tell me whom

they are for?" Hearing this question, his to-be-brothers-

in law jokingly remarked: "Listen attentively to the

inner meaning of the word Savadhana" From today on, the

shackles of domestic life will bind your feet. So quickly

beware"< 19 ) Tradition tells us that on hearing this,

Narayan sprang to his feet and with the 'swiftness of

wind' disappeared into the forest. Narayan a boy of

twelve, made a journey to Panchavati which took him eleven

days. Demming says that "it is quite possible that he

fell in with a group of pilgrims or wandering.sadhus and

joined company with the•."( 20)

Panchavati which was situated on the banks of the

Godavari river, near Nasik had a group of famous temples.

There is a famous Rama temple, situated in an immense

courtyard, with a Maruti temple at the entrance, where

Narayan probably spent some time. (21)

It is here at Panchavati, that Maruti who revealed

himself to Narayan took him for a revealation of Ram and

Sita. As Mahipati relates, that here Ram appeared to

Narayan and told Maruti, "From now on his name is Ramdas.

His mission is to save the world."C 22 ) From that time

19. Mahipati's - 'Santavijay' Aryabhusan Press, 1930, Poona, pp. 16-17. c..~.a.lso)

20. Demming, op.cit., p.29

21. Ibid~ p. 29

22. Mahipati's sv, p.27 --,

272

onwards Narayan became Ramdas and went to Takerli, on the

banks of the Godavari river, two miles away. The peaceful

solitude and beautiful environment at Takerli so suited

Ramdas that he is supposed to have lived here for 12

years, "deep in the study of the scriptures, performing

penances, meditating and preparing for his life-work."(23)

It is during these years, of which because of absence of

records we hardly know anything, that Ramdas must have

come in contact with a body of scriptures. These twelve

years were met by Ramdas in becoming familiar with

thoughts and doctrines of different schools. Ramdas's

study of Dayanes'vari, the Gita made him familiar with the

doctrines of Vedanta. It is here that he also felt the

influence of Eknath, Namdev, Tukaram and other Warkari

poets. He also studied here the Upnishadi and the

Bhagvatha Purana. Devotion to Ram was stimulated by his

frequent visits to Panchavati temple and by his reading of

the Valmiki Ramayana.< 24 ) At Takesti, Mahipati tells us

that 'Ramdas used to perform kirtans with the help of

Maruti, and thus, "Ramdas had seen God in his saguna form

and he kept that image in the respectable corner of his

heart, and hearing the story of Rama's life, he kept it in

the receptacle of his ear."(25)

----------------------------------------------------------23. Demming, op.cit., p.29

24. Ibid, pp. 30-31

25. Mahipatis op.cit, p.28

273

Thus spending his years at Takerli in devotion and

study, Ramdas decided to set out on a pilgrimage to spread

the devotion of Ram and with a longing to visit the

important sacred places of India. Tradition tells us that

"he wandered thus, up and down the peninsula of India for

twelve years."(26) The chief source of information

regarding these years of pilgrimage is the poetry of

Ramdas and his disciples, especially Uddhav who has

written in detail about these years. Hanumant, author of

another biography mentions the following places

"Benaras, Gokul, Mathura, Dvaraka, Srinagar, Badrinarayan,

Kedaservar, the himalaya mountains, Jagnath, the southern

coast, Ramesvar, Lanka, Gokarna Mahabeleshwar,

Trimbakesvar, Jambgaon, takerli and Paithan."< 27 >

In about 1644, Ramdas returned to Maharashtra and

choose the Satara area for his activities. He made

Chaphal, a village where he built a temple of Ram and

installed his idol tere, as his head quarters. Ramdas now

preached the devotion of Ram and soon his disciples grew.

The years from 1644 to 1658 are looked at by Demming as

years which were spent in laying the foundation for his

movement and beginning the organisation."< 28 )

The Satara area, stretching along the Western

Ghats, with its river valleys and fertile fields, appealed

26. Demming, op.cit., p.33

27. ~ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre by Hanumant Svami, ~dj by s.s Deo, Dhul1a, 1930

28. Demmin' op.cit, p.35.

274

to Ramdas, who was a lover of nature. In this area,

Ramdas wandered around from one village to other

performing Kirtans, and interpreting the Hindu scriptures.

It is during these movements in these villages and

spending hours of solitude in the forests that his ideas

to form a movement, a sect devoted to Ram probably took

shape. There were certain places which he loved to visit

were the village of Sahapur, Masur, Umbraj, Sirola.

