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REBUILDING THE NATION TACKLING NIGERIA’S GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES ROUNDTABLE REPORT (Roundtable 1 l August 2017) Deciphering Nigeria’s Fundamental Development Challenges

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Page 1: Deciphering Nigeria’s Fundamental Development Challengesnextieradvisory.com/GPRN-RoadmapNigeria/download... · is even much lower than Singapore ($85,050), a country that, in the

REBUILDING THE NATION TACKLING NIGERIA’S GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES

ROUNDTABLE REPORT (Roundtable 1 l August 2017)

Deciphering Nigeria’s Fundamental Development Challenges

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1. Preamble

On Wednesday, August 30, 2017, Nextier Advisory1, with support from LEAP-PERL2, organised a public policy dialogue themed “Rebuilding the Nation: Tackling Nigeria’s Governance Challenges”. This event, which is the first in the Policy Discourse Series, was organised under the auspices of Nigeria’s Governance, Policy and Research Network (GPRN). Participants at the roundtable included senior level scholars and policy makers, senior government officials, senior policy entrepreneurs as well as representatives of civil society and the media. The GPR Network is conceived as a vehicle to drive public sector reform in Nigeria by creating policy communities that would strengthen the evidence base for governance reform. The Network aims to: • Promote informed public discourse on public service reform based on

relevant, quality and up-to-date evidence made available to policy makers and policy communities;

• Provide a platform for constructive engagement on pivotal issues and challenges to effective governance generally and public sector reform specifically. This will be undertaken by creating forums for discussions and conversations in a meaningful manner on otherwise divisive matters;

• Broaden channels and foster opportunities for the uptake of research evidence into policy and practice. The engagements will promote the use of research as a basis to identify and formulate PSR challenges, on the one hand, and for policy priorities to set the agenda for research into reform options, on the other hand;

• Develop an avenue to engage the public in conversations on public sector reform, in particular, and governance reform, at large. The platform will serve as a more democratised space for identifying solutions that are endogenous and contextually path dependent

The Discourse Series of the GPR Network consists of periodic policy dialogues with specially selected participants chosen for their extensive experience or knowledge on the challenges facing Nigeria’s public sector and potential solutions to these

1 Nextier is a multi-competency public sector advisory firm and think tank with extensive experience bringingdiverseactorstogethertoaddressgovernanceproblemsinhighlycomplexenvironments.2Learning,Evidencing,AdvocacyandPartnerships(LEAP)isoneofthethreepillarsofthePartnershiptoEngage,ReformandLearn(PERL).PERLisafive-yearPublicSectorAccountabilityandGovernanceprogramme,fundedbytheUnitedKingdom’sDepartmentforInternationalDevelopment(DFID).

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challenges. These policy dialogues organised in the form of roundtable discussions will closely examine the challenges of reforming Nigeria’s public sector and seek to design solutions to these problems. The series will feed into each other, with the end goal to inform evidence-based policymaking in Nigeria. For more information on the Network, visit www.nextieradvisory.com/GPRN. 2. Tackling Nigeria’s Governance Challenges

The first part of the Policy Dialogue Series, scheduled for August to December 2017, is focused on tackling Nigeria’s governance challenges. The discussions will be conducted in four stages: root cause analysis, solutions of ideas generation, implementation planning, and public presentation of the Position Paper.

The August 2017 roundtable aimed to decipher Nigeria’s fundamental development challenges as a precursor to developing strategies to tackle Nigeria’s governance challenge. The objectives of the session include: • Achieve consensus on the fundamental challenges to Nigeria’s development

and the hierarchical cause-and-effect relationship between these factors; • Provide input in defining the themes and specific topics for further research

that would be required to develop pragmatic solutions to the identified challenges;

Aug. 2017: Root Cause

Analysis

• Objective: Decipher the fundamental challenges with Nigeria's development and their impact on public service reforms

Sep. 2017: Solutions or

Ideas Generation

• Objective: Generate ideas for reforming Nigeria's public service mindful of the fundamental challenges to Nigeria's development

Oct. 2017: Implementation

Planning

• Objective: Create an implementation plan with emphais on how to navigate Nigeria's public service

Nov. 2017: Presentation of Position Paper

• Objective: Public presentation and debate on a pragmatic roadmap for public service reforms with endorsement from the Presidency and the leadership of the National Assembly

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• Provide input on the types of actors who should be invited to a “coalition of change” to ensure a representative policy community that would lead to sustained public service reforms.

