Dynasty Xiii Kingship in Ancient

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DYNASTY XIII KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT EGYPT:

A STUDY OF POLITICAL POWER AND AD MINISTRATION THR OUGH AN

INVESTIGATION OF THE ROYAL TOM BS OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM

Dawn Landua-McCormack

A DISSERTATION

In

Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations

Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

2008

Supervisor of Dissertation

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UMI Number: 3346149

Copyright 2008 by

Landua-McCormack, Dawn

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the members of my dissertation comm ittee including Josef

Weg ner and David Silverman of the University of Pennsylvania and Kim Ryho lt of the

Unive rsity of Cop enhag en. Their support, advice, com men ts, and forthcoming a rticles

have made this project possible and have greatly enhanced the results. Josef Wegner and

David Silverman have been invaluable men tors during my undergraduate and graduate

education at the University of Pennsylvania, and to them, I will be forever indebted.

I would also like to thank the Department of Near Eastern Languag es and

Civilizations and the Kolb Society, which provided financial support for my graduate

education as well as the US State Department Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs

for an ARC E Fellowsh ip, which supported my archaeological fieldwork at Abyd os in

2003.

The archaeological com ponent of this project was a part of the Pen nsylvania-

Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Aby dos, directed by D r. William Kelly Simpson

and Dr. David O'C onno r, to whom I am also grateful. I would also like to extended my

gratitude to the Egyptian authorities at the time of my project: Dr. Zahi Haw ass,

Secretary G eneral; Mr. Zein el-Abdin Zaki, Director General of the Sohag An tiquities

District; Mr. Moham med Abdelaziz, Chief Inspector, Balliana; and Mr. Sayyed

Moham ed Abd el-Rahm an, Inspector of Antiquities. I am likewise indebted to the

wonderful people in the ARCE offices both in the United States as well as in Egypt as

wel l as my excavat ion crew from the 2003 season including Peter Cinquini , Em ily

Cocke, Mads Nielsen, Leslie W arden, Kei Yamam oto, and the late Stine Rossel. I would

iv



also like to thank Matthew A dams and M ary-Ann W egner for their many years of

support.

Finally, I would like to thank my friends and family, especially my parents,

Herman and Christie Landua, and my husband, James M cCormack, for their many y ears

' of support-, encourage ment and patienc e.

v



ABSTRACT

DYNASTY XIII KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT EGYPT:

A STUDY OF POLITICAL POWER AND ADM INISTRATION THROUGH AN

INVESTIGATION OF THE ROYAL TOMBS OF THE LATE MIDDLE KINGDOM

-

Dawn Landua-McCormack

Josef Wegner

Over fifty kings ruled in a period between 150 and 170 years during Dynasty XIII in

ancient Egypt; some rulers held the throne for only a few y ears. This study reviews the

chronological sequence of these kings and their means of legitimization and succession.

It also examines the royal funerary monuments, which provide information regarding

kingship at this time. Besides the six known tombs at Sakkara, Maz ghuna, and Dahshur,

other, unexcavated sites in the Memphite region likely provide additional burials for the

many kings without known funerary m onumen ts. Also, the excavation and investigation

of the artifacts from tomb S9 and the analysis of the plan of S10 at South Abydos reveal

that these monuments have the same characteristics as the others to the north and belong

to a single corpus. Beginning with the Haw ara monument of Am enemhet III and ending

with Merneferre Ay's pyramidion, which was found in the Delta, the substructures of the

royal pyramids have similar plans with some features that may indicate that they may

form a physical representation of the netherworld, placing the king within the weskhet

court of Osiris. The size of the pyramid s, though small compared to those of previous

vi



periods, and their exclusive use by rulers, demonstrate that kings remained at the apex of

society. This study identifies three phases within Dynasty XIII. The first group of kings

emphasizes its actual or symbolic connection to Dy nasty XII through the use of double

names including "Am enemh et." The second phase includes rulers who explicitly

expressed their non-royal lineages and may have come from families with ties to the

military while the final kings lost the north and south to Dynasties XIV (northwest Delta)

and XV I (Thebes). This study ends with the presentation of a model outlining a possible

scenario for the fall of Dynasty XIII, including climate change, the decrease of economic

pow er, the increased pow er of officials and foreigners, and the loss of territory.

vn



Table of Contents

Introduction 1

Chapter 1 -Issues of Chronology

I. Introduction 5

. •

II..

The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History 6

III. The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle 24

Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period

IV. Internal Chronology of Dynasty XIII 61

V. Conclusions 97

Chapter 2 - Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII

I. Introduction 99

II . Legitimacy in Dynasty XIII 99

III.

Succession 112

IV. Conc lusions 149

Chapter 3 - The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monument Corpus

I. Introduction 152

II .

The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb 154

Type: The Pyramid of Amenem het III at Haw ara

III.

The Pyramid of Wo serkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV) 166

at South Sakkara

IV. The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius XLV I) 191

V. The Pyramid ofA me nyQ em au (DAS 18) 208

VI. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna 217

VII. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna 226

VIII. The Shaft Tomb ofA wib reH or at Dahshur 241

IX. The Tomb Model 252

X. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Mon uments 256

XI.

Other Proposed Sites 268

XII.

Conclusions 293

Chapter 4 - The Late Middle Kingdom R oyal Tombs at South Abydos

I. Introduction 295

II . W eigall's Excavations of S9 301

III.

W eigall's Excavations of S10 305

IV. Problems with W eigall's Plans 309

V. Recent Excavations at S9 314

VI.

Owners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydo s 358

VII. Conclusions 365

vm



Chapter 5 - Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary M onuments and

Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship

I. Introduction 367

• II. Chron ological Order of

the

Late Midd le Kingdom Royal Tombs 367

III. Tom bs of Roy al Women and Private Officials 377

IV. The

wsMTomb

Type 386

V. The Significance of Selected Compon ents of Late Middle Kingdom 393

Royal Tombs * -

VI. The Destruction of the Tombs 402

VII. Tombs of Dynasty XVII 406

VIII. Conclusions 408

Chapter 6 - Administration, Officials, and Operation of Kingship

I. Introduction 411

II . The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom Governmental 411

Structure

III. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings 427

IV. Conclusions 454

Chapter 7 -Conclus ions: The Fall of Dynasty XIII

456

456

468

474

476

Appendices

Appendix I: King Lists 480

Append ix II: Measurements from Late Middle Kingdom Tombs 485

Append ix III: Charts Showing the Level Changes Representing the Twelve 496

Hours of the Night

Bibliography 504

Index 544

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

Introduction

Phase 1

Phase 2

Phase 3

Conclusions

IX



Tables

Chapter 1

1. The Kings of Dynasty XII 11

2. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett 46

Chapter 2

1.

King s possibly related to the fratrilineal line of Neferhotep I 118

i

Chapter 3

1. Size com parisons between the width of the coffin and that of the passages 238

leading to the sarcophagus chamber at South M azghuna

Chapter 5

1. Do dson 's chronological proposal for the Late Middle Kingdom 369

royal funerary monuments

2.

Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within 390

each monument

Chapter 6

1. The know n and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous 418

positions have been discovered.

2. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty XIII whose previous 420

positions have been discovered

3. The chronolo gy of the filiative markers for the Late M iddle Kingd om 430

4. Correlations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of Dynasty XIII 440

5. Dynasty XIII kings showing filiation according to Ryholt 442

6. List of kings with family links in the order of Ry ho lt's list 443

7. List of kings with modifications to Ry ho lt's list 445

Chapter

7

1. The phases of Dynasty XIII using Ry holt's list of kings as modified in 457

Chapter 1

Appendix I

1. Ry holt's List of Dynasty XIII Kings 480

2. Fran ke's List of Kings 482

3. Von Bec kerath's List 483

Appendix II

1. Pyram id of Am enem het III a t Ha wara 485

2. Pyramid Complex of Wo serkare Khendjer 487

3.

Subsidiary Pyramid of Woserkare Khenjer 489

4. The Southern Pyramid at South Sakkara 490

5. Pyramid of Am eny Qemau 492

x



6. North Mazghu na 493

7. South Mazghuna 494



Figures

Chapter 1

1. The relationships of Dy nasties XIII-XVII according to this study 16

Chapter 3

1. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle Kingdom pyramids 153

2. The substructures of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahu n and the arced 156

tunnels of Senwosret III from So uth Aby dos and Dah shur -

3. Plan of the pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara 161

4. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of Am enem het III at Haw ara 163

and the mechanics of the sand lowering system

5. The Pyramid Complex of W oserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara 169

6. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer 175

7. Plan of one portcullis in the tomb of Khend jer 177

8. Subsidiary pyramid of the Khendjer pyramid complex 184

9. The Pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara 194

10.

The pyramid of Ameny Qemau 210

11. The interior of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau 212

12. The substructure of North Mazghu na 220

13. The Pyramid at South Mazghu na 229

14.

Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna 237

15. Plan of the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor 243

16. The contents of the tomb of Aw ibre Hor 245

17. The tomb model from the funerary complex of Amenem het III at Dahshur 253

18.

Map showing the locations of the potential Late Middle Kingdom 269

royal funerary monuments

19. Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late Middle 275

Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara, Dahshur, and Mazghun a

Chapter 4

1. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary complex of 296

Senwosret III, tombs S9 and S10, and the site of Umm el-Gaab

2. W eigall's plan of S9 and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwo sret III 298

3. The substructure of S9 at South Abydo s 303

4. The substructure of S10 308

5. View of excavations in the local southeast of S9 315

6. Plan show ing the results of the 2003 excavations season at S9 at 316

South Abydos

7. The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of

S9

320

8. The sinuso idal wall of S9 326

9. The remain s of the cult structure of S9 327

10. The large plaster pit 329

11. The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003 330

12. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation depo sits 335

xn



13.

The second foundation deposit 336

14. The brick deposit 339

15. Pottery from S9 dating to the Rom an Period 343

16. S9 Late M iddle Kingd om pottery fabric distribution 344

17. The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from S9 345

18.

Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late Middle Kingdom at S9 347

.19.

Closed marl forms from S9, dated to the Late Middle Kingdom 348

20 . Exam ples of other ceramic forms found at S9 349

- 21 . Fragments of inscribed, gilded plaster 356

Chapter 5

1.

The hieroglyph for

wsht

"broad court" 388

Chapter 7

1. M odel of the factors leading to the demise of Dyn asty XIII 477

Appendix

III

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10

11

12,

13,

14,

The Pyrmaid of Amenem het III at Hawara

The Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara

The Pyramid at South M azghuna

The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau

Mastaba S9 at South Abydo s (Option 1)

Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 2)

The Tomb Model from Dahshur

S10 at South A bydos

The Subsidiary Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara

. The Pyramid at North M azghuna (Option 1)

. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Option 2)

. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 1)

. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (O ption 2)

. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (O ption 3)

496

497

497

498

498

499

499

500

500

501

501

502

502

503

X l l l



Introduction

Dynasty XIII is a period in ancient Egyptian history, in which over 50 kings ruled

in only 150-170 years. With some rulers reigning for only month s, man y questions arise

concerning kingsh ip at this time. Unfortuna tely, few scholars have undertaken any

comprehensive studies of Dynasty X III alone.

1

Instead, as in the latest work by R yholt,

this era is incorporated into a more general analysis of the Second Intermediate Period.

2

Also, most scholars who h ave studied the nature of Dynasty XIII have focused upon

textual sources, such as the

T urin King-List.

How ever, archaeological remains, such as

the known funerary monuments of the period, rarely figure significantly in these works.

3

This study begins with an analysis of the chronological placement of Dyn asty

XIII, as well as the order of the kings w ithin it. The work of several exp erts in the period

has changed the understood relationship betw een D ynasty XIII and those of the Second

Intermediate Period.

4

In turn, this new arrangem ent allows for a better understanding of

1

In 1918, Weil published a study including a comprehensive review of Dynasty X III (the first part of the

book ad dresses the Hyksos) (R. We ill,

La Fin du Moyen E mpire Egyptien

(Paris, 1918), pp. 267-519).

Though much material in this book is out-of-date, it still has valuable insights, free from many of the

misconceptions of later scholars.

2

K.S.B . Ryholt,

The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c. 1800-1550 B.C.

(Copenhagen, 1997). See also J. von Beckerath

(Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte derzweiten

Zwischenzeit in Agypten,

AF 23 (New York, 1964)) and the outdated work of H. Stock

(Studien zur

Geschichte undArchdologie der 13. b is 17. Dynastie Agyptens

(New York, 1942)).

3

Note that Ryholt does include some cultural material from excavations in his work, but his primary focus

is textual evidence (Ryholt,

Political Situation,

p. 2). Many of his interpretations of objects from

archaeological settings have been questioned by other scholars (D. Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings,"

BASOR

315 (1999), pp. 162-189;D. Polz,

Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches

(Berlin, 2007)). O'Connor and

Silverman expressed the importance of archaeological evidence in the reconstruction of kingship during the

First and Second Intermediate Periods (D. O'Conno r and D .P. Silverman, "Introduction," in D. O'Connor

and D.P. Silverman, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Probleme der Agyptologie

9 (New York, 1995), pp.

XXV I-XXV II). Note D. O'C onno r's article concerning the use of archaeological material to reconstruct

political structure in the Old to Middle Kingdoms (ending at Dynasty XII) (D . O'Conno r, "Political

Systems and Archaeological D ata in Egypt: 2600-1780 B.C.,"

World Archaeology

6 (1974), pp. 15-38).

4

C. Bennett, "A Genealogical Chronology of the Seventeenth Dynasty,"

JARCE

39 (2002), pp.

123-151.

J.P.

Allen, "The Second Intermediate Period in the Turin Kinglist," Paper Presented at the British M useum

1



the nature of the end of Dynasty XIII and eliminates difficulties with conflicting evidence

such as that found in the Stela of Horemkhauef, w here a text refers to a king in Itjatawy in

a time when this Middle Kingdom capital was thought to have already fallen.

5

Also, the

order of the kings of Dynasty XIII has changed with each successive work. The present

study critiques the most recent reconstruction by Ryholt and refines it for use in the

following sections.

6

Another important issue in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship is the presumption

that the rulers were unrela ted to their prede cesso rs. Thus, there is a question as to how

new kings w ere chosen and how both designated heirs and usurpers legitimized their

reigns during such a turbulent political period. Starting in the Old Kingdo m, rulers added

the "son of

R e"

name (prenomen) to their titulary, suggesting that all kings were

considered to be the progeny of the sun god (divine birth).

7

In Dynasty XIII, kings may

have used this concept more overtly to justify their ascent to the throne, especially for

those who did not have royal biological parents.

The central focus of this study includes a detailed analysis of the known and

proposed royal funerary monum ents, beginning with that of Amenem het III (Dynasty

XII) at Haw ara. Other tombs include the pyram id of Khendjer and the unfinished tom b

of an unknow n king at South Sakkara, the monument of Am eny Qemau and the shaft

tomb of Aw ibre Hor at Dahshur, and the pyramids at North and South Mazghuna. Two

monum ents at South Abydos are also added to this group. All of these tombs share

Egyptological Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th Dynasties), Current Research,

Future Prospects, 14 July-16 July, 2004 .

5

W.C. Hayes, "Horemkha'uef of Nekhen and His Trip to IT-Towe." JEA 33 (1947), pp. 3-11.

6

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 197.

7

For a discussion of divine birth with references, see Chapter 2, Section II.B.

2



common architectural features, some of which may have served ideological functions

related to the nature of the afterlife of the kings. During D ynasty X III, the use of a

particular architectural plan (the

wsht tyô)

to express the nature of the netherworld is

exclusive to kings and deno tes a difference in social status from ev en the highe st

officials, whose tombs are relatively insignificant in comparison to the way they were in

other periods of Egyptian history.

8

In order to understand the demise of Dynasty XIII, the trends in the political and

economic power of the kings must be traced through time. A study of the backgrounds of

non-roy al kings, viziers, and treasurers should provide impo rtant insights. Thou gh there

is limited information concerning only a small selection of these royal individuals, three

distinct phases can be identified. The kings who co mprise the first group are related to

those of Dynasty X II or who legitimized their reigns through suggesting such a

connection. Next is a group of kings with possible military backgrounds who took the

throne. Even tually, they formed ties to influential local families through marriages and

political appo intmen ts. Finally, the last rulers are ephem eral king s, who lost large

portions of their territory to rival Dynasties XIV and XVI.

The final section of this study focuses on a discussion of an anthropological

For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs, see U. RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab

und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich, Teil I: Ein, Gottesbegrabnis' des Mittleren Reiches in koniglichern

Kontext: Amdu at, 4. und 5. Stunde," in R. Gundlach and W , Seipel, eds., Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum

(Wiesbaden, 1999), pp. 73-96; J. Wegner, "Beneath the Mountain-of-Anubis: Ancient Egypt's First Hidden

Royal Tomb," E xpedition 48 (2006)," p. 17; The Mortuary Temple ofSenwsoretlll, Publication of the

Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven, 200 7), pp. 199, 392, 393;

"The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos and Considerations on the Emergence of the Royal Amduat Tomb,"

in J. Wegner and D. Silverman, eds., Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom

Egypt, Yale Egyptological S tudies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 200 9. See also L. Gestermann,

"Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich, Teil II," in R. Gundlach and W,

Seipel, eds., Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum (Wiesbaden, 1999), pp. 97-110.

3



mod el, wh ich attempts to explain the fall of Dy nasty XIII. The contributing factors

affecting the status of kingship in the period may include fluctuation in the level of the

annual Nile inundations, economic problems, the loss of power to local families and

foreign officials, and the impact of develop ing states to the north and south.

Since in the past, many scholars have overlooked the developments ofD yna sty

XIII, it is hoped that the present study will inspire an increased interest in the problems of

this comp lex period. Unfavorable eco nomic and political conditions during Dy nasty XIII

appear to have resulted in the evolution of new practices along with an ideological

framework to support them.

9

9

For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs, see J. Wegner, "Mountain-of-Anubis," pp. 199, 392, 393.

4



Chapter 1

Issues of Chronology

I. Introduction

The chronology of Dynasty XIII is a topic which has been an important part of the

numerous investigations of the Second Intermediate Period. Scholars have employed

different systems in order to define this era, its relationship to other dy nasties, and its

own internal chronology.

10

The relationships between Dynasty XIII and the other

political groups of this era are important to define in order for the readers to understand

the argumen ts presented in this thesis as well as the problems faced by these kings. The

internal chronology aids in determining the nature of royal power through Dyn asty XIII

by providin g a basis for evaluating the status of rulers and officials and the trends in the

expression of royal power through the construction of funerary monuments and their

internal and external layouts and programs.

This chapter provides an overview of the most current information available

concerning the chronological issues for this period and discusses terms related to this

time period. It also contains an evaluation of the sources and theories conce rning the

relationship between Dynasty XIII and other groups of kings in the Middle K ingdom and

Second Intermed iate Period. Finally, it addresses the internal history and chronology of

Dynasty X III.

For example, see D. Franke, "Zur Chronologie des Mittleren Reiches. Teil II: Die sogenannte "Zweite

Zwischenzeit" Altagyptens," Orientalia 57 (1988), pp. 245-274; Ryholt, Political Situation; Von

Beckerath, Untersuchungen.

5



II . The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History

Scholars generally use the term "Kingdom" to refer to a main division of

dynasties and "Intermediate Period" to describe the intervening eras, sometimes w ith

rival dynasties, which they categorize by the perceived degree of geographical, political,

and economic control attributed to the institution of kingship.

11

Thu s, eras, such as the

Old, Middle, and New K ingdoms, encompass dy nasties with relatively stable

governmental organization. Though dynastic regimes may have changed periodically,

the means of stable succession continued while the administrative structure and the

borders of the state remained intact. How ever, in the Intermediate Pe riods, dynastic

power became compromised by internal and/or external factors, such as climatic change

or the infiltration of foreigners. During these time s, Egypt often broke up into mu ltiple

polities that competed with one other for resources while state-sponsored products, such

as works of art and literature, declined in both quantity and quality.

Egyptologists have sometimes remarked how the above, modern terminology is

often inadequate for describing time periods, cultural remains, and, most importantly for

this study, political units.

12

In some cases, these terms have influenced the interpretation

11

J. Bou rriau, "Beyon d Ava ris: The Second Intermediate Period in Egypt Outside the Eastern Delta," in

E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 159;

Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals (Cambridge, 1988), p. 53. For examples of the standard definitions of

Kingdoms and Intermediate Periods, see M.-A. Bonheme and A. Forgeau, Pharaon: Les Secrets du

Pouvoir

(Paris, 1988), p. 43; D. O'Connor, "Ancient Egypt: Egyptological and Anthropological

Perspectives," Anthropology and Egyptology, Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 8 (Sheffield;

England, 1997), p. 14; J.E. Richards, "Modified Order, Responsive Legitimacy, Redistributed Wealth:

Egypt, 2260-1650 B C," in J.E. Richards and M. Van Buren, eds.,

Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient

States (Cam bridge, 2000), pp. 37-38.

12

D.B. Redford, "The Historiography of Ancient Egypt," in K. Weeks, ed., Egyptology and the Social

Sciences (Cairo, 1979), pp. 16-18; W.K. Simpson, "The Dynasty XIII Stela from the Wadi Hammamat,"

MDAIK 25 (1969 ), p. 154; P. Vermis, "Sur les Graphies de la Formule "L'Offrande Que Don ne le Roi" au

Moyen Empire et a la Deuxieme Periode Intermediare," in S. Quirke, ed., Middle Kingdom Studies

(Whitstable, 1991), p. 152; J. Bourriau, "Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during the Middle

6



of archaeological, architectural, artistic, and textual evidence, resulting in the

misunderstanding of the political environment, which existed in the ancient Egyptian

state at any point in time.

13

One of the eras impacted by the use of the labels, "Kingdo ms" v ersus

"Intermediate Periods," is Dynasty X III.

14

This relatively large group, made up of over

fifty king s, occupies a span of time, lasting roug hly 150 years.

15

It follows Dynasty XII,

which w as composed of eight monarchs who ruled close to 200 years, often considered to

be one of the most stable periods in ancient Egyptian history.

16

Kingd om," in S. Quirke, ed.,

Middle Kingdom Studies

(Whitstable, 1991), pp. 3-5. For the Second

Intermediate Period specifically, see Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 245-246, 248. In the late Old

Kingdom, art style changes before the problems of

the

First Intermediate Period em erged (E. Russman, "A

Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom,"

MDAIK 51 ,

pp. 269-279; E. Brovarski, "False Doors

and History: The First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdo m," in J. Wegner and D. Silverman,

eds.,

Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt,

Yale Egyptological

Studies vol. 8, Ne w Haven and Boston, 200 9. Thu s, the idea that art styles reflect political circum stances is

not reliable.

13

W.V. Davies, "The Dynastic T ombs at Hierakonpolis: The Lower G roup and the Artist Sedjemnetjeru,"

in W.V. Dav ies, ed.,

C olour and Painting in Ancient Egypt

(London, 2001), p. 121; "Sobeknakht of Elkab

and the coming of Kush."

Egyptian Archaeology

23 (2003), pp. 4-5; G.E. Kadish, "Historiography," in

D.B. Redford, ed.,

T he Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,

1 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 108.

14

S. Quirke, "An Investigation into Problems of Thirteenth Dynasty Kingship with Special Reference to

Papyrus Bulaq 18," dissertation, Christ's College, 1986, pp. 1-2; Ryholt,


p. l ,n . l . Note

that Ryholt realigns the dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period and m akes Dynasty X III a true part of

this grouping.

15

W. Grajetzki,

The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt

(Lond on, 2006), p. 63. Kitchen argues that Dynasty

XIII was composed of

51

kings, who reigned for 152 years, noting the correlation of

this

number w ith

Ma netho 's 153 years (K.A. Kitchen, "The Basics of Egyptian C hronology in Relation to the Bronze Age,"

in P. Astrom, ed.,

High, Middle or Low?: Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology

Held at the U niversity of Gothenburg, 20th-22nd August, 1987

1 (Gothenburg, 1987), pp. 44-45). J.P.

Allen states that the

Turin King-List

records 51 kings with the addition of

two

rulers being probable and

more being somewhat less possible (J.P. Allen, "The Turin Kinglist," in D. Ben-To r, "Seals and Kings,"

BASOR

315 (1999), pp. 50, 51); Ryholt believes that there were 51 kings in the

Turin King-List

with at

least six being assigned to lacunae (only one of which is preserved) (Ryholt,


p . 72).

Recent studies suggest that some am endments may need to be made in the length of Dynasty XIII as one

considers an overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVII. See the discussion below.

16

For the accomplished reputation of Dynasty X II in modern and ancient times, see J. Assmann,

The Mind

of Egypt: History and M eaning in the Time of the Pharaohs

(New Y ork, 2002), p. 118; J. Baines, "Ancient

Egyptian Concepts and Uses of the Past: 3rd and 2nd Millennium BC Evidence," in R. Layton, ed.,

Who

Needs the Past: Indigenous Values and Archaeology,

One World Archaeology 5 (London, 1989), p. 140; J.

Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, p. 75; D. Franke, "The M iddle Kingdom in Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,

Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,

2 (Peabody, MA , 1995), p. 735; N. Grimal,

A History of Ancient

Egypt

(Cambridge, 1992), p. 181; W.K. Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford

7



Scholars discussing this time period in older publications tended to emphasize and

exaggerate the differences in fortune between these two dynasties.

17

Gardiner stated that

the relatively long lengths of reigns in Dynasty XII were indicative of the prosperity of

the Egyptian polity, while in Dynasty XIII, "the land was in a state of dire havoc and

1 Q

con& sion, its rulers murdering and replacing one another with extreme rapidity."

Meanw hile, Hayes claims that the kings of Dynasty X III were not "as w ise as their

predecessors" and that "the instability of the royal succession had a detrimental effect on

the prosperity of the country."

19

In reality, little justification exists for such pointed criticism of the kings of this

period. The first half of Dyn asty XIII seems to follow much the same pattern as the

previou s one, with the exception of relatively long reigns, while the later years appear

Encyclopedia o f Ancient Egypt,

3 (Oxford, 2001), pp. 453, 457. Quirke argues that a dynastic reign of two

hundred years is not only rare in ancient Egypt but also extremely uncommon in human history (S. Quirke

The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom

(Whitstable, 1990), p. 216; "Royal Power in the

13th Dynasty," in S. Quirke, ed.,


(W hitstable, 1991), p. 138). This notion is based

upon the work of

E .

Barnarvi ("Mythes et Realite Historique: Le Cas de la Loi Sa lique,"

Histoire,

Economie et Societe

3 (1984), p. 330). Later generations of Egyptians also believed Dynasty XII was a

"classical" age in their history (J. Baines, "Kingship, Definition of

Culture,

and Legitimation," in D.

O'Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian Kingship

(New York, 1995), p. 22).

,

17

For similar examples for the First Intermediate Period, see Richards, "Modified Order," p. 38.

18

A. Gardiner,

Egypt of the Pharaohs

(New York, 1961), p. 149. Wilson includes Dynasty XIII in a

chapter called, "The Great H umiliation" (J.A. Wilson,

The Culture of Ancient Egypt

(Chicago, 1956), pp.

154-165). Gardiner refers to the entire Second Intermediate Period as a "dark age" (Gardner,

Pharaohs,

p.

66).

Similarly, Fakhry labels Dynasty XIII, "dark period" (A. Fakhry,

The Pyramids

(Chicago, 1961), p.

233).

B. Bell has labeled the period the "Little Dark Ag e" (B. Bell, "Climate and the History of

Egypt:

The

Middle

Kingdom," AJA

79 (1975), p. 260).

19

W.C. Hayes,

The Scepter of Egypt

I (New York, 1953), p. 341.

20

G. Callender, "The Middle Kingdom R enaissance (c.2055-1650 B C)," in I. Shaw, ed.,

The Oxford

History of Ancient Egypt

(Oxford, 2000 ), p. 148; A. Dodson,

Mona rchs of the Nile

(London, 1995), p. 68;

. Franke, "The M iddle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; R.J. Leprohon, "M iddle Kingdom, Overview," in K.A.

Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt

(New York, 1999), p. 52; Quirke,

• "Investigation," p. 2; Ryholt,


p p. 190-191; D.P. Silverman, "Unity and Power. The

Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period," in Z. Hawass,

Tutankhamun. T he Golden King and the

Great Pharaohs

(Washington, 2008), pp. 38-39. Kemp charts the lengths of reigns of

the

Dynasty XIII

kings as being primarily between two and four years with reigns ofte n or more years being rare (B.J.

Kem p, "Old Kingdom, M iddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period c. 2686-1552," in B.G. Trigger, et

al.,

eds.,

Ancient Egypt: A Social History

(Cambridge, 1983), pp. 149, 152, Fig. 142.111).

8



to have been characterized by a string of short-lived, possibly unrelated kings with little

power. Non etheless, throughout the dynasty, the administration remained intact with

9 1

offices often passing from father to son .' Also , as the period began , there was no abrupt

change in the capital, material culture, or the cults, to which the kings gave their

attention.

2

Thus, a dilemma arises when scholars attempt to place Dynasty XIII into

either the Middle Kingdom or the Second Intermediate Period, usually resulting in

assigning some of the kings to the former with the rest to the latter. No neth eless, the

point of this distinction within the line of kings varies from one scholar to the next.

9 4

Over the course of Dyn asty XIII, Egyp t broke into at least three polities. At this

point, by definition, the Second Intermed iate Period bega n. Ho wev er, this distinction

does not reflect the continuity in the governmental system, which existed from Dynasty

XII into the era of the following group of

kings.

Another term, "Late Middle Kingdom,"

is often used in studies to designate the time from Senwosret III through the beginning of

Dynasty XIV (likely following Merneferre Ay), the first kings to separate from the state

Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, p p. 64, 66-67; Bourriau, Pharaohs and M ortals, p. 5; Callender,

"Renaissance," p .

171;

A.R. David, The Pyramid Builders of Ancient Egypt (Lond on, 1996), p. 197;

Grimal, History, p . 17 1; W.W. Hallo and W.K. Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A H istory (New York,

1971), p. 249; W. Helck, Geschichte des alten Agypten, Handbuch der Orientalistik I (Leiden, 1968), p.

117; W.J. Murnane, "The History of Ancient Egypt: An Overview," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the

Ancient Near East, II (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 70 1; G.P.F. van den Boom , Th e Duties of the Vizier (New

York, 1988), p. 34 6; M. Verner,

The

Pyramids: The Mystery, Culture, and Science of Egypt's Great

Monuments (New York, 2001), p. 434. . . .

22

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 148; P.A. Clayton, Chronicles of the Pharaohs (New York, 1994), pp. 90-

91 ; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; W.C. Hayes, "Notes on the Government of Egypt in

the Late Middle Kingdom," JNES 12 (1953), pp. 32, 33, 35, 38, 39; Hayes, Scepter, p .

341;

Murnane,

"Overview," p. 701; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 123, 125; "Second-Intermediate Period," in D.B. Redford,

ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 260; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 79;

J. von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," LA, VI 1986), pp. 1443-1444.

23

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 148; D. Franke, "Middle Kingdom," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford

Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 393; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 129; "Second

Intermediate Period," p. 261. Other scholars* following earlier sources, place all of Dynasty XIII into the

Second Intermediate Period. For examp le, see M. Bietak, "Second Intermed iate Period, Overview," in

K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 54.

24

See Chapter 1, Section III.B.4.

9



centered at Itjatawy.

In this study, "Late Middle Kingdom," will refer to the kings from Senwosret III

through the end of Dynasty X III. The extension of the definition of this term is intended

to emphasize the link in location of the capital as well as the presence of

a

cultural

tradition associated w ith these rulers. In this way, this group can be discussed as a who le

without regard for the modern designations between the M iddle Kingdom and the Second

Intermediate Period.

II.A. The Defining Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom

II.A.1.

The Structure of the Bureaucracy during the Late Middle Kingdom and the

Question of Reforms in the Reign of Senwosret III

Evidence suggests that the structure of the administration of Dynasty XIII

developed directly from that of the later rulers of the preceding group of kings (Table

1.1). This phenom enon is not surprising especially since these rulers continued to reside

at the Middle K ingdom capital, Itjatawy, which Sehotepibre Am enemhet I had

established in the Mem phite region during his reign at the beginning of Dynasty X II.

26

In

For example, see W. Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, BAR International Series

1007 (Oxford, 2001), p. 1; S. Quirke, Titles and Bureau of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London, 2004), p. 7.

26

Di. Arnold, "Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms," in B.E. Shafer, ed., T emples of

Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, NY, 1997), p. 76; Baines, "Con cepts," p. 140; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets,

p.104;

C allender, "Renaissance," pp. 158-159; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 737; Hallo and

Simpson, Ancient Near East, pp. 244-245; Hayes, Scepter, p. 172; E. Hornung, History of Ancient Eg ypt

(Edinburgh, 1999), p. 50; Kem p, "Social History," p. 80; Leprohon, "Overview," p . 48; Silverman, "Unity

and Power," p. 36; Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454; R. Stadelmann, "Palaces," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 14; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 71

For the evidence that Itjatawy is near Lisht, see F. Arnold, "Settlement Remains at Lisht-North," in M.

Bietak, ed., Haus un dPalast im Alten Agypten, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften

Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), p. 13. For a list of the occurrences of the name of

the capital, its meaning, as well as its location, see W.K. Simpson, "Studies in the Twelfth Egyptian

Dynasty, I-II," JARCE 2 (1963), pp. 53-57. It is possible that Amenem het first resided at Mem phis before

10



fact, it may be the case that the division between these two dynasties was not apparent at

the time and may be the result of later reflection upon the events of the period.

1.

2.

3.

4.

Sehotepibre Am enemhet I

Kheperkare Senwosret I

Nubkaure Amenemhet II

Khakheperre Senwosret II

5.

6.

7.

8.

Khakhaure Senwosret III

Nymaatre Amenemhet III

Maakherure Amenemhet IV

Sobekkare Nefrusobek

Table 1.1. The Kings of Dynasty XII.

In several studies, scholars have drawn a distinct ideological line between the

policies of Senwosret III and his predecessors, seeing him as a revolutionary force, who

changed the administrative system in order to increase his own power and to make the

overall structure of the government more efficient.

27

How ever, other authors have

questioned the rapidity and degree to which these changes actually occurred, citing

examples of these supposed innovations at an earlier date and challenging former

interpretations of the evidence altogether.

28

establishing Itjatawy as he may have begun the construction of a pyramid at Sakkara (Do. A rnold,

"Amenemhet I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes,"

MMJ26,

(1991), p. 20, n. 102; D.P. Silverman,

Non-Roya l Burials in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery and the Early Twelfth D ynasty," in J. Wegner and D.

Silverman, eds.,

Archaism and Innovation: S tudies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt,

Yale

Egyptological Studies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 2009).

21

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p. 1;

Middle

Kingdom, p . 57-58; Grimal,

History,

p. 167; Hallo and Simpson,

Ancient Near East,

p p. 247-248; Hornung,

History,

pp . 64-65; R.J. Leprohon, "Royal Ideology and State

Administration in Pharaonic Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,

Civilizations of

the

Ancient Near East,

I (Peabody,

MA , 1995), p. 282; Leprohon, "Overview," pp. 50-51; Richards, "Modified Order," p. 44; van den Boo m,

Duties of the

Vizier,

p. 346. For a practical view of the changes of Senwosret III in light of the opposition

to this theory, see D.M. Doxey,

Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets in the Middle Kingdom

(Boston, 1997), pp.

24-25.

28

Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 167, 175; R. Delia, "A Study of

the

Reign of Senwosret III," dissertation,

Columbia U niversity, 1980, pp. 164-169; D. Franke, "The Career of Khnu mhotep III of Beni H asan and the

So-Called 'Decline of the Nom archs,"' in S. Quirke, ed.,


(W hitstable, 1991), pp.

51-67; L. Gestermann, "Der politische und k ulturelle Wandel unter Sesostris III.-Ein Entwurf, in L.

Gestermann and S. Hotabi, eds.,

Per aspera as astra

(Kassel, 1995), pp. 31-50; W . Grajetzki,

Die Hochsten

Beamten der Agyptischen Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des Mittleren Reiches (Berlin, 2000), p.

251;

R J .

11



As part of his reforms, Senwosret III is thought to have reorganized the

administrative system in order to focus more of the authority and power within the

national umb rella and away from the local gove rnme nts. Thu s, local officials, or

nomarchs, who had transferred their offices from father to son over generations were cut

off from their hereditary rites, which had allowed them to gain increasing amounts of

pow er and wea lth. Instead, all local appointme nts became the responsib ility of the state

with approval being granted by the king.

29

Titles of offices were modified accordingly

with one of the key examples being in the change in designation of the local officials

from nomarchs

(hry-tp-

c

f)

to mayors

{hlty-

c

).

The largest component of the administrative structural changes sometimes

attributed to Senwosret III was that the system of warets which included the "head of the

south" (tp-rsy) along with other offices such as the "bureau of the vizier" (hlnttty), the

"bureau for the distribution of manpow er"

(tin ddrmt)

and the "white house"

ipr-hd)

(the name for the treasury). The "head of the south" refers to the entity in Theb es,

Leprohon, "The Reign of Amenemhet III," dissertation, University of Toronto, 1980, p.

231;

E. Pardey,

"Provincial Administration," in D.B. Redford, ed., Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford,

2001),

p. 19; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, pp. 8-9; J.E. Richards, "Mortuary Variability and Social

Differentiation in Middle King dom Eg ypt," dissertation, University of Pennsy lvania, 1992, pp . 33-34; D.

Spanel, "Beni Hasan," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient

Egypt,

1 (Oxford, 2001),

pp .

176-177; D. Warburton, "Officials," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Eg ypt, 2

(Oxford, 2001), p. 578.

29

Note that Cruz-Uribe believes that the power of

the

nomarchs was shifted to the vizier (E. Cruz-Uribe

"The Fall of

the

Middle Kingdom,"

VA

3 (198 7), pp. 107-112). See also Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.

282.

30

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 255; Burial C ustoms in Ancient Egypt: Life in Death for Rich and Poor

(London, 2003), p. 54; Middle Kingdom, p . 57-58; Helck, G eschichte, pp. 128-129; Warburton, "Officials,"

p.

578. For studies of Late Middle Kingdom titles, see O.D. Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins' au Moyen

Empire," Rd'E 23 (1971), pp. 23-48 ' Doxey,Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets; H.G. Fischer, Egyptian Titles of

the Middle Kingdom: A Sup plement to W m. Ward's Index

(New York, 1985); S. Quirke, "The Regular

Titles of the Late Middle Kingdo m/' Rd'E 37 (1986 ), pp, 107-130; The Administration of Egypt: W.A.

Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom (Beirut, 1982).

31

In older literature, the warets of the north and south w ere also included in this list. How ever, Quirke has

shown that these were local offices rather than national ones (Quirke,

The

Administration of Egypt, pp. 3-

12



which paralleled the capital of Itjatawy in the north and included the area from Akhmim

south to Nubia.

32

It may be the case that a set of national offices was located here thoug h

positions of the highest officials w ere not duplicated. This situation likely facilitated the

formation of Theban Dynasty XVI in the latter part of Dynasty XIII.