Padali. Paragaon. Managaon. Hinqanyadi and Batie.C 29 > At

all these places, Ramdas established Maruti temples, and

used to "perform daily the worship of Maruti, and gave

food to the hungry.nC 30 ) Maruti occupied a sp~cial place

in Ramdas' s beat as he singing average of praise, says,

"Maruti is my life. I have no hearer relative than him.

Maruti is my mother. Maruti is my father, my dearest

friend, my brother, my uncle. • . . . Maruti is my supreme

sadawin. It was through him that I met Rama. 11 C 31 ) For

Ramdas, establishing temples of Maruti, who also was the

supreme dasa of Ram were ways of making the worship of Ram

popular among people.

In these years Ramdas formalized the Ramdasi

movement. Establishing a different sect called the

Samartha Sampradaya, he now acquired lot of disciples like

29. Demming op.cit., pp. 35-36

30. Mahipati's, op.cit., p. 243

31. Ibid, p. 245

275

Jayaram, Uddhav and others all of whom he met during his

visits to these places. Ramdas as Samartha was important

as a person because he seems to have dominated these early

years of the movement through his activities as the leader

and an able organiser. It can perhaps be said that the

Ramdasi movement begins with the Svami, "as it was clearly

a personal movement, both disciples and maths being

organised around the Svami's personality." ( 32 ) Raj wade

lists 58 places and objects,.in which are included trees,

stones, idols, fields and shrines, in and around Chaphal

which are seen as connected with Ramdas, and so are

objects of veneration. C33 >

In these early years, the sect organised itself,

getting a formal shape mainly around the wanderings of

Ramdas. Ramdas accepting the kirtans as his mode of

worship evolved a method of worship of Rama (Shodasa'

.Upachara), with which he popularized the worship of Ram.

He established temples of Ram, also at many places like

Chaphal, Scjjangad, and Takerli. As he went around these

places, he performed kirtans and arouse interest among

people, some of whom became his disciples.

There are many legends and stories of the

miraculous deeds of Ramdas associated with the joining of

each of the disciples. These though make it difficult to

exactly, locate each of the disciples as when and how he

32. Demming, op.cit., p.32

33. Rajwade v.v, Vol. II, Sec.66

276

joins the movement, nevertheless give us an idea as to how

a proximity to the figure of Ramdas was important as is

emphasized in most of these stories. Hanumant, a

biographer of Ramdas lists the names of 20 disciples who

were close and intimate to Ramdas as well as another

seventy-two, who were in charge of the various maths. <34 >

Along with forming disciples, Ramdas also

established a lot of maths. In fact the story of these

early years is the story of the disciples and maths, for

they were· the movement. 11 ( 3 5) Ramdas seems to have

followed what semming refers to as a customary procedure

in establishing these maths. The leading disciple of the

group at a place was chosen by Ramdas to establish a math.

Mostly the building of the math was also accompanied by

the building of temples. The maths were placed in the

charge of the mahants who were the chief disciples. They

were authorised to initiate disciples and to give the

vedic mantra to those who had fulfilled the conditions of

discipleship. The maths of the Ramdasi movement were not

places of retreat, drawn away from the world. Rather they

were centres of influence, which spread the teachings of

Ramdas among the people. The maths served an important

role as they provided stability to- the movement of a

wandering saint like Ramdas. They also provided space

where people could gather and perform Ram worship and

listen to Kirtans.

34. t§ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre: Hanumant Swami, OP-e..;+,. pp. 89-90

35. Demming, op.cit., pp. 147-148

277

Ramdas established maths at Chaphal, Jamb,

Domgaon, Miraj, Sujjangad, and many other places. At a

number of these maths, Ramdas drew a list of instructions,

a definite plan of worship and code of conduct for the

disciples as well as the mahants. Apart from the mahants

and the disciples, the maths were also visited by groups

of wandering disciples, many of whom considered themselves

to be mahants.

Ramdas in his activities as the leader of the

movement emerges as an efficient organiser as he was

carefully able to regulate the movement by devising

certain rituals and practices which enabled him to

maintain a link between the settled centres (the maths)

and the wandering disciples, with chaphal, where he stayed

countries in the first math and later Sajjangad; where he

spent the last years of his life. Each mahant was

expected to visit Ramdas at frequent intervals and thus

enabling him to keep in close touch with them all.