3. Fundamental Challenges

Nigeria has failed to deliver development to its people. According to the Global Multidimensional Poverty Index, about 53.2 percent of Nigerians are poor3. In 2016, Nigeria’s Gross National Income per capita (PPP adjusted) was estimated at $5,740 placing the country at 156 out of 216 assessed countries, and puts it far below its fellow MINT countries: Mexico ($17,740), Indonesia ($11,220), Turkey ($23,990). It is even much lower than Singapore ($85,050), a country that, in the 1960s, was at a much lower socio-economic rung when compared to Nigeria. The United Nation’s Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI) which is a composite measure of development based on an assessment of education, life expectancy and income per capita indicators ranked Nigeria 152 out of 188 assessed countries in 2016, again far below Singapore and other comparable countries. As at its closeout in 2015, Nigeria was only able to fully meet one of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).4 A review of scholarly papers outlined a number of fundamental challenges to Nigeria’s development. These factors were categorised into under four major themes: Legacy Issues, Identity Issues, Weak Institutions, and Governance Challenges. These themes were used to guide the contributions at the roundtable discussion. The key points are outlined below under the four broad headings.

3.1. Legacy Issues

There are a number of factors, from Nigeria’s history with slavery and colonialism that have prevented Nigeria from transitioning from a country to a nation. These factors (outlined below) have also impacted Nigeria’s ability to reform its public service to deliver the aspirations of Nigerians. Some of the factors include:

3 GlobalMultidimensional Poverty Index 2017.Oxford Poverty and Human Development Index Initiative, ODID.Availableat:http://www.ophi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/B47_Global_MPI_2017.pdf[Accessed28Aug.2017]4Nigeria2015MillenniumDevelopmentGoalsEndPointReport.Availableat:https://goo.gl/NzZHUQ[Accessed28Aug.2017]

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The 1914 Amalgamation: The Amalgamation did not succeed in merging the various sub-nationalities into a single nation (Awolowo, 1947)5. The political parties that emerged pre-independence were regional; and although Nigeria’s politics has evolved over the years (Nunn, 2008)6, the political parties have remained largely regional. Sectional Politics: The politicians were also regional in their outlook. Leaders, such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, who had proven nationalist credentials, adopted a more regional focus after the pre-Independence election crisis.7 These vestiges of the colonial era have continued to manifest in contemporary Nigeria. Fear of Domination: There is great distrust amongst the various ethnic groups in Nigeria and a prevailing fear of domination of one group by another (Ojo, 2014)8. This was one of the fundamental reasons for adopting the federal system of governance. However, power is now over-centralised with the ruling minority possessing disproportionate power to distribute the nation’s commonwealth. Modern versus Traditional State: At Independence, parts of Nigeria showed signs of an emerging modern state while other parts had more traditional governance structures. This dichotomy posed a challenge because while some parts of the country tried to build a modern state (with formal rules guided by a social contracts), others upheld and defended their more traditional structures. Production versus Distribution: Colonial Nigeria was predatory and established extractive institutions. Nigeria’s political leadership at Independence sustained the extractive institutions as their interest was more aligned to appropriation and distribution of the country’s resources, instead of production. Impact of Legacy Issues on Public Service Reforms 5Awolowo,O.,1947.PathtoNigerianFreedom.Davis,TJ,&Kalu-Nwiwu,A.(2001).Education,ethnicityandnationalintegration inthehistoryofNigeria:ContinuingproblemsofAfrica'scolonial legacy.TheJournalofNegroHistory,86(1),pp.1-11.6Nunn,N.(2008). TheLong-TermEffectsofAfrica’sSlaveTrades.TheQuarterly JournalofEconomics,Vol. 123,No.1(Feb.,2008),pp.139-176.Retrievedfromhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/250988967Akindele,S.T.(2011).Intraandinterpartypost-electioncrisis/feudmanagementinapluralisticdemocracy:Anx-rayof theNigerianpolitical landscape.Africa JournalofPoliticalScienceandInternationalRelations,Vol5(6).p287-330.Availableat:www.academicjournals.org/article/article1381827424_Akindele.pdf[Accessed5Sep.2017]8Ojo, E.O. (2014). Nigeria, 1914-2-14: FromCreation to Cremation? Journal of theHistorical Society of Nigeria.Availableat:www.jstor.org/stable/24768942(AccessedonAugust01,2017)