The result of the adm inistrative restructuring often a ttributed to Senw osret III is a

final shift in pow er in Dynasty X II from the provincial and local elite to the state and the

kin g. This centralization supposedly not only created loyalty to

itle

ruler but also

decreased the ability of nomarchs and military officials to accumulate wealth through

maintain ing powerful offices over generations. Thu s, threatening families could, in

effect, be cut off from th eir income and power by assigning the same office to different

groups throughout Egypt as the position became open. The disappearance of large,

elaborate local elite tombs is cited as being a visible result of these changes.

33

Franke discusses the career of Khnumhotep III, whose career demonstrates the

4) . For an early and slightly outdated explanation of the waret system, see Hayes, "Notes on the

Government," pp. 31-33. See also Gestermann, "Der politische und kulturelle Wan del," pp. 36-37; W.

Helck,

Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren undNeuen Reichs. Register. Zum 60. Geburtstag des Verfassers

zusammen gestelltvon den Mitarbeitern der Agyptologischen A bteilung an der U niversitat Hamburg

(Leiden, 1958), pp. 180-182, 192-193; Leprohon, "Some Rem arks on the "Administrative D epartment"

(wart) ofthe Late Middle Kingdom,"

JSSEA

10 (1979-1980), pp. 161-171; "Amenemhet III," pp. 231-233;

S.T. Smith, "Administration at the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Frontier: Sealings from Uronarti and Askut,"

in T.G. Palaima, ed.,

Aegean Seals, Sealing and Administration,

Aegaeum 5 (Liege, 1990), pp. 210-211.

Quirke divides administrative titles into the following groups: palace, treasury, bureau o fthe vizier, bureau

ofthe fields, organization of labor, local administration, and military (Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 186,

185-187; "Regular Titles.";

Titles and Bureau,

p. 25).

Quirke,

Titles and Bureau,

pp. 116-118.

"Examples include Khety (Dynasty XI), Amenemhet (Senwosret I) and Khnumhotep II (Amenemhet II) at

Beni Hasan; Djehutihotep (Amenemhet II-Senwo sret III) at Bersha; U khhotep III (Senwosret III) at Meir;

Djefhapy (Senwosret I) and Djefhapy II (Amenemhet II) at Assuit; Nekhetankhu (Deir Rifa); and Wakha II

(Amenemhet III) at Qaw el-Kabir (Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 37; "The Tombs of

the

Nobles in the

Middle Kingdom," in Z. Hawass, ed.,

Pyramids. Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt,

Vercelli, Italy, 2003, p. 364; W .S. Smith,

Art and Architecture ofAncient Egypt

(New Haven, 1981), pp.

189-201.)

13



shift from localized to centralized, state pow er during Dyn asty XII. Khn umh otep Il l's

father was a nomarch w ith a relatively large decorated tomb at Beni Hasan. Instead of

following his father as nomarch, Khnumhotep III obtained high-ranking offices

(including vizier) in the court of Senwo sret III. His tomb is at Dahsh ur rather than at

Beni Hasan.

In some recent studies, which contest the theories discussed above, the changes in

titles and administrative shifts are argued to be less sudden and of less importance than

originally thought.

35

The we alth of certain local officials is seen as a part of the overall

econom ic prospe rity of the Mid dle Kingdom . After Senwo sret HI and his successor

Amen emhet III, these favorable conditions took a downward turn, and not only did the

local officials show less affluence, but kingsh ip also suffered. Thu s, overall econo mic

conditions rather than political circumstances determined the decrease in resources

available to the local elite. Also, the conversion from nomarch to mayor had already

begun in early Dynasty XII,

36

and Franke believed that during the earlier part of this era,

all of the assets acquired through warfare, mining, and trading went directly into the royal

purse.

37

Over time , the wealth, which local officials had collected during the First

Intermediate Period, diminished, causing them to be unable to purchase mon uments.

Thus,

the disappearance of the nomarchs from historical sources hinges less on a drastic

change in policy than upon the natural course of the economic status of individuals, who

had taken advantage of the weak state of kingship prior to Dynasty X II, but had lost

access to resources when the administration was again centralized. Mean while, those,

34

Franke, "The Career of Khnumhotep III," pp. 56-65.

35

Delia, "Study," pp. 164-169.

36

Delia, "Study," p. 168; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp. 208-214; Pardey, "Administration," p. 18.

37

Franke, "The C areer of Khnumhotep III," pp. 51-67; "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 743.

14



whose work bro ugh t them to the court, were able to increase their economic h oldings.

Another aspect to the so-called reforms of Senwosret III lies in the political

policies of the previous kings of Dynasty XII.

38

Amenem het I began the process by

shifting the local governments as well as the temple cults from more regional

organization to that of the towns and villages by appointing gov ernors. Nom archs were

still allowed to exist in certain strategic areas, and some of their families became very

powerful. How ever, they still remained under the thumb of the king.

Senwosret II changed the policy further by educating the children of powerful

families within the court.

39

When a child of this status had passed into adulthood, he, as a

loyal companion of the king , was placed in the national governmen t. Thu s, the office and

title of nomarch began to slowly disappear.

40

By the time of Senwosret III, there were at

least two known nomarchs remaining in Bersha and Elephantine.

41

Also , there is an

additional nomarch (Wakha II) with a large tomb at Qau el-Kebir from the reign of

Amenemhet III, well after the time when the owners of this type of large private funerary

structure supposedly no longer existed. Thu s, the eventual eradication of the nom archs

may have had little to do with the policies of Senwosret III himself but rather successive

changes by his predecessors extending into the reign of his successor.

The system of warets also appears to have begun to emerge prior to the reign of

Senwosret III. The term, "head of the south" (tp-rsy), was first used in Dyn asty XI. It is

unclear w hether certain titles associated with the office of the treasury existed prior to the

38

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; Spanel, "Beni Hasan," pp. 176-177.

39

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; Franke, "The C areer of Khnumhotep III," pp. 51-67.

40

Franke, "The Career of Khnumhotep I II," pp. 51-67.

41

See note

31

above.

42

D. Franke,

Personendaten aus d em Mittleren Reich

(Weisbaden, 1984), p. 150, Doss. 200. See also, note

31 above.

15



reign of Senwosret III, and some may have emerged even later in Dynasty XII.

Likewise, the intricate relationship between the sectors of the Egyptian administration

may not have m atured until Dy nasty XIII.

44

North

Itjatawy

Avaris

Avaris

Thebes

J | Thebes

Political Capital

South

Figure 1.1.

The relationships of Dynasties XIII-XVII according to this

study. The territorial extent is represented along the vertical axis while

the horizontal (from left to right) indicates the passage of time.

Though the administrative changes in the reign of Senwosret III may not be as

easily categorized as once though t, it is clear that his reign did ush er in innovations in the

structure of the government.

45

Quirke argues that the reforms of Senwosret III served to

1

Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 51.

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 175; S. Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," in D.B. Redford, ed., Th e Oxford

Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 397.

45

Some titles, such as such as the overseer of

the

bee men (imy-r

bitiw),

are only found under Senwosret

III; the titles begun in this reign, which extend into Dynasty XIII, appear to be those mainly associated with

16



specify more strictly the roles of officials rather than to quell any adm inistrative threats to

the throne.

46

Interestingly, shifts in cultural material also occur at this time (such as

scarabs and pottery), but these changes appear to be due to a time of increased

development than a politically orchestrated event.

47

It is possible that the affluence of the

era required an expanded state bureau cracy. This basic governmen tal structure continue d

well into Dynasty XIII, which was able to survive through many unfortunate

circumstances before finally succumbing to the Hyksos after 150 years (Fig. l.l).

4 8

II.A.2. Continuity in Royal Tombs and Developments in Religion

Cultural traditions, including ceramic assemblage, artistic style, and religious

practices continued to evolve seamlessly from Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII. As it

pertains to kingship, however, the most solidly distinct material within the Late Middle

Kingdom is the design of the substructure of the royal tomb from the reign of Senwosret

Ill 's son, Amenemhet III through that of Merneferre A y of Dynasty XIII.

49

Am enemhet III built two pyramid comp lexes, one at Dahshur and the other at

Haw ara. After the former was abando ned due to structural prob lem s,

50

this king built the

latter according to a comp letely different m odel. Though there are some com mon

work in Nubia and activity at Abydos (Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 250-252).

46

Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp . 2-3.

Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 5-6, n. 3. For a discussion of cultural and political changes, see

Gestermann, "Der politische und kulturelle Wandel," pp. 31 -50.

48

For the fall of Dynasty XIII according to the traditional scholarly views, see R. Gundlach,

R."Grundgegebenheiten der nationalen und internationalen Situation des agyptischen Reiches: Bin

Krisenmodell," In R. Gundlach and A. Klug, eds., Das dgyptische Konigtum im Spannungsfeldzwischen

Innen- undAufienpolitik im 2. Jahrtausendv. Chr. Wiesbaden, 2004, pp. 79, 84 -85, 86.

49

See Chapter 3 for references. .

50

Di. Arnold, Der Pyramidenbezirk des Konigs Amenemhet

III.

in Dahschur. Band I: Die Pyramide,

Archaologische Veroffentlichungen, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Kairo 53 (Mainz,

1987),

pp. 83-84.

17



features with the monuments from the two previous reigns, the substructure of the

pyramid at Haw ara with its plan, portcullis, and sarcophagus types became the prototype

for the know n royal funerary mon umen ts of Dyn asty XIII. Unlike earlier in Dyn asty XII,

the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary corpus is relatively standardized with minor

variations. The consistency in plan may denote a solidification of the religious princip les

related to the king's resurrection and afterlife in the netherworld.

51

Since the Late Middle K ingdom royal tomb type likely extends from Amenem het

III to the Dynasty XIII king Merneferre Ay, a detailed analysis of these monuments is

imperative.

5

The few know n royal pyramids from this period are the largest monuments

constructed by the Dynasty X III kings. Thus, they may provide insights into the nature

of kingship at this time as well as the economic strength of individual rulers.

Though the tombs of the kings of late Dynasty X II-XIII are incompletely known,

their features are similar enough to indicate that any interruptions in the ability of kings

to construct a relatively large funerary mon umen t did not affect the desire for a pyram id.

Since the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type began in Dynasty XII, it is important for

this study to begin w ith the monument of Amenemhet III at Hawara and to continue from

there to the developments of Dynasty XIII. Thus, in this study, the term "Late M iddle

Kingdom" is derived from political structure as well as ideological concepts related to

kingship as visible through the royal tombs of the period.

53

51

See Chapter 5, Section IV.

52

See Chapters 3-5.

53

Note that the Late Middle K ingdom tomb type refers to monuments from the Ha wara pyramid of

Amenem het III into Dynasty X III but does not include the tombs of Senwosret III or that of Amenemhet III

at Dahshur.

18



II .A.3. Art Styles

During the reign of Senwsoret III, the art style for royal statuary changed from the

depiction of generalized forms to that of a sort of realistic portraiture.

54

Though the body

continued to be generalized, the face was rendered with the features of the king including

heavy ey es, down turned lips, defined cheekbones, and large ears, which seem to convey

a dignified leader slightly worn from his responsibilities, a theme also conveyed in the

literature of the time.

55

Am enem het III continued this style, eventua lly, establishing a

different visage after the first half of his reign.

56

From his reign, into Dy nasty XIII,

subtle mannerisms, with the focus on the eyes, are characteristic of these works of art.

However, in Dynasty XIII, the rendering of the face became less individualized.

57

The quality of both royal relief and statuary continued into Dynasty XIII from the

time of Senwosret III.

58

How ever, as time passed, the careworn expressions yielded to

standardized smiles or simple indifference.

59

Interestingly, private peop le sometimes

5

^ W.S. Sm ith,

Art and Architecture,

p. 179; Bourriau,

Pharaohs and Mortals,

p. 37. For the concept of

"generalization, see J. Baines,

V isual and

Written

Culture in Ancient Egypt

(Oxford, 200 7), pp. 294-295.

For remarks on portraiture, see ibid. pp. 224-225.

55

W.S. Smith,


pp. 183-189; W.K. Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture and Two -

Dimensional R epresentation as Propaganda,"

JEA

68 (1982), pp. 270; E. Russmann "A Historical

Overview of Egyptian Art," in E. Russmann, ed.,

Eternal Egypt

(Los A ngeles, 2001), p.19; "Aspects of

Egyptian Art," in E. Russmann, ed.,

Eternal Egypt

(Los Angeles, 2001), p. 35-36; G. Robins,

Egyptian

Statues,

(Buckingham shire, 2001), p. 45; Bourriau,

Pharaohs and M ortals,

p. 37-39; Hayes,

Scepter,

p .

199;

Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

p. 157. For and examples of

the

literature from the period, see M.

Lichtheim,

Ancient Eg yptian Literature,

1 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 135-169.

Bourriau,


p. 38.

57

Silverman, "Unity and Pow er," p. 44. Bourriau notes that many of

the

royal statues have yet to be

published fully (Bourriau,


p. 53)

58

W.S. Smith,


pp. 217-218; Baines,

Visual and W ritten Culture,

pp. 224-225; 32 1-

324.

59

Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 44; Russmann, "Historical Ove rview," p. 19; "Asp ects," p. 36. See,

for example, E. Russmann, "Bust of a King," in E. Russmann, ed.,

Eternal Egypt

(Los Angeles, 2001),

p . l l l .

19



used the style of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III in their own statuary at this time.

They also continued with the block statue form which had becom e popular in D yansty

XII as well as the cross-legged style.

61

Starting with Senwosret III, the number of private

stelae greatly increased, and the style changed to a more abstract form that some consider

to be of

a

lesser quality.

62

How ever, as in the late Old Kingdom,

63

a style, which

continued into Dynasty XIII (along with the large numbers of stelae), evolved.

II.B.

The Separation of Dyna sties XII and XIII

The last two reigns of Dynasty XII, Maakherure Amenem het IV and Sobekkare

Nefrusobek were far less spectacular than those of their ancestors, and the locations of

their tombs are not known. It is generally assumed that Amenemhet IV was the son of

his predecessor, howev er Ryholt theorized that Amenem het III adopted him into the royal

family due to his observation that his mother, Hotepti, held the title of king's mother

alone (and not queen).

64

Regardless of whether or not Amenem het IV w as a member of the Dynasty XII

For example, see

Ptahemsaf,

in E. Russmann, ed.,

Eternal Egypt

(Los An geles, 2001), pp. 114-117,

#41.

61

Robins,

Egyptian Statues,

pp. 28-29; Hayes,

Scepter,

p. 213 , Fig. 130. For block statues, see R. Schulz,

Die Entwicklung u nd Bedeutung

des.

kuboiden Statuentypus I-II

(Hildesheim, 1992).

62

R. Freed, "Representation and Style of Dated Private Stelae of Dynasty XII," dissertation, New York

University, 1976, pp. 98-108. For negative comments about the style of the stelae of this period, see

Bourriau,

Pharaohs an d Mortals,

pp. 53-54, 61-62, #48; Hayes,

Scepter,

pp. 346, 344-34 7, Fig. 227.

6 3

E. Russmann, "A Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom."

MDA1K51

(1995), pp. 269-279;

E. Brovarski, "A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of

the

Old Kingdom," in S. Thompson and P. Der

Manuelian, eds.,

Egypt and

Beyond,

Providence, 2008, pp. 49-89

64

Ryholt,


pp. 209, 210, 213 , 294-295 . See also Grajetzki,

Middle Kingdom,

p. 61;

Helck,

Gvschichte,

p. 117; G. Robins, "Queens," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient

Egypt,

3 (Oxford, 2001 ), p. 108. Other scholars report that Amenemhet IV was related to his predecessors.

For Amenemhe t IV as the brother of Nefrusobek and son of Amene mhet III, see Murnane, "Overview," p.

701. Valloggia argues that there was a coregency between Amenemhe t III and Amenem het IV (M.

Valloggia, "Amenmhet IV et sa Coregence avec Amenemhet III,"

RdE

21 (1969), pp. 113-133).

20



family, there is little doubt that a traditional heir was not available upon the death of

Am enemhet IV since Amenem het Ill 's daughter, Nefrusobek, took the throne. She

deliberately em phasized her relationsh ip to her father, in order to legitimize her reign. In

this effort, she continued the work on his mortuary temple at Hawara.

65

The relationships between Am enemhet III and his immediate successors and the

initial kings of Dynasty XIII remain unclear. How ever, it is likely that a shift in royal

power occurred and that some confusion as to the mechanics of succession within the

office of kingship existed. The primary lines of evidence available for study in modern

times are the king-lists

(gnwf)

from ancient sources.

In ancient times, lists of kings in Egypt served a purpose other than history in the

modern sense of the word.

66

Thus, if a king was unfavorable or unfamiliar, he might be

omitted from the wo rk entirely. The

Turin King-List {Papyrus Turin 1874

verso), the

•Sakkara King-List

and the history of Manetho all list Nefrusobek as the last ruler of

Dyn asty XII. The king lists at Ab ydo s omit her along with all of the following rulers of

Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 169, 170; "Materials for the Reign of Sebekneferu," Proceedings of the

Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven, 1998).

66

The Egyptians had no conception of recording history in the modern sense (Bonheme and F orgeau, Les

Secrets, p. 59).

® A. G ardiner, The Royal C anon of Turin (Oxford, 1959). For photographs of the document, see G. Farina,

II Papiro dei re Restaurato (Rome, 1938). For other publications of this document as well as comments on

the two previously listed, see Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 9-10, n. 19. See also Ryholt, Ryholt, "The

Turin Kinglist," pp. 135-155; "The Turin King-List or So-Called Turin Canon (TC) as a Source for

Chronology," in E. Hornung, R. K rauss, and D. Warburton, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian Chronology,

(Boston,

2006), pp. 26-32. For a physical description of the papyrus as well as its content, see D.B. Redford,

Pharaonic King-lists, Annals and Day-Books, SSEA 4 (Mississauga, 1986), pp. 2-18. For suggestions of

amendments to the Dynasty XIII section, see W. Helck, "Anmerkungen zum Turiner Konigspapyrus," SAK

19 (1992), pp. 174, 176-178. Ryholt has rejected these changes (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 21). For

further bibliographic information, see M. Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits Hieroglyphiques et

Hieratiques et des Dessins, sur Papyrus, Cuir ou Tissu, Publies ou Signales (Paris, 1987), pp. 253, 283 .

21



/TO

the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, and record Ahm ose (Dynasty

XVIII) as the king who ruled directly after Amenemhet IV.

Of the sources, only the Karnak and the T urin King-Lists contain the names of the

rulers of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. Unfortunately, the

former list is made up of fragmentary mix of kings from Dynasties XII, XIV, and XVI,

all of whom may not have been in true chronological order in the original composition.

Meanwhile, the

Turin King-List,

which is a compilation from earlier sources, originated

from an unknown provenience and was com posed during the reign of Ramses II (Dynasty

XIX).

71

This list appears to be organized acco rding to the location of the capital as well

as along family lines and other criteria that are not fully understood.

72

In the

Turin King-List

(7.4), a clear distinction is made between the kings of

Dyn asties XII and XIII with the use of the heading : "the kings who followed(?) after

the... of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehotepibre, l.p.h. (nswyt [...] -si [...

nswt-\bity [... s.ht}p-ib-r

c c

ah wdisnb)P

The reasons for this division are unclear, as

the first kings of Dyn asty XIII are likely related to their predec essors; they seem to

Redford, P haraonic King-lists, pp .

19-21;

von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 29. For the possible

meaning of

the

omission of rulers from king-lists, see M.-A. Bonheme, "Kingship," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 238.

69

Gardiner, Pharaohs, p. 147; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1442.

70

W .M.F. Petrie, A H istory of Ancient E gypt I (London, 1894), p. 200; Redford, Pharaon ic King-lists, pp.

29-34;

K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie/bearb. undiibersetzt von Kurt Sethe, IV (Leipzig, 1914), pp.

608-610; Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, p . 4; H.E. W inlock, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in

Thebes (New York, 1947), pp. 93-94; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 26-27, 70.

71

K.A. Kitchen, "King Lists," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford,

2001),

pp. 23 4-235; A. Roccati, "Turiner Konigspapyrus," in W. Helck and E. Otto, eds.,

LA ,

VI

(Wiesbaden, 1986), pp. 809-810; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp.

32-33;

Winlock, Rise and Fall, p. 94.

72

Redford,

P haraonic King-lists,

p . 162; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 25,

71;

K. Ryholt, "The

Turin Kinglist," A&L14 (2004), p. 138.

73

Ryho lt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 142; "So-Called Turin Canon (T Q as a Source for Chron ology," p. 29;

J.P.

Allen, "Second Intermediate Period."

74

Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 394.

22



draw upon their names and traditions from Dynasty XII as a means of legitimization

whether or not there was actually a familial connection.

Ryholt has suggested that the change in groupings is due to the loss of the eastern

Delta to Dynasty XIV at the end of the reign of Nefrusobek. In this scenario, which

several scholars have argued against,

75

it is a later judgm ent concerning the period which

resulted in the division between the two groups. The kings of early Dynasty XIII would

have likely viewed themselves as legitimate m embers of the Amenem het line continuing

their rule from Itjatawy. Ry ho lt's interpretation of double names as indicators of filiation

links the Dynasty XIII kings directly to their predecessors (to be discussed below).

Wh ether or not the initial kings of Dyn asty XIII were related to those of Dynasty

XII,

it is certain that later rulers were no t of royal ance stry. Some of these kings

emphasized this reality possibly indicating that there may have been some dissatisfaction

with the status quo. In the end, this group of king s is mad e up of a great number of rulers

about whom little is know n, including their ance stry. It is likely that the change in

designation at the point between Nefrusobek and the following kings w as a decision

made by scribes in the New K ingdom w hen these rulers were viewed negatively for their

perceived negligence and eventual loss of the unified Egyptian state.

76

Thu s, in order to

adequately understand the nature of kingship at this time as well as its cultural

manifestations (such as royal funerary monuments), it is necessary to recognize the

75

For examp le, see Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," pp. 55-60. For K. Ryh olt's rebuttal to these criticisms,

see "The Date of Kings Sheshi and Yaqubhar and the Rise of

the

Fourteenth Dynasty." in W.V. D avies, ed.,

The Second Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties), Current Research, Future Prospects.

London,

Forthcoming.

76

For this reason, New K ingdom Egyp tians omitted the Dynasty X III kings' nam es from the Sakkara, Sety

I, and Ramses II king-lists along with the Second Intermediate Period dynasties through the reign of

Ahm ose. The Sety I and Ramses II lists (both from Ab ydos) also lack that of Nefrusobek. For referenc es

for these documents, see the discussion above.

23



unobstructed links between the latter part of Dynasty XII and Dynasty XIII up to

Merneferre Ay as reflected in the use of the term "Late M iddle Kin gdom ."

III.

The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle Kingdom/Second

Intermediate Period

Unfortunately, the king-lists from Ancient Egypt do not always reflect the

chronolog ical relationships between dynasties. Instead, each group of rulers is listed •

sequentially as if no overlaps occurred. In some records, the untraditional king s, such as

those of the Amarna Period, or those from co ntemp orary dyna sties are omitted. Thu s, it

is impossible to use these types of texts exclusively in order to determine chronological

relationships between groups of kings, since they were composed for ritual rather than

historical purposes. Other types of evidence, however, do provide important clues to the

nature of the political situation in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.

The following sections will discuss the nature of the dynasties of this time period as well

as their chronological relationships.

III.A. Dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period

III.A.1.

Dynasty XIV

Dynasty X IV is an ephemeral group of rulers, possibly including Sheshi, Nehesy

and over fifty others, centered at Tell el Dab 'a.

77

Only one of these kings, Nehesy, who

77

M. B ietak, "Zum Konigsreich des aA-zH-Ra Nehesi," SAX 11 (1984), pp. 59-60,

72-73;

"Canaanites in

the Eastern Nile Delta," in A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt, Isreal, Sinai (Tel Aviv, 1987), p. 50; Avaris, The

Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a, The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation

Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology

1

(London, 1996), pp.

40-41;

"The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris

(Tell el Dab'a)," in E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New H istorical and Archaeological Perspectives

24



ruled less than one year, left significant monuments, all of which are in this region.

Some scholars have attributed this dynasty to a group of Asiatics though Egyptian rulers

as well as Libyans and Nubians have also been considered.

79

It is possible that the

memb ers of Dynasty XIV may have gained their power by holding im portant positions in

the administration, possibly during the more powerful reigns of the Late Middle

Kingdom , when A varis served as an important economic center in the trade with lands to

the east.

80

Since the region around Avaris seems to have had a primarily A siatic

- population by Dynasty X III due to the abundance of Near E astern material culture, it is

likely that at least some of the Dynasty XIV rulers belonged to this group.

Though the D ynasty XIV kings may have been foreign, they may have wanted to

project themselves as having emerged from Dynasty XIII, whether literally or through the

ideology of the state they had previously served . Th us, since these kings and their

families likely came from the Dynasty XIII administration of this area, it is probable that

even the Egyptians viewed them differently than the truly foreign kings (Dynasty XV),

who followed them, as reflected in the

Tu rin King-List

(see below).

(Philadelphia, 1997), p. 109; "Overview," p. 54. Maneth o claimed that this dynasty ruled from Xois

(Gardiner, Pharaohs, p . 147; W. Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho und d en agyptischen Konigslisten,

Untersuchungen zur G eschichte und Altertumskunde Agyptischen Konigslisten (Berlin, 1956), p. 36).

However, the association of

this

site with a group of kings was a later development and does not reflect

reality (D.B. Redford, "Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period," in E.D. Oren, ed., The Hyksos: New

Historical and Archaeological P erspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 25). Redford has proposed that these

kings represent a list of ancestors of the Dynasty XV rulers or the son of Khayan or Apepi of Dynasty XV

(D.B.

Redford, Egypt, Canaan andlsreal (Princeton, 1992), pp. 106-107; "The Hyksos," pp. 25 , 26).

78

Bietak, "Zum Kon igsreich," pp. 59-60,

68-71;

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 198, 252. The other kings

are represented primarily through seals and sealings.

79

For example, see J. Bourriau, "The Second Intermediate Period (c.1650-1550)," in I. Shaw, ed., The

Oxford History of Ancient Egypt

(New York, 2000), pp. 190, 192; A. Loprieno,

"NhsJ"der

Siidlunder"?," in

H. Guksch a nd D. Polz, eds., Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (Mainz, 1998), pp. 185-219;

D.

O'Connor, "The Hyksos Period in Egypt," in E.D. Oren, ed.,

The

Hyksos: New Historical and

Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 53; Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 3-4; Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 5.

80

For example, Helck suggests that Nehesy was a Nubian who rose to power through the military (Helck,

Geschichte, p. 124).

25



III.A.2. Dynasty XV: The Hyksos

From archaeological and textual research, it is known that, a group of six kings,

who were not connected directly to the previous immigrants at Avaris, emerged in the

eastern Delta and ruled for 108 years. The term, "hekaw khas ut"

(hkiw-hiswt,

meaning

"rulers of foreign lands") w as used by at« least the first three kings of this dynasty, w ith

• the last few rulers adopting parts of the Egyptian titulary,

82

and was then later applied to

all of these Asiatic kings in the Tu rin King-List, which is how current scholars derive the

term "Hyksos."

83

By the time of M aneth o, this term was used mistakenly to refer to an

ethnic group, which did not exist in reality, rather than to this group of kings.

84

In tradition po ssibly dating back to K amose (end of Dynasty XV II), the Egy ptians

claimed that the Hyksos had invaded the country, destroying temples and monu ments and

inciting terror into all those, whom they encountered.

85

Rather than the sudden invasion

recorded in later literary works, this rise to power of these foreign rulers may have been

peaceful,

86

though the final stages could have been violent.

87

Mu ch later, in the

• Bietak, "The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris (Tell el Dab'a)," in E.D. Oren, ed.,

The Hyksos: New

Historical and Archaeological Perspectives

(Philadelphia, 1997), p. 104.

82

D.B. Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and T radition,"

Orientalia

39 (1970 ), pp. 7-8, 14-15;

Ryholt,


pp. 18, n. 35, 119-150. The summation of

the

years refers to the kings as the

"Hy ksos" in 10/29 in Ryho lt's reconstruction.

83

M. Bietak, "H yksos," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2

(Oxford, 2001),

p,

136; W. Helck,

Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3 und 2 Jahrtausend

v.

chr. 2. verbesserte

Auflage,

A gyptologische Abhandlungen 5 (Wiesbaden, 1971), p. 90; Kemp, "Social History," p. 154. For a

list of

the

examples of this term outside of

the

Second Intermediate Period, see Redford, "The Hyksos," pp.

19,25.

84

Bietak, "H yksos," (2001), p. 136; Redford,

Egypt, C anaan andlsreal,

pp. 98, 100.

85

Redford,

Egypt, Canaan andlsreal;

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 109-110; L. Habachi

The

Second Stela of Kamose

(Glilckstadt, 1972), p. 49; W. Helck,

Historische-B iograph ische Text der 2.

Zwischenzeit undNeue Texte der 18. Dynastie,

KA.T (Weisbaden, 1975), pp. 84-85 , lines 84-85.

86

M. Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Ag e,"

BASOR 281

(1991), pp. 27-72; "H yksos

Rule," pp. 87, 97; "H yksos," p. 142; Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p . 188; A. Leahy, "Ethnic

Diversity in Ancient Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,

Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,

1 (Peabody, MA,

1995), p. 230; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 56; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 128; J. van Seters,

The

Hyksos: A N ew Investigation

(New Haven, 1966), pp. 121-126.

26



Ptolemaic Dynasty, Manetho (as transmitted through Josephus) states that the Asiatics

marched into Egypt, taking the country without a fight during the reign of Tutimaios of

Dynasty XIII.

88

Acc ording to this account, Salitis established himself as a king in

Mem phis after which the Hyksos rulers mov ed their capital to Avaris. Then, these kings

burned all of the cities, destroyed the temples, and tortured and enslaved the Egyptian

population.

89

Later, the Theban kings were able to drive the Hyksos back to Avaris, and

the foreigners were allowed to leave the land.

90

Redford has been one of the prime proponents of the theory that the H yksos

actually did take Egypt through the use of an overpowering invasion (as described by

Manetho), suggesting that this scenario matches the contemporary events and political

climate in the N ear East.

91

How ever, other scholars have questioned the accuracy of this

account, which was written over a millennium after the events it describes.

92

Some scholars have proposed that the legend of the Hyksos began to be combined

with other traumatic events in Egyptian history. Assm ann suggests such a coalescence of

historical facts occurred in Dynasty XIX when facets of the religious revolution of the

Grimal,

History,

p. 186; Vemer,

G reat Monuments,

p . 434.

88

Tutimaios has been equated to Dedumose. Though some scholars had placed this king into Dynasty

XIII, based upon their preconceptions of

the

events of

the

period, Ryholt places two kings of

this

name in

Dynasty XVI and suggests that the ruler may be listed in

Turin King-List

8,21 as a prenomen w ith .. .ms-re.

However, he believes that the Tutimaios reference in Manetho is a misunderstanding and is not actually

present (Ryholt,


pp. 327-329). See also Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p. 68, n. 17; Hallo

and Simpson,

Ancient Near East,

p. 25 0; Kemp, "Social History," p. 154; Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p.

396; Redford, "The Hyk sos Invasion in History and T radition," p. 2; "The H yksos," pp. 2, 19; Weill,

La Fin

du Moyen Empire,

pp. 233-234.

89

M. Bietak, "H yksos," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New York,

1999), p. 377; "Hy ksos," (2001), p. 136; Leahy, "Ethnic D iversity," p. 230; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 127.

90

Kem p, "Social History," p. 155.

91

Kem p, "Social History," pp. 154-155; Redford, "The H yksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 2-3;


pp. 105-106, 111; "The Hyksos," pp. 2,19. See also Bietak, "Overview," p. 55;

Grimal,

History,

p. 186.

92

K.A. Kitchen, "The Historical Chronology of Ancient Egypt. A Current Assessment,"

Acta

Archaeologica

67 (1996), p. 1; A.B. Lloyd, "M anetho," in K.A. Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the Archaeology

of Ancient E gypt

(New York, 1999), p. 464; Ryholt,


pp. 2-3 , n.2, 137.

27



extraordinary king, Akhenaten, wh o worshipped the Aten while neglecting the other

gods, became integrated with the memory of the Hyk sos.

93

For example, in the

Quarrel

ofApophis and Sekenenre, the former is said to have worshipped Seth at the exclusion of

other gods, something that had not been claimed before.

94

It is likely that later in

Egyptian history events such as foreign rule by other groups including the Assyrians, the

Babylonians and the Persians, were also combined with the memory of the Hykso s.

95

Thus, it is imperative to use these sources with extreme caution.

Redford points to earlier sources, such as the

Kamose C arnarvon Tablet

and

Hatshepsut's Speos Artemidos inscription, which both refer to destruction caused by the

Hyksos.

96

Thus, he believes that the Josephus version of Manetho is viable, though this

conclusion has been criticized lately by Ryholt.

97

In fact, royal and private , funerary

statuary, found at Tell el-D ab'a and abroad and dated to the Middle Kingdo m, may

indicate that at least some of the stories concerning the destruction and looting of

monuments by the Hyksos may have occurred.

98

93

J. Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in

Western

Monotheism (London, 1997), pp. 28-

29,41.

94

Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 17-18. Note that The Hyksos did worship many Near Eastern gods at Avaris

(Redford, Egypt, Canaan andlsreal, p. 117). For a translation of this text, see W.K. Sim pson, The

Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven, 1973), pp. 77-80.

95

Redford,


p.

101;

T. Save-Soderbergh, "The Hyksos Rule in Egypt,"

JE A

37

(1951),

pp. 56,60-61,63,69 .

96

Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999 ), p. 379; Bourriau, "Second Intermediate P eriod," p. 201 ; G.H. Carnarvon and

C. Howard, Five Years' Explorations at Thebes. A Record of

Work

Done 1907-1911 (London, 1912), pp.

36-37;

A. Gardiner, "The Defeat of

the

Hyksos by Kam ose: The Carnarvon Tablet, No. I,"

JEA

3 (1916),

pp . 95-110; "D avies' Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription," JE A 32 (1946), pp. 47-48, line 37-

38 ;

Helck, Geschichte,p. 134; Die Beziehungen Agyptens, p. 89; Habachi, Second Stela, p. 49; F.T. Mioso,

A Reading Book of Second Intermediate Period Texts,

The Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities

Publications 9 (Toronto, 1981), pp.

35-41;

Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 5-

6;

Egypt, Canaan an dlsreal,

pp. 101-102; "The Hyksos," pp. 16-17; H.S. Smith and A. Smith, "A

Reconsideration of the Kamose Texts," ZA S 103 (1976), p. 59; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 110;

Weill, La Fin du Mo yen Empire, pp. 217-218.

97

Ryholt , Political Situation, p. 3 , n.2.

98

Bietak, "Hyksos," (2001), p. 136; S.T. Smith, "Model for Imperialism," p. 154.

28



Scholars also continue to engage in the debate concerning the territorial extent of

the Hyksos rulers. Some researchers believe that the Hyksos controlled all of Egyp t for

at least a brief time period, mainly due to blocks inscribed, with the names of Khayan

1

(granite) and Apepi (limestone) found south of Thebes at Geb elein ." Other items

mentioning Apep i within Egypt include one dagger in the Memphite necropolis and two

possibly from Thebes; an alabaster vase, inscribed with the name of the king's daughter

Heritt, found in a tomb thought possibly to be that of Ahmose-Nefertari; an adze from

Sumena (north of Gebelein); a palette from Abydos; an inscription from the Third

Intermediate Period listing him as the king under whom the ancestors of a priest served;

and a sistra with name of this king show n in a Ptolemaic relief at Dendera.

10 0

Some of

these smaller objects may have arrived in the south through the exchange of gifts or trade

with the Hyksos to the north while others may have been booty from the war with

Other scholars suggest that the south remained autonomous under the rule of

99

Bietafc, "H ykso s

;

" (1999), p. 377 ; "Overview," p. 55; J.H. Breasted,

A History of Egypt

(New York,

1912), p, 218; R.A. Giveon, "The Hyksos in the South," in M. G6rg, e&,

Pontes atque Pontes: Eine

Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner

(Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 155; Helck,

G eschichte,

p. 134;

Historische-

Biographische,

p p. 54, no.

71 ;

Hornung,

History,

p p. 71-72; Ryholt,


pp. 120,134-136,

326-327; T. Save-Soderbergh,

Agypten undNubien: Ein Beitragzur Geschichte altdgyptischer

Aussenpolitik

(Lund, 1941), p. 128; "Hyksos Rule," p. 55; R. Weill, "Complements pour "La Fin du Moyen

Empire Egyptien","

BIFAO

32 (1932), p. 36; B. Williams, "Archaeology and Historical Problems of the

Second Intermediate Period," dissertation, University of Chicago, 1975, p. 1250.

L. Borchardt,

Die Mittel zur Zeitlichen Festlegungvon Punkten der Agyptischen G eschichte undlhre

Anwendung,

Quellen und Forschungen zur Zeitbestimmung der Agyptischen G eschichte 2 (Cairo, 1935),

pp . 95-114, PL 112, 112a; Giveon, "South," pp. 156-157, 158,

160-161;

D. Polz, "Theben und Avaris. Zur

"Vertreibung" der Hyksos," in H. Guksch and D. Polz, eds.,

Stationen Betrage zur Kulturgeschichte

Agyptens

(Mainz, 1998), pp. 223-224.

101

D. Polz, "D ie Hyksos-Blocke aus G ebelen: zur Prasenz der Hyksos in O beragypten," in E. Czerny, et al.,

eds., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred

Bietak, 1 (Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 239-247. Note that the

Rhind Mathematical Papyrus

likely arrived in Thebes after the wars with the Hyksos, as it refers to

invaders from the south and has the name of Apepi upon it (Giveon, "South," pp. 157-158).

29



Dynasty X VII.

10 2

In fact, many researchers now believe that the Hyk sos never actually

ruled south of Cusae/Hermopolis, where the

Kamose Stelae I

and

II

located their border

1fi X

late in Dyn asty XVII during the battles against the Hy ksos. ' They suggest that the

blocks of Khayan and Apepi may have been mo ved to Gebelein from the Delta at a later

date.

104

Regardless of their territorial extent, the Hyk sos may have u sed m any of the same

titles for members of their government as traditional Egyptian kings, though there may

have been significant differences in the actual operation of this foreign administration. °

5

For exam ple, the office of vizier seems to have been rejected, w hile that of treasurer

appears to have flourished during the reign of the Hyksos kings, with Har {hii), who had

a West Semitic nam e, being a likely ex ample, since his sealings have been found in

Lower Egypt as well as Canaan.

10 6

At this point, it is uncertain how the office of the

treasurer in the Hyksos government correlated to that in Egypt, as will be discussed in

Chapter 6.

102

Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 2 1.

103

Helck,

Historische-Biographische,

pp. 82-97, no. 119; Mioso,

A Reading Book,

pp.