Another way the link between the movement was maintained

by Ramdas was the "constant travelling of groups of

disciples from one math to the other.n(36)

In 1654, some biographical accounts mention that

Ramdas retired to Sivthar, a few miles from Raigad to live

in solitude and to write poetry. Although Ramdas wrote

poetry throughout his life as his poetry was often in

response to given situations which could be the need for

instruction of disciples, for his own religious moods,

36. Demming, op.cit., p.l59

278

practical conditions of the people and even political

developments of his time. His many years of wanderings in

the Satara area had also gave him lot of experience

regarding the needs and feelings of the people, and had a

fairly articulated. He felt at this time of his life to

get down to -the task of writing poetry for providing

instructions and guidelines for the movement. It is

during these years that he started writing Dasbodh,

Manache Sloka, 205 verses giving practical advice to mind,

many hymns of devotion, chiefly addressed to Ram called

Karunashtake. poetry based on two sections of Valmiki' s

Ramayana. While writing poetry in these years, he

constantly remained in touch with the activities of the

movement through a correspondence with the disciples as

there were uncertain times when he could not meet in

person. (J?)

Of these years many tradi tiona! stories and

legends at the miraculous deeds which Ramdas performed are

mentioned by the different biographies of Ramdas. These

stories relate to us the way Ramdas met people, made

disciples, performed feats of magic like raising people

from the dead, curing physical ailments. Among these

legends there are many which relate to us his meetings

with Brahmans, who were well versed in Sanskrit. Like in

one of the stories Bhimasvami Sirgavkar tells of the

37. Vividh Vfsaya_Vol.II (Sec.92j Satkaryottejak Sabha Dhulia, 'Two such letters were found in the Domagaon math, one from Keshav Svami to Ramdas and other from Ramdas to Keshav Svami~

279

pandit from Benaras who comes and wishes to debate with

Ramdas as he saw numerous people reading the Dasbodh.

Ramdas called a low-caste man who answered all the

questions of the Pandit to his satisfaction and the Pandit

thus became the disciple of Ramdas. { 38 ) This and other

such stories always emphasie Ramdas insistence on bhakti

as the mode of devotion, his siding with the Ram worship

of people as against the brahmans who claimed for

scriptural superiority. At the same time, there are

other stories where Ramdas miraculously feasted the

Brahmans even in the forest. Mahipati tells us that once

Ramdas decided to a feast of a thousand Brahmans, who were

then called in the forest. The Samartha "worshipped them

with expression of love, washed their feet, marked in them

with divinely perfumed paster; with the kasturi paste on

their foreheads", and then they were fed with delicious

dishes of various kinds. Mahipati says that 'the fame and

good deed {of Ramdas) now spread far and wide, ..... even

among the evil doers, sinners and the crokked, on hearing

this miracle."< 39 )

These and other such stories relating the

encounters of Ramdas with Brahmins give us some clue to

the idea of Brahman which Ramdas approved of. It can be

said that in talking of a specific kind of Brahman, Ramdas

was trying to achieve some relation between the fact that

his movement "included many Brahmans and people from other

38. Hanumant Svami, op.cit, p.31

39. Mahipatis SV, op.cit., pp. 76-78

280

intellectual groups,"< 40 > with his mission of

popularization of Ram worship among the people.

Another set of stories telling us of Ramdass visit

to Pandharpur also provide us insights into the way the

worship of Ram was established in relation to the

traditionally more popular worship of Krishna. Though the

Ramdasi movement and the Warkari movement had no direct

connection, "the relationship between the two movements

was of friendly tolerance with occasional contacts" and

yet without any direct interaction. <41 >

"Ramdas went down to the bank of Krishna to .. quietly spend some time. Just then a large band of

pilgrims arrived, and encamped on that spot ... They

lovingly described the greatness of Pandhari and finally

lost all bodily consciousness." They were pilgrims going

to Pandhari when they pitched their tents at the banks of

Krishna, in the night, Ramdas started relating to them the

greatness at Ram. The pilgrims on hearing him requested

him to come to Pandhari, telling Ramdas that he would see

Ram also at the place where Krishna was worshipped, as Ram

pervades every place. On reaching Pandhari, Ramdas saw an

innumerable number of pilgrims singing hymns of praise as

they walked along. Ramdas, puzzled in his mind, thought,

"I have seen many sacred places in many wanderings. I

never found a place where pride of heart had disappeared.