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The above prognosis suggests that public service reforms must incorporate the impact of slavery and colonialism in Nigeria that continue to manifest as sectionalism instead of a shared nationhood, distrust amongst the sub-nationalities, contradictions between those with modernist and traditionalist views, and an over-centralisation of power. Such a plan must address the following concerns: • Can there be a functional national public service if Nigeria has not evolved

into a nation? • Can Nigerians share a common nationhood with the continued emphasis on

“State of Origin” instead of “State of Residency”? • Can meritocracy be enshrined in the Constitution with the way the Federal

Character provisions (or Quota System) are being implemented? • What is the place of traditional institutions in the modern Nigerian state

especially given their influence on governance processes? • Is Nigeria really exceptional even with its experiences with ethnicity, religion,

violent history, etc.?

3.2. Identity Issues

This session explored the extent to which identity politics impacted Nigeria’s development including the elements within the country’s political economy that triggers or enables identity politics. Valorisation of Identity: Identify formation is a normal part of human socialisation. Horowitz (1985)9 talks about the natural fellowship with the familiar. Therefore, identity is typically not a problem in nation building; rather, it is the way it is manipulated for political advantage. More importantly, continuous focus on identity politics as integral to the Nigerian development problem has limited the more technical debates on the need for production-oriented institutions as the key drivers of economic growth. Tool for Social Manipulation: Identity has become an effective tool used by the political elites to manipulate the masses. This fragmentation is not only between the major ethnic groups or the geo-political zones; it also plays out in state and local government politics where the constituents are mainly from the same ethnic

9Horowitz,D.L.(1985).EthnicGroupsinConflict.California:UniversityofCaliforniaPress

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group. In essence, ethnic identity has been harnessed as a tool for distribution by the ruling elite and comes into play when a group seeks advantage over another group or when it is a fight for economic access (Jega, 2000)10. Identity as Political Categories: Politicisation of identities is a fundamental challenge to development in Nigeria. Various forms of identities have been used in creating political cleavages in Nigeria (Nnoli, 1995)11. For instance, religious identities have become deeply intertwined with political identities and symbols, such as churches and mosques, are fundamentally political and are tied to the distribution and allocation of resources. Identity as Tool of Marginalisation: There is always a risk of marginalisation of minority groups by dominant ethnic groups especially in situations where there is a struggle for insufficient resources. There is evidence of increases in identity politics with groups that fear marginalisation from other dominant groups (Ibrahim; 2000)12. This is exacerbated when the groups feel that they do not have channels to seek redress for their real or perceived marginalisation (Osaghae, 1993)13. This phenomenon is not a recent occurrence as evidenced by the 1958 report of the Willink Commission that was tasked with interrogating the fears of minorities in Nigeria and recommending means of allaying them. The report posited that irrespective of the number of times a geographic area was subdivided to accommodate minority groups, new minorities would emerge and take up the same chant of marginalisation. Identity Politics as Failure of Leadership: Identity issues have always been at play in Nigeria’s politics, even during the colonial era. In deed, it is one of the vestiges of colonial divide-and-rule politics (Mamdani, 2015)14. Therefore, ethnic identities should be managed to ensure that they do not interfere with the establishment of production-oriented institutions in Nigeria. Some of the challenges of identity