42-53;

O'Connor,

"Hyksos Period," p. 56; Redford, Egypt, C anaan andlsreal, p. 118; "The Hyksos," p.

13;

van S eters, A

New Investigation, p. 166; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443.

104

Hornung, History, p p. 71-72; Kemp, "Social History," p. 159; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 56-57;

Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 126-127; Ryhblt, Political Situation, pp. 326-327; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen, pp. 148-149. Though some scholars have argued that these blocks could have been

moved to this location from elsewhere, Kemp suggests that such an action would have been unnecessary

since this site is located near a quarry (K emp, "S ocial History," p. 159). The granite material used in the

block of Khayan may show that this ruler also reached the area around the First Cataract (Ryholt, Political

Situation, pp. 1 35, n. 480). There is also Hyksos material at Nefrusi in Middle Egyp t (Bietak, "Hyks os,"

(1999),

p. 3 77; "Overview," p. 54).

105

For example, the Dynasty XV kings used cartouches

106

R.A. Giveon, "Hyksos Scarabs with Names of

Kings

and Officials from Canaan,"

Cd'E

49 (1974),

P

.

225.

For sealings of this official, see Bietak, "Hyksos," (2001), pp. 139-140; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp.

79-80;

Hornung, History, p . 72; G.T. Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-name Seals Principally

of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (Oxford, 1971),

pp. -78-85,

numbers 984-1088a;

. Redford,.Egypt, Cana an andlsrea l, p. 116, Ryho lt dated this treasurer to the reign of the Dynasty XIV

king Sheshi (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 60-61). However, Ben-Tor argues against his seal typology

which places Har in this reign (Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p: 61).

30



The Hyk sos seemed to have adhered to their own tradition, though some scholars

have em phasized the ways in which they adopted Egyptian customs (cartouches,

literature, hieratic and hieroglyphic scripts, sculptural styles, and the worship of the god

Seth in the Delta).

10 7

At the same time, however, they may have continued to worship

one of their own gods (B a'al), speak their own language and censtruct their kingdom in

their own ways.

10 8

In essence, the Hyksos w ere a group of foreign k ings, who attempted,

at least on the surface, to balance their native practices with the customs they inherited

from their predecessors at Tell el-D ab'a . Unfortuna tely, it is difficult to discern the exact

nature of their entry into Egypt and their territorial extent, due to the propaganda of the

New Kingdom and the sources from over one thousand years later.

III.A.3. Dynasty XVI

According to A fricanus, D ynasty XV I is viewed as being a group of rulers with

fifteen or more W est Semitic names found on seals. It is presumed that they were

kinglets, which w ere subservient to the Hy ksos rulers, in the Palestinian region.

10 9

In

Near Eastern government installations, unlike that of Egypt, small city-states were ruled

Grimal, History, p . 186; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 148-150.

108

D.B. Redford, "The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty," in D. O'Connor and D.P.

Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship (New York, 1995), pp. 158-159; van Seters, A New

Investigation,

pp. 171-180.

109

Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113; "Overview," p. 55 ; "Hyksos," pp. 136, 139; Bourriau, "Second

Intermediate Period," p. 193; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near East, p. 250; Hornung, History, p. 72;

Redford, "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition," pp. 19-21; Pharaonic King-lists, p. 240; Ryh olt,

Political Situation, p. 104, n. 347 ; von Beckerat h, Untersuchungen, pp. 137-144; "Zwischenzei t , Zweite , "

p.

1444. Kemp has written that vassal city-states existed both in southern Palestine and the Delta and were

comp osed of Egyptian and foreign rulers (Kemp , "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178). Quirke believes

that this dynasty was simply a later interpretation of kings' names and does not reflect a true group of rulers

(Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 127, 129; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260). Ryholt argues that these

"kings"

are made up of the seals of non-contemporary rulers, amuletic use of

kings'

n ames, and phrases

proclaiming aspects of

the

god Re (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 62-65).

31



by kings, who, in turn, pledged their allegiance to one overriding and powerful ruler.

110

In the city state model, the high-king demanded taxes in return for protection and

controlled the interaction of the more minor kinglets. This sort of system was com pletely

foreign to the Egy ptians who had a true nation state with one sovereign,

11 1

under which

local officials and administrators worked. No netheles s, it has been suggested that

Dynasties XIV and XVI represent city-states in the Delta and Southern Palestine, some of

these being non-Egyptian.

112

Ryholt has recently proposed another model for the identity of Dynasty XVI,

resurrecting an idea originally propose d by Winlock. He rejects the identification of

M aneth o's Dynasty X VI as being Hyksos and instead adopts the notion in Euse bius'

version that they were T heban and ruled the region between Hu and Edfu.

UA

He

believes that a group of fifteen Egyptian kings, which is normally associated with the

beginning of Dynasty XVII, ruled from Thebes, filling a power void left after the fall of

Dyn asty XIII. In his historical reconstruction , the Dyn asty XIII territory broke into

smaller polities after the Hyksos made their way to Mem phis. Ryh olt does not believe

that there were any Palestinian or Delta city-states related to Dynasty XV, stating that

there is no evidence for this sort of

system.

How ever, he does note that the lack of

scarab seals of princes may indicate that there was indeed some non-Egyptian

Hallo and Simpson,

Ancient Near East,

pp. 172-178.

111

Baines, "Definition," p . 3; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 127; Redford, "The Hy ksos Invasion in History

and Tradition," p. 18.

112

Kemp , "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,p.

10.

113

Ryholt,


pp. 5-6, 151-162; Winlock,

Rise and F all,

pp. 99-100, 104. For the

chronology of

this

period (as early Dynasty XV II), see C.J. Bennett, "The First Three Sekhem re Kings of

the Seventeenth Dynasty,"

GM

143 (1994), pp. 21-28 .

114

Ryholt,

Political Situation;

p. 159.

115

Ryholt,


pp . 43 ,49 ,

n.

131.

32



administrative system involved here.

Wh ile some scholars have accepted Ry holt's claim that Dynasty XV I is a separate

group from the Dynasty XV II kings,

11 7

others have questioned whether any proof exists

to suggest that such a separation existed.

11 8

Mean while, Allen has accepted the Theban

nature of Dynasty XVI without adhering to Ryh olt's chronological modification of the

Second Intermediate Period and his placement of the other dynasties within it.

119

Unfortunately, it is impossible to ascertain the exact nature of the rule of these early

Theban kings, as modern knowledge of them is entirely fragmentary.

At this point, there is no solid evidence that the kings of Dynasty XVI ruled from

anywhere other than Thebes. No nethe less, it is likely that these rulers represent a group

quite different from that of Dynasty XVII in its economic situation , territorial extent, and

general policy. The modern myth that these kings were Asiatic vassals of Dynasty XV

has greatly hampered the understanding of the Late Middle K ingdom/Second

Intermediate Period. However, wo rks like that of Ryholt have opened the do ors to

reexamining these issues, allowing toda y's scholars to overcome these assumptions and

reinterpret the evidence.

120

116


117

J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 49, 52. D. Redford also believed that this dynasty was Th eban (D .B. Redford,

Akhenaten, Heretic King (Princeton, 1984), p.

101;

Egypt, Canaan and Isreal, p. I l l ; "The Hyksos," pp. 8,

27-28,

n. 55). O'Connor has also accepted this identification (O'Connor, "Hy ksos Period," p. 52).

118

T. Schneider, "Uberlegungen zur Chronologie der Thebanischen Konige in der Zweiten Zwischenzeit,"

in E. Czerny, et al., eds., Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred

Bietak,

1 (Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 299-

305;

A. Spalinger, "Review of

The

Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate

Period,

c.

1800-1550 B.C.," JNES 60 (2001 ), p. 297.

119

J.P. Allen, "Turin,"," p. 52.

120

J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 48-49; Spalinger, "Review," pp. 296, 298.

33



III.A.4.

Dynasty XVII

Traditionally, scholars have defined Dynasty XVII as the term for the Dynasty

XIII kings, once they had moved the capital from Itjatawy to Thebes under the duress of

the Hyk sos rulers. How ever, there is currently no evidence that there was a direct

relationship between the last kings of the latter and the first rulers of the former.

122

Thus,

these Theb an kings, though possibly related in some manner to the D ynasty X III rulers,

do not seem to hav e been derived directly from them.

Interestingly, Polz found a shaft tomb near the center of the pyramid of king

Nebkhep erre Intef at Dra Abu el-Naga, the royal cemetery of Dynasty X VII .

123

Due to

the fact that this tomb dates to the middle of Dynasty XIII, Polz suggests there might be

some familial relationship between these individuals especially since great lengths were

taken to avoid cutting into the earlier shaft.

124

Thu s, the officials from the south, wh o

participated in the administration of Dynasty XIII may be the families from which the

kings of Dyn asty XVII emerged. Ma ny of these officials had married Dyna sty XIII

princesses, linking their descendents distantly to the preceding kings.

125

121

Bourriau, "Beyond A varis," p. 159; A. Dodson,

The Canopic Equipment of the Kings of Egypt

(New

York, 1994), p. 36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga: The Decline & Fall of

the

Royal Pyramid,"

KMT

5

(1994), p. 32; Grimal,

History,

p . 187; Hallo and Simpson,

Ancient Near East,

p. 250; Hornung,

History,

p .

70 ;

Quirke, "Royal Pow er," pp. 127, 229; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; Ryholt,


pp .

167-183; von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zwe ite," p. 1443.

122

D. Polz, "Seventeenth Dynasty," in D.B . Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt, 3

(Oxford, 20 01), p. 273; Spalinger, "Review," p. 298. Note that in Chapter 6 of

this

thesis, an analysis of

nomen and prenomen of each king may indicate that there are some familial links between dynasties XIII

and XVII. No Dynasty X VII kings are preserved in the

Turin King-List

(Ryholt,


p .

167).

123

Kemp , "Social History," p. 159; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 264.

D. Polz and A . Seiler,

Die Pyramidenanlage des Konigs Nub-Cheper-Re Intef in Dra'Abu el-Naga,

Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Cairo 24 (M ainz, 2003), pp. 18, 20, 24, 33-37, Abb. 15.

125

See Chapter 6, Section II.F.

34



The territory of the Dynasty XVII kings appears to have been the area between

Elephantine and Cusae (or possibly even Abyd os).

12 6

Unfortunately, this location was

the northern border of the Theban state when the war with the H yksos occurred; it may

not reflect a constant boundary. As mentioned on the section concerning D ynasty XV

above, inscribed blocks at Gebelein may indicate that the Hyksos held this same area for

at least a short period. In fact, some scholars have proposed that the Hyk sos had a vassal

relationship w ith Dynasty X VII, as well as other kinglets, and that these southern

monarchs w ere required to pay oppressive taxes and tribute to the Asiatic rulers,

12 7

but

these arguments are not convincing with the evidence currently available.

Textual sources mention the raids of groups of unspecified foreigners upon

Kem p, "Social History," p. 159; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 264. See the

Carnarvon

Tablet

in Gardiner, "Carnarvon Tablet," p. 108; Smith and Smith, "A Reconsideration," pp . 59, 61, 69-70.

There may have been a Dynasty XVII garrison

(IWyi)

at Abydos (D. Franke, "An Important Family from

Abydos of the Seventeenth Dynasty,"

JE A

71 (1985), pp. 175-176; Ryholt,


p. 171). The

Hyksos may have had a stronghold at Hermop olis, and the

SecondKamose Stela

refers to the Cynopolite

nome as a place where the Hyksos had ruled (Ryholt,


pp. 172-1732, 1175, Fig. 1716).

For the phases of the war, see Polz, "Theben und Avaris," pp. 220-222.

127

Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113; H. G oedicke,

The Quarrel ofApophis andSeqenenrea

(San Antonio,

1986), pp. 6-9, 17, 35; Leahy, "Ethnic Diversity," p.

231;

Redford,


pp. 111,115-

116, 119; "The Hyksos," p. 26; A.E.P. Weigall,

A History of the Pharaohs 2

(New York, 1927), p. 139.

This system w as common in the kingdoms and city-states of Syria-Palestine. See Bietak, "H yksos,"

(2001), p. 139. David suggests that the last kings of Dynasty XIII may have been vassals under the Hyksos

(David,

Builders,

p. 198). See also Dodson,

T he Canopic Equipment,

p. 36; W.C. Hayes, "Egypt: From the

Death: From the Death of Amm enemes III to Seqenenre II," in I.E.S. Edwards, et al., eds.,

Cambridge

Ancient H istory,

II (1) (Cambridge, 1973), p. 55 ; van Seters,

A N ew Investigation,

pp. 167-170. For a

similar conclusion regarding Dynasty X IV, see G. Greenbe rg, "Manetho Rehabilitated—A New Analysis of

His Second Intermediate Period,"

DE

25 (199 3), p. 21 . As this theory relates to Dynasty XV I in Palestine,

Dynasty XV II in Thebes and other groups in Middle Egypt and the Delta, see Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999), p.

377; "Hyksos," (2001), p. 139. For Dynasty XV II, see Redford, "Concept," p. 166; S.T. Smith, "People," in

D.B.

Redford, ed.,

The O xford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt,

3 (Oxford, 20 01), p. 30; J. von Be ckerath,

"Theban Seventeenth Dynasty," in E. Teeter and J.A. Larson, eds.,

Gold of Praise. Studies Wente,

Studies

in Ancient Oriental Civilization 58 (Chicago, 1999), p. 21 . For Thebes and Nubia (Kush) with the

possibility of others, see Leahy, "Ethnic Diversity," p. 230. For the Delta and the control of

the

Nubian and

Hyksos rulers over the south and the north, see Murnane, "Overview," p. 702. Redford explores various

options for the many kings found on seals as well as the possible vassal relationship between the Hyksos

and the Dynasty X VII kings (Redford, "The Hyksos," pp. 25-26). See also Hornung,

History,

pp. 71-72;

Kem p, "Social History," pp. 158-159; Redford,

Egypt, Canaan andlsreal,

pp. 111,119 ; von Beckerath,

"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1444; We igall,

Pharaohs,

p p. 137-139, 141, 167.

128

O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 56-57; Ryholt,


pp. 325-326.

35



Thebes and other areas of Egypt. Ryholt argues that Ahmose used a storm metaphor to

refer to the looting of Thebes by Dynasty XV in the

Unwetterstele.

This document

refers to the destruction of temp les, tom bs, and pyram ids. Ho wev er, in the region of

Thebes, it is possible that at least some of these raids were conducted by Nubians rather

than Asiatics as indicated in the inscription of Sobeknacht recently published by V.

Davies.

13 0

Thu s, it wo uld appear that if the Hyksos did rule Southern Egypt, it was only

for a short period of time. Alternatively, they may have cond ucted military campaigns

into this part of the country, setting up monuments but never actually controlling the

territory.

In the end, the Egyptian kings at Thebes engaged in warfare against the Hyksos as

well as the Kush ites. The first of these kings, Sekenenre Ta o II seems to have been killed

in combat due to a wound he suffered from an Asiatic hand axe.

13 1

Later, his son or half-

brother Kamose continued the battle, which did not end until Tao's son Ahmose was

ruler, and the H yksos were driven back into western Asia and the Nub ian territories were

reacquired. The areas to the north were likely not stabilized until the reign of Am enho tep

I.

III.B.

Theories Concerning the Chronology of the Second Intermediate Period

The chronology of the dynasties within the Second Intermediate Period is

important in the study of the kingship of Dyna sty XIII. The timing of the loss of

,

1 2 9

Ryholt,


pp. 143-148.

130

Davies, "Sobeknakht of

Elkab,"

p. 6; "Sobeknakht's Hidden Treasure."

British Museum Magazine

46

(2003), pp. 18-19.

131

Bietak, "Hyksos," (1999), pp. 378-379; "Overview," pp. 55-56; Ryholt,


p. 177; J.

Harris and E. Wente,

An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mumies,

(Ch icago, 1980), pp. 68, 289, 295, 300-301.

36



territories to new governments both native and foreign is crucial to the understanding of

the events within Itjatawy at any point. For many years, outdated assumptions regarding

the nature of Dynasties III-XVII have impeded the advancement, of the understanding of

the political events of this era. Mo re recently , how ever, new theories have emerged

which are revolutionizing the current thinking concerning the relationships between these

dynasties.

III.B.l. Traditional Theories

Traditionally, scholars have argued that the kings of Dynasty XII and the first part

of Dyn asty XIII (up until the reign of Merneferre Ay) ruled all of Egyp t. At this point,

a group of rulers (Dynasty XIV) separated from the Egyptian government, forming their

own kingdom in the Eastern Delta, while Dynasty XIII continued to rule from the Middle

King dom capital at Itjatawy. Later, a group of strong Asiatic kings took over this region,

and drove the Dy nasty XIII sovereign to the Theban area, marking the beginning of

Dynasty XV II. Meanw hile, the Dynasty XV kings set up a group of minor rulers,

Dy nasty XV I, in the Delta and to the east. Over all of these areas, the Hyksos h eld

varying deg rees of authority until the rulers of Dyn asty XVII began a revolt. Even tually,

the Asiatic kings (Dynasty XV ) were thrown out of

Egypt,

and once again, a native group

132

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 258-259; Helck,

Die Beziehungen Ag yptens,

pp . 91-93; Grajetzki,

Middle

Kingdom , p. 65; J. von Beckerath,

Handbuch der Agyptischen Konigsnamen

(Mainz, 1999), pp.

284-286. Von Beckerath places the beginning of Dynasty XIV around eighty years after the start of

Dynasty

XI11

(von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 71-78,

8 1, 221;

"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443). Note

that Kemp theorized that Dyna sty XIV w as actually one of many vassal city-states (including Dynasty

XVI) under Dynasty XV (Kemp, "Social History," pp. 154, 159, 177-178). Quirke states that the names of

the two kings, Nehesy and Merdjefare, of column 8 in the

T urin King-List

only appear in the eastern Delta

( Royal

Power," pp. 125, 129; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 394). For similar dates for the beginning of

Dynasty XIV, see Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p. 434. See also Grimal,

History,

p. 184; O'Connor, "Hyksos

Period," pp. 46, 48, 56.

37



of monarchs, D ynasty XV III, ruled the entire country.

III.B.2.

Extensive Fragmentation

Though slight variations of the traditional theory exist, the basic idea is consistent

and has been qu ite influential in scholarly literature down to the present. Some sch olars

have also expanded on the nature of other possible groups and their relationship to the

Hyksos, arguing that Egypt fragmented into many polities during the Second

Intermediate Period. Proposed capitals for such entities include Th ebes, El Kab, Edfu,

Gebelein and Abydos.

13 3

The evidence is most prolific for an Abydos D ynasty though

doubts as to the existence of this group of kings still remain.

134

III.B.3.

Ryholt's Chronology

In 1927, Weigall had suggested that Dynasties XIII and XIV (at Xois) were

contemporaneous w ith a Dynasty X V that was evolving during this time.

13 5

Later,

Winlock had proposed that Dynasty X IV began at the end of Dynasty XII.

13 6

Most

133

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp . 257, 259; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 163, n. 595; 163-166, 168.

Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," pp. 186, 203; Polz and Seiler, Pyramidenanlage, pp. 44-47; Sethe,

Urkunden der 18. D ynastie, pp.

29-31.

Save-Soderbergh believed that Dynasty XIII fell into separate

entities prior to the reign of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, when order was restored again (Save-Soderbergh,

"Hyksos Rule," pp. 53-55).

134

Evidence for an Abydos Dynasty includes names which seem to refer to this region or its gods:

Wepwawetemsaf and King Sekhemkhutawyre Pantjeny "the T hinite" found on stelae (W.M .F. Petrie,

Abydos II, Egypt Exploration Fund 24 (London, 1903); W.A. W ard, Essays on F eminine Titles of the

Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects (Beirut, 1986), pp. 43-44). See also Ryholt, Political Situation, p .

191.

For doubts concerning the existence of

an

Abydos Dynas ty, see J.P. Allen, "Tu rin," p. 49; Spalinger,

"Review," p. 298. Bennett points out that though Wepw awetemsaf s nomen contains the name of

a

god of

the Thinite region, his prenomen follows the Dynasty XVII pattern (Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology,"

pp . 123, 130-131). See E.A.W. Budge, H ieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae & c, in the British M useum

IV (London, 1913), p. 9, PI. 25. Redford does not believe in the fragmentation of the Egyptian state into

these localized dynasties (Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 25).

135

Weigall, Pharaohs, pp. 137-139, 141, 167.

136

Winlock, Rise and Fall, pp . 95-96.

38



recently, Ryholt has argued that Dynasty XIV emerged during the reign of Nefrusobek,

the last king of Dynasty XII and continued through much of Dynasty XIII.

13 7

Ryholt

bases his chronological framework upon textual and archaeological evidence, some of

which has been questioned by other scholars.

Ryholt considers, with some hesitation, that the "pala ce" <at Tell el-Dab'a may

have served as the home of a Dynasty X IV king, but this large house likely belonged to a

high-ranking Asiatic official in the Egyptian administration during the Late Middle

Kingdom.

13 9

A structure with a plan similar to this one has been found at Ab ydos and

was used by the Late Middle Kingdom mayors, who lived there.

14 0

Thu s, it is likely that

the building at Tell el-Dab'a w as first constructed as a mayo r's house; whether or not it

was used as a palace during Dynasty X IV is uncertain.

141

Ry holt's chronology varies greatly from most of those proposed by other

Ryholt,


pp. 5, 34, 184-204, 294. For references to traditional chronological

reconstructions, see Chapter 1, Section III. B.l.

138

Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," pp. 47-74. For Ryh olt's response to these objections, see "The Date of

Kings."

139

Ryholt,


pp. 104-105. Bietak and his associates have claimed that this building is a

palace, possibly of Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef (Bietak, "Canaanites in the Eastern Nile Delta," in

A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt, Isreal, Sinai (Tel Aviv, 1987), p. 50; "Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der

Zeit des spaten mittleren R eiches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem ostlichen Nildelta Tell el-

Dab'a 1984-1987,"

A&L 2

(1991), p. 57; "Egypt and Canaan," p. 34; "Connections Between Egypt and the

Minoan W orld: New Results from Tell el-Dab's/Avaris," in W.V. Davies and L. Schofield, eds.,

Egypt, the

Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections in the Second M illennium BC

(London, 1995), p. 19;

Avaris, The

Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a,

The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation

Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology I (London, 1996), pp. 21-30; "Zum Raumprogram m agyptischer

Woh nhauser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiche s," in M. Bietak, ed.,

Haus undPalast im Alten Agypten,

Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), p.

30 ;

"Hyksos Rule," pp. 100-105; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New York, 1999), p. 779; D. Eigner, "A Palace of the

Early 13th Dynasty at Tell el-Dab'a," in M . Bietak, ed.,

Haus undPalast in alten Agypten,

Osterreichische

Akademie der W issenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna, 1996), pp. 73-80). See also

T. Schneider,

Lexikon der Pharaonen

(Zurich, 1994), p. 128.

140

J. Wegner, "Excavations at the Town of "Enduring-is-the-throne-of-Khaaure-Maa-Kheru-in-Abydos" A

Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons,"

JARCE

35 (1998), pp. 4,24- 25.

141

For objections to the "palace" label of

the

structure at Tell el-Dab 'a, see O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp.

53 , 64, n. 15. F. Arnold used the phrase, "so-called 'p alace '" (Arnold, "Settlement," p. 15).

39



scholars. As mentioned above, Ryholt believes that Dynasties XIII and XIV proceeded

at the same time an d that the emergence of the latter was the defining difference between

Dynasties XII and the former.

143

Even tually, the Hyk sos arrived at Ava ris and removed

the Dynasty XIV k ings as well as those of Dynasty X III in the Memphite region. At this

point, there was a power void in Upper Egypt, where an Abydos Dynasty and D ynasty

XV I (in Thebes) emerged. Soon thereafter, the Hyksos began to move southwards,

remov ing the Aby dos Dynasty and briefly taking control over the entire country. Finally,

the Thebans (Dynasty XV II) reemerged as the power in the south and slowly prepared to

remove the Hyksos from the Delta.

Ryholt's examination of the Second Intermediate Period is a revolutionary

work.

14 4

Though some conclusions may not be certain with the current evidence, this

study has succeeded in breaking down the walls surrounding traditional thought. Since

the publication of this study, other scholars continued to recognize flaws in the traditional

theories regarding the chronology of this era and formulated their own proposals.

III.B.4.

Theories Concerning an Overlap between Dynasties XIII and X VII

The perilous state of the Tu rin King-List in the late Dynasty XIII to Dynasty XV I

positions, along with a lack of material from this period in general, leaves considerable

room for interpretation into the relationships between the dynasties of the Late Middle

Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.

14 5

When evidence is available, it sometimes

c r e a t e s p r o b l e m s w i th t he t r a d i t i ona l und e r s t a nd i ng o f t he pe r iod . Fo r e x a m ple , a s te l a

142

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 132-133, 140.

143


144

Spalinger, "Review," p. 296 . 298.

145

von Beckerath, "Theban," p. 22.

40



describes how

Horemkhauef,

a priest who was from the El Kab region, traveled to

Itjatawy and came into the presence of the king, late in Dynasty XIII or the beginning of

Dynasty XVI/XVII.

14 6

This problema tic inscription has perplexed sch olars studying the

Second Interme diate Period. How could there be a ruler in Itjatawy at a time wh en

Dynasty X III was no longer supposed to exist?

Perhaps it may be better to propose that Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XV I/XVII

were contempo raneous. In other words, the Hyk sos ruled a portion of Syria-Palestine

and parts of the Delta, Dynasty XIII held the area from Memphis to Assuit, and the kings

of Dynasty XV I reigned from A ssuit to the southern extent of Egypt. Dynasty X VI may

have regarded Dynasty XIII as a needed buffer from the growing pow er of the Hyksos.

This sort of relationship might have allowed for the peaceful movement of a traveler like,

Horemkhauef,

to Itjatawy, w here he came into contact with the king . Biog raphical texts

often record contact or association with a royal figure,

147

and the fact that the ruler was

not the sovereign of the area, from which the man h ad com e, may not have been

important.

Interestingly, King Sankhenre M entuhotep of Dynasty X VI was referred to as the

146

Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 198; W.C. Hayes, Horemkha'uef, p. 4, PL 2, lines 9-10;

Scepter,

p. 347; Helck,


pp. 49-50, no. 68; Kemp, "Social History," p. 149; M.

Lichtheim,

Ancient E gyptian Literature I,

pp. 129-130; Mioso,

A Reading Book,

pp. 17-19; Quirke, "Royal

Power," p." 125; Redford, "The H yksos," p. 4; Ryholt,


p. 79 ; Simpson, "Studies," pp. 54,

55 , Table 51.L; C. Vandersleyen,

Les Guerres dAmosis

(Brussels, 1971), p. 208; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 75-77. For information related to the selection of Horemkhauef for this important

mission, see J. Baines, "Practical Religion and Piety,"

JE A

73 (1987), pp. 89-90.

147

For example, Rew er was granted a stela by king Neferirkare in the Old Kingdom when h e fell over the

ruler's staff during an important religious ceremony (J.P. Allen, "Re'wer's Incident," in A.B. Lloyd, ed.,

Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honor of J. Gwyn G riffiths,

Occasional Publications 8

(London, 1992), pp. 14-20; H. Goedicke, "The Origin of

the

Royal Administration," L'Egyptologie en

1979: Axes P rioritaires de Recherches, 2 (Paris, 1982), pp. 125-126). Another example is the inclusion of a

copy of

a

letter from the young king Pepi II (Dynasty VI) in the decoration of

the

tomb of

Harkhuf.

See

Lichtheim,

Ancient Eg yptian Literature,

1, pp. 26-27 ;K. Sethe,

Urkunden des Alten R eiches

(Leipzig,

1933), pp. 128-131. See also, A.M. Gnirs, "Die Agyptische Autobiographic," in A. Loprieno,

ed., Ancient

Egyptian Literature

(New York, 1994), p. 221.

41



"king within The bes," This epithet may imply the existence of more than one

Egyptian king. While it is possible that the second ruler was a Dynasty XIV or XV king,

it is also feasible that this designation confirms that Dynasty XIII continued at Itjatawy,

resulting in two legitimate Egyptian rulers.

New evidence has recently come to light that shows that this hypothesis could be

integral in unde rstanding the Second Intermediate Period. Dav ies has recently analyzed

Ho remk haue f s tomb at Hierakonpolis along with others contemporaneous to it there and

at El Kab .

14 9

He has discovered that the tomb of Horem khauef an d that of Sobeknakht as

well as others were decorated by the same artist, Sedjemnetjeru.

150

He determined this

identification through the presence of the image and name of the artist himself within the

scenes in the tombs as well as paleog raphy, style and technique. Others have also

observed that the lector-priest, Harmeni is attested in both the tombs of Horemkhauef and

Sobeknakht.

151

Davies found a stela of Sobeknakht, which places him in the latter part of Dynasty

XV II. Thu s, since Sedjemnetjeru and Harm eni link Horem khaue f to a time near that of

Sobek nakht, it may be the case that the latter also can be dated to Dynasty XV II. Thu s,

the dating of this stela along with the contemporary tomb of Sobeknakht at El Kab,

through the current study being undertaken by D avies of the British M useum, m ay

1 8

Ryholt,


pp. 154, 160. For the publication of this stelae, see P. Vemu s, "La Stele du

Pharaon

Mntw-htpih

Kam ak: un Nouveau Tem oignage sur la Situation Politique et Militaire au Debut de

la D.P.I.,'

?

Rd'E

40 (1989), pp. 140-161; "A prop os de la stele du pharaon

Mntw-htpih

Karnak,"

Rd'E

41

(1990), p. 22 1.

149

Davies, "H ierakonpolis," pp. 113-125.

150

Davies, "Hidden Treasure," pp. 18-19; "Hierakonpolis," pp. 113-125, "Sobeknakht of Elkab ,"pp . 4-5.

Note that in the latter article, Davies did not yet have the stela of Sobeknakht and, thus, continued the

previous dating of Horemkhauef

to

late Dynasty XH I/early Dynasty X VII.

151

Ryholt,

Political Situation

; pp. 79-80, n. 240; P. Vernus, "La Pretre-Ritualistee Ar-/22/«'Redacteur de la

Stele de

hr-m-h

c

w.f?' Hommages a Francois Daumas

(Montpellier, 1986), pp. 590-591.

42



ultimately determine the nature of the chronology of

the

Second Intermediate Period.

The newly cleaned tomb of Sobeknakht also revealed that the Nubians (Kushites)

•attacked Sou thern Egyp t and proc eeded at least as far as El Kab .

15 3

How ever, the date of

this military m ovement w as not late Dynasty X III but well into Dynasty XV I/XVII.

-Thus, the stela recording the trip to Itjatawy is now later than previously thought and

even more of a hindrance to traditional thinking . Unless the stela is pure fiction, there

was a king in Itjatawy after the start of Dynasty X VI. Dynasty XIII was still continuing,

and the list of over fifty kings may have extended ov er more than 150 years Thou gh the

names and regnal lengths of the end of Dynasty XIII are not preserved in the Turin King-

List,

it does not mean that there were no successful strings of local rulers. Their name s

may not have been remembered because their territory was relatively small.

III.B.4.a. Con siderations of the Overlap between D ynasties XIII and XV I/XVII

Prior to the presentation of a formal theory including the overlap between

Dynasties XIII and XVI/XVII by B ennett in the 2002

JARCE,

other scholars had briefly

contem plated this issue. Originally, such ideas were not accepted, as most researchers

adhered to the idea that Dynasty XVII w as simply the continuation of Dynasty XIII at

Theb es. How ever, closer to the time of Benn ett's article, it is clear that many sch olars

were beginning to come to the same conclusion.

Under one scenario for the revised chronology of the Second Intermediate Period,

152

At this point, Davies suggests that Horemkhauef lived during late Dynasty XIII to early Dynasty XVII

while his successor, Sobeknakht, possibly had a long life extending to the end of Dynasty XV II (W .V.

Davies, "El-Kab and Kerm a: The Tomb of Sobekn akht," Paper Presented at the British M useum

Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th D ynasties), Current Research, Future Prospects,

14July-16 July, 2004.

153

Davies, "Sobeknacht," pp. 18-19.

43



Hayes adhered to the idea that the Hyksos took Mem phis and that the Dynasty XIII kings

retreated to Thebes, where they continued to rule. Then, Dynasty XV II (XVI), which

was different from its predecessor emerged independently.

15 4

Hay es also asserts that it is

likely that the progeny of Dynasty XIII continued to rale beneath the Theban kings in

various locations in Upper Egyp t. In fact, Hayes sugg ests that the dynasty (as listed in

the T urin King-List) continued for an additional 17 years, as it overlapped with Dynasty

XV II (XVI). According to him, this situation occurred within the 153 years attributed to

the Dynasty XIII by Manetho (using the revised date to be discussed below). Thus, in

this theory, though it is suggested that Dynasty XIII continued along side Dynasty

XVI/XVII, the capital did not remain at Itjatawy.

In 1981, in an article concerning Nubian pottery in Egypt, Bourriau posits that an

overlap existed between Dyn asties XIII, XV, and XV II (XVI).

15 5

She suggests that the

discrepancy of

the

terminology used to describe cultural units versus political ones did

not allow for this option at the time of her article. Thu s, she does not develop the idea

further.

In

2001,

Spalinger stated:

The famous

Stele Juridique,

for example, seems to me to imply a state of affairs

in Upper Egypt in which an independent group of kings existed a few decades

before the end of Dyn asty XIII. In other words, it is possible that an inde penden t

house of Thebes arose when D ynasty XIII was extremely weak and considerably

reduced in size after the successful seizure of Memphis by the first Hyksos

warrior-king?"

156

He also notes that it is possible that other groups of local kings may have existed.

154

Hayes, "Egy pt: From the Death," p. 53.

155

J. Bourriau, "Nubians in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period: An Interpretation Based on the

Egyptian Ceramic E vidence," in Do. Arnold, ed.,

Studien zur altagyptischen Keramik

(Mainz an Rhein,

1981), p. 27.

156

Spalinger, "Review," p. 298.

44



It is important to note that though Spalinger allows for Dynasty XIII to continue into the

Second Intermediate Period, he is not suggesting a long period of time for this situation.

More recently, Polz has suggested that Dynasties XIII and XVII may overlap due to the

separation of generations in

Stele Juridique

as well as ceramic material from Dra Abu el-

N a g a .

1 5 7

- •• •

IILB.4.b. Bennett's Theory

In an article written roughly the same time as Spalinger's comm ents, Bennett has

addressed the overlap issue, claiming that Dynasty X VI (his Dynasty X VII), a

"secessionist provincial regim e,"

15 8

began ten to thirty years before the end of Dynasty

XIII.

15 9

The bulk of Bennett's argument centers around the genealogies of the El Kab

governors, covering a period from the middle of Dynasty XIII until the reign of

Hatshepsut in the New Kingdom , found in the

Stele Juridique,

the family of Queen

M entuh otep, the ancestry of Sobeknakht II from his tomb , and that of Ren i. Thoug h the

junction between these various family and personal career histories is often debated,

Bennett finds a m ethodological solution, using generations of 25±5 y ears, which

demonstrates that the Dyn asty XIII and Dynasty XV I kings likely overlapped due to the

time necessary for regnal lengths to have occurred. Thu s, though som e of the details of

157

Polz and Seiler,

Pyramidenanlage,

p p. 44-47. Note that, due to a delay in the release of

JARCE

2002,

Polz ' article preceded the publication of Bennett even though the dates are reversed. For the stela, see

Helck,


pp. 65-69, no. 98. For another statement concerning the survival of

Itjatawy, see Stadelmann, "Palaces," p. 14.

158

Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," p. 123.

159

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 123-155; "Sekhemre Kings," p. 28. Note that although

Kitchen did not propose an overlap with Dynasty XVI/XVI1, he did acknowledge the possibility that

Dynasty XIII could be extended a decade or more (from 150 years) as future data required, something

needed for Be nnett's reconstruction (Kitchen, "Historical Chronology," p. 7).

45



the reconstruction of this genealogy may be problematic, the conclusions derived from it

require further attention in order to create a more accurate understanding of the

chronology of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.

Generation/ King

Year

1. 1712 Wahibre Ibiaw/

1701 Merneferre Ay

2. 1677 Me rhotepre (Ini)

-start of Dynasty XVII-

OfficiaIs/(Group/Office)

Ibiaw (B/vizier)

Senebhenaf (B/vizier)

Sobekhotep (B/hereditary princess)

Ay I (A,C/gov. El-Kab, vizier)

Reditenes (A/king's daughter)

3. 1650

Sekhemresementawy Sobekmose (C/gov. El-Kab)

Djehuty Monruhotep (B/queen)

Ay the Younger (A/gov. El-Kab)

Aym eru (A,C/gov. El-Kab, vizier)

4.

1637 Sewadjenre

Nebiriau

end of Dynasty X III-

5. 1620- Seuserenre

1611 Bebi-Ankh

Kebsi (A/gov. El-Kab)

Sobeknakht I (A, C/gov. El-Kab)

Neferu (C/hereditary princess)

Sobeknakht II (C/gov. El-Kab)

Reditenes (C/hereditary princess)

Table 1.2. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett. Group A is that

from

Stele Juridique,

B is from the

Montuhotep Genealogy,

and C is from

Sobeknakht IPs tomb (El Kab T10). The dates are based on the rough ranges given

by Bennett and are meant to serve as relative markers to illustrate his hypothesis.

The part of Bennett's work, which is of concern in this study focuses on three

docum ents (Table 1.2). The earliest information is found in the G enealogy of Queen

46



Mentuhotep.

Bennett states that M entuh otep's grandfather, Ibiaw, was the "overseer of

the compound" {imy-rhnrt) under the Dynasty X III king, Wahibre Ibiaw,

16 1

and was

vizier during the reign of this same king or the next, Merneferre A y. M eanw hile, he

notes that Mentu hotep's father,

Senebhenaf,

1

2

who w as married to the hereditary

princess Sobekhotep, served in this same position under the latter king as well as possibly

into that of Merhotepre Ini. Mentuhotep herself married a Dynasty XVI king ,

Sekemresementawy D jehuty, whose exact placement is not known. Bennett suggests that

Mentuhotep m ay have married Sekemresementawy Djehuty during the reign of

Merneferre Ay before he became king at a later date.

16 3

None theless, the time between

these generations allows for a maximum of thirty to thirty-five years for the remaining

twenty-four or more Dynasty XIII kings.

164

Stele Juridique

provides the next line of evidence in Benn ett's study.

16 5

This

document serves to trace the right of Kebsi to sell his position of the governor of El-Kab

to his "brother" (whether biological or gen erational),

16 6

Sobeknakht II .

16 7

In this lineage,

Ay I, who w as the grandfather of Ke bsi, a governor of El-Kab, served as the vizier of

160

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; "Sekhemre Kings," p. 28.

161

Franke,

Personendaten,

pp. 74, Doss. 62; 387, Doss. 660; 388, Doss. 661; L. Habachi, "The Family of

the Vizier Ibi' and His Place among the Viziers of

the

Thirteenth Dyn asty,"

S AK 11

(1984), pp. 120-121,

124-125;

Ryholt,


pp. 77, 259, 306.