40. Demming, op.cit., p. 48

41. Ibid. I p. 4 8

281

But here men and women seem without pride. Pandhari's

filled with the loud repetitions of God's name." As he

approached the temple, the Lord-of-Pandhari appeared to

him in the form of a brahman, "cast a spell over him of

Vaisnava maya and brought him there." At that time Maruti

appeared to Ramdas, who often worshipping him asked,

"where is our Rama ?" Even Maruti related to Ramdas a

long story in which Ram tells Maruti, that "in the avatara

Krishna I shall meet you in a visible manifestation." So

Maruti on reaching Owaraka is able to meet Ram and Sita.

Thus relating Maruti tells Ramdas what Ram spoke in his

sweet hectar voice, "I have said to you that during the

avatara of Krishna, I would give you a direct

manifestation of myself. Under the names Rama and

Krishna, I have manifestated myself in two avataras. But

we are essentially one. We are not to be considered

separate beings." Ramdas on hearing this from Maruti

thought of testing this assetion himself and so went to

the assembly hall, where the image of Pandhuruga was

placed. "Samartha stood with his hands joined together

palm to palm and with his lips he pleaded. Moved by his

pleading, the Vaishnava maya showed Ramdas the whole scene

of Ayodhya as well as both Ram and Sita. Then on Ram's

instruction, Ramdas goes to the Eagle platform, where the

saints and mahants were seated and performed a kirtan

there. C 42 )

42. Paraphrased from Mahipati's SV, op.cit., pp. 126-140.

282

In this way the above story of visit of Ramdas to

Pandharpur shows that how on the same pilgrimage to

Pandhari, which for centuries people had been undertaking

to worship Krishna, Ramdas goes and sees Ram,

interestingly in the same way as Ram had revealed himself

to Maruti at Dwarka. The legend in this same builds up a

continuity with Ramdass desire to see Rama in Pandhari

with the motives of Vaishnva worship of the centuries long

Warkari tradition. This is how Ramdas seeks for a

relation with the popular worship of krishna by telling

the people that Ram and Krishna were alike and thus they

should join him in his mission of Ram-worship.

The story further tells us that Ramdas visits

Pandharpur and performs kirtans of Ram-worship at many

places and meets many saints. These saints, "God loving

and wise, to whom Krishna was subservient, through Ramdas

saw Rama between their eyes. The others of the pilgrims

saw Pandhari just as it always was, but to the saints it

seemed to be Ayodhya. . . To the eyes of the ordinary

people Pandhuranga was sitting on his throne but to the

saints he seemed Rama." After this event, the saints

remarked, "In him Maruti has appeared as an avatara for

the salvation of the world. Seeing his unlimited worship

and loving bhakti Pandhuranga became Rama and manifested

the deeds performed in his former avatara." The noble

Vaishnavas, so pleased they were with Ramdas that they

took him around the city, singing alound as they walked.

283

Ramdas performed mans kirtans "praising especially

the greatness of bhakti, and that the name of god was a

saviour, able to save the ignorant man." Ramdas recounted

lot of tales from the Puranas where the goodness of the

merciful Krishna is proclaimed. Ramdas then participates

in the celebration of the Gopalika festival and then asks

Keshva for leave. Krishna then performed a miracle and

revealed himself to Ramdas and listening to Ramdas' s is

pleading words, exclaimed, "I, the giver of Final-Bliss,

an always with you, whether you are in the Purushshrestha

among the men."C 43 )

So Ramdas not only goes to Pandhari to see Ram,

but also as the above story tells us is able to see

Krishna also, as they were really one. In Pandharpur

among the Vaishnavas, he was able to spread the message of

Ram worship. At the same time what he took from the

Warkaris was the Bhakti mode of devotion, there by

relating both the saguna as well as nirguna form of God in

his preachings and message. An interesting feature of Ram

worship thus in the Ramdasi movement was the idol-worship

of Ram, showing an influence of the bhakti tradition of

idol worship of Vithoba, although not being consistent

with the Vedantist position of Ramdas. But this was

became he had to present Ram as the "Nirguna Brahman", and

had to attract the attention of people."< 44 >

43. Ibid~ pp.l41-158

284

Apart from these stories, there are manay other

regarding say his love for the forests and nature, his

meetings with Shivaji, his meeting with Tukaram, us·ing

people firm .. incidents about testing the loyalty of the

disciples, his miraculous feats of saving people etc. In

fact, as we had earlier in our discussion on the sources

for the biography of Ramdas, most of the biographies are

collections of such legends built around various moments

of Ramdas's life.