10 Jega, A. (2000). General Introduction. Identity Transformation and the Politics of Identity Under Crisis andAdjustment.In:Jega,A.(ed.)IdentityTransformationandIdentityPoliticsunderStructuralAdjustmentinNigeria.NordiskaAfrikainstitutet,pp.11-23.11Nnoli,O.(1995).EthnicityandDevelopmentinNigeria.UnitedKingdom:Avebury.12 Ibrahim, J. (2000). The Transformation of Ethno-Regional Identities in Nigeria. In: Jega, A. (ed.) IdentityTransformationandIdentityPoliticsunderStructuralAdjustmentinNigeria.NordiskaAfrikainstitutet,pp.11-23.13Osaghae,E.,1992,“ManagingEthnicConflictsUnderDemocraticTransitioninAfrica”.inCaron,B.,etal.(eds.),DemocraticTransitioninAfrica.Ibadan:CREDU.14Mamdani,M. (2005). Political Identity, Citizenship and Ethnicity in Post-Colonial Africa.Arusha Conference,“NewFrontiersofSocialPolicy”(December12-15,2005).

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politics in Nigeria relate to a lack of inclusiveness or representation. These issues refer more to equal access to opportunities than to parity in representation. While Federal Character or Quota system was put in place to address this representational parity, it has produced unintended consequences in the lowering of standards across the country. Ethnic Identity versus National Identity: Why are ethnic identities more meaningful to Nigerians than their national identity? Ethnic identities have become effective vehicles for accessing resources or fight for economic access (Jega, 2000)15. Adetiba & Rahim (2012)16 posit that the ethnic identify is often manipulated for parochial interests. Ethnicity would have a much-reduced impact on politics in Nigeria if there were no tangible benefits associated to ethnic identification. This issue can be resolved through a separation of ethnic identities from access to education, jobs, infrastructure, etc. There is need to create new identities along the lines of merit and hard work. This would only be possible if all Nigerians, regardless of their ethnicity, had equal opportunities to make better lives for themselves. Various nations, such as the Russian Federation, made deliberate efforts to ‘create’ their national identity as a rallying point for the diverse people of the country. Impact of Identity Issues on Public Service Reforms

Identity issues have created various scenarios that must be considered in developing a plan for public service reforms: • Meritocracy is no longer the unimpeachable basis for advancement in the

service; rather, it has become commonplace to align oneself with various identities to achieve success: ethnicity, religion, gender, class, etc.

• The destructive competition between various identity groups has become inimical to progress.

• Identity continues to prop up the Peter Ekeh’s “two publics”17 where the public servant owes more allegiance to his community than to Nigeria.

• Identity politics encourages the appropriation of public resources for private use. Effective public service reform efforts must address “the mutually

15 Jega, A. (2000). General Introduction. Identity Transformation and the Politics of Identity Under Crisis andAdjustment.In:Jega,A.(ed.)IdentityTransformationandIdentityPoliticsunderStructuralAdjustmentinNigeria.NordiskaAfrikainstitutet,pp.11-23.16Adetiba,T.C.andRahim,A. (2012). Betweenethnicity,nationality,anddevelopment inNigeria.InternationalJournalofDevelopmentandSustainability.Vol.1.No.3(2012):656-67417Ekeh,P.P.,1975.ColonialismandthetwopublicsinAfrica:Atheoreticalstatement.Comparativestudiesinsocietyandhistory,17(1),pp.91-112.

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reinforcing interplay between identities and the pursuit of material benefits within the arena of competitive politics” (Joseph, 1987)18.

• Identity issues blur the lines between public and private domains and officeholders appropriate and personalise political or administrative powers (Ibrahim, 2000)19