162

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 388, Doss. 661; M.F.L. Macadam, "A Royal Family of

the

Thirteenth

Dynasty,"

JE A

37 (195 1), pp. 24-25.

163

For the identity of Montuhotepti as the wife of Djehuty, see Ryholt,


pp . 167, n. 601 .

164

Ryholt attempts to place Djehuty w ithin his proper place w ithin Dynasty XVI by using this same type of

reasoning (Ryholt,


pp. 152, 259-260). Howev er, his reconstruction is linear and does

not reflect an overlap between D ynasties XIII and XVI.

165

Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," pp. 128-129; Ryholt,


p . 234; A. Spalinger,

"Remarks on the Family of Queen

fi

c

.s-nbivand

the Problem of Kingship in Dynasty XIII,"

Rd'E

32

(1980),

p p. 110-111.

166

For the use of this term outside of familial contexts, see D. Franke, "Altagyptische

Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren Reich," dissertation, Universitat Hambu rg, 1983, p. 311;

167

Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 339, Doss. 565.

47



Merhotepre Ini.

16 8

His first son, Ay the Younger, was a governor, who died without

having any heirs. Thu s, this position transferred to another son of Ay I and a kin g's

daughter (likely the offspring of Merneferre Ay

16 9

), Reditenes. This son, named A ymeru,

also became a vizier. Bennett suggests that Aymeru served the Dynasty XV I king,

1 i-l A

Sekhem resementaw y Djehuty. Kebsi then inherited the office of governor, which he

sold to Sobeknak ht in the first year of the reign of Sewadjenre Neb iriau.

171

It seems strange that the vizier of a Dynasty X III king transferred his office to h is

son under the Theban kings (Dynasty XVI). Since no other viziers are known in

Dynasties XVI or XV II until the reign of Kamose, it may be the case that Aym eru was

actually the last vizier of Dy nasty XIII. Kebs i's sale of the office of governor may reflect

the loss in the fortunes of the family which had held a relatively large amount of power at

the end of Dynasty X III.

The next relevant ancestry comes from the tomb of the governor of El Kab,

Sobeknakht II .

17 2

Benn ett correlates this series of governors with the names in Stele

168

Franke, Personendaten, p. 48, Doss. 12.

16?

C. Bennett, "The King's Daughter Reditenes," GM151 (1996), pp. 21-22; "Genealogical Chronology,"

p.

138.

170

For a dating after Sob ekhotep V I, see Franke , Personendaten, p. 339, Doss. 565. Habachi believes he

was a vizier during Dynasty XVI/XVII (Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 125).

17

:' Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology,"

p .

124; For Sobeknakht, see Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 387, Doss.

660.

72

Benn ett, "Genealogical Ch ronology," pp . 133-134. A stela within the tomb of Sobeknak ht II at El Kab

has the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy (Sobekhotep III) as well as that of the owner, and some scholars

have dated the tomb to this reign (Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 16, no. 24; C.R. Lepsius,

Denkmdler III (Leipzig, 19 00), PL 13b). See also Ryh olt, Political Situation, p. 344; W eigall, Pharaohs, p .

212;

Hayes,

Horemkha'uef,

p. 3, n. 2; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 169. Bennett cites this dating as a

mistake (Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp.

131,

n. 137). However, he does not explain the

appearance of the prenom en Sekhemresewad jtawy in the tomb. See J.J. Tylor, Wall Drawings and

Monuments of El Kab: The Tomb of Sobeknekht 2 (London, 1896), PI. 7.

48



Juridique, though some argue that this group follows the earlier one. In this docum ent,

- Ay II is followed by the governor Sobekm ose before Aymeru of the same generation.

After Aymeru, this account skips Kebsi and lists Sobeknakht I, who is married to the

hereditary princess Neferu. Ne xt, Sobeknak ht II, who is wed to the hereditary princess

Red itenes, inherits the office of governor of El Ka b. Finally, his son, Sobek nakht III

becom es governor. Benne tt explains the differences in the Sobeknakht accoun t and that

in

Stele Juridique

as being due to the fact that the former lists the important governors in

his ancestry while the latter serves as a legal documen t. His reconstruction, ho wev er, is

likely though uncertain.

The Sobeknakht II genealogy and its position in the Second Intermediate Period is

important d ue to the fact that the tomb of this official has b een linked through artistic

style and signature (Netjerusedjem) to that of Horemkhauef, the man, whose stela records

his visit to Itjatawy, where a king was seated.

17 4

Thus, if one is to believe that the later

part of Dynasty XIII and a section of Dynasty X VI were con temporary, then the

chronological placement of the Sobeknakht family is crucial. According to Ben nett's

scheme, which is, by necessity, built upon m any uncertainties, Sobeknakht II is dated to

Seuserenre Bebiankh (1620-1611).

17 5

Dav ies also dates this tomb to late Dynasty

XVI/XVII with the span of 1575-1550 BC, after the start of the war with the Hyksos.

176

Thus, it would appear that, at this point, Davies supports a later date than does

173

For example, Ryholt posits that they are separate groups since Aym eru, the son of Ay in

Stele Juridique,

•

was a vizier, while the Aymeru in the Sobeknakht tomb inscriptions is not listed as having held this office

(Ryholt,


p. 240).

174

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 131; W illiams, "Problems," pp. 90-91. Note that Kitchen dates

Dynasty XIII to 1795 to 1638/1627 with the possibility of the group of kings extending a bit later (Kitchen,

"Historical Chro nology ," pp. 7-8, 11). -

175

Bennett, "Gene alogical Chronology," pp. 1 31, 141, 155.

176

Davies, "Sobeknacht," p. 18.

49



Bennett.

17 7

• >

Bennett notes that the evidence for Dynasty X III kings being in the Theban area

includes the following rulers after the reign of Merneferre Ay: Merkaure Sobekhotep VII,

Sewedjare M entuhotep, Sewahenre Senebm iew, Sekhaenre, Montuser, Dedumose, and

Djedankhre

Montuemsaf.

178

How ever, according to Ryh olt's study of the

Turin King-

List, the final three of these rulers belong to Dynasties XVI rather than Dynasty XIII.

Also, half of the others (Sewahenre Senebm iew and Sekhaenre) remain unplaced. Thus,

after the reign of Sewedjare Montuhotep {Turin King-List column 8,20), no precise

information concerning the territory of the Dynasty XIII kings can be obtained.

In the past, scholars had rejected the idea that there was an overlap due to the

presence of Dynasty X III names at sites in the south. For example, O'Con nor states:

Moreover, it does not seem likely that the Thirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasties

overlapped in time. The memb ers of both dedicated a variety of structures, stelae,

and statuary at both Abydos and Thebes, and it is hard to imagine that the one

should have permitted the other to do so, if they were to any degree contemporary

in time.

180

However, much of

the

confusion lies in the placement of kings without known

position in the

T urin King-List.

The fragmentary state of this text in its section dealing

with late Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty X VI clouds the understanding of the era at

hand. However, further information from the

T urin King-List,

such as the study Ryholt

has undertaken , can certainly aid in settling this confusion. Also , it may be the case that

the list of kings is incomplete, leaving out rulers who were confined to the Memphite

177

Bennett, "Genealogical.Chronology," p. 155.

178

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 128; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 63-65.

179

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 356-357, 359,

390-391,

400, 402. See also Kemp , "Social History," pp.

150-151,

Table

152.151.

180

O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 52.

50



region.

Bennett argues that there were five to twenty-five years between the end of the

reign of Merkaure Sobekhotep VII (Dynasty XIII) and the beginning of that of

Sekhemresementawy Djehuty of Dynasty X VI, leaving the remainder of the Dynasty X III

kings with regnal lengths between 3 months and 1.3 years.

18 1

Since Ben nett believes that

these reigns seem to be unusually short, he proposes that the two dynasties overlap

chronologically, allowing for the last of the Dynasty XIII kings with their territory

centered at Memp his and expands their range to 1-5 years each. In the process, Benn ett

extends the years of Dynasty XVI/XVII from 90-100 to 110-130.

182

Benn ett believes that Dynasty X III fell ten to fifteen years after the start of the

Theban regime.

18 3

He notes that the first few reigns of Dynasty XVI were peaceful,

demonstrated by building activity at Abydos and Coptos, but struggles recorded in the

inscriptions of Neferhotep and Montuhotep may indicate more troubled times. How ever,

there is no indication that the Hyk sos brought warfare to the Theban area. Thu s, Bennett

suggests that the remainder of Dynasty X III protected the new dynasty by being a

"buffer,"

184

much like Ryholt had proposed for the Abydos D ynasty.

One interesting observation Bennett presents is the difference in the recording of

dates between Dynasties XII and XV III.

18 5

In Dyn asty XII, the counting of regnal dates

started with the beginning of the civil year immediately following that, in which the king

had come to the throne. Later, in Dynasty XV III, a more complicated system was u sed,

181

Bennett, "Genealogical C hronology," pp. 128-129.

m

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 149.

183

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126, 129-130.

184


185

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," p. 131. See also Ryholt,


pp . 202; 203, n. 705.

51



in which the king's reign was counted from the date, on which he took the royal office.

In the. Turin King-List, Dynasty XIII rulers are usually recorded in terms of years,

mon ths, and. days while those of Dynasty X VI are almost always denoted w ith years only.

-Thus, Bennett believes that the Dynasty X VI kings had initiated the new dating system

and that the records and comp utations had b een difficult for the autho rs of the

Turin

King-List

to decipher, so they rounded the numbers to the nearest quantity of

years.

Thus

Bennett states:

A change in regnal dating systems is perhaps easier to understand if the 17

th

dynasty (here Dynasty XVI/XV II) was established as a new and rival regime to

the 13

th

Dynasty rather than as a continuation of that Dynasty. The 18

th

Dynasty

then simply inherited the procedure of

its

predecessor.

,86

In Benne tt's theory, Dynasty XVII (here Dynasty XVI) was an integral reason

why Dynasty X III became w eak and eventually fell as a result of the "inva sion" of the

Hyksos. How ever, one might note that such a bold move by this regime must be

indicative of an already-weakened dynasty. Thu s, the formation of Dy nasties XIV, XV,

and XVI/XV II as well as others, including the K ushite Empire, were not the cause of the

problem b ut were a result of it. It is likely that this weakening of pow er in all but the

core of the Memphite area, if this was the true state of affairs, occurred bec ause o f

internal and external pressures due to issues to be discussed in a later chapter.

8

In his study of the Second Intermediate Period, Ryholt seems to have believed

that Dynasty XV I regnal dates were recorded with the standard year, month, day

designations due to the

w sj

'and possibly preserved day sign in

11.8.

189

However, the

186


187

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 123, 151.

188

See Chapter 7.

189

Ryholt,


p.

3 1,

table 36.

52



beginning of the list of this dynasty certainly seems to lack any months or days though

Ryholt records them as "missing." Possibly, there was a mistake in the recording of line

11.8 from th e Vorlage . (Ry holt's chart shows that there was a title but no summ ation for

the Dynasty XHI and summ ations for the rest): However, it does seem more plausible

that Bennett's interpretation'of these numbers is correct, especially in light of further

evidence. -

90

Recently, Allen has suggested that the other characteristics of the Turin King-List,

like the dating systems used by the various dynasties, may indicate that an overlap

between D ynasties XHI and XVI is possible.

19 1

In addition to adopting Benn ett's

hypotheses regarding the dating of the d ynasties, Allen also notes the headings (or lack

thereof) for the groups of king s. He derives the following relationship s between the

dynasties: XIII-XIV, XV, and XVI-XVII.

19 2

He reconstructs the heading of Dynasty XIII

as (7.4):

ny[swt ntiw hr] s2 ms[w nsw] bit [sht]p-ib-r

c c

nh

wdS snb, "The kings, who

followed after the children of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehotepibre, l.p.h.

193

Allen inserts a fragment of

a

summation of years at the beginning of Dynasty XIV (8.28),

[.. .ir.n.fm]nsw yt[rnpt-hsb]

("he acted as king [for x years/m onths/d ays]") while the

dating system of Dynasty XIII continues.

19 4

The heading preceding the kings of Dynasty

XV (10.22) marks an abrupt break w ith the word

hkSwfoswt,

"Rulers of Foreign lands."

190

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp.

131,

n. 140. Ryholt also noted the possibility that the New

Kingdom dating system m ay have begun in Dynasty XVI (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 202).

191

J.P. Allen, "Second Intermediate Period."

192

See also Ryholt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 140, 146.

193

See also, Ryholt, "The Turin Kinglist," p. 142; "Source for Chronology," pp. 26-32.

"So-Called Turin Canon ," p. 29.

194

For the reconstructed compo nent, see J.P Allen, "Turin," p. 49 . Several scholars, beginn ing with Helck

have argued that this formula is used every 13 to 16 lines (Ben-Tor, "Seals and Kings," p. 67, n. 65; Helck,

Untersuchungen zu Manetho,

pp. 83-84; Ryholt,


p. 29).

53



As stated before, the changes in year calculations for Dynasties XVI and XVII show that

these two groups are related.

19 5

Previously, Winlock had pondered if

a

relationship

between these two groups might exist due to the fact that the list of tombs within the

Abbott Papyrus

suggests-that the same cemetery developed linearly through both groups

of kings.-

196

With these observations in mind, A llen believes that the overlap b etween

Dyn asties XIII and X VI are likely and stresses the fact that the format of the Turin King-

List

wou ld not have allowed for an overt display of this reality. No nethe less, the change s

in the recording of the regnal lengths of the kings, as described by Bennett, certainly are

indicative of some political overlap.

In the past, scholars have looked to the changes in Dynasty X VI/XV II culture as

resulting from their disconnection from the royal court models of the Middle Kingdom

(including funerary complexes) due to the sudden removal of the traditional Dynasty XIII

rulers from the Memphite region.

19 7

Such changes occurred in the standards of

hieroglyphic transcription, the decrease of the variety and scope of the

Coffin Texts,

and

the development of the

Book of the

Dead.

198

It is unclear why these modifications would

have been necessary, especially since Thebes, the southern capital of the Middle

Note that Winlock had intuitively wondered about the relationship between Dynasties XVI and XVII.

196

Winlock, Rise and

Fall,

pp. 105-108. Ryholt suggests that the Abbott Papyrus may not reflect the

chronological order of tombs (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 169). For further bibliographic information

concerning the Abbott Papyrus, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, p. 1.

197

Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 747; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 128; Grajetzki, Middle

Kingdom, pp. 74-75;.

198

R. Parkinson and S. Quirke, "The Coffin of Prince Henmefer and the Early History of the Book of the

Dead," Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society for Gwyn Griffiths, (London, 1992), p. 48 ; Quirke,

"Royal Power," pp. 127-128. Note that Lapp published a coffin thought to be from Assuit that may date

from Dynasty XIII or XVI and that contains some chapters from the Book of the Dead

(G.

Lapp, "Der Sarg

des JmnJ mit Einem Spruchgut am Ub ergang von Sargtexten zum Totenbuch," SAK 13 (1986), pp. 140-

147).

54



Kingdom, still held the documents and examples needed to continue the earlier styles.

However, here again, there may be evidence of a conscious decision to differentiate the

kings and culture of this region from tho se of Dyn asty XIII. Also , continued changes in

the religion of the royal afterlife cannot be attributed strictly to the Theban k ings, as the

tombs of most Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XVI rulers are not known. How ever, material

from the Dynasty XVI/XVII royal burials differs substantially from that of Awibre Hor

and other earlier tombs. Also, the simple plans of the Dynasty XVII pyramids, are

devoid of the complexity of the Late M iddle Kingdom with their hidden and blocked

passages.

Expanding on Bennett's arguments concerning the Late Middle Kingdom/Second

Intermediate Period, Allen has suggested that Dynasty XIV emerged directly from

Dynasty XIII, representing a faction of this group of kings with their own polity in the

Delta.

199

Mean while, Dynasties XV I and XVII, which ruled from T hebes, were also

related to one another. Differences betw een the cultures and later dating of these groups

in the

T urin King-List

m ight suggest that the chronology of the Late M iddle

Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period must be reevaluated.

III.B.4.C. The Distribution of Ceramics in the Late M iddle Kingdom /Second

Intermediate Period

Bo urriau's studies of ceramic material of the Late Middle Kingdom and Second

Intermediate Period appear to reflect the understanding of the poli t ical si tuation presented

J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 49, 65-66.

55



here. Thou gh pottery cannot be used to determine exact political un its, it can indicate

the spheres of influence of administrations with access to resources (clay types) only

available in specific places. Also, the abrupt abandonment of ceramic forms or

assemblages may correspond to important events.

At some point between the end of the Late Middle Kingdom and the beginning of

the Second Intermediate Period, three distinct ceramic traditions are visible within Egypt

including those of Upper Egypt (and Middle Egypt from Assuit), the Mem phite region

(centered at Itjatawy, down to Assuit), and the Delta.

201

The last of these, of course, is

defined b y Asiatic designs while the other two are the continuation of regional typ es. In

Low er Egypt, the M iddle Kingdom, types, including Marl

C jars,

continue until late

Dynasty XV II/early Dynasty X VIII, when the Upper Egyptian forms replace them (rare

examp les of Asiatic forms made from N ile clays are also found). In Upper Egypt, forms

continue to evolve from the First Intermediate Period through the New Kingdom with no

definitive breaks (besides the loss of Lower Egyptian types).

Interestingly, similar patterns also arise with contact with Kerma. It seems that at

the point in which the Upper Egyptians lose the ceramic types of their northern

neighbors, they also become the only region of the three to be in direct contact with the

200

Bourriau, "Beyond A varis," pp. 159-182; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 197. Slightly earlier, the

sequence at Lisht North as well as at Kom Rab i'a (RA T in Memphis) was believed to show a hiatus just

after the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period, contemporary with the growth in population around

Tell el-Dab'a (F. Arnold, "Settlement," p. 19; D.G. Jeffries, et al., "Memphis

1985," JEA

73 (1987), p. 16).

201

Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 16; Bourriau, "Relations between Egypt and Kerm a during the

Middle and New Kingdoms,"'in W.V. Davies, ed.,

Egypt and Africa

(London, 1991) p. 130. For the

connection between the m aterial culture of at least early Dynasty XIII and D ynasty XII, see Quirke, "Royal

Power," pp. 123, 125; "Thirteenth Dy nasty," p. 397. For a summary of the Tell el Dab'a sequence, see J.S.

Holladay, "The Eastern Nile Delta During the Hyksos and Pre-Hyksos Periods: Toward a

Systemic/Socioeconmic Understanding," inE.D. Oren, ed.,

Th e Hyksos: New Historical and

Archaeological Perspectives

(Philadelphia, 1997), pp. 184-187.

56



Kushites (Classic Kerma). This progression may seem natural since the Theban kings

were closest to this region and the administration at this southern capital had no doubt

been in control of this area in the Late Middle Kin gdom . No netheles s, it appears that

Lower Egypt lost contact with Nubia sometime in or after the Neferhotep I to Sobekhotep

IV era while the connection with Upper Egypt remained uninterrupted from the Middle to

the New K ingdoms.

In sum, the disappearance of Low er Egyptian forms from the south as well as that

of Nubian types from the Memphite region seems to correspond w ith the emergence of

Dynasty XV I. The lack of Asiatic m aterial in general for both the Mem phite and Th eban

areas may indicate that the Hyksos had little lasting cultural influence over these regions.

Late Middle Kingdom ceramic forms continued in the local areas under the rule of

weakened D ynasty XIII kings. Prior to the replacement of Middle Kingdom forms w ith

the Upper Egyptian assemblage in the Memphite region, there is a thin layer of clean

sand present at some sites, possibly corresponding to the fall of Dynasty XIII and the war

with the Hyksos.

It should be noted that other regionalized assemblages have been proposed for

Middle Egyp t and the Elephantine area.

20 3

Thu s, the simplified examination presented

above is not sufficient evidence for the political situation in Egypt on its own . How ever,

the nature of these developments near the centers of the territories ruled by these

dynasties is important despite the fact that the peripheral regions do not necessarily

follow suit.

202

Bourriau, "Relations," pp. 130-131.

203

Bourriau, "Beyond Avaris," p. 99.

57



III.B.4.d. The Chronology of the Overlap

In traditional scholarly thoug ht, it was believed that a Dedumo se was the Dyn asty

XIII king in Thebes when the Hyksos invaded Egypt. Scholars believed that this king (as

Tutimaios) was associated w ith Manetho (via Josephus)

20 4

with the ruler of the southern

part of Egypt when the Hyksos overtook Mem phis and began their dynasty. As this king

is known from several monum ents in the south of Egypt,

20 5

Ryh olt considers him

(Dedumose D jedhetepre) to be a part of his Theban Dynasty X VI.

20

He argues that the

Tutimaios reference is not really in the Manetho text and, thus, does not refer to this king

known from monum ents at Deir el Bahari and Gebelein.

20 7

Stela 46988 of the Cairo

Museum , which has this kin g's na me, has the later form of the

htp-di-nswt

formula,

possibly indicating that it is a part of the Theban tradition.

208

204

Grimal, History, p. 185; Helck, G eschichte, p .

131;

Redford, P haraonic King-lists, p . 240; Schneider,

Lexikonder Pharaonen, pp. 108-109.

205

Redford, "The Hyk sos," pp. 2-3.

206

Ryholt,


pp. 249, n. 859, 262. Occurrences of Dedumose are found on the following

monum ents: Gebelein stela, CG 20533, and Edfu stela, JE 46998. See Helck, Historische-Biographische,

pp . 43-44, no. 59. von Beckerath places him as the

3 7

th

king of Dynasty X III (von Beckerath, Handbuch,

p .

2 8 5 . • • - . ' - ' ' ' • •

207

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 327-32 8. El-Sayed also implies that this identification is not certain (R.

el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions sur 1'histoire de la province d'Edfou a la 2e Period Interm ediate ," BIFAO

79 (1979), p. 207.

208

For this evidence, see el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions," p. 188, line 181. For the text, see Mioso,

A

Reading Book, pp. 12-14. For the change in the offering formula from T ^ A to T A O D , see P.C. Smither,

"The Writing of

the

htp-d'i-nsw in the Middle and New Kingdoms," JEA 25 (1939). In this article, Smither

notes the earlier version of the sign grouping from the reigns of Sekhemkare, Khendjer Nimaankhare,

Sobekhotep III, Sobekhotep IV, Wahibre, and Queen Nebkhas. Early writings of

the

second form date to

the following kin gs: Dedumo se and Pentjen as well as Apep i, Sobekemsaf and Kam ose. For the stela with

this form, see Mioso, A Reading

Book,

pp. 12-14, lines 15 and 13. See also W. Barta, Aufbau und

Bedeutung der Altdgyptischen Operformel

(Gluckstadt, 1968), pp. 53 ,

73-73;

C. Bennett, "Growth of the

htp-d'i-Nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom ," JE A 27 (1941), p. 77; Lapp, Typologie derSdrge und

Sargkammern von der

6.

bis 13. Dynastie (Heidelberg, 1993), pp. 67, 194; G. Rosati, "Note e proposte per

la satazione delle stele del Medio Regno," O riens Antiqws 19 (1980), p.

271;

P. V ernus, "Le Pretre-

Ritualiste," p. 590; "Sur les Graphies de la Formule," pp. 151-152. It seems to be the case that this

development as well as others (dates in lunette, appearance of the khehker frieze at the top of stela,

appearance of the king, and whm

c

nti), may derive from expedition sites such as the Sinai and wadis, where

58



It has always been assumed that the Hyksos took Mem phis at the beginning of

Dynasty XV . However, it now seems more plausible that Dynasty XV bega n as a

localized polity in the eastern Delta while the end of Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty

XVI existed in the south. When Dynasty XV beg an, the power base of Avaris had

already been established by a presumably w eak Dynasty XIV. Thus, a localized kingdom

was easily established, but there may not h ave been the m eans to proceed southward at

that time. During his reign, Sakirhar referred to himself with both the title hk3-h3swt^

well as parts of the Egyptian titulary, including the Nebty and Golden H orus names.

209

According to R yholt, the next king, Khayan, has seals with the title hk3-hlswt and seals

and monum ents with royal titles in conjunction with his nomen and prenom en.

210

Meanw hile, the following rulers, Apepi (contemporary with Sekenenre, Kamose and

Ahm ose) and Khamud i never use any titles other than the royal Egyptian ones. Thus,

here, there is a progression, which Ryholt believed might represent phases in the H yksos

phenomena, though, in the Turin King-List, all of these Asiatic rulers are categorized as

artisans seemed to have had more freedom for experimentation during the latter part of Dyansty XII (C.

Bennett, "The Writing of htp-di-nsw,"

JE A

27 (1941), p. 157; "Motifs and Phrases on Funerary Stelae of

the Later Middle Kingdom," JE A 44 (1958), p.

121;

O. Berlev, "Review of Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs, and

Paintings from the Petrie Collection, Part II, in R.M. Stewart," Bibliotheca Orientalis 38 (1981), p. 32 1;

Freed, "Representation and Style," pp..20, 22, 78, 79, 100,

111;

R.J. Leprohon, "A Late Middle Kingdom

Stela in a Private Collection," in

P.

Der Manuelian, ed., Studies Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), p. 528; S.

Quirke, "Horn, Feather and Scale, and Ships: On Titles in the Middle Kingdom," in P. Der Manuelian, ed.,

Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), p. 669; Ro sati, "Note," p.

271;

Vernus, "Sur

les Graphies de la Formule," pp. 141-152). Franke states that the older form continued after the adoption of

the newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke, "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," p. 147).

There was some archaism of this form during Dynasty XVII as well as in the reigns of Hatshepsut and

Thutmosis III of Dynasty XVIII and in the Saite Period (A. Spalinger, "The Concept of Monarchy During

the Saite Epoch-An Essay of Synthesis," Orientalia 47 (1978), pp. 12-13).

209

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 18, n. 35; 43, 119-120, 121. Von Beckerath lists Sakirhar as a part of

Dynasty XV/XVI since he follows the earlier interpretation of the Turin King-list (von Beckerath,

Handbuch,p. 116).

210

For exam ple, see P.E. Newberry, Egyptian Scarabs (Mineola, New York, 2002), p. 115, PL 117.

59



"rulers of foreign lands."

211

The evolution of the Hykso s' denotation from "ruler of foreign lan ds"

{hkl-hlswt)

to "king of Upper and Lower Egy pt" and "son of Re," along with the use of the nomens

and prenome ns, rather than indicating the siege of

all

of Egypt as Ryholt proposes, may

-correspond to the events resulting in the taking of Memphis.

21 2

Based upon the names

alone, one might suggest that the Hyksos began moving southward during the reign of

Sakirhor, taking Memp his under Kh ayan 's rule. In theory, once this latter king had

control of the ancient capital, he decided to adopt the full ancient Egyptian titulary.

213

Also,

only Khayan and his successor, Apepi, are known from inscriptions in Egypt

outside of the Delta. Thus, the invasion of Memp his, which resulted in the demise of

Dynasty XIII, may have o ccurred during the reign of Khayan, w hen this king removed

earlier royal statues from the temples of this region, taking them to his capital at Avaris.

Thus, it may be the case that the traditional view, based upon Manetho, that the first king

of Dynasty XV, Salitis, was triumphantly crowned in Memphis may be no thing more

than a myth.

214

It is possible that the Hyksos kings continued their campaign into Upper Egypt,

possibly taking Thebes from the Dynasty XV I kings for a brief period of

time.

Thus, it

may be the case that the difference between Dynasties XVI and XVII is the presence of

211

Ryholt, Political Situation, ^ . 123-124. See also von Beckerath, Handbuch, p. 112-115.

212

This development is also clear in the list of

kings

composed by von Beckerath

{Handbuch,

pp. 114-115).

For a discussion o f

the

"son of R e" epithet, see D.P. Silverman, "Ep ithet

zi R'

in the Old through the

Middle Kingdom," forthcoming.

M

It may be the case that the first kings of Dynasty XV I also did not use all royal titles. An El Kab graffito

names the "son of Re" Dedum ose without the nomen being within a cartouche (A.J. Peden,

The Graffiti of

Pharaonic Egypt. Scope and Roles of Informal Writings (c. 3100-332 B.C.),

Probleme der Agyptologie 17

(Boston, 2001 ), p. 48). How ever, since the exam ple is a graffito, it may not reflect official doctrine s.

214

For an opposing view, see Bietak, "Overview," p. 55.

60



Hyksos activity in the Theban region as Ryholt proposed.

215

In this theory, the fall of

Dynasties XIV , XIII, and XVI are all attributed to the Hyksos kings, with the demise of

the latter two occurring well after the former.

IV. Internal Chron ology of<Dynasty XIII

The internal chronology of Dynasty XIII is very complicated due to the condition

of the Turin King-List as well as the different in terpretations of its content. Each major

study, which has included Dynasty XIII, has produced a different result (see Appendix I).

One of the mo st recent of these exam inations w as that of Ryholt.

216

Thu s, this section

will serve primarily as a review of Ryholt's list of Dynasty XIII kings with discussions of

problems and issues related to it.

IV-.A. Ancient Sources

IV.A.

1.

Manetho and the Length of Dynasty XIII

Revealed through Eusebius (ca. 260-340 A D), Africanus (ca. 160-240 AD), and

Josephus

{Contra Apionem

via the later

Epitome),

the history of Manetho

(Aegyptiaca),

that Ptolemy II Philadelphus originally commissioned in 280 BC, states that sixty kings

ruled in Egypt from Diospolis during Dynasty X III, which endured for 453 y ears.

21 7

It is

likely that the sources for Manetho mistook the 100 for 400 since such an error was

215

Ryholt,


pp. 5-6.

216

Ryholt, Political Situation, p p. 7 1, 72, 209-245 , 284, 315-322.

21 7

Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 44; L. Kakosy, "Egypt in Ancient Greek and Rom an Thought," in

J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1 (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 6; Lloyd, "Manetho," p.

464;

von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 17; "Zwischenzeit, Zw eite," p. 1444. For a discussion of

Manetho's work, his sources, and his motives, see Redford, Pha raonic King-lists, pp. 203-259, 297-332.

For a typical early use of Manetho, see Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp . 8-12, 252-262.

61



common in the transcription of documents during this time (453 instead of 153).

218

Besides the number of kings (reportedly from Thebes) and the overall length of the

dynasty, Manetho provides no other specific information regarding the historical figures

of this time period. No netheles s, the time given by Man etho for this period as roug hly

150 years is adhered to by most scholars, even though it was composed over 1000 years

after the end of Dynasty XIII.

22 0

It is possible that if M ane tho 's estimate for the length of

this dynasty is incorrect, then the number is too low.

IV.A.2.

The

urin

King-List as the Source for Reconstructing D ynasty X III

Th e

T urin King-List

is the most important text pertaining to Dynasty XIII, as it

objectively presents the names of many monarchs, for whom there is no other form of

evidence, and it lists these rulers (by prenomens or sometime nomens) in chronological

order with their reign lengths.

22 1

Unfortunately, this document is severely damaged and

must be reconstructed in many places.

22 2

To make things even more complicated, it

appears that lacunae were also found in the earlier renditions (derived from five or more

218

Weigall,

Pharaohs,

p. 138. Greenberg has attempted to argue that the actual length of Dynasty XIII is

69 years (Greenberg, "Rehabilitated," pp. 25-28 ; Ryholt,


p . 3, n.2).

219

Weigall,

Pharaohs,

pp . 141-142; Winlock,

Rise and Fall,

p. 94. For a summary of

the

information in

the various sources for Manetho's writings related to the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate

Period, see Petrie,

History,

pp. 202-205.

220

Malek suggests that Manetho used a list similar to the

Turin King-List

as a source for his work (J.

Malek, "The Original Version of

the

Royal Canon of

Turin,"

JEA

68 (1982), pp. 104-105).

221

Ryholt,


p. 27.

222

Malek, "The Original Version," p. 93; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 1; Ryholt,


pp . 3, 9.

Note that in this study, Ryholt's reconstruction of

the Turin King-List

is utilized since his analysis of the

pattern of the fibers in the papyrus is a technique which mu st not be ignored in favor of earlier work s. This

method was first used by T.G. W ilkinson

(The Fragments of the Hieratic Papyrus at Turin, containing the

names of Egyptian Kings, with the Hieratic Inscription at the back

(London, 1851)).

62



manuscripts in early Dynasty XV III), which scribes copied to make this document.

223

Wh en a scribe encountered one of these areas where information was m issing, he would

write the word, wsf

224

Ryholt also noticed that wsf, which marks the place of a king, is

often paired with a six year regnal length in the

T urin King-List.

5

Thus, this formula

was used when a lacuna was encountered as the place holder for an unknown k ing who

ruled and undetermined number.of years.

In his study of this document, Ryholt has outlined several different types of

mistakes, such as incorrect chronology, parts of names, and reign lengths, which have

affected not only the

T urin King-List

but also the interpretation of it by modern

scholars.

22 6

Several of these mistakes have been made in the Dynasty XIII section, one

of which impacts the identity of the first king of the era.

M any of the Dyn asty XIII kings are difficult to identify, as one can see by

comparing Appendices I-III, whe re the names of rulers and their sequen ces differ from

one scholar to the next.

22 7

A large numbe r of kings are listed in order with their regnal

length in the

T urin King-List,

but there are many fragments and lacunae in this text,

mak ing any reconstruction prelimina ry at best. Likew ise, several of these rulers are not

223

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 31-32. Ryholt suggests that there were four versions of

the

king-lists

prior to that now in Turin. Note that some of the developments from o ne source to another could have

occurred in more than one step per document, reducing the number of previous copies by one or possibly

two papyri. For comments concerning Ryholt's reconstruction of the Vorlage, see J.P Allen, "Turin," p. 52.

224

Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho, p. 29 ; Kadish, "Historiography," p. 109; Ryholt, Political

Situation, pp. 10-12,

31-33;

"The Turin Kinglist," p. 141, 147-148; "So-Called Turin Canon," pp. 30, 3 1.

Previously, Redford had a different interpretation, believing that ws/indicated where the scribe wished to

show that a king had been intentionally left out of

the

original manuscript due to political or some other ill-

willed purpo se. See Redford,

Pharaon ic King-lists,

p. 15. See also C. Benn ett, "King Qemau: A

Reconsideration," GM159 (1997), pp. 11-12. However, Ryh olt's theory concerning the appearance of wsf

is more consistent with-the evidence at this time.

225


226

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 10-28.

227

Grimal, History, p. 183.

63



preserved in the

T urin King-List

though their names have been found on statues and other

228

monuments.

IV.B. The Kings of Dynasty X III

IV.B .l. Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I

Th e Tu rin King-List cites, Khutawyre (Wegaf) as the first ruler of Dynasty XIII

(7.5) with a regnal length of over 2 years and 3 mon ths, while Sekhemrekhutawy

Am enem het So bekho tep I is in line 7.19. With the similarity in the prenom ens of these

kings ( s ® versus ^ ?

0

), scholars such as Ryholt have argued that their names were

switched by mistake in this document.

22 9

Allen notes that Ry holt's hypothetical

reconstruction of the previous version of the T urin King-List places these two rulers in

close proximity (col. XII.5 and col. XIII.4), which may explain further how they became

reversed even with Sobekhotep following the prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy.

230

. Other evidence also suggests that Sekhemrekhutawy A menem het Sobekhotep I

belongs closer to the kings of Dynasty XII than to those of Dynasty XIII, as the

Turin

King-List indicates-. For exam ple, this king used a double name , coupling So bekhotep

with Amenem het. Whether these names mark filiation, as Ryholt argues,

23 1

or not, this

king wished to connect himself with a ruler of this name possibly from Dynasty X II. Due

These rulers include Ameny Qemau (who m ay be listed as Amenem hetre in 7.7), Ini, Neferhotep II,

Senebmiew and Sekhaenre (Ryholt,


pp. 337 , 358-359).

229

Breasted,

History,

p . 211; Ha yes, "Egypt: From the De ath," p. 45; G. Legrain, "Notes d'inspection.

XLIX . Le Roi Ougaf et la plaquette Rubensohn,"

ASAE

8 (1907), p. 249 ; Ryholt,


pp.

315-318; Stock,

13. bis

17.

D ynastie Agyptens,

pp. 48-49,

50-51;

Weill,

La Fin du Moyen Empire,

pp. 279-

307;

"Les Successeurs de la Xlle D ynasty a Medamoud,"

REA

2(1929), pp. 145, 155; "Complements," p.

10.

'Titulary- Horus:

mnh-[...],

Nebty:?, Golden Horus:

c

nh-ntrw,

Prenomen:

shm-r

c

-hw-t?wy,

Nomen:

sbk-htp

with double name

imn-m-htt.

Ryholt,


p. 336. See Schneider,

Lexikon der

Pharaonen,


Handbuch,

pp . 92-93.

230

J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50.

231

See Chapter 6.

64



to the fact that the heading for this group of rulers in the

Turin King-List

labels them as

those "w ho followed after" D ynasty X II, it is likely that the first entries in this set of

rulers were related, however distantly to Am enemhet III or Am enemhet IV especially

since three out of four of them have second names with some form of Amenemhet.

232

Other evidence also points to a close chronological link between a

Sekhemrekhutawy (presumably Sob ekhotep I) and the kings of late Dynasty X II. This

prenomen appears in the Kahun Papyri,

23 3

texts which begin in Dynasty XII and do not

span the entirety of Dynasty XIII.

23 4

Also, the same man by the name of Sobekwer

(identified through titles and family relationships), appears both in the

Kahun Papyri

during the reign of a Sekhemrekhutawy as well as in the Semna Dispatches, which are

dated to Am enemhet III,

23 5

indicating that the span between these kings was less than one

generation. Several Nile height records, an inscription type continuin g from Dynasty

XII, were found at Semna and assigned to the reign of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep

T

236

It should be emphasized that the sources listed in the paragraph above all refer to

232

K.S.B. Ryholt, "A Reconsideration of Some Royal Nam es of

the

Thirteenth D ynasty,"

GM

119 (1990),

pp. 210, 213. Drioton and Vandier suggest that Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I could have

been the spouse of Nefrusobek, achieving the right to the throne through marriage (E. Drioton and J.

Vandier,

L'Egypte

(Paris, 1975), p. 283).

233

Gardiner, Pharaohs, p.

151;

F.L . Griffith, The Petrie Papyri: Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob

(London, 1898), pp. 25-29 , Pis. X-XI.

234

For the Lahun Papyri, see U . Kaplony-Heckel,

Agyptische Ha nschriften I,

(Weisbaden, 1971); S.

Quirke, "Visible and Invisible: the King in the Administrative Papyri of the Late Middle Kingdom," in R.

Gundlaeh and W , Seipel, eds.,

Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum

(W iesbaden, 1999), pp. 65-66;

The UCL

Lahun P apyri: Religious; Literary, Legal, M athematical and Medical

(Oxford, 20 04);

The Administration

of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom,

(Whitstable, 1990), pp. 155-173; U. Luft,

Das Archiv von Illahun.

Briefe 1

(Berlin, 1992). . . .

235

F mi±e,Personendaten,p.