Thus the biography as a kind of genre in the

discussion on the life of the saints perhaps provides us

with a specific kind of evidence. A biography 1 ike the

one Mahapati writes in the 18th century tells us not

merely of the life of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th

century, but also tells us the way he was remembered in

the later Ramdasi tradition. As a source, which is

internal to the Ramdasi tradition od a biography by

Mahapati, who was granted land by the Peshwas in the 18th

centurv, for his poetic activities. <45 ) Mahapatis

santivijaya, a poetical account of the life of Ramdas

written about 1774, the way it narrates the life of Ramdas

"gives us the atmosphere in which he lived." <46 ) Asking

for God's blessing on his book Mahipati says, "yet I,

Mahipati, dull of mind, of a little intellect in every

respect, have become a vessel containing the gift of thy

45. V. K Bha~e; Peshvaka 1 in Maharashtra pp. 9 0-91, J.E.Aboott; Stotramala No.6, Pune, 1929, p.156.

46. Demming op.cit., p.25

285

assurance. So now being proud of that fact, give my

mind the power of rememberance, so most I may properly

relate in Marathi the stories of thy saints." ( 4 7)

Mahapati 's biography served as an important text in the

formalization of the Ramdasi tradition in the 18th

century. The way it narrates the life of the saint, the

mere listening to which fulfills the lovings of the heart,

and thus constantly implores saints and disciples to

listen to the story.

Mahipatis biography is largely a collection of

legends and stories about Ramdas, which must have been

prevalent in earlier times, and which Mahipati thus

arranges in the lOth century, ar~1nd a biography of the

saint. Much as a response to his own. Mahipati's

biography is in a sense a representation of Ramdas.

Ramdas emerges as a saint who though his of Ram worship,

also politically prepares the ground for the Maratha. In

the biography Ramdas plays the role of a political guru to

Shivaji.

In the way Mahipati arranges the around the

biographical moments of Ramdas, like the revealation of

Ram in the childhood, his association with Maruti, as

another dasa of Ram as an avatara; his advice to Shivaji

on the duties of the king; and other, the biography gives

us lot of insights into the thoughts of Ramdas as brahman,

the king and the state, the plight of the Maratha people.

47. Mahipati, SV, op.cit., p.6

286

Looked at his way Mahipati's Santavijaya is also important

as a transmitter of Ramdasi tradition.

RAKDAI AND liS THOUGHTS ;

The teaching of Ramdas cannot be seen as forming

one whole as might be inferred from his biographical'

sketch. The seint' s site in one 17th century and his

teachings were a response to the social conditions of

Maharashtra in the 17th century. He founded his own sect,

Samartha sampradaya, which drewtrous different tradition

of the might. He was a vedantist, as he accepted

Sankar's interpretation of religion and philosophical

truth, the Vedantic notices at uncertain recently. He was

not a Warkari, but the bhakti element was equally

pronounced in his worship of Ram.

Ramdas, for this reason is also remembered

differently by different people. To some he is a bhakta

like Ramghander, to some a Vedntist and to many others he

is a poet-polition, a saint who blended politics with his

teachings. <48 >

As we have earlier recounted in the section on

biographs, Ramdas seems to have read the Upanishaada and

Bhagavadgita, and also Jnaneshweri commentry on it, during

the years he spent at Takerli in studying. He was a

follower of the Advaita school and felt "that the real can

only be reached by emptying ones self into the world. For

him the ultimate reality is the Brahman. In Manache

Sloka, he tells, "Brahman, the form of which cannot be

48. Demming, op.cit., p. 90

287

known by one mind, and which is unmost a second. All

illustrations fail to supply a symbol, for in him there is

neither attachment non- detachment, and he cannot be

described by the Vedas, Sastras and Puranas. He is

neither and is W.Lthout a witness."< 4 ~) As there is only

one infinite, all-pervading. God, the visible world is

thus Maya. In implying the Mind, Ramdas says "What is

seen by the Eye does not last eternally, and that which is

involved in sudden changes disappears in the course of

time therefore, 0 Mind, seek the everlasting and the

Eternal one. That Being which exis.ts in one form cannot

tolerate the angst of dnality; therefore o Mind, seek the

enduring and the Eternal one.u(SO) The Brahman, who alone

is real according to Ramdas can only be known by the eye

of knowledge. Ram in his Dashbodh preaches how to

reach this goal as it was not easy as egoism (ahankara)

which produces division in that which is indivisible and

one, "Only by disseminates, experience and the giving up

of desire can Brahman be realized by pondering over

experiences over and over, we should first know ourselves

and then only can we obtain real knowledge.n(Sl) In

seeking for one's unity with Brahman, Ramdas thought man

could attain salvation. "A wise man .is not known by his

bodily form, because he is Brahman himself. Those who

know themselves to be are with Brahman become eternal

49.,Manache S'lok~, Nos. 192, 193, Dabodh, op.cit.