3.3. Institutions

Douglas North (1990)20 defines institutions, as “the rules of the game of a society or more formally are the humanly-devised constraints that structure human interaction.” This is different from the physical buildings or organisations that go by the same name. A review of the “rules” of engagement in Nigeria may indicate the possibility that Nigeria is dysfunctional by design. The drivers of its dysfunction can be best interrogated by looking at the beneficiaries of the status quo, which is quite an ecumenical group of predatory elites with representation from every identity cleavage. Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) in Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, posit the success of a nation depends on their adoption or evolution of inclusive institutions that allow the free participation of a greater number of people in the economic activities. This is in contrast to extractive institutions that exclude the majority of the population from participation in political or economic affairs. LeVan (2007)21 identifies the sustained militarisation of Nigeria (starting six years after its Independence) as one of the reasons for the resultant social behaviour in Nigerians. This has played out in the dynamics of political parties and political institutions since Independence (Jega, 2000)22. As a consequence, there has been a steady decline in successor leadership from Nigeria’s Independence (Adetiba & Rahim, 2012)23. 18Joseph,R.,1987,DemocracyandPrebendalPoliticsinNigeria.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.19 Ibrahim, J. (2000). The Transformation of Ethno-Regional Identities in Nigeria. In: Jega, A. (ed.) IdentityTransformationandIdentityPoliticsunderStructuralAdjustmentinNigeria.NordiskaAfrikainstitutet,pp.11-23.20North,D.E.,1990.Institutions,InstitutionalChangeandPublicPerformance.21LeVanJr,A.C.,2007.Dictators,democrats,anddevelopmentinNigeria.UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego.22 Jega, A. (2000). General Introduction. Identity Transformation and the Politics of Identity Under Crisis andAdjustment.In:Jega,A.(ed.)IdentityTransformationandIdentityPoliticsunderStructuralAdjustmentinNigeria.NordiskaAfrikainstitutet,pp.11-23.23Adetiba,T.C.andRahim,A.(2012). Betweenethnicity,nationality,anddevelopment inNigeria.InternationalJournalofDevelopmentandSustainability.Vol.1.No.3(2012):656-674

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Some of the challenges with Nigeria’s development are situated in weak institutional processes that manifest in the following ways: Lack of Trust: Social capital is a prerequisite to sustainable development; yet, there is not enough trust between and within the constituent groups in Nigeria to create a society that works for all its constituents. It is difficult to have institutions (a set of social behaviours) that protect national interests when there is not a fully accepted concept of a shared nation. There are not enough “rules of the game” that seek to create a shared nation for Nigerians; rather, the nationalistic tendency has been in rapid decline since Independence. No Effective Platforms for National Dialogue: The National Assembly was designed as a vehicle for the continuous dialogue and negotiations among the various groups in Nigeria. Its structure and processes are meant to ensure sustained interaction and a competition of ideas toward national development. However, it appears that nationalistic and reform-minded individuals become ‘prisoners of capture’ when they join this organisation. The design of Nigeria’s representative democracy may be inherently flawed. Culture of Extraction: A culture of extraction pervades Nigeria’s public service. This extraction is not perpetuated only by the political elite, but is also driven by expectations of the various political ‘constituencies’. Constituents may consider their representative to be a failure if she chooses to uphold her integrity and not engage in corrupt practices. There is a need to examine the values that underpin this attitude and similar processes within Nigeria’s polity. Crisis of Values: While the Second Chapter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria lays out the country’s core values, integrating those values into its public institutions have remained a challenge. The values outlined in this Chapter of the Constitution are not justiciable, and this is further compounded by the declining quality of political leadership in Nigeria. The direct consequence of this challenge is the inability of leaders to embody and protect these core values of the nation. Nigeria lacks the purposeful leadership to inspire its citizens to rally around and adopt the national values espoused in the Constitution.

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Culture of Transaction: Nigeria has adopted a culture of transactions that even supersedes its identity issues. Opportunities are made available to the highest bidder regardless of ethnicity, religion, class, or other forms of identity. While critical decisions in developed nations are driven by policy and strategy, in Nigeria’s public service, similar decisions are reduced to a series of transactions. Decline of Democratic Institutions in Nigeria: With the possible exception of the Independent National Electoral Commission, there has been a general decline of democratic institutions in Nigeria. This decline is driven mostly by the poor quality of political leadership. There is a need to examine the democratic processes that allow individuals who do not have the competence for high office to get into such leadership positions as the Presidency, National Assembly, State or Local Governments, etc. A large majority of Nigeria’s political leaders have not displayed an ability to trade in ideas; rather, they pander to the more banal instincts of their constituents. Disregard for the Rule of Law: Respect for the rule of law is a precursor to the respect for the country. Most Nigerians have not been socialised in this regard especially given that some state actors display a blatant disregard for the law and suffer little to no consequences. This has resulted in a deep-seated lack of confidence in the rule of law and in public institutions. However, there are some regards for social contracts forged around ethnic and religious identities.24 Impact of Weak Institutions on Public Service Reforms

Institutions emerge through sustained deliberate action. A successful effort towards effective public service reform must address the challenges of weak institutions. Some of the considerations include: • Codification of Processes: There is a need to set up systems and processes

that embody the rule of law, and where possible, formulate enabling legislation that will protect the emergence of these institutions. A key to sustaining the emergence of institutions is to codify the processes. This is important to protect these institutions (processes) from individual whims.