336, Do ss. 558 ; Griffith,

The Petrie Papyri,

PL X, line 3; P.C. Smither, "The

Semna Dispatches,"

JEA

31 (1945), pp. 7-8. See also Ryholt,


p. 315. Ryholt notes that

this document refers to year 40, presumably of Amen emhet III.

236

Grimal, History, p . 184; Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 3, no. 6. A sealing of this king was

found at Mirgissa (Kemp, "Social History," p. 160).

65



a Sekhem rekhutawy w ithout the nom en. Thu s, it is not absolutely certain that these texts

belonged to Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I. Scholars have listed up to

three possible kings with this prenomen: A menemh et Sobekhotep, one with an unknown

nomen and Horus name KhabaW,'and Pantjeny.

237

It is likely that Pantjeny dates to

Dyn asty XV I since a stela with his name d isplays the later form of the offering

formula.

238

Thu s, he can be eliminated from the possible rulers with this name at the

beginning of Dynasty XIII.

When scholars accept Wegaf as the first king of Dynasty XIII, they often place

(Horus) Khabaw in the

wsfrn Turin King-List

7.6 to explain the early occurrences of the

prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy.

23 9

How ever, an architrave from Tanis may link Khabaw

with Awibre Hor due to the fact that both of their (Horus) names appear in its

inscription,

24 0

though other explanations are possible.

24 1

More conclusively, a bark stand

from Medamud displays the name of Wegaf, w hich appears to have been added to that of

Sedjefakare Amenemhet, and may indicate that the former ruled after the latter, making it

impossible that Wegaf w as the first king of the Dy nasty.

242

For this reason,

237

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 249, 251-254; Ryholt,


pp. 316-317; von B eckerath,

Untersuchungen, pp; 33-36, 46-49; W eill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp. 285-286.

238

For references, see note 208. Smither notes the earlier version of

the

sign grouping from the reigns of

Sekhemkare, Nimaank hare Khendjer, Sobekhotep III, Sobekhotep IV, Ibiaw, and Queen Nebkhas (Smither,

"The Writing of the htp-d'i-nsw" pp. 34-35). Early writings of the second form date to the following kings:

Dedum ose and Pantjeny as well as Apepi, Sobekemsaf and Kamo se. Franke states that the older form

continued after the adoption of

the

newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke, "Altagyptische

Verwandtschaftsbezeichhungen," p. 147).

239

For example, see Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 251.

240

P. Montet,

La Necropole Royale de

Tanis, III (Paris, 1960), pp. 71-73, PI. 28; Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 318; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 45.

241


242

F. Bisson de la Roque and J.J. Clere,

Fouilles de Medam oud

1927, FIFAO 5 (Cairo, 1928), p. 8 5, Fig.

61 ,

PL III; K.A. Kitchen, "Byblos, Egypt, and Mari in the Early Second Millennium B.C .,"

Orientalia

36

(1967), p. 45; Ryholt,


pp. 317-318, 341; J. von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers 'Ankhu

and 'Iymeru in the Thirteenth Egyptian Dyn asty,"

JNES

17 (1958), p. 267. Note that Ryholt confirms this

conclusion from a drawing because the photo was not clear enough. However, enough is visible in the

66



Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I can likely be reconstructed as the first king

of Dyn asty XIII. .

Quirke has recently argued that the Turin King-List is correct and that time

between W egaf and Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenem het Sobekhotep I) may only be 5-10

years because the-reigns were so short.

243

It should be noted that six out of fifteen kings

with estimated regnal lengths based on relatively solid evidence ruled for at least 12

years.

24 4

Thu s, the actual num ber for all of these kings must be significantly g reater

considering that many of the known and proposed pyramids of the Late Middle Kingdom

likely belong to rulers of this era (making these reigns from 2-4 years or longer based

upon the construction tim e for these pyramids). Thus, it is unlikely that Q uirke's

proposal explains the commonalities between this king and those of late Dynasty X II.

IV.B.2. Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef

The king following the three year-reign of Sobekhotep I is Sekhemkare

(Amenemhet Senebef),

245

who also has the double name, which appears in the

Turin

King-List.

Little is know n conce rning this ruler, but there is a Nile level record dating to

his fourth year at Semna as well as an inscription at Askut dated to Year 3, and his name

photograph (along with the drawing) to determine that the styles differ between the inscriptions of the two

kings. Against this interpretation, see Franke , "Zur Chronologie," p. 249; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 34.

243

S. Quirke, "In the Name of the King: On Late Middle Kingdom Cylinders," in E. Czerny, et al., eds.,

Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred

Bietak,

1

(Dudley, MA, 2006), pp. 264-265.

244

Kings included in the six are: 1. from the

Turin King-List

—First K ing (Sobekhotep I), 2 years 3 months;

Amenem hetre at least 3 years; S ehotepibre, at least

1

year; Reniseneb, 4 months; 2. from N ile records—

Senebef, at least 3 years; Khendjer, at least 3 years.

245

Titulary- Horus:

m h-ib-tiwy,

Nebty: it-shm-f, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

shm-ki-r

c

,

Nomen:

snb.f

with

double name

imn-m-htt.

Ryholt,



Untersuchungen,

pp . 31-33;

Handbuch,

pp. 88-89.

67



appears in the

Lahun Papyri.

24 6

Ryho lt suggests that the filiative doub le nam e indicates

that Amenemhet III or IV was the father of this ruler, making Sobekhotep I his half or

full brother.

247

In a statue from Elephantine, a king is named as Sekhemkare Am enemhet.

Ryholt believes that this ruler is the one mentioned in the Turin King-List 1.1 (imn-m-h

c

t-

[r

f

]).

24 8

Ho wev er, it is mo re likely that the statue reflects the double naming of the king

Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef, especially since the interchanging of names occurs in

private ex amples.

24 9

For example, one private person, Amen emh et was also referred to

as "Amenemh et R enefseneb" w ithin a single inscription.

25 0

Also , it seems unlikely that

two kings, who reigned w ithin a year or two of one another wo uld have had the same

prenom en as this situation would have been confusing. The vizier during the reign of

Senebef was Khenmes.

251

IV.B.3.

Nerikare

In

the same line as the entry for Sen ebef (7.6), there is a

wsf,

which, according to

246

A. Badawy, "Preliminary Report on the Exc avations by the University of California at Askut (First

Season, October 1962-January 1963),"

Kush

12 (1964), pp. 52-53; Gardiner,

Pharaohs,

p. 151; J .

Vercoutter, "Semna South Fort and the Records of Nile Levels at Kumma,"

Kush

14 (1966), p. 139; M.

Bellion,

Catalogue des Manuscrits,

p. 166 (Pap. Kahun IV.l).

247

Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 106;


p. 209. Note that Ryholt rules out Am enemhet III in

a later publication due to his assumption that the king had no living sons upon his death, leading to the rule

of Amenemhet IV, who he believes was not from the royal bloodline (Ryholt,


p. 209).

248

Ryholt,


pp. 336, 337. See also von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 36.

249

For the known exam ples, see P. Vernus,

Le Surnom au M oyen Empire Procedes d'Expression et

Structures de la Double Identite du Debut de la Xlle Dynastie a la Fin de la XVIIe Dynastie

(Rome, 1986),

pp . 3-77.

250

See Vernus,

Surnom,

p . 9; J. Garstang,

ElArabah

(Lond on, 1901), PI. 8.

251

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 286, Doss. 461; H. Gauthier,

Le Livre des Rois d'Egypte,

II, MIFA O 18

(Cairo, 1912), p. 4; Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 122; Helck,


p. 3, no. 5; P.

Newberry, "Extract From My Notes IV,"

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology

23 (1901), pp.

222-223; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 132; Schneider,

Lexikon der Pharaonen,

p . 57; Weill,

La Fin du

Moyen Empire,

p. 310.

68



Ryh olt, indicates a lacuna in the scrib e's source. The num ber of years recorded for the

unknown king is six with no months or days, the type of entry used when the num ber of

years of a ruler whose name was not know n. Since there are a number of rulers of

Dynasty XIII, who are not listed in the

T urin King-List

but are known through

monum ents or seals, some scholars have attempted to place the known nam es into this

position. Ryho lt believes that Nerik are would fit into the initial ws/d ue to the fact that

there are Nile level records at Semna and Askut dated to year 1 of this king.

25 3

Since the

practice of recording the level of the Nile in the Nubian region occurred during late

Dynasty XH -early D ynasty XIII, this king likely reigned during this period. Thus,

placing him in this wsf entry seems logical.

Seals of

a

king Sobek are known and can be dated to early in Dynasty X III

(before Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III). Ryholt suggests that this nomen may

belong to Nerikare or (Horus) Khabaw, since this part of their titularies has yet to be

identified.

5

How ever, one must wonder if this is a nicknam e for Sobekho tep similar to

that of Am eny for Amenemhet (see below).

IV.B.4. Ameny Qemau

In position 7.7 in the

T urin King-List,

there is the name Am enemhetre with a year

252

Ryholt, Political Situation,

pp. 11-12, 192.

253

Ryholt,


pp. 70, 318 -31 9,33 7. Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?,

Prenomen:

wy-kl-r

c

,

Nom en:?. See Schneider,


p. 180. J.P. Allen believes that

this recons truction is possible (J.P. Allen , "Turin," p. 51). Gab olde argues that this king did not exist and

that the incomplete cartouche from which he is known is actually that of Woserkare Khendjer. Gabolde,

"Nerkare a-t-il Existe?,"

BIFAO

90 (1990), pp. 213-222. However, Ryholt notes that a stela from Thebes

confirms the existence of Nerikare (Ryholt,


p. 337, n. 1).

254

Ryholt,


p. 34, n. 89. For a drawing of

the

seal, see Stock,

13. b is 17. D ynastie

Agyptens,

pp . 47, 39, Abb. 54. Stock suggested Sobekhotep or Sobekemsaf

as

the full name of

the

king.

However, since all kings with the name Sobekemsaf date to Dynasty XVII, it is unlikely that this seal

represents one of them.

69



date of at least 3. Becau se there is no king with this exact preno men , there are different

opinions as to who this ruler might be. Ryho lt suggests that this entry nam es S ekhem kare

Am enemhet, who has been combined with Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef in this

study. Ryho lt also Suggests that that Qem au was the son of this king, using the filiative

double name Ameny Qemau,

256

with Ameny being a shortened form of Amenemhet.

257

In this scenario, Qem au's nam e is placed in a wsf lost in a lacuna after Amenemhetre.

Allen suggests that Ameny Q emau is the Amen emhetre of

Turin King-List

7.7

and that his likely father Sekhemkare Amenem het may have been represented by the

same

wsf

entry as Nerikare.

25 8

Ben nett notes that it is possible that the father of Qemau ,

Am eny, may not have actually been a king.

25 9

Nonetheless, he favors Am enemhet III or

IV from Dynasty XII or some other previous ruler by this name as the father of Qemau

rather than placing him within a reconstructed

wsf

entry.

26 0

It is also possible that the

double name of Qem au refers to his grandfather. Significantly, the entry in the Turin

King-List

(7.7) denotes a reign of three or four years, depending upon whether or not a

stroke appears in the lacuna. The presence of the pyramid of Ameny Q emau at D ahshur

indicates that a regnal length of at least 3 years is possible for this ruler.

255

Ryholt,


p. 214-215.

256

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Ho rus:?, Prenomen:?, Nomen:

kmJwwith

double name

imny.

Ryholt,


pp. 11-12, 192, 337; "The Turin K inglist," pp. 149-150; "A Bead of King

Ranisonb and a Note on King Qem au,"

GM

156 (1997), pp. 97-100; von Beckerath,

Handbuch,

102-103.

257

A private tomb at Beni Hasan (tomb 2), belonging to an Am enemhet (Dynasty X II Kheperkare

Senwosret 1), shows different forms of

the

name, including Ameny, used interchangeably throughout the

tomb (P.E. Newberry,

Beni Hasan,

Archaeological Survey of Egypt

1

(London, 1893), p. 11).

258

J.P.A llen, "Turin," pp. 50-51.

259

Bennett, "Qemau," pp. 11-17.

260

See also the consideration of these kings in Grimal,

H istory',

p. 183; Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 107-

109.

70



IV.B.5.

Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef

The king listed in 7.8 of the Turin King-List is Sehotepibre, who is thought to be

Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef.

261

Ryh olt, likely correctly in this case, believes that

the double name, Qemau, shown by this king refers to his father and predecessor Ameny

Qemau.

26 2

Ho wev er, it is possible that the name indicates a full statemen t of filiation

(Qemau son of (si) Harnedjeritef).

263

Th e

Turin King-List

assigns at least one year to him

with a maximu m of four years, though this numb er is unlikely in the space of the line and

the associated lacuna; it is probable that the number is on the lower end of this range.

IV.B.6. Iwefni

The king following Qemau and his son in the

Turin King-List

is Iwefni (7.9).

Unfortunately, the papyrus breaks before recording the number of years of this king's

reign, and he is not known from any other source. His familial relationship to those who

preceded, as well as those who follow ed/remains unknow n.

IV.B.7. Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet

After Iwefni, Sankhibre (Ameny Intef Am enemhet), came to the throne (7.10).

265

Ryholt suggests that this king used filiative names to refer to his grandfather, Ameny and

Titulary- Horus:?; Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen: htp-ib-r

c

, Nomen:

si-hrw-nd-hr-itf.

Ryholt,


p.

338. See also von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 39-40; Handbuch, pp.

90-91.

262

Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 106-107, 109-110; Political Situation, p. 70. See also Quirke,

. "Investigation," p. 216 .

263

von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 39.

264

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen:?, Nomen: Iw.f-n.i. Ryholt, Political Situation,

p.

3 38; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 40; Handbuch, pp.

90-91.

265

Titulary- Horus: s

c

nh-ib-Owyi'shr-tiwy, Nebty: shm-h

c

w, Golden Horus: hk-m3

c

t, Prenomen: s

c

nh-ib-r

c

,

Nomen: imn-m-Iitf with triple names inmyand in-it.f. Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 338. See also

Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, p . 57; von Beckerath, Handbuch, pp.

90-91.

71



father, Intef.

266

If the understanding of this triple name is correct, Sankhibre

Amenemhet's father was

not a

king, something, which seems

to

contradict Ryh olt's

theory that filiation always indicates royal parentage in the names of kings. However,

here,

the

lineage

may be

intended

to

indicate that Ameny

was the

grandfather

via the non-

ruling

son, Intef.

Thoug h Ryholt suggests that seals with

the

title " kin g's

son and the

name Intef may refer to the father of this kin g,

26 7

one must take note that this designation

was comm only used

for men

outside

the

royal family

at

this time.

268

IV.B.8.

Semenkare Nebnun and Sehotepibre

The kings

in

lines 7.11

and 7.12

of the

Turin King-List are

Semenkare (Nebnun)

and Sehotepibre.

26 9

Since

the

list only contains

the

name Sehotepibre

for the

latter, there

is some confusion since this same prenomen appears

in

7.8. How ever,

as

mentioned

above, Ryholt amends this earlier occurrence to Hotepibre. One of the reasons why he

266

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 214-215, 338;

von

B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp .

40-41.

267

Martin,

Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals,

p. 24, numbers 237-238; Ryholt,

Political

Situation, p .

214,

Table

248).

Franke, "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen,"

pp.

308-309; "Review

of

Ward, Essays

on

Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related

Subjects," JEA 76

(1990), p.

229;

Egyptian Titles,

Redford, "The Hyk sos,"

p. 2; von

B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp.

100-101;

Ward, Index,

p. 145;

Essays,

pp . 39-40, 40-44,

120. For a

similar situation

in

parts

of

the

Old

Kingdom,

see K.

Baer, Rank

and

Title

in

the Old Kingdom. The Structure of the Egyptian Adm inistration

in

the Fifth

and

Sixth Dynasties (Chicago,

1960),

pp. 32-22, 45;

C.F.

Nims, "Some Notes

on the

Family

of

Mereraka," JAOS 58 (1938), 638-647.

For

a study with slightly different conclusions,

see B.

Schmitz, Untersuchungen

zum

Titel sA-niswt

'Konigssohn', Habelts Dissertationsdrucke. Reihe Agyptologie

2

(Bonn, 1976). Note that Bietak

has

proposed that Nehesy 's father founded Dynasty

XIV

based upon

his

literal interpretation

of

this title

(Bietak, "Zum Konigsreich," pp. 59-60).

For the

possibility that this title continues

to be

honorific

in

Theban Dynasty XVI,

see

el-Sayed, "Quelques precisions,"

p.

201.

For

general problems with interpreting

titles, see

D. Franke, "Probleme

der

Arbeit

mit

altagyptischen Titeln

des

Mittleren Reiches,"

GM 83

(1984),

pp .

103-124.

269

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

smn-Jc?-r

L

',

Nomen: nb-nwn; Horus: swsh-tiwy,

Nebty:?, Golden hours:?, Prenomen: shtp-ib-r

c

, Nomen:?. Ryholt, Political Situation,

pp.

338-339:

von

Beckerath, Handbuch, pp.

90-91. For the

assignment

of

the Horus name

of

this king from

a

stela from

Gebel Zeit,

see

P.

Mey, et

al., "Installations R upestres

du

Moyen

et du

Nouvel Empire

au

Gebel Zeit (pres

de Ras Deb) sur la Mer Rouge," MDAIK 36 (1980), pp. 304 -305, Fig. 301(301), PI. 380a. See also R yholt,

"A Bead," pp. 97-98.

72



chose to place Sehotepibre in this position is the separate occurrences of this name and

that of Nebmm on stelae at Gebel Zeit.

27 0

Ben nett points to the fact that the inscribed

royal stelae of

the

Dynasty XIII kings were found in unassociated contexts and, thus, do

not necessarily point to a chronological connection.

271

Also , it is still poss ible that the

son of Amen y.Qemau, Hotepibre, could, have occupied this position despite the notion

that he likely reigned d irectly after his father.

IV.B.9.

Sewadjkare and Nedjemibre

Little is know n concerning the next two kings in the

T urin King-List

(7.13-14),

979

Sewadjkare and Nedjem ibre. The latter seems to be mention ed in a Dem otic docum ent

in the Carlsberg Papyri in Copenhage n. How ever, Ryholt suggests that this deceased

king, N edjemibenpare

(ndm-Ib-n-pS-r

c

),

actually may be a ruler of the Third Intermediate

Period, since the story containing his name is set in that era.

273

The regnal length of

Nedjemibre can be reconstructed in the Tu rin King-List as seven mon ths(?).

IV.B.10. Khaankhre Sobekhotep II

The nomen of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (written.as Sobekhotepre) can be found

270

G. Castel and G. Soukiassian, "D epot de Steles dans le Sanctuaire du N ovel Empire au Gebel Z eit,"

BIFAO

85 (1985), p. 290, PI. 262; Mey, et a l., "Installations Rupe stres," pp. 30 4-305; Ryholt, "A B ead,"

pp .

99-100;


p. 78. In this area, galena mining took place, an activity that continued well

into the Second Intermediate Period, as indicated by the presence there of Dynasty XVI/XV II m onuments

(Sewoserenre Bebiankh and Nebkheperre Inter).

271

Bennett, "Qem au," p. 15.

272


swld-kl-r

c

,

Nomen:?; Horns:?, Nebty:?, Golden

Horus:?, Prenomen:

ndm-ib-r

c

,

Nomen:? Ryholt,


p. 339. See also von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p .

4 1; Handbuch,

pp.

90-91.

7

Ryholt,


p. 339.

73



in

T urin King-List

column 7.15 followed by the phrase, "son o f

(sf)

and possibly nnl

274

Thus, it is likely that this king was not of royal lineage, as his father's name is not in a

cartouche . The name of the father of Kh asekhem re Neferhotep I appears in a similar

fashion in the

Tu rin King-List.

The regnal length of Sobekho tep II is not preserved .

IV.B.ll. Amenemhet Reniseneb

The next ruler in the T urin King-List, Reniseneb,

27 5

has a regnal length of four

mon ths. In an inscribed bead, this king has a double name, including A menemh et.

276

According to his filiation theory, Ryholt suggests that this king's father was either

Sankhibre Amenemhet, Sehotepibre, Sewadjkare, or Nedjemibre (nomens not known for

the last three). How ever, one must always remember that private people also used

their grandfather's nam es in double naming. This name could also link him to an

ancestor, a family, or a revered predecessor.

IV.B.12. Awibre Hor

The next ruler listed for Dynasty XIII in the Turin King-List (7.17) is Awibre

(Hor) (spelled

iwt-ib-r

c

in this docum ent).

27 8

Aw ibre Hor was buried in a reused shaft

tomb at the pyramid comp lex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur. The location of this tomb,

274

Ryholt,


p. 215, n. 740; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 144. Titulary- Horus:

sml-tiwy,

Nebty:

dd-h

c

w,

Golden Horus:

kiw-ntrw,

Prenomen:

h^-^nh-r^

Nomen:

sbk-htp.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 339 ; Schneider,


pp. 254-255; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 42-

43;

Handbuch,

pp. 90-93.

275

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H orus:?, Prenomen:?, Nom en:

rn.i-snb,

with double name

irnn-m-

h

c

t.

Ryholt,



Untersuchungen,

p. 44;

Handbuch,

pp. 92-93.

276

Ryholt, "A Bead," pp. 95-96.

21 1

Ryholt, Political Situation,]). 216.

. . . . . .

278

Titulary- Horus:

htp-ib-Gwy,

Nebty:

nfr-h

c

w,

Golden Horus:

nfr-ntrw,

Prenomen:

2w-ib-r

c

,

Nomen:

brw.

Ryholt,


p. 339. See also Schneider,


pp. 134-135; von

Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 44-49;

Handbuch,

pp. 92-93.

74



along with the finds inside, suggests to some scholars that the power of kingship had

weakened.

279

No nethe less, as indicated in a later chapter, the tomb of Aw ibre Hor,

though modest, was not devoid of

some

luxury. How ever, one must recognize here that

the state-of the-Egyptian economy as a whole may be more to blame for the scarcity of

expensive items in Awibre H or's tom b, rather than the diminishing power of the king. In

fact, Weigall had even reported that the tomb demonstrated that "more stable conditions

had returned."

280

A princess, Nebhotepti, the child, associated w ith Awibre H or through the style of

her objects, was buried in the tomb adjacent to that of the king.

28 1

Ryholt, following

Hari, has argued that the mother of this princess was the queen and kin g's mother

Nebh otepti, known through seals and a statuette at Semna.

2 2

Ryholt also surmises that

the children of Awibre Hor and Nebhotepti included Khabaw Sekhemrekhutawy, w hose

name is found upon an architrave at Tanis along with that of his supposed father, possibly

indicating a coregency, as well as Djedkheperew. Neither Khabaw nor

Djedkheperew are found in the

Turin King-List,

and Ryholt believes that they are

279

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171.

280

W eigall, Pharaohs, p. 147.

281


282

D. Dunham and J. Janssen, Semna Kumma, Second Cataract Forts I (Boston, 1960), p. 28, PI. 87 A21,

A22;

R. Hari, "Un Reine Enigmatique: Nebon-Hotepti," BSEG 4 (1980), p. 47; E. Hornung and E.

Staehelin, Skarabaen u nd andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen, Agyptische Denkm aler in der

Schweiz I (Mainz am Rhein, 1967), pp. 215-216, no. 128. Note that Ryholt's argumentation regarding the

reign to which this queen belongs is circular {Political Situation, p . 218).

283

Murnane,

Ancient Egyptian Coregencies,

SAOC 40 (Chicago, 1977), p. 25. These two kings could also

have been related without ruling sequentially, or one may have been a revered predecessor of the other.

See J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50.

284

Titulary- Horus: h

c

-b w, Nebty:

whm-dd,

Golden Horus:

c

nh-mptw, Prenomen: shm-r

c

-hw-tiwy,

Nomen :?; Titulary- Horus: dd-hprw, Nebty: dd-msw, hrw-

c

}(?), Prenomen./...]k -r

c

, Nom en:/ ...]i. Ryholt

suggests that the nomen of Khabaw could be Sobek (Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 38-39, 70, 216-218,

219, n. 755 , 318, 340).

75



represented by an unpreserved tra/entry .

28 5

He also claims a chronological link between

Khabaw and Djedkheperew and king Sheshi (Ryho lt's Dynasty XIV) at Uronarti,

286

though reviews of this argument suggest that this conclusion may not be archaeologically

sound.

287

Also , Ryh olt argues that Djedke perew is the king listed upon the Osiris bier in

the tomb of Djer at Abydos along with traces of

Imv

(Hor). Unfortunately, however,

the actual identity of the king in this inscription and its precise date are not clear, and

thus,

the relationship between this ruler and Awibre Hor is far from certain.

289

IV.B.13.

Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet

The king following Aw ibre Hor in the

Turin King-List

is Sedjefakare

28 5

Ryholt,


pp. 11-12, 192.

286

G.A. Reisner, "Clay Sealings of Dynasty XIII from Uronarti Fort,"

Kush

3 (1955), pp. 36; 53 , Figs. 2-4;

Ryholt,


pp . 321-322; S.T. Smith, "Adm inistration," p . 207.

287

For a response to the archaeological objections to this theory, see Ryholt "Date of

the

Kings."

288

Ryholt,


pp. 217, n. 747; 286, n. 1033. Other options have also been suggested. For

Khendjer, see Leahy, "A Protective Measure at Abydos in the Thirteenth Dyna sty,"

JE A

75 (1989), pp. 55-

56 ; J. Weg ner, "The Mo rtuary Complex of Senw osret III: A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity and

the Cult of Osiris at Ab ydos ," dissertation, University of Pennsylva nia, 1996, p. 385. Grajetzki b elieves the

Osiris bier dates to Dynasty XIII (Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p. 41). For Djedkheperew, see Leahy, "The

Osiris 'Bed' Reconsidered,"

Orientalia

46 (1977), pp. 433-434. J.P. Allen argues that this bier belongs to

Pantjeni, the Dynasty XV II (Ryh olt's Abydos Dy nasty) king, based upon the space in the inscription for the

throne name Khutawy (J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 50-51, 68, n. 10). Von Beckerath believes that the name on

this object is Neferkare (N ebiryra II?) possibly of Dynasty X VI (his Dynasty XV II) but that the bier itself

dates to Dynasty XIII (von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 185). For Dynasty XV III or after, see

Amelineau,

Tombeau,

p. 118. For references to dating this object to the Late Period, see Leahy, "Osiris

.'Bed,'" pp. 426, n. 421. For several options, see M.G. Maspe ro,

Guide to the C airo Museum

(Cairo, 1910),

pp .

176-177. Other names have also been considered by scholars.

289

E. Amelineau,

Le tombeau d'Osiris

(Paris, 1899), pp. 109-115, Pis. 102-104. For Awibre Hor of

Dynasty X III, see Ryholt,


p. 286, n. 1033. For Khendjer, see Dodson,

The Canopic

Equipment,

p. 35 , n. 86;

Monarchs,

p. 6 8; Leahy, "The Osiris 'Bed,'" pp. 433-434; "Protective M easure,"

pp .

55-56; J. Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 385;

The Mortuary Temple,

p. 22.

Grajetzki believes the O siris bier dates to Dynasty XIII. Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p .

41.

For the Dynasty

XVI/XV II king Pantjeny, see J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp. 50-51, 68, n. 10. ForNebiriau of Dynasty XVII

(Ryholt's Dynasty XVI), see von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 184, 289.

76



(Amenemhet).

29 0

Very little is know n about the reign of this ruler, who occupied the

throne for an unknow n num ber Of years. How ever, this king does possess a nomen with a

double name Kay. Ryholt suggests that a ma gic wa nd

(CG 9433)

displaying the name of

Kay, as a double name w ith Seb, shows that

this

m an also ruled and that these supposed

kings were the father and grandfather of-Amenemhet.

291

Though some scholars have

suggested that the name on.the wand is a version of Sedjefakare,

292

Ryholt argues that

these are separate kings and proposes that both of them w ere included in the same

unpreserved

wsfas

Khabaw and Djedkheperew.

Allen cautiously approaches Ryh olt's conclusion that all royal double names

represent filiation and indicate that both a father and a son ruled.

29 4

It is possible that Seb

and Kay may have been given royal titulary honorarily, which may have h appened in

regard to Montuhotep I in early Dynasty X I.

95

How ever, in this case, the royal ancestor,

Mo ntuhotep was not comm emorated until Dynasty XII, which weakens the argument that

a double name could be used this way.

29 6

It is also possible that all three nam es refer to

Amenemhet

himself.

29 0

Titulary- Horns:

hry-tp-Bwy,

Nebty:

ntr-blw,

Golden Horus:

c

i-phty,

Prenomen:

sd8-ki-r

c

,

Nomen:

imn-

m-filtwith

double name

kty.

Ryholt,



Untersuchungen,

p. 46;

Handbuch,

pp. 92-93.

-

•

G. Daressy,

Catalogue General des Antiquites Egytiennes du M usee du C aire: Textes et Dessins

Magiques

(Cairo, 1903), pp. 43-44; D. Randall-Ma clver and A.C . Mace,

ElAmrah andAbydos,

I (London,

1902), PI. 43; Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 110;


pp. 70, 218-219.

292

Qu irke, "Royal Power," p. 130; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 46.

293

Ryholt,


p. 208. - ' . . ' ' ' - . .

294

J.P.A llen, "Turin," p. 5

1.

295

Von Beckerath,

Handbuch,

p p. 76-77, n. 2.

L. Postel,

Protocole des Souverains Egyptiens et Dogme Monarchique au Debut du M oyen Em pire

(Turnhout, 2004), pp. 7-54.

77



IV.B.14. Khutawyre Wegaf

As discussed above, the next ruler listed in the Turin King-List is

Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenemhet) Sobekhotep (7.19), with both his nomen and prenomen

in a single cartouche. As Ryholt and others have pointed out, this king w as probably

confused with Khutawyre W egaf

(7.5),

29 7

who actually belongs in this position and ruled

for a little over two years (see section IV. B.l . above). How ever, many scholars continue

to argue that the order reflected in the

Turin King-List

is accurate due in part to this

kin g's activity at Medamud where, Dynasty XII rulers had also built monum ents.

298

How ever, Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I also had monum ents there.

299

IV .B.l5 . Woserkare Khendjer

The next entry in the

T urin King-List

includes both the prenomen and nomen of

297

Ryholt,


p. 13; Stock,

13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens,

pp. 48-49; von Beckerath,

"Notes on the V iziers," p. 267.. Titulary- Horus:

shm-ntrw,

Nebty:

h

c

-b w,

Golden Horus:

mry-[,..],

Prenomen:

hw-tiwy-r

c

,

Nomen:

wgi.f

Ryholt,



Handbuch,

pp.

92-93. See also Schneide r,


p . 311.

298

E.A.W. Budge, ed., The Egyptian Sudan, Its History a nd Monuments, 1 (London, 1907), pp. 485-486;

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171; Grimal,

History,

p. 184; Haye s,

Scepter,

p . 341; Kem p, "Social History,"

p. 160; Save-Soderbergh,

Agypten undNubien,

pp. 118-119; Stock,

13. bis

17.

D ynastie Agyptens,

p . 50;

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 30-31; Weill,

La Fin du Moyen Emp ire,

pp. 279-307'. Vercoutter

considered the theory about the confusion in the names in the

Turin King-List,

but decides that Wegaf was

the first king largely due to his hypothesis that Semna w as abandoned early in the dynasty when a supposed

dam there was no longer needed (J. Vercoutter, "Le Roi Ougaf

et

la XHIe Dynastie sur la lime Cataracte,"

Rd'E

27 (1975), pp.22 2-2 24, 227-229, 234, PI. 222). See also W. Helck, "Review of von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen zur politischen G eschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit in Agypten,"

AF O

22 (1968/1969),

pp .

93-94.

299

F. Bisson de la Roque,

Fouilles de Medamoud 1 928,

FIFAO 6 (Cairo, 1929), pp. 3, 4,-58-72, 115-123,

PI. 114; Bisson de la Roque and Clere, Meâwow a'7927, pp. 89-92, 99-100, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137,

PL 104;

Fouilles de Medamoud 1929,

FIFAO 7 (Cairo, 1930), pp. 78, 89-93, PI. 75. Other kings including

Sobekhotep III were also active at Medamud (Bisson de la Roque,

Medamoud 1928,

pp. 83-94, 124-127;

Bisson de la Roque and Clere,

Medamoud

1927,

pp . 43-47, 83, 87, 105, 118-120, 137-140; Helck,


pp. 13-14, no. 21). See also Grimal,

History,

p. 183; Weill, "Comp lements,"

pp .

22-23.

299

Lepsius,

Denkmaler

111, PI. 13b; Weigall,

Pharaohs,

p . 212.

78



Woserkare Khend jer in a single cartouch e, though the latter is misspelled (7.20). This

king may also have a possible alternative prenom en, Nimaank hare

(ni-mS

c

-n-h

c

-r*),

found in the Abydos stela

Louvre

C. i / .

30 1

He re, according to some scholars, either

Khendjer changed his name at some point, or there are two-kings who u sed this nomen.

However, following von Beckerath, Ryholt notes that the writing style differs between

the nomen and prenomen, and it is likely that the former was a later addition and may

indicate that no king by the name of Nim aankhare Khendjer existed.

30 3

Though

Khendjer's regnal length is not preserved, he likely ruled for more than 3-4 years, since

he built a relatively large pyramid at South Sakkara.

304

Quirke suggests that sequential viziers contemporary with Woserkare Khendjer

were Ank hu, w ho likely held this position during the preceding reign, and his son

Resuseneb

(rsw-snb),

whose mother was Merryt.

30 5

Other scholars believe that Ankhu

served in the reign of Khendjer as well as in reigns before or after w ith the specific rulers

300

Titulary- Horus:/...] -

c

nh, Nebty: w h-mswt, Golden Ho rus:?, Prenomen:

wsr-k3-r

c

,

Nornen: h-n-d-rox h-

d-r. Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 342; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 150. See also Schneider, Lexikon der

Pharaonen, p p. 99-100; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 49-51; Handbuch, pp. 94-95.

301

A. Dodson, "The Tombs of the Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty in the Memphite Necropolis," ZAS 114

(1987),

p. 42; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 3 1; After the Pyramids. The V alley of the Kings and

Beyond (London, 2000), p. 14; "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; G. Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah: Deux

Pyramides du Moyen Empire. Edition Photographique de VEdition Originale-Impreimerie de

1'IFAOC

193, 1933 (Cairo, 1986), pp. 26-27 ; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 49; W eill, "Complements," p. 13.

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 2 7; Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens, pp.

50-51.

303

Ryholt, Political Situation,-p. 220, n. 76 1; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 49-50.

304

See Chapter 3, Section III.

305

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 254, Doss. 398; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 132, 133.

79



306

being determined by their chronology of the period. Khen djer's queen was

Senebhenas

I.

307

IV.B.16. Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw

Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw is the ruler listed in 7.21 of the Turin King-List.

Interestingly, the king's p renomen is written within the cartouche w hile the nomen is

denoted afterwards as if it were a title. Some Egyp tologists have argued that this nam e,

Imyremeshaw, w hich means "the overseer of the army," may have been his designation

before he became ki n g/ This title,

imy-rms

c

,

is high-ranking and is often paired with

the title htmw-bity (royal seal-bearer), whe n used in reference to the administrative sector

of the palace.

31 0

In contrast, Ryho lt argues that other private individuals had the name

Imyremeshaw,

31 1

and it therefore does not denote any sort of occupation in this context,

possibly referring instead to a family tradition or an ancestor.

312

No nethe less, there is at

least one instance of Imyrem eshaw 's name b eing deliberately erased, possibly indicating

he was not considered to have been legitimate.

Ryholt believes that the larger text in

Papyrus Bulaq 18 {Cairo CG 58069),

which

306

Franke believes that the vizier Ankhu lived during the reigns of Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet

Sobekhotep I and Khendjer (Franke, Personendaten, pp. 136-137, Doss. 173). Ryholt argues that this

vizier occupied this position in the reign of Khendjer and continued into the tenure of the following king in

order to support his dating of Papyrus Bulaq 118. Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 118/s (small), 118L

(Large), and 118/131 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn 135.1446 B and C (Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 14).

307

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 39, 40, 221 .

308


snrnh-k3-r

c

,

Nomen; imy-r-ms

c

. Ryholt,

Political Situation, p . 342; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 51-52; Handbuch, pp. 94-95.

309


310

Quirke, T he Administration of Egypt, p p.

62-63;

Titles and

Bureau,

pp. 98-99. For more information on

the title, see Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 116-129; Franke, "Probleme," pp. 112-113.

Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, p. 19, no 173.

312

Quirke, "Royal Power," p.

131;


313

Dodson, Monarchs, p. 68.

80



records the accounts during a royal visit to the Theban region, may refer to the family of

an unnamed king, Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef.

314

Most scholars

have dated this text, which was discovered in the tomb of the scribe Neferhotep at Dra

Abu el-Naga in 1860, to Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I due to his close

proximity to Wo serkare Khendjer in many chronological reconstructions of the period,

316

but it is more likely that this king was first in the dynasty. Thus, it is important to note

Ry ho lt's argument- for the dating of this text. First of

all,

he believes that the vizier at this

time was Ankhu; who also served Khendjer; so this unidentified king must be close in

date to him.. A queen Aya is mentioned in the text and is likely a sister or niece of

Ankhu's son-in-law, setting the earliest reign as that following Khendjer, whose wife was

Senebhenas.

31 7

The king, whose visit was recorded in this document, reigned between

three and five years, depending on whether or not both the small and large text within the

papyrus dates to this same individual. No nethe less, if this docum ent concerns activities

at Medamud, it may be more likely to refer to one of the kings, who was active in this

area (as seen through relief) such as Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I,

Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III, Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet; or Khutawyre

3, 4

Ryholt,


pp. 243 -245, 319.

315

This tomb dates to late Dynasty XHI/early Dyansty XVII. Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 7-8.

3 ,6

A. Mariette,

Les Papyrus Egyptiens du Musee de Boulaq,

II (Paris, 1872). See also L. Borch ardt, "Ein

Rechnungsbuch des koniglichen Hofes aus denl Eride des mittleren Re iches,"

ZAS

28 (189 0), pp. 65-103;

F.L. Griffith, "The Account Papyrus no. 18 of

Boulaq," ZAS

29 (1891), pp. 102-116; Helck,

Historische-

Biographische, pp. 10, no. 15; Franke, Middle Kingdom, p . 396; "Zur Chronologie," p. 255; Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 258 ; Hayes, "Notes on the Government," pp . 38-39; Quirke, S, "Administrative

Texts," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford, 2001), p. 25;

"Investigation," pp. 9-10;

The Administration of Egypt,

pp. 10, 11-13, 22, 124; "Visible and Invisible," pp.

68-70; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; J. von Beckerath, "D ie Konige mit dem Thronnamen shm-r

c

hw-t5wi,"

ZA S

84 (1959), p. 85;

Untersuchungen,

pp. 47-49, 99. Fragments of a text from the estate of Ankhu were

found with this document.

317

Ryholt,


pp. 193-194.

81



Wegaf.