50. Ibid, Nos. 146,147

51. Dasbodh, ch.ix, sec.2

288

and are free from life and death."C 52 >

Ramdas didn't preach salvation by knowledge alone.

In fact what is characteristic of Ramdas' s thought, is

the theme of salvation by work. In this sense, Ramdas

makes possible the attainment of knowledge by all, by

insisting on the respective work done by different people,

swadharma, meant Dharma of vocation. <53 > Ramdas often

used the tour fold classification of the seekers of

salvation, "baddha, or conferred to this world; amenuksa

desiring release; sadhaka, or achieving release and

siddha, or released achieved ... ( 54 >

Even in the way Ramdas practised the preaching of

Ram, the Nirgun Brahman, he differed from the earlier

Vedantic and also other traditions of Ram worship.

Ramdas's Ram was also a response to the social life in

Maharashtra which had a tradition of vedantic bhakti

tradition. In Ramdas devotion of Ram, the bhakti element

was pronounced as he ruled math on the kirtan mode which

was much popular among the Marathi people. He respected

the idol worship of Rama and taught that there were few

classes deities namely "idols, incarnation god in the

human soul and in the supreme spirit.n55 Thus Ramdas in

trying to achieve a kind of relationship between the

52 Ibid, ch.ix, sec.3 53 Here Ramdas elaborates the concept of 1Swadharma', in

accordance with inborn capacity rather than with caste­restrictions. V.L Bhave: Ramdasanchi Bhajane, Vidypith Prakashan, pp. 52-53. Manache Sloka 48.

54 Dasbodh, op.cit, chpat.5, sec.? 55 Dasbodh, Ch. XI, Sec.2

289

Saguna and Nirguna form of God, placed Ram worship on a

popular level, and was in this manner responding to the

social conditions of his time. This might be the reason

why the teachings of Ramdas in actuali tya, social work,

justice and telling people to take interest in men

respective social life.C56 )

In forming a different sect, Ramdas also stressed

on the importance of the sadguru, who was absolutely

essential in the attainment of salvation. According to

Ramdas, : The sadguru is the one who removes our ignorance

by teaching us pure knowledge, explaining how we should

restrain our senses. The chief qualities of such a man

are that he should have great self-possessive power of

concentration and be able to teach the way of

salvation."< 57 > For the disciple, the guru is essential

as "he is useless without a guru no matter how virtuons he

may otherwise be, and the guru is of little use unless he

has a disciple.n(58) This instance of guru disciple

relationship gave the Ramdasi movement a contain stable

and a formal shape. Ramdas role as a guru here overlaps

with the being an absolute organiser. The importance

which Ramdas accords to the role of a guru becomes

important as he himself has been . represented in the

56. Ramdas swaminche Samagra Grantha, \,ed .) L. R. Pangarkar, 1930, Bombay, pp.219.

57. Dasbodh, ch.v. sec. 2

58. Ibid, ch.v. sec.3

290

Ramdasi traditions as playing the role of a spiritual

preceptor and guru of Shivaji, who was advising him in

political matter. In Ramdas teaching, one finds a

political articulation of the concept of king, the state,

society and social justice. In his work Dasbodh, he

spends some more time discussing the role of king, the

nature of state. In fact the reason why Ram as a king of

Ayodhya becomes important in Ramdas' construction of the

worship of Ram, as the fighter for people (Hindu against

evil, Ram as a dutifal king who is able to make a just and

benevolent society.

SBIYAJI AND BAMDAS: Attempts have been made to link the

ideas of Ramdas as the guiding ideology of Shi vaj i and

Marathas' rise to power. One must counter the reduction

of the hagioqraphical literature which give these kind of

articulation. The articulations of Ramdas and his

treatise Dasbodh have always been in the light of

hagiographical archives of memory and reason.

Ramdas reiterated the superiority of the Brahmins.