24 Hoffmann, L. K. and Patel, R. N. (2017) Collective Action on Corruption in Nigeria. ChathamHouse Report.Available at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/publications/research/2017-05-17-corruption-nigeria-hoffmann-patel.pdf[Accessed3Sep.2017]

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• Human Capital: The quality of the human capital is an important factor in ensuring the public service is able to deliver development to Nigeria. In addition to technical competence, it is imperative to ensure that the people placed in leadership roles embody the national values. Such individuals have better incentives to ensure the continued growth and development of the country.

• Demand for Accountability: Inclusive institutions are created when there is sufficient pressure from the demand side. In other words, a strong appetite for efficiency and accountability by Nigerians will serve as a pull factor for its emergence. Nigerians have become accustomed to bad governance and need to realise that good governance and productive institutions are in their best interests.

3.4. Governance Structures

Nigeria’s governance structures are ineffectual and have contributed disproportionately to challenges to Nigeria’s development. Public service reforms are constrained by a number of challenges with the prevailing governance structures including, but not limited to, challenges with the Nigerian Constitution, governance capacity in the public and private sectors, policymaking process in Nigeria, dysfunction in Nigeria’s federal system, as well as the challenges of leadership and citizenship. These challenges include: Poor Governance Capacity: There is need to modernise Nigeria’s public service with significant skills upgrade, work tools, remuneration structure, etc. Diejomaoh & Eboh (2010)25, in its review of the local governments in economic growth and sustainable development in Nigeria, concludes that there are significant capacity issues across the service. There is need for innovation in governance to set Nigeria on the path of economic growth. Poor Policymaking Process: A country’s success depends on its ability to create and implement policies and programmes to deliver progress and development for its constituents. Policymaking in Nigeria is significantly impacted by a lack of data and this includes accurate census figures.

25Diejomaoh,I.andEboh,E.(2012).LocalgovernmentsinNigeria:Relevanceandeffectivenessinpovertyreductionandeconomicdevelopment.

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Lack of Inclusiveness: LeVan (2007)26 posits that lack of inclusiveness in the policymaking process is one of the factors impacting Nigeria’s development. Dysfunctional Federal System: Nigeria has a dysfunctional Federal system of government that has concentrated political, fiscal and economic powers in the centre (Diejomaoh & Eboh, 2010) with the \main task of the central government become revenue sharing. This has resulted in a country made up of states that are economically dependent on the centre (Babalola, 2012). Framework for Examining Governance Outcomes: There is a need to focus on outcome-based governance. These can be examined with a framework that includes the following elements: vision, policy, resource, strategy, accountability, and results. These elements should be mapped against character, competence, and capacity to govern. This can serve as a basis to determine why the current governance structures in Nigeria have yielded dismal results. Institutions, policies, and investments can then be used as a basis for ensuring economic growth. Role of the Intelligentsia: There is a need for a “community of people”, with technical expertise and governance experience, to begin to iterate and project pragmatic scenarios of actions or inactions that would deliver a reformed public service that would deliver the hopes and aspirations of Nigerians. This group would instigate a shift away from political conversations towards economic discourse that would hold the political leaders more accountable for their actions or inactions. Need for a “Revolution”: Nigeria needs a radical course correction. This will happen either in a structured, managed format or through violence. It is important that the intelligentsia become more actively engaged in seeking ways to bring progress and development to Nigerians, under the first option, because no one would be safe if there is breakout of all-out violence. The time to act is now. Impact of Weak Governance Structures on Public Service Reforms

• The governance structure in Nigeria’s public service has remained largely the same since the return of Nigeria to democratic rule. There is need to

26 26LeVanJr,A.C.,2007.Dictators,democrats,anddevelopmentinNigeria.UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego.