318

IV.B.17. Sehotepkare Inlef and Meribre Seth

Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw

is

followed

by

Sehotepkare Intef (7.22),

3

9

whose

name is written in a manner sim ilar to that of the-previous ruler, and the regnal length of

this king is unknown. The next ruler, Meribre Seth (7.23),

32 0

is also listed on a stela from

Abydos and architectural fragments from Med amu d. Thou gh this king ruled at least four

years (Abydos stela, Cairo

JE

35256), little else is known concerning the events of his

reign.

IV.B.18; Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep HI

For the following ruler in the Turin King-List, Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep

III, both names were written within a single cartouche, though the prenomen of this king

was misunderstood.and misrepresented

in

this d ocument.

321

Though only

a

little o ver

four years

are

listed

for

this ruler's reign

in

the

T urin King-List?

22

Sobekhotep

III is

thought to have been a revolutionary leader, who set out to create his own dynasty, only

318

See Bisson

de la

Roque,

Medamoud 1928,

p .

3.

319

Titulary- Horu s:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

shtp-k}-r

c

,

Nomen:

in-it.f.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p . 342;

von

Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 52;

Handbuch,

pp. 94-95.

320

Titulary- Horus:?, Ne bty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

mr-ib-r

c

,

Nomen: sth. Ryholt,

Political

Situation,


Untersuchungen,

pp.

53-5A;.Handbuch,

pp. 94-95.

321

Titulary- Horus:

hw^tiwy,

Nebty:

h

c

m-shin.f,

Golden Horus:

htp-ht-w3

c

t,

Prenomen:

shm-r

c

-swld-tiwy,

Nomen:

sbk-htp.

Ryholt,


pp. 17, 343; The Turin Kinglist," p. 150. See also Schneider,


pp. 255-256;

von

Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 54-55;

Handbuch,

pp. 94-95.

322


82



to have it come to an end with his death.

32 3

He chose to display prolifically the fact that

his parents were not royal in monuments and seal impressions.

324

Detailed information about the family of Sobekhotep III is available on a stela

from Abydos

{Louvre C8),

an altar at Sehel, and an inscription at Wadi el-Hol.

325

Sobekhotep III was born to M ontuhotep and Iw hetibu (w-ht-ibw), who took the titles

"go d's father" and "kin g's mo ther," respectively, once he become ruler.

326

His maternal

grandfather was the low-ranking military official (

c

nh-n-nwt), Dedusobek.

327

Sobekhotep III had two brothers, Seneb and Khakaw (presumably nam ed after Senwosret

III), with the title "kin g's son" as well as a stepfather of unknown name .

32 8

He had a half

sister, Reniseneb, and his wife was Senebhenas, whose father may have been a vizier

named Senebhenaf. This high ranking official was married to a hereditary princess

named Sobekhotep, and was the father of the Queen Mon tuhotep of Dynasty XV I.

329

Sobekhotep III had a second wife named N eni, who bore two princesses, Iwhetibu/Fendy

323

O.D. Berlev, "The Eleventh Dynasty in the Dynastic History of Egypt," in D.W. Young, ed., Studies

Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Glouster, MA, 1981), p. 370.

324

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172; Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 15, no. 23; Ryholt, Political

Situation,

pp . 34, 37, 223 ; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 54.

325

Callender, "Renaissan ce," p. 179; L. Haba chi, "Notes on the Altar of Sekhemre'-sewadjtowe Sebkhotpe

from Sehel," JEA 37 (1951), pp. 17-19; Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 14, no. 22; Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 222; H. Wild, "A Bas-Relief of Sekhemre-Sewadjtawe," JEA 37 (1951), pp. 12-16.

326

Franke, Personendaten, p. 190, Doss. 273; Postel, Protocole, p . 49; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p.

48;

Helck, G eschichte, p .

121;

M.F.L. Macadam, "Gleanings from the Bankes

MSS.,"

JEA 32 (1946), p. 60,

PI. 68; P. Montet, "Le Roi O ugaf a Medamoud," R dE 8 (1951), p. 170; L. Troy, Patterns ofQueenship in

Ancient Egyptian M yth and History, Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern

Civilizations 14 (Boreas, 1986), p. 159; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 54. For further information

concerning the king's family, see Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 20-28; Petrie, History, p. 211, Fig. 121;

Schmitz,

Untersuchungen zum Titel,

pp .

208-211;

W eigall,

Pharaohs,

pp. 153-154.

327

Franke, Personendaten, p. 439, Doss. 761. For this title, see Section IV.B.19. and Berlev, "Les

Pretendus 'Citadins,'" p p. 23-48.

2

Dodson, Monarchs, p . 68; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 223-224; Franke, Personendaten, p. 363,

Doss.

612; 280, Doss. 448.

329

Franke, Personendaten, p. 388, Doss.

661;

Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 24-25. Troy believes

Reniseneb was the daughter of Sobekhotep III. Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 159.

83



{iwht-ib. wdd.tfnd)

and Dedetanu k, the former havin g the rare hono r of a cartouche.

330

After R esuseneb, who was the son of the vizier Ankhu, served as vizier to Sobekhotep

III,

Aymeru took this position for the remainder of this king's reign as well as that of

Neferhotep I.

331

• The reign of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III ushered in a time of increased'

1 1 ' )

power of the king of Dynasty XIII. Ryholt has suggested that there may have been

changes to the administrative system at this time as seals and sealings with Sobekhotep

Ill's name may indicate an increase in the number of officials.

333

How ever, an overall

escalation in the frequency of the use of these seals ma y correlate to a rise in the activity

of the king due to his accessibility to additional resource s. Such a phen om enon could

have occurred due to the ruler's leadership abilities, an increase in the power of kingship,

and economic prosperity due to favorable crop yields.

IV.B.19. Khasekhemre Neferhotep I

The most stable period for kingship in Dynasty XIII was an era of about twenty-

six years in which a sub-dynasty ruled Eg ypt. This group of kings is unusual, since it

was made up of a group of brothers.

33 4

The founder of this remarkab le mini-dynasty is

Khasekhemre N eferhotep I, whose nomen and prenomen appear in a single cartouche,

Helck,


p. 17, no. 25; Ryholt,


pp. 3 9, 40; Troy,

Pa tterns

of Queenship,

pp. 159-160.

331

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 54, Doss. 24. Resuseneb appears on the verso of the

Brooklyn Museum

Papyrus 35.1446,

Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 254, Doss. 398; Ryholt,


pp. 193-194, n.

685.

332

Bietak, "Overview," p. 54.

333

Ryholt,


pp. 297-298.

33

Simpson suggests that there may be an additional two kings (Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 156-

157).

84



followed by " son of Haankhef' in the Tu rin King-List (7.25).

33 5

This ruler, who reigned

for eleven years according to this document, was of non-royal descent and used the same

type of terminology for his parents as for his predecessor in the office of kingship,

Sobek hotep III. There is much kno wn about the family of Neferhotep I since he and his

brother Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV both com missioned inscriptions concerning such

matters.

The family of Neferhotep I was from Aswan and was low to mid status within the

ranking of officials in society.

336

His parents were Haankhef, who held the title "god's

father" as shown in a stela from H eliopolis, and Kemi, "king 's m other."

33 7

They both

appear in royal seals and other monuments with the ruler's nam es.

33 8

The father of

Neferhotep I set up a stela, now in Rio de Janeiro, recording that his paternal

grandparents were Nehy and the lady of the house Senebtisi.

339

Interestingly,

Neferhotep's grandfather was a military official,

c

nhnniwt, the same title that the

335

Titulary- Horus: grg-tlwy, Nebty: wp-ntf

c

t, Golden Horus: mn-mrwt, Prenomen: h

e

-shm-r

c

, Nomen: nfr-

htp.

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 345; "The Turin Kinglist," p. 144. See also Schneider, Lexikon der

Pharaonen, p p. 171-172; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 55-56; Handbuch, pp . 96-97.

336

Schmitz, U ntersuchungen zum Titel, pp. 211-213.

337

Franke, Personendaten, pp.

260-261,

Doss. 410; Helck, G eschichte, p .

121;

Ryholt, Political Situation,

p.

225 ; Troy, Patterns of Queenship, p. 160; Weigall, Pharaohs, pp. 213-214.

338

M. Dewachter, "Le Roi Sahathor et la famille de Neferhotep I," Rd'E 28 (1976), pp.

66-73;

M .

Dewachter, "Le Roi Sahathor-Complements," Rd'E 35 (1984), pp. 195-199; Dodson, Monarchs, p. 68;

Helck, Historische-Biographische, p. 19, no. 27; Postel, Protocole, p p. 49, 103; Quirke, "Royal Power," p.

130;

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 34-37; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 157; Weill, La Fin du Moyen

Empire,

pp. 424-427.

330

K'.A. Kitchen , Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro

(Warminster, 1988), pp.

66-71,

Pis. 47-48; Ryholt,


pp. 76, n. 225; 225, 298. Note that

Kitchen thought that Haankhef was the father-in-law of Neferhotep I and that his father and mother (rather

than grandparents) were mentioned in the Rio de Janeiro stela. K.A. Kitchen, "Non -Egyptians Recorded on

Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro," in S. Quirke, ed., Middle Kingdom Studies (New Maiden,

1991),

p. 87.

85



grandfather of Sobekhotep III held.

34 0

An inscription, located at Sehel, identifies his

wife as Senebsen.

341

There is some confusion as to the identity of the children of Khasekhemre

Neferhotep I since the inscriptions at Sehel may show either his sons or his brothers.

Though these figures are labeled as "sons of the king," some scholars interpret the phrase

sl-nswt,

which is used as an honorific title for private people at this time, as being able to

denote brothers of the king, rather than his children. Ryholt interprets this same

inscription to mean that Kemi and Haankhef, who seem to have been named after their

grandparents, were children of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. He also had a son named

Wahneferhotep w ho is known through an inscription on a wooden shabti found at

Lisht.

34 3

The treasurer at this time was Senebi.

344

IV.B.20. Sahathor

Following Neferhotep, the

Tu rin King-List

names Sahathor as the next ruler

(7.26).

34 5

Sahathor was the son of Haan khef and Kemi and the brother of Neferhotep I

and Sobekh otep IV. Since Sahathor is only known as a king from two ob jects and the

340

Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 23-48; Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246 ; Grajetzki,

Two

Treasurers,

p. 30; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396;

Titles and Bureau,

p. 100;

Ryholt,


pp. 225-226; Ward,

Essays,

p . 48.

341

Dew achter, "Roi S ahathor et la famille," p. 67; Ryholt,


p. 227; Spalinger, "Remarks,"

p.

102; Troy,

Patterns ofQueenship,

p. 160.

342

Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 69; "C omplements."; Ryholt,


pp. 226-

•227.

- •

Clayton,

Ch ronicles,

p. 92.

344

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 374, Doss. 634. . . . -

345

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden H oras:?, Prenomen:

mn-w d-r

c

,

Nomen:

sl-hwt-hrw.

Ryholt,





Untersuchungen,

p. 57;

Handbuch,

pp. 96-97.

86



Turin King-List, it is believed that he only ruled for a few mon ths. Since this king may

have lacked a com plete titulary (only the prenomen and nomen are known), scholars

often suggest that he was a coregent of Neferhotep I.

347

Also , some scholars have

pointed to the fact that the absence of Sahathor in the

Karnak King-List

while his brothers

disappear, indicates perhaps that he never ruled alone.

34 8

How ever, the nature of the

Karnak K ing-List is uncertain as it may contain only a selection of the Dynasty XIII

kings.

In another argument in favor of coregency, Ryholt points to an inscription from

Philae where the brothers of Neferhotep I, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV, are shown along

with his parents.

9

Ryh olt dates this inscription to the reign of Neferhotep I and sugge sts

that it was carved before this king was married. Ryho lt reasons that the king must have

been young , requiring that his brothers serve as coregents with him. He also suggests

that a four-sided block at Karnak assigns the epithet,

di

c

nh mi r

c

("given life like Re"), to

both Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV and argues that this epithet was only used to denote

living rulers; so these kings must have reigned tog ether. Since Sahathor is prior to

Sobekhotep IV in the Late Middle K ingdom, he also may have been a coregent, with

Neferhotep I around year 10 of his reign. Unfortunately, h owever, the evidence for

coregencies in Dynasty XIII is not currently conclusive.

350

For this period, there has been a great deal of confusion regarding the likely

existence of two figures by the name of Sahathor, one being the brother of Neferhotep I

346

L. Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials Serving the Neferhotep Family as Revealed from Three

Objects in the Heqaib Sanctuary," Serapis 6 (1980), p. 47; Hayes, Scepter, p . 343.

347

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 192,216, n.745.

348

Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66.

349

Ryholt,


pp. 227 -228, n. 804; 298.

350

Murnane, Egyptian Coregencies, pp. 24-26.

87



and Sobekhotep IV and the other a son of Neferhotep I.

351

The brother became a king for

a short period o f the time, while the son did not. How ever, Davies discusses a Theb an

statue carrying the name of a deceased man, Sahathor, without a cartouche . Since this

statue also has the cartouche of Sobekhotep IV, Davies suggests that Sahathor died

without ever having b een a king, arguing that the

T urin King-List

is incorrect. How ever,

if one does interpret these names as referring to two separate individuals, then the

discrepancies in the record are less problematic.

IV.B.21.

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV

The last king preserved in column 7 of the Tu rin King-List is Khaneferre

Sobekhotep IV, whose regnal length is missing in a lacuna (7.27) (Karnak Offering-List

38).

35 3

How ever, the Debono Stela, as well as a poorly executed schist stela from Wadi

Hamm amat, may indicate that the ruler held the throne at least to year nine.

354

351

Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," pp. 79-80; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 228; Simpson,

"Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 157, 158; Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens, pp. 59-60.

352

W.V. Davies, "A Statue of the 'King's Son, Sahathor', from Thebes," in H. Guksch and D. Polz, eds.,

Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (M ainz, 1998), pp. 1 77-179. A statuette from

Elephantine has a kin g's son Sahathor, born of Kem i. Thus, this inscription is from the brother of

Neferhotep. His name is not shown in a cartouche. S.J. Seidelmayer, "Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine

15/16 Grabungsbericht, IX Ausgewahlte Einzelfunde,"

MDAIK

44 (1988), p.

181,

Abb. 115.

353

Titulary- Horus:

c

nh-ib-tiwy, Nebty: wld-h

c

w, Golden Horus: wsr-bSw, Prenomen:

h

c

-nfr-r

c

,

Nomen:

sbk-htp. Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 348, 350. See also Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp. 256-

257; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 57-58; Handbuch, pp. 96-97. The name of this king (Chenfres)

is found in the writings of Artapanus (1

st

Century BCE) as transmitted through Eusebius. This significantly

later source, which is of little historical use, dates the fragmentation of the Egyptian state to before the

reign of

this

king and associates the exodus of Moses to him (Dodson,

Monarchs,

p. 70; Hayes, "Egypt:

From the Death," pp.

50-51;

Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho, p. 36; G eschichte, p .

122;

Die

Beziehungen A gyptens,^. 93; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 25; Winlock, Rise and Fall, p. 93).

Commemorative seals carrying this king's name were produced in the time of this Jewish writer as noted

by Quirke ("Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 395 ).

354

F. Debono, "Expedition archeologique royale au Desert Oriental Keft-Kosseir," ASAE 51 (1951), pp. 81-

82 ,

PI. 15; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 155.

88



In the stela from Wadi H ammam at, the sons of Sobekhotep IV are named

including Sahathor, Sobekhotep/Miew and Sobekhotep/Djadja, one of which may have

become Sobekhotep V, as well as Haankhef Iykhernofret, who was named after the father

• I C C

of the brother kings and designated with a double name. The Debono Stela refers to

the parents and brothers of Sobekhotep IV.

35 6

His parents as well as Neferhotep I and

Sahathor receive the epithet, m^-hrw, suggesting that-they may have been deceased. The

king 's wife, Tjin, lady of Atfih, w as the possible m other of prince So bekhotep.

35 7

They

were also the parents of Amenem het (inscribed b ox, Cairo

JE 34407)

and a daughter

Nebtiunet (vase and seal). The vizier during this reign was Aymeru Neferkare. The

likely treasurer of this period was Senebi who was probably placed in this position during

the reign of Neferhotep I.

360

IV.B.22. Khahotepre Sobekhotep V

There is some controversy as to the identity of the next king in Dynasty XIII.'

Ryholt places Merhotepre Sobekhotep after Sobekhotep IV, believing that there is space

for one additional line in column 7 of the

T urin King-List?

61

He suggests that the

355

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 353, Doss. 592; Ryholt,


pp. 229-230; Simpson, "Dynasty

XIII Stela," pp. 157-158.

356

Ryholt,


p p. 229-231.

357

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 353 , Doss. 592 ; Spalinger, "R emarks," p. 102; Troy,


p. 160.

358

Franke,

Personendaten;

p . -89, Doss. 89; Ryholt;


p p. 230-231.

359

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 55, Doss. 26; Helck,

G eschichte,

p. 123. Habachi dates this vizier to

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV and Merhotepre Sobekhotep V (H abachi, "Vizier Ibi'," pp. 123-124).

360

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p. 21.

361

Ryholt,


p. 230. Titulary- (see Merhotepre Ini below). See also L. Habachi, "New

Light on the Neferhotep I Family, as Revealed by Their Inscriptions in the Cataract Area," in W .K.

Simpson and W.M. D avis, eds.,

Studies in Ancient

Egypt,

Aegean, and the Sudan: Essays in Honor of

Dows Dunham on the Occasion of his 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980

(Boston, 1981), p. 80; Schneider,


p p. 256-257; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 157.

89



number of lines would correspond to the pattern of gradual increase in the entries as the

columns in the papyrus proceed.

36 2

How ever, this concept,- which wa s originally

developed by H elck, has been questioned.

Ryholt points to the genealogical seals of a Sobekhotep with a mother named

Nebho tepti, as providing the identity of the missing king .

36 3

Ano ther seal of this type,

which R yholt claims belongs to Merhotepre, carries the name of a "god 's father," w hich

corresponds to neither of the two known from Sobekhotep III or the brother kings.

364

Thus, while wishing to have the use of genealogical seals assigned to an unbroken string

of kings, Ryholt concludes that Merhotepre Sobekhotep was of non-royal origin and that

these seals belo ng to him . How ever, it is possible that the mother of this particular

Sobekhotep was an additional wife of Sobekhotep IV.

36 5

Also , the seal displaying the

prenomen is broken, has some peculiar features, and does not in any way clearly read

"Merhotepre."

66

With so many assump tions, which cannot be substantiated at this time,

it is impossible to confirm Ryholt's placement of this king.

The king following Sobekhotep IV in the

Turin King-List,

who may have been the

son of the previous ruler, was (Khahotepre) Sobekhotep V, who is given 4 years, 8

mon ths and 29 days (8.1). This king is also listed in the Karnak Offering-List (41).

Unusually, in seals, this king 's nam e appears with the prenomen in a cartouche but the

362

Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.

22-23,

24, 29, 3 1, table 25. For opposition to this idea, see Redford,

Pharaonic King-lists, p. 9.

363


.

3 6 4

It seems that this seal may refer to the father as a king (generically and not by nam e). Thus this seal

type would have been held as a traditional form rather than indicating that the king it refers to was non-

royal.

365

Troy, Patterns ofQueenship, p. 160.

366

W .M.F. Petrie and Qu ibell, Nagada andBallas, I (Londo n, 1896 ), PI. 80.8 5.

367

Titulary- Horus:?. Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

h

c

-htp-r

c

,

Nomen: sbk-htp. Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 3 53; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 58; Handbuch, pp . 96-97.

90



nomen does not have this royal attribute.

36 8

A parallel for this oddity occurs in a

Dynasty XVII stela from Abydos, which also uses this form for king Rahotep, but other

objects of this ruler do show cartouches for both names.

36 9

The only possible example is

the seal showing Nebhotepre as the mother of

a

Sobekhotep (see above).

IV.B.23.

Wahibre Ibiaw

The next king in the

Turin King-List

is Wahibre Ibiaw, who is given 10 years, 8

mon ths and 28 days (8.2). Althoug h a relatively long reign, it contained few

attestations of this king's activities when compared to those of Neferhotep I and

Sobekhotep IV., Thus, it might be the case, that though kingship may have been stable at

this time, signs of the less affluent period (such as a decrease in the ability to com mission

royal mon ume nts) to come were already emerging. It is likely that the vizier of this king

was Ibiaw, who also served into the reign of the following ruler.

371

IV.B.24. M erneferre

Ay

After a decade of rule by Wahibre Ibiaw, the longest reign of Dynasty XIII began

under Merneferre (Ay) (8.3).

37 2

The length of his reign in the

T urin King-List

is

uncertain, since the first num ber is unclear, resulting in the possible years 13, 23 , or

33.

373

How ever, Ryho lt's version of the document show s that the middle number is likely

368

Ryholt,


p. 233. This phenomenon also occurs in the

Turin King-List

for the

following D ynasty XIII kings: Imyremeshaw, Intef, Ibi, and Hor (?) of 8.23.

369

Ryholt,


pp. 233 , n. 827.

370

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Hora s:?, Prenomen:

w)h-ib-r

c

,

Nomen:

ib-i

c

w.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 35 3; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 59;

Handbuch,

pp. 97-98.

371

Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 74, Doss. 62; Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 125. Hayes had suggested that the

vizier Ibiaw w as the same man as the king (Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 51).

91



correct at 23 years, 8 months and 18 days.

37 4

Ryh olt argues that Ini was the queen of

Merneferre Ay based on her seal type.

37 5

The son of the vizier of Ibiaw, Senebhenaf,

may ha ve served in this office after the death of his father in the reign of Merneferre

Ay.

376

IV.B.25. Merhotepre Ini Sobekhotep VI

The next king in the Turin King-List is Merhotepre (Ini), who ruled for a little

over two years (8.4),

37 7

likely the same as the ruler (Merhotepre Sobekhotep) whom

•5 -70

Ryholt placed after Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV in column seven.

Stele Juridique,

which certainly dates to after Merneferre Ay, only has the prenomen of the king

Merhotepre,

79

and it is curious why a second king of this name w ould not be

differentiated from the first with the use of his nomen (also the case in the

Turin King-

List entry). Thu s, it is suspected that Ini and Sobekho tep were doub le nomens for this

king, used interchangeably or chronologically.

38 0

Ryholt believes that this king may have

been the son of Merneferre A y because

Stele Juridique

shows that his daughter

372

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen: mr-nfr-r

c

, Nomen: iy . Ryholt, Political

Situation,




Untersuchungen,

p.

59 ;

Handbuch,

pp. 98-99.

373

Farina,

IIPapiro,

pp. 43, 46; Bennett, "King's Daughter," p. 22; Gardiner,

Royal Canon,

p. 16; Ryholt,

Political Situation, pp . 38, 74-75; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 59.

374

Ryholt,


p. 71.

375

Ryholt,


pp. 38, 234^235. See also the seal of

the

"great wife," Ini, in Hornung and

Staehelin,

Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette,

p p. 215 , no. 127, PL 211; G.A. Reisner,

Excavations at

Kerma, IV-V,

Ho ward African Studies 6 (Cambridge, Ma ss., 1923), p. 75, Figs. 168[159], 176.

376

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 388, Doss. 661; Habachi,

"Vizier Ibi'," p. 125; Macadam , "Royal Family," pp. 24-25 ; Ryholt,


pp. 77, 259 , 306.

377


mr-htp-r

c

,

Nomen:

ini.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,



p p. 138, 257-258; von Becke rath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 60;

Handbuch,

pp. 98-99.

378


379

Ryholt,


p. 2 33, n. 829.

380

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 60.

92



381

(Reditenes) was married to Ini's appointed vizier, Ay, demonstrating that he was on

friendly terms with the former king's family

382

IV.B.26. Sankhenre Sewadjtew, Mersekhemre Ined, Sewadjkare Hori and

Merkawre Sobekhotep VII '

The

T urin King-List

has the names of the next four kings preserved before

breaking for seven lines, according to Ryho lt's reconstruction. The kings in this section

include Sankhenre Sewadjtew (3 years), Mersekh emre Ined (3 years), Sewadjkare

T o r

Q

Q/l

H or t(5 years), • and Merkawre Sobekhotep VII (2 years). This last king is also in the

Karnak Offering List

(45). Two sons o f Merkawre Sobekhotep VII are named in a statue

pair from K arnak (Bebi and Sobekho tep).

38 7

Bebi may have had two stelae set up by

majordomo Ptahaa.

38 8

He is referred to as

s3-nswmf

c

'(true prince) and

sSnswsmsw

(eldest prince), so this probably denotes that he was an actual king's son.

389

IV.B.27. The Remaining Kings

After the break in the papyrus, the following kings are listed (from 8.16-8.18):

381

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 48, Do

Handbuch,

pp. 98-99

Handbuch,

pp . 98-99ss. 12; Mioso,

A Reading

Book,

pp. 20-29; Ryholt,


pp. 306-307.

382 -

383 .

382

Ryholt,


pp. 233-234.


s

c

nh-n-r

c

,

Nomen:

swld.tw.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,


Untersuchungen,

p. 60;

Handbuch,

pp . 98-99.

38

Titulary -Hor us:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

mr-shm-r

,

Nomen:

ind.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,


Untersuchungen,

p. 60;

Handbuch,

pp . 98-99.

385

Titulary- Horus:?, Nebty:?, G olden Horus:?, Prenomen:

swld-k3-r

c

,

Nomen:

hrw-i.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,


Untersuchungen,

p .

6 1; Handbuch,

pp. 98-99..

386


mr-k3w-r

c

,

Nomen:

sbk-htp.

Ryholt,

Political

Situation,


Untersuchungen,

p .

6 1; Handbuch,

pp . 98-99.

387

Ryholt,


pp. 235-236. Franke,

Personendaten,

pp. 164, Doss. 228 ; 353, Doss. 593.

388

Franke,

Personendaten,

p . 171, Doss. 239A. Bologna Stela

B.1927

and

CG 20578.

E. Bresciani,

L e

Stele Egiziane del Museo Civico Archealogico di Bologna

(Bologna, 1985), pp. 40-41, 142.

389

Ryholt,


pp. 235-236.

93



M er[.. .]re,

Merkheperre, and Merkare.

39 0

The next entry, 8.19 is lost in a lacuna, and the

following entry in the T urin King-List is Sewedjare Mo ntuho tep (8.20)." The son,

Herunefer, and queen^ Sitm ut,p f king Mo ntuhote p are know n through the forme r's coffin

in the British Museum

(EA 2999T).

392

Lines 8.21-8.27 in the

Tu rin King-List

are fragmentary including these rulers:

[.. .Jmosre, •[.. .Jmaatre Ibi, [.. .Jwebenre Hor[,. .], S[.. .]kare,- Seheken re Sankh ptahi, and

[ ]re, and Se[.. .]enre. Ryho lt has argued that the nom en of Seheken re Sankhp tahi,

one of the last of the dynasty, may demonstrate that the capital remained at Itjatawy until

the end when the Hyksos took Memphis.

39 4

The fact that this king inserts the divine

name "Ptah " into his nomen, m ay indicate that he had special ties to the Mem phite city.

Also, Sehekenre San khptahi's name w as found on a treasurer's stela at Mem phis.

395

Ryholt argues that Sankhptahi may have been the son of Se[.. .]kare of 8.24 due to a stela

(Cairo

C G 20600),

which shows a Sankhptahi as a "kin g's son" along with several

"king's daughters." However, relationships are difficult to extract with certainty in this

stela.

396

Four other kings from the Dynasty XIII, besides those already discussed above,

390

For each of these kings, only the prenomen is known:

mr-[:.

.]-r

c

,

mr-hpr-r

c

, and mr-ki-r

c

. Ryholt,

Political Situation, p . 357; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 6 1; Handbuch, pp . 98-99.

391

Titulary- Horns:?, Nebty:?, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen: sw d

c

-r

c

, Nomen: mnt-htp. Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 357. See also N. Dautzenberg , "Plazierungsvorschlage zu zwei Konigen der 13 . Dyn astie,"

GM 127 (1992), pp. 17-18; Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp . 158-159; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen, p .

6 3;

Handbuch, pp. 102-103.


393

In the order of rulers listed above, preserved names include: Prenomen-/. ..]-ms-[r

c

}, Prenom en-/...7-

m3

c

t-r

c

, Nomen-/&4 P renom en-/.. ,]-wbn-r

c

,

Nomen-

hrw[..

?];

Prenomen-^/..

.]-kS-r

c

;

Prenoxnen-sM-n-r^

Nomen-^

c

nh-pth-i; Prenomen-/..

.]-[..

J-rc, Prenomen-

s[.. .]-n-r

c

.

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 357-359;


394

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 6 9, 79.

95

For bibliography concerning this privately owned stela, see Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 358.

396


94



are not preserved in the

Turin King-List:

M ershepsesre Ini, Mersekhemre Neferhotep,

Sewahenre Senebmiew, and Sekhaenre.

39 7

It is likely that these kings fit within the

lacunae mentioned above along with other unkno wn kings.

IV.C. Defining the Phases of Dynasty XIII

The rulers of the Dynasty XIII chronology discussed above can be placed into

three primary groups possibly reflecting the nature of kingship over time . The first set

of rulers includes Sekhemrekhutawy A menem het Sobekhotep I through Seth. The initial

kings of this group were likely related in some way to the last rulers of Dynasty XII.

Many of them have double names including Am enemhet, wh ich may refer to a king of

the earlier dynasty . In general, this period is seen as being we ak primarily because little

is know n about most of these rulers. Ho wev er, it should be noted that the majority of the

recognized pyramids of Dynasty XIII likely belong to this group of kings. Also,

Papyrus

Bulaq 18,

dated to this time period,

39 9

demonstrates the orderly operation of affairs

during a visit of

the

royal family to the Theban area, with the normal hierarchy of

governm ent in place. Thu s, though the reigns of these rulers are relatively sho rt, there are

indications of stability with the king at the apex of society.

The next group of kings of Dynasty XIII includes Sekhemresewadjtawy

Sobekh otep III through M erneferre Ay. Sobek hotep III and the family of Neferhotep

3 9 /

In the order of the listing above:

¥xe,m>men-mr-sps-r

c

,

Nomen-wr, Prenomen-mr-xljm-r^

~Nomen-nfr-

Mpi Prenomen-sw3h-n-r

c

, Nomen-snb-mi-iw, and Prenomen sh

c

-n-r

c

,

Nom en-/". ]s. Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 35 9; von Beckerath,

Unters-uchungen,

p. 63.

39 8

For similar discussions, see Callender, "Renaissance," p.

171;

Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt,"

pp . 746 -747; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 21 9-220; "Thirteenth Dy nasty," pp. 395-396; Redford,

Akhenaten, p . 99; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 34-37, 296-297, Table 288.

399

For the dating of this document along with references, see Chapter 2, Section IV.B.16.

95



I/Sobekhotep IV, which followed him, emphasized their non-royal ancestry in their

monuments and sealings.

40 0

They began a period of prosperity which endured through

the reign of Merneferre A y, who held the throne for twenty-three years. Gen erally, the

kings in this grouping had a significant num ber of monuments in comparison to the other

Dyn asty XIII king s. Merneferre Ay app ears to have had a traditional royal funerary

mon ume nt as his pyramidion w as discovered out of context in the Delta. It is possible

that some of the other funerary structures from the Late Middle Kingdom with unknown

owners may also belong to kings within this group.

The. final set of rulers within Dynasty XIII includes those from Merhotepre Ini

until the end. Next to nothing is known about these ephemeral kings, who have few

known m onum ents. These rulers were significantly w eaker than their predecessors. It is

generally thought that they lost the eastern Delta to Dynasty XIV and the south to Theban

Dynasty X VI. They likely became a localized dynasty with little territory beyond the

Me mph ite region by the end of the era. The last of these kings was likely defeated and

overthrown by the Hyksos (Dynasty XV).

It should be noted that there are no attested Horus, Nebty, or Golden H orus names

known for each king following Sobekhotep IV.

40 1

Thoug h this could be due to a lack of

preservation, several kings in this time period ruled for long enough to construct a

number of monu ments. This same pattern is also found for the Dynasty XIV kings.


401

Sankhptahi may potentially be the exception with a possible Golden Horus name, sh

c

-n-pth (Ryholt,

Political Situation, p. 258).

96



V. Conclusions

Dynasty XIII cannot be classified as being a part of the Middle Kingdom or

Second Intermediate Period in its entirety. From S enwosret III of Dy nasty XII through

Merneferre A y (the Late Middle Kingdo m), the organization of

the

government remains

little changed even though there was a substantial loss of economic and political power of

the rulers after the reign of Am enem het III. Following Merneferre Ay, the Dyn asty XIII

rulers lost territory

to

other groups of kings, ushering in the Second Intermediate Period.

A recent study by Bennett has changed the current understanding of the

chronological relationships between D ynasty XIII and those of the Second Intermediate

Period. Much data must be restudied in light of the probable overlap between Dynasties

XIII and (Theban) XVI. At this point, it appears that Dynasty XIV em erged in the

eastern Delta soon after the death of Me rneferre Ay. Later, Thebes separated from the

capital at Jtjatawy forming Dynasty XV I. Nea r the end of Dynasty XIII, the Hyksos

(Dynasty XV ) took over the eastern Delta and began to force their way southward,

eventually toppling D ynasty XIII. It is unknown if they made their way to Thebes, but

that area was also facing pressure from the Ku shite kings from Nubia. Dyn asty XVI

transitioned into Dynasty XVII, which began to undertake campaigns against both the .

Hyksos and the Kushites in order to drive the foreign kings out of their country.

Ryh olt's study of the Turin King-List

has,

resolved some of the internal

chronological issues for Dynasty XIII. Here, in this study, we have adopted Ryh olt's

p l a c e m e n t o f S e k h e m r e l t h u t a w y A m e n e m h e t S o b e k h o t e p I a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e p e r i o d ,

switching him w ith Khutawyre

Wegaf.

The known

wsf

entry has also been accepted as

referring to Ne rikare. How ever, proposed missing kings such as Seb, Kay, and others

97



have been rem oved, as not every double name has been interpreted as representing royal

filiation.

There are still many mysteries in the lacunae of the Dynasty XIII section of the

Turin King-List.

Interpretation of this document, often d epends upon the goals and

agendas of the authors who examine it There is really no way to prove ord ispro ve any

reconstruction, except through additional work with the original document.

Unfortunately, the state of this text is such that the identity of many of the kings of

Dynasty XIII may never be known.

98



Chapter 2

Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII

I. Introduction

Even if Dynasty XIII is extended a few decades beyond the 150 years assigned to

it, the situation of having over 50 kings in such a limited time must have created crises

related to legitimization and succession. Some of the shortest reigns , which lasted less

than a year, are probably symptom atic of these challenges. In this chapter, the nature of

royal legitimization in Dynasty XIII along with innovations which likely date to this

period will be addressed. Sections will also discuss the analysis of the probable and

proposed methods of succession for Dynasty XIII and evaluate their merits in light of the

evidence available at this time.

II.

Legitimacy in Dynasty X III

In ancient Egyp t, the ruler was a human occupant of the divine office of

kingship.

40 2

In theory, the office of kingsh ip could be corrupted by unqualified or

deteriorating kings due to the failure of the leader to provide for the balance between the

living, the dead, and the gods, resulting in poverty, immorality, and the infiltration of

foreigners.

40 3

During Dynasty XIII, many of the kings had short reigns, sometimes

lasting for little more than a few years. Thu s, the question arises as to how the people ,

402

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 275 ; Posener,

De la Divinite du Pharaon,

Cahiers de la Societe

Asiatique 15 (Paris, 1960), pp. 145-163; Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 45; "Nature of Egyp tian

Kingship," in D. O'Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian Kingship,

pp .

51 -61.

See also D.

Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach to An cient Egyptian Kingship,"

JAOS

99 (1979), p. 460.

403

Similar concepts are discussed in the

Demotic Chronicle

and other sources from the 4

th

-3rd C enturies

BC .

See J.H. Johnson, "The Demotic Chronicle as a Statement of

a

Theory of

Kingship," JSSEA

13 (1983),

pp .

61-72.

99



especially the elite, viewed the individual rulers and how the kings responded to them.

ILA. Divine Birth

Divine birth is a principle of divine kingship which designated the father of

a

king

as the sun god in place of his own biological one. Thus, a ruler did not have to be the sen

of the previous king to claim his right to the throne, giving this opportunity to anyone

with the ab ility to gain the needed support to legitimize his reign.

The development of the notion of divine birth began in Dynasty IV w ith the use

of the term si-r

e

("son of R e") in the titulary along w ith the nomen.

40 4

This phrase itself

suggests that at least some aspect of the king was considered to be divine at the point that

he received it. Ho wev er, the more overt concept of divine birth was not expressed until

much later. Lorton suggests that the "son of

R e"

is not to be taken literally, as it likely

denotes the king's status in comparison to the deity and the latter's duty to protect the

This part of the titulary emerged at the beginning of the reign of Djedefre (Hornung,

Conceptions of

Go d in Ancient Egypt: the One and the Many

(Ithaca, NY, 1982), p. 142; "The Pharaoh," in S. Donadoni,

ed.,

The Egyptians

(Chicago, 1997), p. 286; P. Kaplony, "Konigstitulatur," LA, 3 1979, pp. 641-661;

Kem p, "Social History," pp. 71-72; D.P. Silverman, "Deities and Divinity in Ancient Egypt," in B.E.

Schafer, ed.,

Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice

(Ithaca, 1991) p. 65; "Nature,"

p. 7 1; Silverman, "Ep ithet;" W. Barta,

Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit des regierenden Konigs. Ritus und

Sakralkonigtum in Altagypten nach Zeugnissen der Friihzeit und des Alten Reiches,

Munchner

Agyptologische Studien herausgegeben von Hans W olfgang Miiller 32 (Munchen-B erlin, 1975), pp. 32-40;

Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

pp. 63, 73-75, 81-82, 261; Fairman, "Kingship Rituals of

Egypt,

in

S.H. Hook e, ed., Myth, Ritual, and Kingship (Oxford, 1958), p. 77; Robins, "Legitimation," p . 287.

Assmann be lieves that the concepts behind this "representative theocracy" developed in the First

Intermediate Period due to the role played by the nomarchs at that time (Assmann,

Mind of Egypt,

p. 119).

Tobin points out that the king as the son of the sun god was already in existence from the beginning with

the connection between the ruler and the solar Horus (Tobin,

Theological Principles of Egyptian Religion

(New York, 1989), pp. 93-94). See also, Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.- 274. Teeter dates this component

of the titulary to Neferirkare of Dynasty V. (E. Teeter, "Kingship," in K.A. Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the

Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), pp. 411-412). However, this title is found earlier in the

reign of Khafre (Silverman, "Epithet"; von Beckerath,

Handbuch,

p. 54, n. 1).

100





XV/XVII.

41 1

The composition of this text may date to the Late Middle Kingdom , though

its precise chronological placement is uncertain.

41 2

One of the tales in this papyrus is set

in the court of king Khufu of Dyn asty IVr The mo ther of these infants is a non-roy al

woman married to a priest of

the

sun god.

41 3

A magician named Djedi prophesizes to this

king about the rare conception of triplets, who are the sons of the god Re and will become

the rulers of Dynasty V .