He insisted that the Brahmin was everybody's preceptor and

even if he neglected his duty, he had to be revered

without any qualm. Ramdas believed that since Brahmins

were the preceptors of the whole of society, it was wrong

to be slow upon even the most studious of untouchables the

honour and respect that was due to the Brahmin.< 59 ) When

we compare his attitude with Tukaram's beliefs, one graps

59. Ibid, chapt. 5, sec.16

291

almost immediately the difference in their articulation of

society. For Tukaram said "He who utters the name of Rama

in good faith and cherishes the dark form of Hari is a

true Brahmin, though born among untouchables. ( 60 ) In the

Warkari sect a devotee could be initiated by a preceptor

of any caste. But Ramdas stated quite categorically that

the guru had to belong to one's own caste. <61 )

In the realm of ideological plank it is clear that

Ramdas was different from Warkaris. So if Shivaji had

mustered the support of small Watandars to raise a state,

how it could have been plausible that Ramdas became his

spiritual adviser. Including Warkari' s and Ramdasis

hagiographical texts have provided the levels of

generalisations, which speak of the ideological alignment

of Ramdas with Shivaji.

In the traditions of Bakhars and Charita, Shivaji

was deified by the Maratha chroniclers as avatar of Lord

Shiva and made active to work super human miracles in

human form to serve and protect the cows and Brahmans.< 62 )

Two approaches have contributed towards its elaboration.

The first to examine hagiographical works, as we

know, where chroniclers anxious not to prof are the

traditions of saints by doing honour to apocryphal

persons; to this precise concern corresponds a rigid and

60. Tukarama gat~ abhanga no. 1235,' Ind~ Prakash edition' op. u.·£.

61. Dasbotiha, op.cit., chapt. 5 no.64

62. B.K Apte, ~1983, p.286

292

limited pre-occupation with assessing authencity. Later

when historians decided to exploit the whole mass of

texts; authenticity carne to be seen in a new light; from

this point of view, it was sufficient to establish the

date of a work and, if possibl~, the place where it was

written. But both types of approach are all too often

based on the supposition that the texts were popular' in

context just as their production and consumption were

reserved for the lower order of society. Scholars,

therefore, felt free to manipulate the texts to pluck

concrete information from a hagiographical context, which

was itself ignored; the latter was seen, it seems, as a

mere stringing together, with some variations in their

order, of a limited number of themes. Such a method

of picking and choosing certainly seems to be the only

feasible for amassing a series of texts on a specific

~oints; but, when used to the exclusion of any other, it

substitutes for the dynamic coherence of a living work a

fictive chimera in which lock-and-bull stories and

reliable observation are inexplicably mingled. Should not

the latter also be respect in such a context ? Quite the

opposite, it appears; for paradoxically the critical

approach in question takes them quite literally, precisely

because it does not examine th criteria by which the

hagiographical authors selected and classified the facts

which they represent.

Moreover the hagiographical account of Rarndas is

not simply 'popu 1 ar' 1 i tera ture. It was written by

293

Mahipati and it was addressed to the whole of society as

it has been demonstrated earlier in Ramdas's hagiography

diversified in response to needs that had become complex:

and divided into two main genses: collection of exemplary • stories, on the one hand, and his life proper on the

other. The related miracles of Ramdas were sometimes

incorporated into the life.

And these two genres have a certain number of

themes in common; and the same types of miracles and one

total illustration of moral, religions or scripturala

truths occur in both. Ramdas whose 800 monasteries had an

emblematic zonal influence. Because both the life of

Ramdas and miracles were usually linked to a region.

Ramdas's maths at, Sajjangad, Chaphal, Jamb, Domgaon,

Miras.Tanjore, Dadegaon etc.

If the look at Ramdas' s early period he was

settled in the Jagir of Baji Ghorpade, who was not on good

terms with Shivaji. And as Prof. N. R. Phatak says that

Ramdas had some influence with Bijapur court. The

territories of Mudhol came under Shivaji in the year 1972;

and the in it was Ramdas having lost support of the

Ghorpades of Mudhol moved towards Shivaji. (6J)

Sir Jadunath Sarkar granted a view that "an

attempt has been made in the present generation to prove

that the Maratha national bero' s political ideas of an

63. N.R Phatakj Shri Samarth Charitra, Poona 1951. In which he dis~-es at length about Ramdas.

294

independent Hindu morarchy was inspired by Ramdas; but the

evidence produced is neither adequate nor free from

suspicion. The holyman 1 s influence on Shivaji was

spiritual and not political. C64 ) Shri V.K Rajwade

published in 1 Ramdas and Ramdas 1 journal a 1 Wakenasi

Tippan' dated 1682 in which he tried to demonstrate the

possible meeting of Ramdas with Shivaji. He says "Divakar

Gosawi was keeping daily diavies of Ramdas ... The tippan

was prepared on the basis of what was actually seen or

heard. ( 65 ) No doubt can be raised as regards its

reliability and honesty." Though the linguistic style of

the Tippan is in the manner of Bakhars. And this tipan is

full of legends. The dialogu of run-god to Ramdas 1 s

father coming of Lord Rama to Ramdas. And during his

southern pilgrimage Ramdas meets Bibhisan 1 the brother of

Ravati. In this tippan 1 Ramdas is assigned a pre-destined

role; he is to help Shivaji.