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evaluate how this structure has impacted public service effectiveness, and then agree on required changes, if any.

• The 1988 Civil Service Reforms gave Ministers greater responsibility in the appointment, promotion, training and disciplining of staff. These factors have led to the continued decline in the public service (BPSR)27.

• How can Nigeria improve on the human capital in its public service mindful of the fundamental challenges with governance structures in the country? For instance, the 1988 Civil Service Reforms stipulated Federal Character as one of the criteria for employment and this has significantly impacted the place of meritocracy in the service.

4. Conclusion

The roundtable discussions discussed the on the thesis and anti-thesis around the issues of legacy policies, identity politics, weak institutions and governance structures, as they relate to Nigeria’s development. It concluded on the following broad points: 1. The sources of some of the ideas underlying the core governance structures

and systems with which Nigeria’s democracy is run can be traced as far back as colonialism. There is a need to interrogate whether Nigeria is moving along the same path of dependence or whether Nigeria is truly transforming.

2. The dearth of good political leadership was a recurrent theme in all the sessions. This leads to a question of whether there is true egalitarian leadership in Nigeria or if it is merely state capture by a class.

3. Are Nigeria’s institutions fundamentally extractive, or are they inclusive institutions that lead to production?

4. The nature of the social contract between Nigeria and its citizens was discussed extensively as it is core to spin-off issues such as corruption and identity politics. This leads to a key question of whether there are true Nigerians, or whether all Nigerians are simply ambassadors of an identity group.

5. Is Nigeria as a nation obsessed with peace without justice? This may explain why Nigeria is currently in a state of restive calm, given the pursuit of peace at all costs.

27 Bureau of Public Service Reforms. (2016). Public Service Reforms in Nigeria (1999-2014) <http://psr.nigeriagovernance.org/#/3> (updated 2016; accessed September 11, 2017)

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Communiqué: Rebuilding the Nation Tackling Nigeria’s Governance Challenges

LEAP Page 15 of 16 Learning, Evidencing, Advocacy and Partnerships DFID Partnership to Engage, Reform and Learn (PERL)

In conclusion, the Roundtable reemphasised the need for a platform that would bring together technically competent individuals to seek ways to tackle the governance challenges in Nigeria’s public service. However, these efforts towards discourse and the eventual reforms should not lose sight of average Nigerians. These efforts can only claim to be successful if they positively impact the livelihood and well being of the average Nigerian.

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Communiqué: Rebuilding the Nation Tackling Nigeria’s Governance Challenges

LEAP Page 16 of 16 Learning, Evidencing, Advocacy and Partnerships DFID Partnership to Engage, Reform and Learn (PERL)

Contact Teniola Tayo Senior Analyst, Nextier [email protected] +234 802 824 0759 About LEAP-PERL

Learning, Evidencing, Advocacy and Partnerships (LEAP) is one of the three pillars of the Partnership to Engage, Reform and Learn (PERL). PERL is a five-year Public Sector Accountability and Governance programme, funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID). The focus of the programme is to reform how governments organise their core business of making, implementing, tracking and accounting for policies, plans and budgets used in delivering public goods and services to the citizens, and how citizens themselves engage with these processes. LEAP is focused on strengthening the evidence base on governance reform by working with stakeholders to encourage the generation, demand for and use of evidence relevant to a wide range of public sector reform questions. LEAP aims to generate evidence on how PERL is contributing to governance reform and the improved delivery of public goods and services required for poverty reduction and growth, strengthen the evidence base on how Nigeria can bring about governance reform, and inform broader public debates, policymakers and policy communities concerned with public sector reform. About Nextier Advisory

Nextier is a multi-competency public sector advisory firm and think tank with extensive experience bringing diverse actors together to address governance problems in highly complex environments. Nextier has core competencies in policy research, strategy, finance, monitoring and evaluation, and strategic communication. Nextier consultants bring deep knowledge of their industries; deliver rigorous analysis, and present pragmatic solutions to produce practical, sustainable, and high impact results. www.nextieradvisory.com