41 4

The story also relates the birth of these children in the

presence of deities, who an nounce their royal destiny.

Regardless of whether or not this story served as a legitimization precedent for the

three brother kings of Dynasty XIII (Neferhotep I, Sahathor, and Sobekhotep IV) as some

have proposed,

41 5

this tale does have some interesting elements, which explain the

divinely ordained kingship principle. For examp le, the magician, Djedi, reveals all the

details of the triplets' birth, including the names of the parents, their location, and the

411

R. Parkinson,

Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt

(New Y ork, 2002), p. 295.

412

Assmann,

Mind of Egypt,

pp. 146, 185; Barta,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 22-29; C. Bennett, "The Structure of

the Seventeenth Dynasty,"

GM

149 (1995), p. 31 ; Berlev, "Eleventh Dynasty," pp. 368-369; H. Brunner,

Die Geburt des G ottkonigs

(Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 203-206; Kem p, "Social History," p. 77;

Ancient

Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization

(London, 1989), p. 197; L.H. Lesko, "Textual Sources, Middle Kingdo m,"

in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New York, 1999), p. 796; Lorton,

"Towards a Constitutional Approach;" pp. 460- 461 ,46 3; R. Parkinson, "Papyrus We stcar," in D.B.

Redford, ed.,

Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,

3 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 24; Silverman, "Nature," p.

71 .

Quirke dates the preserved copy of the text to Dynasty XV/XVII ba sed on the characteristics of the

hieratic. See Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Narrative Literature," in A. Loprieno, ed.,

Ancient Egyptian

Literature

(New Y ork, 1995), p. 271 ; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 262. Some scholars attribute it to

Dynasty XV ; Bietak implies that the unprovenienced papyrus was from Avaris (Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p.

115; "Hy ksos," (2001), p. 140; G. Posener,

Litterature et Politique dans VEgypte de la Xlle Dynas tie,

Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 307 (Paris, 1956), p. 12). Goedicke prefers the end of Dynasty

XVII (H. Goedicke, "Thoughts about the Papyrus Westcar,"

Z AS 11

(1993), pp. 23-36). For a photograph

and transcription of the papyrus, see A.M . Blackman,

The Story of King Kheops and the Magicians:

Transcribed rom Papyrus

Westcar,

Berlin Papyrus 3033

(Reading, England, 1988). For translations of the

text, see Lichtheim,

Ancient E gyptian Literature

1,

pp. 215-222; Simpson,

Literature,

pp. 15-30. For

further bibliographic information, see Bellion,


p . 353.

413

This is the first reference to the mother w ithin the divine birth context. Prev iously, only the god, Re was

mentioned as being the father of the king (D.P. Silverman, personal com munication).

414

For a study of

the

possible examples of multiple births in ancient Egypt, see J. Baines, "Egyptian

Twins,"

O r

54 (1985), pp. 461-482. Triplets were rare in ancient Egypt.

415

See Chapter 2, Section 2.II.E.1.

102



date. How ever, because these are the children of Re himself, it seems that Khufu accepts

the fate of his dynasty and does not attempt in any way to destroy the triplets. Other

signs, such as the proclamation by the gods during the birth that these babies would be

kings, demonstrate that there is no authority on earth, which can change the divine

decision of Re. The status of the parents of the. triplets is irrelevant, in determining their

future, since these children are the seed of

Re.

According to B erlev, another way in which kings could allude to divine birth was

to show that their parents were not royal.

41 6

Thu s, in certain reigns in ancient Egy ptian

history, the non-royal paternal parent of a king was referred to as the "god's father" (it

fitr).

417

In Dyn asty XIII, a selection of king s, including those possibly linked to the

Westcar Papyrus, used just such terminology to denote their own fathers. The brother

kings; Neferhotep I, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV; state that they were born to the

comm oners, Haankhef and Kemi w hile Sobekhotep III lists his parents as "go d's father"

Mentuhotep and "kin g's mother" Iwhetibu. Another kin g's mother Iwhetibu and a

god 's father Dedusobek are the parents of an unknown ru ler.

41 9

Also, a Nebhotepti is

cited on a genealogical seal of a Sobekhotep, possibly matched with a paternal seal with

416

Berlev, "Eleventh Dyn asty," p. 365.

417

Berlev, "Eleventh Dyn asty," pp. 363, 366; Postel,

Protocole,

pp . 49-53; A. G ardiner, "The First King

Menthotpe of the Eleventh Dynasty,"

MDAIK

14 (1956), p. 46; E. Graefe, "Die V ermeintliehe

Unteragyptische Herkunft des Ibi, Obermajordomus der Nitokris," SAK 1 (1974), p. 203 , n. 215; Quirke,

"Royal Power," p. 138; Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

p.255. This title may have also been used by

some priests. However, in Dynasty XIII, when "g od's father" is used in conjunction w ith king 's mother,

the emphasis is upon the fact that the paren ts are not from the royal family. See E. Blum entha l, "Die .

'Gottesvater' des A lten und Mittleren Reiches,"

ZAS

114 (1987), pp. 25-28, 31; Franke, "AMgyptische

Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 309-310.

418

Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," pp. 80-81; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 130-131; Ryholt,

Political

- Situation,

p. 285. • ~

419

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 439, Doss. 762; Ryholt,


pp. 246-24 8; A.E.P. Weigall,

"Tomb and Cemetery of Senusert III," in E.R. Ayrton, et

&l,Abydos, P art III

(Lond on, 1904), p. 48, PL

XIII.

103



an uncertain reading.

Dynasty X III kings were not the only ones to use the "go d's father" designation.

During the First Intermediate Period, the initial ruler of Dynasty XI also used this title

along with the paternal name to show that he was of non-royal descent.

2

Also,

Amenemhet I, the first king of Dynasty XII, acknowledged his non-royal father,

Senwosret, with this same term.

42 2

Gene rally, the "g od 's father" title in association with

a male, non-royal parent was used by kings w ho wished to distinguish themselves from

their predecessors,"likely due to political turmoil.

42

Then, in order to counteract this

break from tradition, these kings may have used the concept of divine marriage to

legitimize their reigns and connect them to the long line of kings who preceded them.

424

At the same time that a few of the kings used the term "go d's father" w ith the

names of their fathers in seals, they also placed "son of Re" on the seals with their

mo thers' nam es (Neferhotep I, Sobekhotep IV and another Sobekhotep but not

Sobekhotep III).

42 5

This relationship in the seals wou ld seem to point overtly toward the

divine marriage betwe en the mortal (non-royal) mother and the god Re. It is also

interesting that the "son of Re " is usually associated with the prenomen. How ever, in

these seals, this term appears in conjunction with the nomen while the paternal seals

contain the prenom en of the king.

420

O. Tufhell, Studies on Scarab Seals II (Warminster, 1984), pp.

3533,

PL 3564, no.

3533.

421

Postel, Protocole, p: 17; L. Habachi, "God's Fathers and the Role They Played in the History of the First

Intermediate Period," ASAE 55 (1958), pp. 176, 186-188. In the New Kingdom, this term can be used for

the royal tutor (H. Brunner, "Der "Gottesvater" als Erzieher des Kronprinzen," Z AS 86 (1961), pp. 90-100).

See also the "god's father of

Onuris"

in the Second Intermediate Period stela in A. Leahy, "A Stela of the

Second Intermediate Period," GM44 (1981), pp. 29, Fig. 21 .

42 2

Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p . 255.

423

Baines, "Definition," p. 18; Habachi, "God's Fathers," pp. 167-190.

424

For the New Kingdom and the connection of divine marriage scenes and legitimacy in the New

Kingdom, see Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture," p. 268, n. 219.

425

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 35, Fig. 2; Postel, Protocole, p. 103, n. 471.

104



H.B. F estivals

II.B.l Accession and Coronation

Festivals, involving the appearance of the king, served as a form of legitimization.

The first and most important festivals for a monarch included the accession and

coronation. The accession ideally occurred at sunrise on the day after that on which the

previous king died, while the coronation w as planned on the date of the New Y ear or on

the first day of one of the other seasons.

42 6

Leprohon states:

These occasions were crucial because it was during them that the divine essence

of the sacral office was transferred to the king and the fusion of the pharaoh's

human and divine natures occurred.

427

The right to the throne was affirmed through these ceremonies.

42 8

Thus, in most

cases, the fact that someone successfully became king was sufficient to indicate that he

possessed the royal ka and that he was divinely chosen for this highest office in the

hum an realm. Though th ere are no direct depictions or inscriptions related to such

ceremonies in Dynasty XIII, one should expect that they occurred with the accession of

each new king upon the throne.

II.B.2. The Sed Festival

The sed festival is another event that is important for the legitimization of some

kings. This ceremo ny occu rred after a ruler had been in office for some time, but just

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," pp: 276-277. For more details of the accession and coronation, see C.J.

Bleeker,

Egyptian Festivals: Enactments of Religious R enewal,

Studies in the History of Religions 13

(Leiden, 1967), pp. 95-96; Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

pp. 245-246, 247-248; Fairman, "Kingship

Rituals," pp. 78 -80, 81-83, 96-97, 104.

427

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 276. See also Silverman, "Nature," p. 69.

428

L. Bell, "Luxor Tem ple," p. 257; Brunner, "Die Lehre," pp.

4-11;

G oedicke, "Origin," pp. 126, 127;

Hornung,

Conceptions,

p. 142; Silverman, "Deities and D ivinity," pp. 6 3, 66, 68.

105



how long this period was can differ (traditionally after 30 years).

42 9

With its roots in the

reigns of the earliest Egyptian kings, this festival contains ceremonies and ritualized

athletic activities. No nethe less, the primary purpose of the sed festival seem s to have

been to rejuvenate the strength of the king through close contact and the exchange of gifts

with the god s, as well as a reenactment of the coronation.

430

Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I may have celebrated a sed festival,

as indicated in relief on a doorframe found at Medamud.

431

It is likely significant that

this king celebrated such a festival in his relatively short reign (3? years), possibly

indicating problems in the late Dynasty XH/early Dynasty XIII, requiring legitimization

beyon d the coronation. Ho wev er, it appears that the sed festival scenes of this king were

copied from those of Senwosret III, and it is possible that his participation in such

ceremonies was symbolic rather than being a historical event.

432

Nonetheless, later in

Dynasty XIII, Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI is depicted in a statue wearing a sed festival

A X X

robe, possibly comm emorating his celebration.

For more information on the Sed Festival, see Bleeker,

Egyptian Festivals,

pp. 96-123; Bonheme and

Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

pp . 287-306; Fairman, "K ingship R ituals," pp. 83-85; Lorton, "Towards a

Constitutional Approach," p. 461.

43 0

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 281 ; Teeter, "Kingship," p. 412.

431

Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," pp. 82, 83 Fig. 36; J. Revez, "M edamud," in K.A. Bard, ed .,

Encyclopedia of

the

Archaeology of Ancient Egypt

(New York, 1999), p. 476; C. Sambin, "Medamud," in

D.B.

Redford, ed.,

The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,

2 (Oxford, 2001). For the Medam ud material, see

Bisson de la Roque,

Medamoud 1928,

pp. 3, 4, 58-72, 115-123, PI. 114; Bisson de la Roque and C lere,

Medamoud 1927,

pp. 89-92, 99-1Q0, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137, PL 104;

Medamoud 1929,

pp. 78,

89-93,

PI.-75. Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I overtook the Senw osret III temple (later usurped by Sobekemsaf

of Dynasty XV II) at this site, including the Sed Festival porch w hile Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III

usurped the lintels.

Statuettes of an unknown Late Middle Kingdo m ruler, dressed in a sed robe, were found at Semna

(Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, pp. 227-228).

433

W.V. Davies,

Royal Statue Reattributed

(London, 1981), no. 31.

106



II.C. Historical Precedent

II.C.l. The Westcar Papyrus

While Parkinson states that the tale in the

Westcar Papyrus

is based on

"historical" figures of the Old Kingdom, with the addition of some fictional characters,

and is intended to entertain the reader,

43 4

this text may have served to legitimize the

consecutive reigns of the three brothers in Dynasty XIII.

43 5

In other wo rds, the three

Dynasty V brothers in the story serve as a historical precedent for those du ring D ynasty

XIII. Interestingly, there is a king-list in Wadi Ham mam at which may be of the same

"historical" school as

Papyrus Westcar.

Both in this inscription and the literary text,

Khufu is listed with his sons (Djedefre?), Khafre, Bauefre, and Hordedef, the last of

which may not be real historical figures.

436

If Red ford's dating is correct, it is possible

that these texts may be roughly contemporary. Also, there may be a conceptual link

between K hufu's desire in the Papyrus Westcar to learn about the secret chambers of

Thoth and Neferhotep's quest to search the library in the temple at Heliopolis regarding a

text outlining the specifications for the statue of Osiris at Aby dos

(Neferhotep Stela).

437

Interestingly,

The Prophesies ofNeferti,

a text whose story is set in the court of

Parkinson, "W estcar," p. 25; Poetry, pp. 182-192. For the tendency of kings of the late Middle

Kingdom to follow the precedents of

the

Old Kingdom, see Baines,

Visual and Written Culture,

p. 194-195.

43 5

Franke,

Das Heiligtium,

pp . 69-70; Parkinson,

Poetry,

p . 296; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p.

262 . For a general statement concerning the use of fictionalized history for the purpose of legitimizatio ns,

see M. Van B uren and J.E. Richards, "Introduction: Ideology, W ealth, and the Comparative Study of

"Civilizations"," in J.E. Richards and M. Van Buren, eds.,

Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States

(Cambridge, 200 0), p. 9. For a discussion of how the past was used almost exclusively in literary texts to

present the events of the present, see Baines, "Concepts," pp. 131, 136-138; Posener,

Litterature et

Politique,

p . 29.

43 6

Ryholt,


pp. 17-18, n. 32; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 155; D. Wildung,

Die

Rolle dgypticher Konige I

(Berlin, 1969), pp. 164-167. Redford says they were princes who never took

throne; he dates the inscription to Dynasty XII (Redford,

Pha raonic King-lists,

pp. 25 , 237).

437

R.B. Parkinson, "The Dream and the Knot. Contextualizing M iddle Kingdom Literature," in G. Moe rs,

ed.,

Definitely: Egyptian Literature,

L ingua Aegyptia 2 (Gottingen, 1999), p. 68;

Poetry,

pp. 194, 303-304;

Silverman,

Non-Royal Burials.

See Chapter 2, section II.D.2.

107



the Dyn asty IV king , Sneferu. In this story, a lector priest states that there will be a

king called, Am eny, who will come from Upper Egypt and take the throne and return the

land to its prope r state. Man y scholars believe that the Am eny spoken of here is

Amenemhet I, who established Dynasty XII after serving as the vizier of king

Mentuhotep Nebtawyre.

439

Unlike in the

Westcar Papyrus,

in

The Prophesies ofNeferti,

the king named in an

earlier time period may actually be a reference to a ruler who, seven centuries later would

take the throne. Its composition during the reign of Amenem het I seems probable, but

the prem ise of using such a work for legitimization is extremely im portant. The reality of

the circumstances, under which Sehotepibre Am enem het I acquired the throne, are

unknow n, and the nature of the

Prophesies ofNeferti

may be truthful, embellished, or

propagandistic fiction.

440

How ever, it does seem that Am eny/Amen emhet I had to have

such stories suggesting that his rise to power was predetermined in the Old Kingdom in

order to legitimize his reign.

441

The similarities between the tale in the

Westcar Papyrus

and the

Prophesies of

Neferti

are interesting. Both are set in Dyn asty IV during the height of pyram id

Do.

Arnold, "Amenem het I," p. 18; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp . 103, 104; Callender, .

"Renaissance," p. 156; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p, 736; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near

East, p. 244; Helck, G eschichte, p. 106; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 1, pp. 13 9-145. For further

bibliographic information, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, pp .

340-341.

Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p. 259; Hornung, History, p . 50; Leprohon, "Overview," p. 47;

Posener, Litterature et Politique, p p. 22-28; Postel, Protocole, p . 63; Simpson, "Twelfth D ynasty," pp. 453 ,

4 5 4 ; .

Note that Franke stresses the hypothetical nature of this conclusion. Not only was the nickname

Ameny popular, it also could be seen as an ideological allusion to the mythical Menes, the first mortal king,

according to ancient Egyptian sources. See Franke, "The Midd le Kingdo m in Egyp t," p. 736. See also

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 207 , n. 708; Silverman, Non-Royal Burials.

440

Callender, "Renaissance*" pp. 156, 158; Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 736; Kemp,

"Social History," pp. 75-77; Posener, Litterature et Politique, p. 28. Assmann suggests that Amenemhet I

came to power through a civil war (Assmann, Mind of Egypt, p. 117).

441

Hornung, History, p . 50.

108



construction under powerful kings. At least for the

Prophesies ofNeferti,

it may be the

case that this text are part of a genre of Middle K ingdom literature, through which kings

justified their acts through prophesy attributed to religious figures of this revered period.

This purpose is less certain regarding the

Westcar Papyrus.

It may be the case that the

small part of the document relating the story of the triplets was an older story revived at

this time for the use of the brother kings, as Quirke suggests.

442

II.C.2. The Neferhotep Stela

The Neferhotep Stela at Abydos also suggests the use of real or derived historical

sources as precedent for the legitimization of the king's actions.

44 3

This inscription

claims that, Khasekhemre Neferhotep and his courtiers read through the manuscripts at

the Temple of Atum at Heliopolis and found a text concerning the means to create a

statue of the god for the Temple of

O siris.

44 4

They undertook this task in preparation for

the king's participation in the Osiris festival at Abydos in year two of his reign.

44 5

This

stela served as a public testament to the literate elite that the king was responsible in his

duties to the gods, something which was expected for a legitimate ruler.

44 2

Quirke, "T hirteenth Dynasty," p. 397.

44 3

Baines, "Conc epts," p. 141.

44 4

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 179; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59. For a bibliography and

translation of

this

text, see

J.H..

Breastead,

Ancient Records of Egypt: The First through the Seventeenth

Dynasties

I (Urbana, 2001), pp. 332-336. For a complete study of

this

stela

{Berlin• 1204)

and the Osiris

Festival, see R. Anthes, "Die Berichte des Neferhotep und des Ichernofret liber das Osirisfest in Abydos,"

Festschrift zum 150 Jarigen des Berliner Aryptischen M useums, Mitteilungen aus der Agyptischen

Sammlung 8 (Berlin, 1974), pp. 15-49.

5

Kadish, "H istoriography," p. 110. Dodson,

Monarchs,

p. 69; Helck,


pp. 21-

29 , no. 32; B.J. Kemp, "Abydos," LA, I (W eisbaden, 1975), p. 32; A. Mariette,

C atalogue General des

Monuments d'Abydos

(Paris, 1880), pp. 233-234;

Description desfouilles dAbydos

II (Paris, 1880), Pis. 28 -

30 ;

A.E.P. Weigall,

Guide to the Antiquities of Upper Egypt

(New York, 1910), p. 6; Weill,

La Fin du

Moyen Empire.

Eyre suggests that the stela of Neferhotep I at Abydos is the first "konigsnove lle" (Eyre,

"The Semna Stelae: Quotation, Genre, and Functions or Literature," in S.I. Groll, ed.,

Studies in Egyptology

Presented to Miriam Lichtheim

(Jerusalem , 19 90), p. 147). This stela has been used as evidence that the

king was literate (Baines and Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy," G M 61 (1983), p. 78).

109



II.C.3.

The U se of the Nomen Amenemhet

The nomen Am enemhet (or Ameny Q emau) was used by eight of the Dyn asty

XIII kings. In six of these, it was used as components of double names. Regardless of

whether or not this name refers to family members, it directly or indirectly hearkens back

to reigns of Dynasty X II such as Am enem het I and III. In fact, one of the kings in the

Turin King-List

(7.12), Sehotepibre, has the same prenomen as Amenem het I. Thus, it is

likely that the kings of Dynasty XIII deliberately associated themselves with the

successful rulers of the Middle Kingdom, perhaps to legitimize their reigns.

II.D.

Art and Royal Regalia

Another m eans of royal legitimization during Dynasty XIII was the depiction of

kings in royal regalia in relief and sculpture, which related the status of the ruler

according to traditional ideology. There are more than two dozen royal statues dated to

Dynasty XIII, but, unfortunately, few have inscriptions, which identify the king

depicted.

44 6

In general, the art style of Dyn asty XIII initially continued that of Senw osret

III and Am enemhet III with a stylized body and a modeled, somber face with heavy

eyelids and down-turned lips.

447

Statues such as EA 1167 and a head of Khendjer from his funerary complex show

the king wearing a names crown w ith a uraeus upon his brow , as one can see in the

sculptures of other periods including Dynasty XII.

44 8

Other statues depict the king in sed

festival garb such as one depicting Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI from the Cairo Museum

446

Bourriau,


p 69.

447

See Chapter 1, Section I I .A3 .

Jequier,

Fouilles a Saqqarah,

PI. 5b-c; Bourriau,

Pharaohs an d Mortals,

Fig. 54. For an example of a

statue depicting Amenem het III in a names crow n, see Bourriau,

Pharaohs and Mo rtals,

p. 44, no. 31.

110



(JE 37421/CG 42027).

44 9

Relief scenes depicting the king, Sekhemrekhutawy

Amenemhet Sobekhotep I celebrating a sed festival are also found at the temple at

Medamud.

45 0

Thoug h there is some question as to whe ther or not this ruler actually

participated in a sed festival or simply copied the scenes and texts from a monument of

Senwosret III, these depictions as well as those mentioned above all work to connect

these individual rulers with traditional kingship of the Middle K ingdom.

Though most of the royal regalia o f Dynasty XIII continued from the traditions of

ancient Egyptian kingship to that date, the blue crown may have been a new addition,

which may have signaled the need for additional legitimizing paraphernalia.

51

Though

the term for this headgear, khepresh (Aprs), appears at this early date, the determinative of

the crown itself seems to be more in the form of a royal cap than the fully developed

crown of the early Dynasty XVIII.

45 2

Nonetheless, several of the depictions do indicate

that certain details of the crown were developing, including the blue color, the inscribed

curls, and the curled snake. Examples of this crown during the Late Middle Kingdom

and Second Intermediate Period occurred during the following reigns: Sekhemrekhutawy

Amenemhet Sobekhotep I (Medamud),

45 3

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV (Wadi

Hammamat),

45 4

Menkhaure Senaaib (Abydos),

45 5

Sekhemreneferkhau Wepwawetemsaf

449

Davies,

Royal Statue

Reattributed,

no. 31.

450

Bisson de la Roque,

Medamoud 1928,

pp. 3, 4, 58-72, 115-123, PL 114; Bisson de la Roque and Clere,

Medamoud 1927,

pp. 89-92,99-1 00, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137, PL 104;

Medamoud 1929,

pp. 78, 89-93,

PL 75.

451

W .V. Davies, "The Origin of the Blue Crown,"

JE A

68 (1982), pp. 69-76.

452

Cairo JE 59635. Helck,


p. 73.

453

Bisson de la Roque and Clere,

Medamoud 1927,

p. PL 4.

454

Debono , "Expedition archeologique royale," p.

81 ,

PL 15; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," pp. 154-158,

Fig. 151, PL 157a.

455

EX . Ertman, "T

PL 68; Helck,


p. 47, no. 64; A. Mariette,

Abydos

II (New York, 1998), PL 27.

455

EX . Ertman, "The Cap-Crown of Nefertiti: Its Function and Probable Origin,"

JARCE

13 (1976), p. 64,

111



(Abydos?), and several examples from Dynasty XVII (Abydos). Davies suggests

that the khepresh of the New Kingdom, with its association with legitimate kingship and

coronation might be reflective of its use in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second

Intermediate Period when this institution suffered some weakening.

458

H.E. Monumental Architecture

The construction of monumental architecture is a form of visual legitimization

that most kings of ancient Egypt used, since it served as a clearly visible display of royal

power and wealth. For Dynasty XIII, however, most of the rulers were unable to

construct impressive mo num ents. It is clear that some mon archs continued to add onto

Middle K ingdom tem ples and sacred sites such as those at Medam ud, Karnak, Aby dos,

and Mem phis. The most significant of the relatively small structures they built are the

tombs of a few of these sovereigns.

45 9

No nethe less, the quantity and size of the royal

mon ume nts w ere still greater than those of the private officials of the period, and it is

likely that messages of legitimacy were still encoded into the buildings of the Dynasty

XIII kings.

III. Succession

In ancient Egypt, succession occurred in a period of time, which was

Helck,


p. 48, no. 65. -

457

J.J. Clere, "La Stele de Sankhptah, Chambellan su Roi Rahotep,"

JE A

68 (198 2), PL 4-6; von B eekerath,

Untersuchungen,pp.

188-189, 298, xvii, 15(15).

458

Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p.

5 1;

Helck,


p. 45, no. 62.

45 9

See Chapter 3.

112



myth ologically dangerou s, like birth and death (and creation in general). The passing

of the office of kingship from the deceased king to a successor could erupt into cha os.

Just as a newborn might face dangerous situations such as disease or stillbirth, the new

king could find himself threatened by evil forces, including would-be usurpers or

comp etitors for the throne. Despite the perceiv ed and real dangers associated with

succession in ancient Egypt, the rapid turnover of kings during Dynasty XIII did not

greatly impact the stability of society nor cause harm to the ideological framework of the

royal institution itself.

461

•

Determining the m eans, through w hich the selection of

a

king occurred is one of

the most important issues in the study of Dynasty XIII.

462

Many theories have been

suggested for the mechanics of succession, but none prove to be satisfactory for more

than a few reign s, if at all. In reality, it seems that several innovations ma y have been

developed as different factors emerged.

III.A. Father-to-Son Succession

The Osiris-Horus-Seth myth found in the

Memphite Theology,

463

which has its

roots in the

Pyramid Texts,

may reflect the pattern of normal succession in ancient

Frankfort,

Kingship and the Gods,

p. 101.

461

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 171; David,

Builders,

p . 197; Grimal,

History,

p . 171; Hallo and Simpson,

Ancient Near East,

p. 249; Helck,

Geschichte,

p. 117; Murnane, "Overview," p.

701;

van den Boom,

Duties

of the

Vizier, p. 346 ; Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p. 434; Bourriau,


p . 5.

462

Q uirke, "Thirteenth D ynasty;" p. 396.

463

Frankfort,


pp. 25-30; Kem p, "Social History," p. 72. For the later

Ramesseum

Dramatic Papyrus

from the accession or sed festival of Senwosret I, see Fairman, "Kingship Rituals," pp.

81-83; Kem p, "Social History," p. 72; K. Sethe,

Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mysterienspielen

(Leipzig, 1928).

113



Egyptian kingship.

4 4

The story records that Horu s, the eldest son of the ruler, as the

rightful heir to the divine throne of Osiris through the rules of inheritance; this divine

model sets the program on a royal level. The ancient Egyptians then viewed the

deceased ruler as Osiris, and the heir, preferably the eldest son, becam e Horu s. Thu s,

royal ideological mythology could actually hide the true mechanics of succession,

especially in unfavorable times since the deceased king became Osiris and the living son

Horus, regardless of bloodline.

465

Inheritance usually transferred from father to son, but other possibilities

.. existed.

46 6

In the private sector at Deir el-Medina in the New Kingdom , however, rules

of inheritance prioritized children and grandchildren while brothers and sisters followed

in a secondary position.

46 7

Also, a non-related heir could be appointed,

468

sometimes

through adoption. If a private office was to be transferred to a new family, a formal case

had to be presented, proving the ow ner's right to the position and declaring his wish to

convey it to someone else.

At the end of Dynasty XII, the female king, Nefrusobek came to the throne.

469

She was a daughter of Amenemhet III and may have been the sibling or half-sister of

464

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 274. Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 68-72; 256-257;

260-261,

263-265,

324-3 25. J.P. Allen argues that the myth established Horus as the end result of the evolution of

the Ennead in that his place as king on earth parallels the sun god's role as the sustainer of life in the

natural world (J.P. Allen,

Genesis in Egypt

(New Haven , 1988), p. 11.) J.P. Allen also notes that Horus

only achieves his position through the death of his father, Osiris (J.P. Allen, Genesis, pp. 33-34). Lesko

also approaches this myth from a mythological point of view, but he still allows for the possibility that the

Memphite Theology may have legitimized father-to-son succession (L. Lesko, "Ancient Egyptian

Cosmogonies and Cosmology," in

B.

Schafer, ed., Religion in Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, 1991), pp. 92-93).

465

Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.

466

Bonhem e, "Kingship," pp. 240-242; W. Boochs, "Der ehebrechersche Sohn,"

GM

114 (1990), pp. 43 -

45 ; G. Robins, "A Critical Examination of the Theory that the Right to the Throne of Ancient Egypt Passed

through the Female Line in the 18th Dynasty," GM62 (1983), p. 73; Robins, "Queens," p. 105.

467

J.M.A. Janssen and P.W. Pestman, "Burial and Inheritance in the Community of the N ecropolis

Workmen at Thebes," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 11 (1968), p. 165.

468

Robins, "Legitimation," p. 288.

469

G rajetzki, Middle Kingdom, pp.

61-63.

114



Am enemhet IV. After her death, Dynasty XIII began. The relationship between the

last kings of Dynasty XII and the first of Dynasty XIII is uncertain.

Titles of two royal women found on scarab seals suggest that there were at least

two normal father-to-son successions in Dyn asty XIII. Both of these wom en possessed

the titles "queen" and "king's mother."

47 1

The first is Neb hotep ti, who m Ryholt assigns

to the reign of Awibre Hor through a circular argument, based on his seal chronology.

472

Ryholt places the second queen, Aa hotepti, prior to the reign of Sobekhotep III without

an exact association with a king.

47 3

No nethe less, from the titles of these two queens,

there is solid proof that the mothers of at least two rulers were the spouses of kings.

Another likely candidate for father-to-son succession was Ameny Qemau and his

possible successor Hotepibre

Saharnedjeritef.

The latter's name can be translated as

"Qemau's son Harnedjeritef' a phrase, which appears in a cartouche. Ryho lt has also

proposed that double names represent father-to-son successions, though there are other

ways of interpreting these in private examples, as will be shown in Chapter 6.

Nonetheless, even if only some of these double names represent this type of succession,

they only occur in the first part of the dynasty, presumably when descendents of the

Dyn asty XII kings remained. Later, how ever, another form, fratrilineal succession

emerges, changing some aspects or emphasizing some of

the

more unorthodox

470

Hayes, "Egyp t: From the Death," p. 43 .

471

Quirke, "Investiga tion," p. 230; "Royal Power," p. 129. Another seal dated to late Dyna sty XII/XIH

appears to be a third example.

• -

• •

472

Ryholt,


pp. 3 8-39, 218, for the bibliography of the seal see 238-239, n. 101.

Fragments of

a

statuette of Queen and Kin g's M other Nebhotepti were found in room LV II of

the

Semna

Fort (Dunham and Janssen,

Semna Kumma,

p . 28, PL 87 A21, A 22; Tufnell,

Scarab Seals,

PI. 64, nos.

3535-3536).

473

Ryholt,


pp. 39, n. 104; 242-24 3. Another possible example is the "king's wife" and

"king's mother," Senet, who lived in the Late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty X III.

115



characteristics of the office of kingship.

III .B. Fratrilineal Succession

The myth of Osiris suggests that conflict could ensue between a brother and a son

of a deceased king concerning the identity of the rightful heir. In the

Contendings of

Horus andSeth, the two gods (the son and the brother of the deceased kin g), fight over

the right to the throne without either being the obvious choice amongst the gods, who

debate over the issue.

47 4

Ultimately , Horus ascends to the throne , but the fact that the

rightful heir could be a brother is implied.

475

Fratrilineal succession (fratriarchy) is a system that ancient Egyptian royalty may

have developed during the Second Intermediate Period in order to prevent young children

from inheriting the throne while maintaining the royal power of a single family.

Instead, a king might choose a brother, nephew, or another mature relative to take the

throne upon his death. With this sort of system, the lines of succession w ould have bee n

stable initially, though individual reigns of the successors may have been shorter, relative

to those of father-to-son succession because occupants were of the same generation.

How ever, as the throne passed to successive generations (nephews, etc.), there may have

been some confusion concerning the right to the throne. As the number of eligible male

relatives increased, factions within the family may have emerged.

474

Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 2, pp. 214 -223; J. van Dijk, "Myth and Mythmaking in Ancient

Egypt," in J. Sasson, ed.,

Civilizations of the Ancient Near E ast 3,

(Peabody, MA, 1995), pp. 1704-1706.

See also Bonhem e and F orgeau,

Les Secrets,

p. 68-70, 256, 265 .

475

Note that one early king, Peribsen identified himself with Seth (rather than having Horus associated with

his serekh), while Khasekhemwy used both Horus and Seth, presumably after he defeated Peribsen.

Normally, it is assumed that there was a civil war at this time and that the state was led by two leaders,

ideologically, Horns and Seth. See S. Quirke, Who W ere the Pharaohs, (Mineola, New York), p. 35.

47 6

Bennett, "Structure," pp. 29-30. See also Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

p. 258.

116



Fratrilineal succession has occurred many times over the course of human history.

According to B ennett,

47 7

examples include: the Elamites,

47 8

Assyrians from the 15

th

-14

th

centuries BC,

47 9

later Kushite kings including those of Egyptian Dynasty X XV ,

480

Hsiung-nu (Huns) in Mongolia after

31

B C,

48 1

Russian princes after 10.54,

482

Aztecs,

483

Maya in Post-Classical Period,

48 4

Ottoman Turks after 1603,

485

and modern Saudi

Arabian kings.

48 6

During D ynasty XIII, at least one instance of fratriarchy occurred (the

Neferhotep/Sahathor/Sobekhotep family) from

26

to 65 years (17-43%) of the 150-year

period. -

Bennett suggests that rulers of Dynasty XVII and, possibly, parts of XIII,

consciously chose to institute a practice of fratrilineal succession to create stability in the

office of kingship.

48 7

He theorizes that this concept may have originated from contact

with the Kushite rulers in Nubia, though evolution within Egypt may be a more plausible

hypothesis, considering the internal situation at the time.

48 8

Also, isolated examples of

477

Bennett, "Structure," pp. 29-30.

478

F. Hintze,

The Lost World ofElam

(London, 1972), p.

88ff.479

B. Landsberger, "Assyrische Konigsliste und dunkles Zeitalter," JC S 8 (1954), p. 31.

480

A.J. Arkell, History of the Sudan to AD 1821 (London, 1961), pp. 121, 127; D. Dunham and M.F.L.

Macadam, "Names and Relationships of the Royal Family of Napata," JEA 35 (1949), p. 149; M.F.L.

Macadam, The Temples ofKawa

I.

The Inscriptions (London, 1949), p. 124; D.B. Redford, History and

Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: Seven Studies (Toronto, 1967), p. 66. Lohwasser notes that

there is only one certain case of fratrilineal succession in Napata (Anlamani and Asp elta). A. Loh wasser,

"Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and Ideology of Royal W omen," JARCE 38 (2001), p. 64. For the most

part, there was a loosely-based collateral system, in which the office of kingship alternated between two

families within which patrilineal succession occurred (L. Torok, "On the Foundations of Kingship Ideology

in the Empire of Kush," in S. Wenig, ed., Studien zum antiken Sudan. Akten der 7. Internationalen Tagung

fur meroitistishe Forschungen vom 14. bis 19 September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin, Meroitica 15 (Berlin,

1999),

p. 276).

T.J. Barfield, The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Em pires and China (Oxford, 1989), pp. 72 ff.

482

G. Vernadsky and M . Karpovich,

A H istory of Russia,

II (New Haven, 1994) pp. 83 ff.

483

N. Davies,

The

Aztecs: a History (London, 1973), pp. 79-80.

484

L. Scheie and D. Freidel, A Forest of Kings (New York, 1990), p. 359 ff.

485

A.D. Alderson, The Structure of the O ttoman Dynasty (Oxford, 1956), pp. 10-14.

486

D. Holden, Th e House ofSaud(New York, 1981), pp. 174, 240, 381.

487

Bennett, "Structure," pp. 25-32.

488

Bennett, "Structure," p. 31.

117



brothers taking

the

throne

in

succession

can be

found

as

early

as the Old

Kingdom.

Djedefre and Khafre were both reigning sons of the king Khufu of Dynasty IV.

489

Another exam ple of brother kings

is

that of the Dynasty

XI

rulers, Sehertawy Intef and

Wahankh

Intef, who

were both sons of the god 's father, M entuhotep. Thus,

the

Dynasty

XIII example(s) may have more to do with necessity than with a deliberate modification

of kingship

itself.

Name

1. Khasekhemre Neferhotep

2. Menwadjre Sihathor

3.

Kfianeferre Sobekhotep

4. Khahotepre Sobekhotep

Further M embers

(?):

5. Wahibre Ibiaw

6. Merneferre

Ay

Generation

First

First

First

Second?

Unknown

Unknown

Regnal Length

11.25

less than

a

year

12

4.75

10.75

23.75

Table 2.1. Kings possibly related

to the

fratrilineal line of Neferhotep

I.

In Dynasty XIII, brother-to-brother succession occurred with Khasekhemre

Neferhotep

I,

Menwadjre Sahathor,

and

Kfianeferre Sobekhotep

IV

(Table 2.1).

49 0

Some

scholars have suggested that Sahathor,

who

only ruled

for

days

or

months, served

as a

Habachi, "G od's Fathers," pp. 179, 181.

Quirke, "Investigation," p. 230; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Thirteenth Dyna sty," p. 396.

118



coregent to Neferhotep without ever having occupied the throne alone.

49 1

However, there

is no clear evidence of a coregency, and it is likely that this king died due to his age,

inheriting kingship from his brother after over elev en yea rs. After the reign of the next

sibling ruler, Sobekhotep IV, his possible nephew , Khahotepre Sobekhotep V became

king, a sequence one would expect at the end of the generational line in the pattern of

fratrilineal succession. Benn ett believ es that this line continued to rule through the

reign of Merneferre Ay, due to the relatively long reign-lengths of these kings.

493

Another possible example of fratrilineal succession is Sekhemrekhutawy

Sobekhotep I and Sekhemkare Senebef as both of these rulers have double nom ens

compounded with Amenemhet.

49 4

Also, Ryholt suggests that the (Horus) Khabaw and

(Horus) Djedkheperew were brothers, though there may be some question as to the m erits

of his argument.

495

Finally, an example of collateral succession, in which a nephew

followed his uncle on the throne may have occurred during Dynasty XIII. According to

Ryholt, Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet took the throne after his grandfather,

Sekhemkare Amenemhet V; his uncle, Ameny Qemau; his cousin, Qemau

Saharnedjeritef;

and another possible relative, Iwefni.

496

He argues that this chronology

can be amended, making Ameny Q emau the grandfather of Am eny Intef Amenem het.

Thus,

in this scheme, Saharnedjeritef would have been the uncle of this king rather than a

491

Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 192, 216, n.745.

Murnane does not consider this coregency in his list of double-dated monuments for Dynasty XIII

(Murnane, C oregencies, p. 25).