In a way the question of Ramdas being Shivaj i 1 s

formal or informal guru does not arise much in the light

of the various generalisations. But at the same time like

Warkari's 1 Ramdasis too had influence in Maharashtra.

Shivaji's administrational matters also concerned Muslims

as much. Because Shivaji also continued the existing

grants in favours of musalmanpirs mosques etc. for keeping

64. J. Sarkar; Shi~aji and his Times, 3rd ed. pp.381-82 65. V.K Rajwade, "WakenaGi Tippan" Sri Sampradayik vividha

vishya, Vol. I pp. 113-117.

295

up lights. <66 )

Parmanand, the author of 'Shiva Bharat' says that

Shivaji personally asked him to write the history of royal

family right from the days of Maloji. <67 > He has not been

able to mention Shi vaj i. The same can be said about

Sabhasad the first biographer of Shi vaj i. Contemporary

writings like J'edheshakawali, Jedhe Kareena and Bhusan's

poems do not .ention Rarndas. Had there been any close

relations between the king and the saint, the linkage

would certainly have been made between Shivaji and Rarndas.

Then the question arises, how Rarndas's

articulations have to be taken. Rajwade's< 68 ) .explanation

that the other Guru were "temporary" whereas Rarndas was

"permanent guru" is based on Rarndasi traditions. And

these traditions were invented by the followers of the

sect in the form of legend. Wakeniri Tippan, through

which Rajwade could establish a connection between Rarndas

and Shivaji, is replete with legends. This tippan is

replete with legends and myths. One has to creatively

select the real authentic aspects, which are in consonance

with the general historical reality.

Here two points hqve to be made; in terms · of

differentiating legends from myths. Myths in the

folklorist sense of narratives about how things first carne

66. Qr. Fryer's Travels: :::.;New Account of the East I"ndia and Persia, 1672-81 (_ed;) William Crooke, Haklyut Society -P. 1~4.

67. J.N Sarkar; House of Shivaji, Pf - 151-52. 68. V.K Rajwade;vRarndas & Rarndasi, Vol. 15, Shri

Sarnpradayik Vividh Vishaya, Vol.I, p. 125.

296

to be as they are - also embody ideological messages. In

the case of myths, however, these messages are mostly

concerned with the basic conceptual; social, and

psychological structures to define the communities and

their members, legends on the other hand, are generally

move directly concerned with the specific socio-economic

and political situations faced by the communities in the

course ot their historical development. In the legends of

Ramdas, he abandous the some what passive role of the

would be victim. In there legends, Ramdas himself takes

on the role of a guide, philospher etc. In this contexts,

bakhars like "Wakenisi Tippan", which do n<::?t directly

concern any test of Shivajis and Ramdas virtues and

powers, nevertheless are also intended to reveal their

innate, though hidden superiority.

Despite of the problems generated by the nature of

sources, one can discern the inherent symmetricity of

episodic narrativisation of legends. Despite of Shivaji's

pronounced characterisation, in-consonance with Ramdas, on

seen that Shivaji too employed muslim men such as Siddi

Mittal, Ibrahim Khan, Madari Mehtar and a large number of

Pathens. ( ~) Shi vaj i himself visited the Muslim saint

Baba Yakuti of Kailashi to whom he inadegrant to the tomb

of Muslim saints. Shivaji also continued the inam land,

to the muslim pirs of sayeed hasarat and Qacii Qarim

P irzada in Pune pargana. <.,~) And at the same time,

Shambhji issued an order to his desadhikari of Prant

Molkapur asking him to continue the inam lands, which were

297

given by Shivaji for the worship of Hanuman at Chaphal to

Ramdas. <7 -) In the same manner, Sambhaji ordered the

deshadhikari of Satara to give 11 bighas of fertile land

in each of 11 villages granted as inarn to Raghunath Dev

swami at Chaphat. <7lJ

64f· Sabhasad Bakhar, (ed0 by S.N Joshi, (1960) p.54

-:yJ. Vad, Mavaj i, and Parasanis Led~ Sanad letter~ Bombay

7;. S.N Joshi ced-) Sambhaji Kalin Patrasarsamgrah, Poona, 1949.

71-· ibid, p.16, p.56.

298