492

Quirke notes that there is no actual evidence for this relationship (Quirke, "Investigation," p. 230).

49 3


4

'

M


495

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 216-218. See also below , Chapter 1, Section IV.B.12.

496

Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 107; Political Situation, pp. 214-215. Bennett expresses some doubt in

Ryho lt's reconstruction (C. Bennett, "Thutmosis I and Ahmes-Sapair," GM141 (1994), p. 35, n.34).

However, his placement of Ameny Qemau with the prenomen Semenkare is incorrect as it is found in

conjunction with Nebnun in a stela from Gebel Zeit.

119



generation al contemp orary. No nethe less, either scenario may suggest some sort of

transfer of the office of kingship through members of an extended family, preference

being shown for father-to-son succession with the alternative option of a brother or, if

dece ased , his eldest ma le heir. - •• - •

Despite the-fact that the ideological system of kingship may have allowed for

fratrilineal kingship at least in some limited circumstances, it would seem that the brother

rulers (Neferhotep I and family) had to go to great lengths to legitimize their reigns. As

with other kings of non-royal birth, Neferhotep gave his parents royal designations after

he was in office ( god's father" and "kin g's mo ther"). In inscriptions, it also appears that

Neferhotep I may have designated his heirs (his brothers) as his sons, which incorporated

them into the traditional hereditary suc cessional pattern. One must wonder if he might

have adop ted his brothers as sons to make this transition easier. How ever, if the

Westcar

Papyrus

does originate from this time period, it may be the case that there were still

doubts as to the legitimacy of this successional procedure.

III .C. Coregency

At the beginning of Dynasty XII, Amenem het I may have founded (or -

reestablished) the practice of coregency.

49 7

Thoug h some scholars do not believe that this

497

L. Berman, "Am enemhet I," dissertation, Yale University, 1985, pp. 173-203. Franke, " The Middle

Kingdom in Egypt," p. 738 ; Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p.

101;

Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near

East, p. 24 5; Leprohon, "Overview," p. 48; W.K. Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments of Sesostris I:

An Aspect of

the

Institution of Coregency in the Twelfth Dynasty,"

JNES

15 (1956), p. 216; "Studies," p.

57 ;

"Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454. .As coregency relates to the Instruction of Amenemhet, see Silverman,

"Non-Royal Burials"; "Unity and Power," pp . 35-37, 40. For evidence of coregencies in Dynasty XII, see

Murnane, Egyptian C oregencies, pp. 1-24; Valloggia, "Amenmhet IV," pp. 113-133; J. Wegner, "The

Nature and Chronology of the Senwosret III-Amenemhet III Regnal Succession. Some Considerations

Based on New Evidence from the Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos," JNES 55 (1996), pp. 266-

279.

120



method of succession existed for some or all of the Dynasty XII kings,

49 8

others credit

this innovation with the reason for why these twelve nomarchs were able to rule for over

-200 ye ars.

49 9

- • . - , • • -

Generally, the institution of coregency is a successional tool used to inhibit

would-be coups from taking place.

50 0

According to one model, an aging king might

choose an appropriate heir as coregent. This younge r king might then be placed in an

inferior position but with enough power to take the throne easily when his predecessor

died. The jun ior mo narch, under this mo del, was not given full royal titulary nor did he

have any true royal power. Nonetheless, he did gain certain titles which separated him

from the other princes and was often sent to perform military duties away from the

capital, both for his protection and to ensure

the.

sole authority of the regnant king.

5

In an equally viable model for coregency, however, it has been suggested that the

junior ruler played the primary role of king while the older one functioned in more

elusive, possibly ritual roles.

50 2

If indeed such a system existed, it may be the case that

49 8

Callender, "Renaissance," pp. 148-149; Delia, "Study," pp. 187-253; M. Eaton-Krauss, "Middle

Kingdom Coregencies and the Turin Canon," Journa l of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities

12 (1982), pp. 17-20; Franke, "Middle Kingdom," p . 398; W.J. Murnane, "Coregency," in D.B . R edford,

ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1 (Oxford, 2001), pp.

307-311;

C. Obsomer, Sesostris Ier:

Etude Chronologique etHistorique du Regne, Connaissance de l'Egypte Ancienne 5 (Bruxelles, 1995), pp.

35-161;

E.P. Uphill, "The Question of Pharaonic Co-Regency," DE 49 (2001), p. 82. For additional

sources for and against the coregency of Amenemhet I and Senwosret I, see C. Obsomer, "La Date de

Nesou-Montou (Louvre CI)," Rd'E 44 (1993), pp . 103-140. For the impact of coregency upon art styles,

see C. Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art in Ancient Egypt (London, 1969), p. 24.

499

Quirke, "Royal Power."138; Hayes, Scepter, p. 172; Hornung, "Pharaoh," p. 297; Leprohon,

"Overview," p. 48; Simpson, "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I," p. 214.

50

A similar system was used by the Inca in order to prevent usu rpation

(H .

J.M. Claessen, "The Balance of

Power in Primitive States," in S.L. Seaton and H. Claessen, eds.,

Political Anthropology: The State of the

Ar t (New York, 1979), p. 189).

501

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.

281;

D. Lorton, "Terms of Coregency in the Middle Kingdom,"

VA 2

(1986),

pp. 113-120; Murnane, "Coregency," p. 308.

502

Simpson, "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I," pp. 214-219; Wegner, "Nature and

Chronology," pp. 274-275. Note that Simpson suggested that the junior regent was granted either segments

of

the

pharaonic d uties, or there was combined rule between the two kings. He suggests that, like a sed

121



the practice of coregency evolved over time from the first model to the second or that the

titles of the two kings depended upon the circumstances surrounding the reign of the

elder ruler. If he was in bad health, it may be the case that his heir would rec eive the

throne early, taking the authority of the state while leaving his predecessor in a revered

role in the religious realm. In either model, the young er king wo uld develop his authority

with his generational peers, something, which w ould survive the death of the senior king.

In this system, the junio r monarch began counting his regnal years, resulting in two sets

CAT

of dates (those of the older and youn ger king) being in effect at the same time.

The value of such a model may be suggested in the literary m asterpieces,

The

Instructions of Amenemhet I to his Son

504

and Sinuhe.

50 5

From both of these sources, one

may learn that the king may have been assassinated or may have survived an attempt on

his life by members of the court.

50 6

Acc ording to the assassination scenario, in The

festival, this practice may have been used to maintain the power of Horus (the divine institution of

kingship) in an aging ruler (Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments of Sesostris I," p. 214).

503

Kemp , "Social History," p. 79. For titles associated with coregency, see Lorton, "Term s," pp. 113-120;

Murnane,

Egyptian C oregencies,

pp. 254, 255, 258, 269. Note that "king's son" was used as an honorary

title by this time and is often found in connection with military leaders and others, who were not related to

the ruler (Franke, "A ltagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 308-309 ; "Review of W ard,

Essays," p. 229; Redford, "The Hy ksos," p. 2; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp.

100-101;

Ward,

Index,

p. 145; Ward,

Essays,

p p. 39-40, 40-44, 120).

504

K. Jansen-W inkeln, "Das Attentat auf A menemhet I. und die erste Agyptische Koregentschaft,

SAK

18 (1991), pp. 241-264; .,"Zu den Koregenzen der 12. Dynastie," SAK 24 (1997), pp. 115-135. For

references to the issues of coregency and the dating of this text, see Baines, "Definition," p.

2 1;

Murnane,

"Coregency," p. 308. Manetho also suggests foul play at the end of Amenemh et's reign (Callender,

"Renaissance," p. 160). For further bibliographic information concerning this text, see Bellion,

Catalogue

des Ma nuscrits,

pp. 329-330; Silverman, "Non-Royal B urials." Obsomer does not believe that this text or

Sinuhe supports the existence of

a

coregency during the reigns of

these

kings (Obsomer,

Sesostris ler,

pp.

112-133).

R. Parkinson, "Sinuhe," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,

3 (Oxford,

2001), p. 292; Obsomer, "Sinouhe l'Egyptian etl es Raisons de son Exil."

Le Museon

112 (1999), pp. 207-

271.

Bain es was the first among m any scho lars to analyze this story as a literary piece rather than a work

of propaganda (J. Baines, "Interpreting Sinuhe,"

JEA

68 (1982), pp. 31-44). He sees the work as reflecting

basic Egyptian values and beliefs but does not agree that it demonstrates any propag and ists features. For

further bibliographic information, see Bellion,


pp. 351-353.

506

C allender, "Renaissance," p . 160; Frankfort,


p. 102; Grimal,

History,

pp. 161-

163; Hornung,

History,

p . 54; Lesko, "Textual Sources," p. 796; Simpson, "The Single-Dated M onuments

122



Instructions, the deceased Amenemhet I advises his son to have no friends and to trust no

one.

From

Sinuhe,

it is clear that the prince, Senwosret I, was occupied with military

campa igns in the Libyan front. One can imagine the scenario in which Senwo sret

received news of his father's death and rushed back to the Residence to claim the throne.

How ever, with the aid of a coregency, there is little question o ver who the rightful h eir

is .

50 7

Thus, a possible coup d'etat was avoided, and Dynasty XII continued for two

of Sesostris I," p. 216; "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454; T obin,

Theological Principles,

p. 87. The historical

merit of these and other literary works is questioned by some. See Assmann,

Mind of Egypt,

pp. 138-139;

Assmann and Blumenthal, eds.,

Literatur undPolitik;

J. Baines, "Research on Egyptian Literature:

Background, D efinitions, Prospects," in Z. Haw ass, ed.,

Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First

Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000,

3 (New Y ork,

2003), pp. 5-8; A. Foster, "The Conclusion to the Testament of Amm enemes, K ing of

Egypt, JE A

67

(1981), pp. 36-47; "Instructions of Am enemhet," in D .B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Encyclopedia of A ncient

Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p.

171;

W.J. Murnane, "Response to D.B. Redford (The W riting of the History of

Ancient Egy pt)," in Z. Hawass, ed.,

Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of

the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000, 2

(New York, 2003 ), pp. 15-18; W.K.

Simpson, "Response to J. Baines (Research on Egyptian Literature)," in Z. Hawass, ed.,

Egyptology at the

Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists

Cairo, 2000,

3 (New York, 2003), pp. 45-47. On the other hand, Redford believes that regarding these

works as complete fiction is erroneous. See D.B . Redford, "Th e W riting of

the

History of Ancient E gypt,"

in Z. Hawass, ed.,

Egyptology a t the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth

International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000, 2

(New York, 2003), p. 4. Some scholars suggest

that

The Instruction o f Amenemhet I to his Son

records an unsuccessful attempt to kill the king, which

initiated the ruler's desire to create a coregency with his son, the reasons being evident in the story of

Sinuhe

as this story may show that the king was eventually murdered (Leprohon, "Overview," p . 48;

Murnane,

Egyptian C oregencies,

pp. 249-250). G. Burkard argues that the assassination attempt was

unsuccessful, but there was no coregency (Burkard, '"Al s Gott erschienen spricht er' D ie Lehre des

Amenem het als postumes Ve rmachtnis," in J. Assmann and E. Blumenthal,

Literature und

Politik,

(Cairo,

1999), pp. 153-165). For both sides of the debate, see M. Lichtheim, "Didactic Literature," in A. Loprieno,

ed.,

Ancient Eg yptian Literature

(New York, 1996), p. 248.

507

For a summary of

the

arguments both for and against a coregency, see Posener,

Litterature et Politique,

pp .

65-66, 80-81, 84, 102. Grimal argues that The Instructions of Amenemhet I dates to Dynasty XVIII

and rejects that these are events of that period (N. Grimal, "Coregence et Association au Trone:

l'Enseignement d'Am enemhat Ier,"

BIFAO

95 (1995), pp. 273-280). Note that Simpson believes that since

Sinuhe

fled upon hearing the news of Am enemhet's death, the argument m ight be made that a clear-cut

succession, due to a coregency, may not have occurred. See Simpson, "Twelfth Dynasty," p. 454. Also,

Franke notes that Senwosret would not have had to return suddenly from L ibya at the news of his father's

death, if

the

succession had been solidified by a coregency. See Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt,"

p. 73 8. Kemp thinks that there was instability even with the coregency of

the

two kings (Kemp, "Social

History," p. 79). Leprohon discusses the practice of having an accession ceremony at sunrise on the day

following that on which the previous king died. This tradition might also be a reason why even a coregent

might hasten to return to the capital after his father's death. See Leprohon, "R oyal Ideology," p. 277. Delia

argues that

Sinuhe

does not dem onstrate a coregency (R. Delia, "Doubts about Double D ates and

Coregencies,"

BES

4 (1982), p. 67).

123



centuries. Of course, it would be a mistake not to see these literary pieces as prop aganda

in their own right, thus making the validity o f actual historical facts unc ertain.

508

Nonetheless, for our purposes of understanding how a coregency might work, this

illustration of the process is invaluable. In theory, this form of succession may hav e

continued until the last few reigns of the dynasty when, ultimately, a wom an, Nefrusobek

claimed the office of kingship.

An alternative to co regency was for the king to appoint the heir as vizier or to

allow him to take part in administrative duties and military endeavors witho ut actually

crowning him as a ruler.

509

Uph ill sees this option as the preferable alternative for the

interpretation of the early Dynasty XII evidence found in texts such as Sinuhe and the

Instructions ofAmenemhet I or his Son outlined above. Here, the successor is clearly

in a position of some royal power even though there is no direct evidence that he has

been crowned.

Wegner has argued for a coregency between Senwosret III and Amenemhet III of

Dynasty X II due to a control note dated to a year 39 as well as other material found

Note that in Hie Instruction ofAmenem het I, the spirit of

the

possibly deceased king asks his son,

Senwosret, to be his successor and may also refer to how he did not have the time to prepare his son for the

role of king or announce him as his choice (Berman, "Amenem het I, pp. 195-202). Thus, a coregency

would not make sense under these circumstanc es. Some scholars believe that this story may actually have

served as propaganda supporting Senwosret's claim to the throne as well as his authority to punish his

adversaries (Callender, "Renaissance," p. 160; Posener, Litterature et-Politique, pp . 19-20). Posener sees

the work as being political in nature as a means to legitimize the rule of Senwosret I (Posener, litterature et

Politique, pp. 64, 65, 75-76, 85-86). Delia believes that the story simply refers to the normal me ans of

royal heredity and does not reflect the desire to create a system of coregency (Delia, "Study," pp. 196, 229-

230;

"Dou bts," p. 66). Simpson notes that the motives behind

The

Instructions ofAmenemhet I

cannot be

fully understood because the context behind the composition of the story is unkno wn. He suggests that a

balanced approach be taken in interpreting

Sinuhe

and other works (Simpson, "Belles Lettres and

Propaganda," in A. Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature (New Y ork, 1996), pp. 441 , 443). See also

C. Theriault, '"The Instruction ofAmenemhet' as Propaganda," JARCE 30 (1993), pp. 151-160.

509

U phill, "Question," p. 81.

510

Uphill, "Question," p. 82.

124



around the temple of the earlier king at South Abydo s.

51 1

In this case the form of

coregency used was that in which the junior ruler played a more active role than the

senior one, possibly taking epithets associated with the deceased, Thus , coregency at this

point and in Dyna sty XIII, if it existed, may be m uch m ore difficult to identify than

originally thought. - - . • - . - . • - - - - -

Some reigns of Dynasty XIII, like those of the preceding Dynasty, may have been

characterized by coregencies. Mu rnane outlines the occurrences of two royal names on a

single artifact as evidence for a coregency. How ever, none of these examples appear

to provide any conclusive'data for the existence of

coregencies,

since they often do not

represent consecutive rulers and do not ha ve double dating (year x of king A , year y of

king B), the most convincing evidence.

513

The first possible coregency is that of (Horus) Khabaw and Awibre Hor, whose

names are found on a limestone block, originally from an architrave.

51 4

Ryholt places

Khabaw after Awibre Hor, presuming that this inscription indicates a coregency or a

chronological link between them.

51 5

Alternatively, Allen suggests that Hor wished to

associate himself with an earlier king like when he did the same with Nymaatre

511

Wegner, "Nature and Chronology," pp. 249-279;

The Mortuary Temple ofSenwosretffl.

Publication of

the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of

Fine

Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven, 2007) pp. 19, 36-40.

Ryholt believes that there may have been a coregency between Amenemhet III and Amenemhet IV

(Ryholt,


pp. 209-210). For coregencies between Senwosret III and Amenemh et III and

the latter with Amenem het IV, see also Leprohon, "Am enemhet III," pp. 297-321, 195-197.

5 ,2

Murnane,

Egyptian Coregencies,

pp. 24-26. Note that Callender argues that it is impossible to

determine wh ether double dates refer to two kings ruling at the same time or consecutive king s, under

whic h an official served (Callende r, "Ren aissance," p. 149). .

513

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.

281;

Murnane,


pp. 1-2; "In Defense of the

Middle Kingdom Double Dates,"

BE S 3

(1981), pp. 73-82.

514

M ontet,

La Necropole Royale,

pp. 71-72, PI. XXVIII; Murnane,


p. 25.

515

See Chapter 1, Section IV.B.12.

125



(Amenemhet III) on a faience plaque.

5

A statue base from Medamud displays the names of Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet

and Khutawyre Wegaf. Many scholars, who believe that the position of Wegaf in the

Turin King-List

is correct, state that it is impossible that this ruler and Sedjefakare Kay

Amenem het were coregents. They argue that Wegaf was venerated by A menemhet

through the inscription or that the object was simply reused. How ever, Ryh olt places

Wegaf after Amenemhet because he believes that this king was switched with

Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I.

518

His evidence for this placement

includes the Med amud ob ject linking these two kings . Due to his interpretation of double

names and his theory that those without these are usurpers, he does not believe that these

kings were coregents. How ever, if chronological proximity and the name s of two kings

on a single monument are indicators of coregency, then these rulers must remain

candidates at this time. Ano ther object with two royal names, an ostracon from

Elephantine, dated to the Late Period, pairs Wegaf with a Senwosret from that location.

This significantly later piece is not applicable to the issue of coregencies as it was

probably a scribal exercise.

520

The brother kings may also have used coregencies. Several scholars have

516

J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50; A. Erman, "Miscellen,"

ZAS

33 (1895), p. 143. See also Murnane ,

"Coregency," p. 25; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,p.

30.

517

Legrain, "N otes," p. 251, Fig. 251; Murnane,


p. 25; Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, p.

227; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 30.

518

Ryholt,


pp. 219-220. For others who place Wegaf within Dynasty XIII, see Chapter

1, Section IV .B.l .

519

Legrain, "Notes," pp. 250-252; Murnane ,


p. 24 ; Ryholt,


p .

341.

520

Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Murnan e,


p. 24; Ry holt,

Political

Situation,

pp . 192, 216, n.745.

126



suggested that there was a coregency between Neferhotep I and Sahathor.

521

In fact, it is

often believed that the latter never actually ruled alone, as his reign was quite short and

his influence almost undetectable. Meanwhile, the names of Neferhotep I and

Sobekhotep IV, who follows Sahathor in the

Turin King-List,

are on two opposite sides of

sandstone block from Karnak. Since the two kings are not necessarily incorporated

into a single design, it is likely that they w ere carved at different times, and the block is

not proof of a coregency.

523

However, Habachi has argued that the Wadi Ham mam at

inscription (the

Debono Stela),

which shows Neferhotep I's names after those of Sahathor

and Sobekhotep IV, may indicate a coregency.

524

Both of these kings are designated with

epithets, which indicate that the rulers were either coregents or deceased individua ls. It is

likely that, since this inscription also includes the deceased parents of Sobekhotep IV as

M r

well as his children, it simply refers to his living and deceased family members.

Though coregency may have existed in Dynasty XIII, there is no concrete evidence to

prove that it played a part in the succession of kings at this time .

526

With the reigns of kings being so short, it may be the case that some rulers in the

Late Midd le Kingdom m ay have served as regents for child rulers. In this way a type of

coregency may have existed. Some of them may have been outside of the royal family

proper and may have usurped the position from the previous royal family.

521

Dewachter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 66; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp . 192, 216, n.745.

522

A. Mariette, Karnak, Etude topographie et archeologique (L eipzig, 1875), PL 8, n, o; Petrie, History, p .

213;

W eigall, Pharaohs, p. 159. See also Dew achter, "Roi Sahathor et la famille," p. 71 .

523

Murnane, "Coregency," p. 25.

524

Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," p. 80. See Chapter 1, Section

IV.B.21.

525

Some scholars have argued that there were no coregencies in ancient Egypt (R. Delia, "A New Look at

Some Old Dates: A Re-Examination of the Twelfth Dynasty Double Dated Inscriptions," BE S 1 (1979), pp.

15-28;

"Study," pp. 187-253; "Doubts."; Obsomer, Sesostris Ier, pp. 35-161). In response, see Murnane,

"Double Dates," pp. 73-82.

526

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 19, 34, n. 87.

127



III.D.

Usurpation

It is likely that usurpation occurred during Dynasty XIII, since the normal

successional lines may have been in question, and conditions within Egypt m ay not have

been favorable.

527

There are some indications that high officials including military

leaders may have become kings during this time.

52 8

Usurpations likely occurred during

the reigns of ineffective kings and shortly after the death of others.

Any hostile takeover of this nature must have been supported by at least a sector

of the elite or the military in order to have been successful. Another means of usurpation

was through the support of a powerful cult. In Dynasty XIII, the gods Am un and

Sobek are most prevalent in the names of

rulers.

How ever, it is uncertain as to the power

of such institutions at this time. Interestingly, in the reign of Kheperure Intef of Dynasty

XVII, the cult of Min at Coptos appears to have been punished for their support of the

Hyksos kings, showing that cults of this era could involve themselves heavily in political

matters. Also , at the beginning of Dynasty XII, the cult of Am un took precedence over

that of Montu, possibly indicating that the priests of the former supported the assent of

Amenem het I to the throne.

III.E.

Elective K ingship

In 1933, Junker proposed "elective kingship" as an explanation for the seemingly

Breasted, History, p . 214.

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp.

87-91;

"Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443.

Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," pp. 463-464.

128



chaotic situation in Dynasty XIII kingship.

530

In this system, each new king was selected

through what may have been some form of

election.

More recently, Lorton has suggested

that such a system may have existed in the Old Kingdom and beyond with a king coming

from a group eligible for the office. This person was then chosen or approved by the

military, cult or some other powerful institution.

The system of elective kingship has also been proposed for the Kushite kings of

Dynasty XX V /

J i

In scenes depicting the coronation, the new king is presented to the

god, Amun of Napata, by the officials, m ilitary and priests. Then, the god accepts the

king, legitimizing his reign. Since this process is masked in ritual, it is unclear if there

was actually some sort of election between eligible heirs or whether this type of scene

simply serves to legitimize the ruler through a religious proceeding.

533

I I I .F .

Selective Kingship

In 1954, Hayes developed his own hypothesis concerning the mechanics of

succession in Dynasty XIII by refining that of Junker.

534

Hayes conducted a detailed

study

of Brooklyn M useum Papyrus 35.1446,

in which two royal decrees (judicial

530

H. Junker and L. Delaporte, Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg, 1933), pp. 1 03-104. See also von

Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443. A similar theory has often been suggested for the Hyksos

kings (Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 113).

531

Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," p. 462. See also R. Anthes, "The Original Meaning of

mr hrw," JNES 13 (1954), pp. 21-51, 191-192..

532

Torok, "Foundations of Kingship," pp. 274, 276-278.

533

L. Bell identifies the birth room of Amenemhet III at Luxor as the actual or symbolic site for such a

ritual (L. Bell, "Cult of the Royal Ka," pp. 263-270, 273-290).

W.C. Hayes, A Papyrus of

the

Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn, 1955), pp.

144-149. See also Hayes, "Egypt: From the Dea th," p. 44. For a more recent study, see Quirke ,

The

Administration of Egypt, pp. 127-149. See also Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 11-12, no. 16-17.

For further bibliographic information, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, p p. 92-93.

129



petitions, Insertions B and C on the recto) were made to a vizier named Ankhu.

Insertion C

cites an unnam ed king, w ho ruled for at least six years while

Insertion B

may

date to year five of the same ruler. Hayes claims that the handwriting of

Insertion B

appears to date to slightly before a third record, verso

Text

A,

w hich he dates to year

1

of

Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III.

53

^ Therefore, he considers that the contemporary

Insertions B

and

C

must date to the reign immed iately prior to

Text A.

After dating his texts, Hayes continues to speculate concerning the king listed in

Insertion C

and presumably

B .

He searches.for a king, who ruled for a period of six years

and who preceded Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. Hayes identifies the unnamed

king as Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf, basing his theory on monuments at Medamud,

which have his name juxtapo sed next to that of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III,

though he acknowledges that some scholars place Sobekemsaf in Dynasty XVII.

537

Ha yes ' argument then turns to the vizier Ankh u and the kings he served. He notes

that two stelae from Abydo s prove that this official worked under a Nimaankh are

Khendjer II while the larger text in

Papyrus Bulaq 18

refers to a vizier Ankhu serving

under a Sobekhotep, who Hayes equates with Sobekhotep III.

53 8

The smaller text in

Papyrus Bulaq 18 also mentions Ankhu but does not name the king. Noneth eless, Hayes

claims that this text is contemporary with

Insertion B

in the

Brooklyn Museum Papyrus

and, thus, also dates to the reign of Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf.

539

535

Hayes,

A Papyrus,

pp . 71-85, Pis. V-VI.

536

Hayes, "Notes on the Government," pp . 38-39; Haye s,

A Papyrus,

pp . 67, PI. XIII; Hayes, "Egyp t: From

the Death," p. 49.

537

Hayes,

A Papyrus,

pp. 145-146; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 47. Such a conclusion comes from

the excavator's remarks. See Bisson de la Roqu e,

Medamoud 1928,

p. 5.

538

Hayes, A Papyrus, p p. 73 , 146; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," pp . 47-4 8.

539

Hayes,

A Papyrus,

p . 73.

130



In the course of his reconstruction Hayes devises the following mini king-list:

Woserkare Khendjer I, Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw, Nimaankhare Khendjer II,

Sehotepkare Intef V,

54

Meribre Seth,

542

Seldiemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf and

Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. According to this list, Ankhu may have served

five kings from Khendjer II to Sobekho tep III.

543

Though Hayes states that moving Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf to Dynasty

XV II might result in a collapse of the theory in which Ankhu served as vizier for five

reigns, he continues to focus on Ankh u and his family and the office of vizier.

544

Ankhu's father may have been a vizier, though there is no evidence that Ankhu inherited

his office directly from h im. Resuseneb and Aym eru, An kh u's son s, also were viziers,

the latter serving under another Sobek hotep. An Aym eru, son of Aym eru served under

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, and Hayes suggests that he may have been a nephew of

Ankhu.

With such a long string of presumably related viziers, Hayes believed that he

could discern the dynamics of Dynasty XIII kingship.

54 5

It seemed to him that the

viziership was more powerful than the royal throne, since all of the kings appeared to be

unrelated wh ile the viziers passed their office through me mbe rs of the family. Thus, the

succession of viziers seems to have been more stable than that of

kings.

540

Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 145-147.

541

Note that Hayes reconstructs the name as [Nefer?]ka[re] Intef. The name has been changed here to

reflect the form used by Ryholt. See Hayes,

A Papyrus,

p. 146.

542

The placement of Seth is not discussed, but he is listed in a footnote as one of the potential five kings.

See Hayes, A Papyrus, pp . 147, n. 514. For the placement of

this

king, see von Beckerath, Handbuch, p.

285 (20), and Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 73 (25).

543


544

Hayes, A Papyrus, p. 145.

545


131



Returning to Ju nker's earlier model,

54 6

Hayes devised a theory, which accounted

for his findings.

547

He rejected the idea that there was any concept of "popular elections"

as ancient Egyptian society was not "politically advanced " enough. Instead, he suggests

that the vizier or a group of high-ranking officials selected a m an to serve as king for a

specified amount of

time.

This person would carry the titles of king and wear royal

regalia, but would posses no real power.

To illustrate his theory, Hayes refers to Insertions B and C on the recto of the

Brooklyn Papyrus.

54

In these royal decrees, the king command ed the vizier, Ankh u, to

handle judicial dispu tes at Thebes. Thu s, Hayes suggests that the king received these

comp laints and forwarded them to the vizier, the acting seat of power, because h e no

longer had the authority to act injudicial proceedings.

5 9

I I I .F.1. Scholarly Acceptance

Hay es' theory had a profound impact on the study of Dynasty XIII and was

unconditionally accepted for many years.

55 0

In fact, even recently, some general histories

still claim that the viziers of this period controlled the office of kingship du ring Dy nasty

546

Junker and D elaporte, Die Volker, pp. 104-105 . See Chapter 2, Section IV.D .

547

Hayes, A Papyrus, p. 148.

548

Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 148,171-185, Pis. V, VI.

549

Hayes,

A Papyrus,

p. 79.

530

Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 12 3, 132. F or example, see how this theory frames the interpretations in

W.K. Simpson, "Sobkemhet, A Vizier of Sesostris III," JEA 43 (1957). See also K. Butzer, "Long-term

Nile Flood Variation and Political Discontinuities in Pharaonic Egypt," in J.D. Clarke and S.A. Brandt,

eds., From Hunters to Farmers, (Berkeley, 1984), p. 109; Gardiner, Pharaohs, pp. 153-154; Helck,

Geschichte, p. 118; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp . 86-93; "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443; Ward,

Essays, pp. 47-48; Williams, "Problems," pp. 1224, 1229.

132



XIII.

55 1

In an article from 1987, Cruz-Uribe restates H aye s' idea that a, family of viziers

had significant control over the country, while kings held the throne for short periods of

time and were "sh uttled on and off the throne, by some, as yet unrecognized, political

procedure."

55 2

In the same article, he cites the reforms of Senwosret III as leading to the

cause of the fall of the M iddle Kingdom-since these administrative changes resulted in

taking power from the many nom archs and placing it in the hands of the viziers, who

eventually held mo re authority than the ruler

himself,

who became nothing more than a

"puppet king."

553

In another publication, Kem p takes a less overt approach to this theory stating that

the viziers maintained the "continuity of govern men t" as the "hereditary principle of

royal succession.. .broke down."

55 4

Thu s, while not suggesting directly that the viziers

appointed kings , this scholar alludes to a scenario, in which these officials somehow

preserved the administrative aspects of the state while kingship suffered a period of

chaos. Me anwh ile, Verner suggests that families, which held important positions, often

vied with one another in order to gain the power of kingship.

55 5

Likewise, Bietak

imagines a chaotic atmosphere where both "usurpers" and "kingmakers" were active.

556

He states:

551

Grimal,

History,

p. 183; Hornung,

History,

p . 70; A.B. Knapp,

The History and C ulture of Ancient

Western Asia and Egypt

(Belmont, CA, 1988), pp . 167-168. See also Gundlach, "Grundgegeb enheiten,"

pp .

8 4-85, 90.

552

Cruz-Uribe, "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom," p. 107. See also Z. Hawass,

Hidden Treasures of the

Egyptian Museum

(Cairo, 2002), p. 34.

55 3

Cruz-Uribe, "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom ," p. 111; "A Model for the Political Structure of Ancient

Egypt," in D.P. Silverman, ed.,

For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer,

SAOC 55 (Chicago,

1994),

pp. 49, 50. For the opposing views, see section IV.E .2. For the possible reforms of Senwosret III,

see Chapter 2, Section 1

.II.A.

1.

554


555

Verner,

Great Monuments,

p . 434.

556

Bietak, "Ov erview," p. 54.

133





substantial criticism of Hayes' theory that the vizier held the power in Dynasty XIII.

560

To be fair, on e must realize that Hayes formulated his idea prior to the chrono logical

analyses of the Second Intermediate Period kings found in the Turin King-List conducted

by scholars such as von Beckerath,

561

Franke,

56 2

and Ryholt.

563

Thus, his knowledge of

the chronology of the period was limited. The problem, non etheless, lies in<the fact that

so many scholars continue to repeat his mistakes in their surveys of history or in their

argumen ts. Even Hayes was not certain of his own conclusion, allowing for the

possibility that the vizier Ankhu really only served under two kings.

564

In reality, there are many essential problems w ith Hay es' theory. First of all,

there is only one king with the nomen Khendjer.

565

Also, scholars currently place

Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf either at the end of Dynasty XIII or the beginning of

Dynasty XVII, and, thus, he plays no part in a reign, in which Ankhu served as vizier and

was not the unnamed king in

Insertions B

and

C

in the

Brooklyn Museum Papyrus.

The main error in Hayes' theory resulted from an incorrect dating of Papyrus

Bulaq 18

to Sekhem resewadjtawy Sobekh otep III, wh en the correct reign is likely to be

prior to his and closer to that of Khendjer.

566

Thu s, it is likely that Ankhu held the office

of vizier for on ly two reigns instead of five,

567

and Insertions B and C date to the reigns

560

Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 3-4, 227-233 ; "Royal Power," pp. 123-139. See also Franke, "Zur

Chronologie," p. 246; O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 6 1; Quirke, "Visible and invisible," pp. 67-68; Titles

and Bureau, p. 85.

561

von Beckerath, Untersuchungen.

562

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 245-274.

563

Ryholt, Political Situation.

564


565

566

See Chapter 1, Section IV.B.15.

O.D. Berlev, "Zamecanija k papirusu Bulak 18," Drevnij Mir (1962), pp. 50-55 ; Quirke, "Royal Power,"

p.

134; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 47-48.

567

Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.

135



of one of these two kings.

56 8

Ryholt has re-identified the king in

Papyrus Bulaq 18

as

Imyremeshaw or Intef,

569

which would amend the details of Quirke's argument without

changing his overall conclusions.

Quirke also notes that the significance of the stelae of Amenysoneb from Abydos

cnr\

(Louvre C11-C12),

used by Hayes to date Ankhu to Khendjer is anything but certain.

The first stela names Ankhu, while the second has roughly-carved cartouches of

Nym aatre next to that of Khendjer. It isn 't even certain that An khu served under

Khendjer, since these are two separate stelae, but they are close in time, likely

consecutive.

Ha yes' evaluation of An khu's relatives in the role of vizier may be somewhat

stretched o nce he discusses the family mem bers beyond this official's grandfather and

sons. How ever, it is clear that there was at least a small group of related viziers during

the middle of Dynasty XIII. Nonetheless, Ankh u's role in Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446 in

the decrees is completely normal.

571

Likew ise, the later vizier Aym eru Neferkare (not the

same as Aymeru son of Ankhu), also demonstrates a subservient relationship to

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV.

57 2

Finally, Ankhu is mentioned in neither the pyramid of

Woserkare Khendjer at Sakkara nor in the temple of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I at

Hayes' conclusion that the handwriting in

Text

A, which contains the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy

Sobekhotep III, and was later than that of Insertions B and C, still applies under this revised dating of

Papyrus Bulaq 18. •

569

See Chapter 1, section IV.B.16.

570

Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 47; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 134. See W.K. Simpson, The

Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: T he Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and

13 ,

Publications of the

Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 5 (New Haven and Philadelphia, 1974), PI. 80.

571

Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 133, 134; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; Helck, Historische-Biographische,

pp .

7-9, nos. 12, 13. For a translation of the texts of Amenysoneb, see M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian

Autobiographies Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom (Frieburg, 1988), pp.

80-83.

In genera l, all private

monum ents were theoretically granted by the king in ancient Egypt (Hornung, "Pharao h," p. 283). The

Late Middle Kingdom practices do not appear to have deviated from this norm.

572

Franke, Personendaten, p. 5 5, Doss. 24; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 133; "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396.

136



Med amud . Non etheless, the fact that An khu 's mother is the only elite M iddle

Kingdom wom an to possess a statue at Kam ak and the appearance of this vizier's n ame

on a private stelae (priest of Ameny soneb at Abyd os) show that this official must hav e

been extraordinary.

574

Quirke notes that the king is not mentioned in

Papyrus Bulaq 18,

leading scholars

of the past to believe that the vizier, whose name appears at the tops of several lists of

some day entries, was in control of the administration.

575

However, Quirke has

demons trated that the lists do not represent functional hierarchies but rather are arranged

according to status groupings within general categories. Thu s, the vizier, being the

highest ranking official below the king , always appears at the tops of categories

pertaining to any aspect of his duties. Finally, the king does not appear in the papyrus

because , in effect, all items paid or su pplied to individuals belon g to him.

In general, the well-known viziers of Dynasty XIII are not significantly more

powerful tha n other officials, wh o held this position.

576

Naturally, when the kingdom

was m ore stable, and royal reigns were longer, the viziers were able to benefit from the

prosperity of the nation, but only in the traditional proportion to that which the king

received. Likew ise, the occurrence of a single family within an office over time is not

unusu al in ancient Egyptian history. Acco rdingly, Quirke states that there is no inversion

573

The names of viziers are never found in royal, mortuary inscriptions. Usua lly, officials related to the

treasury/construction administration are the ones whose names appear in such contexts (Quirke, "Royal

Power," pp. 134, 135). '

574

Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, pp. 80-82; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 134.

5

Q uirke, "Investigation," pp. 23-188; The Administration of Egypt, pp. 58-59, 120-121.

576

Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 215, 216; "Royal Power," p. 135. For directives of a vizier

from the reign of Senwosret I, see W.K. Simpson, Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign

ofSesostris I [:] Papyrus Reisner

II.

Transcription and C ommentary, Papyrus Reisner II (Boston, 1965),

pp .

20-22, Pis. 27-28, 10.

137



in the relationship between the royal authority and his bureaucracy. How ever, his

conclusion does not mean that more minor shifts in the distribution of power did not

occur. It is evident that the king did lose some powe r, since royal names ap pear much

more rarely on private monuments than previously, and rulers conducted fewer quarrying

expeditions and produced less statuary and other state-commissioned works.

As discussed in other parts of this thesis, the relationship between the king and the

administrative class appears to have rem ained relatively stable throughout Dynasty XIII,

even though there are isolated exam ples, which seem to push this line. Other items

clearly show respect for the ruler. For exam ple, a staff from the tomb of Sonebnay and

his wife Khons carries the cartouche of the king, Sewahenre.

57 9

This, along with the titles

of the man, such as htmw-bity, denote a high rank and association with the national

admin istration. These sorts of inscriptions clearly show that the highest respect of the

people and their largest claim to rank was through the king and not the vizier.

One reason why viziers have mistakenly been understood to wield so much power

is the fact that many of them had the same or similar names, leading scholars to assume

they held their position for longer than the kings they served.

58 0

Von Beckerath identifies

at least three or four viziers named Aym eru.' One of these was the son of the vizier

Ankhu while another was the son of the hrp-wsht (director of the broad court),

3 / /

Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 136.

578

Quirke, "Royal Powe r," p. 136.

579

O.D. Berlev, "A Contemporary of King Sew ah-en-Re,'"

JEA

60 (1974), pp. 106-113.

580

Stock, like Hayes, did not recognize the fact that there may be more than one A nkhu and Aymeru

(Stock,

13. bis 17. Dynastie Agyptens,

p . 54).

581

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 98-99. See also E. Delange,

Musee du Louvre: Statues

Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire

(Paris, 1987), pp. 66-68.

138



Aymeru.

58 2

A third Aymeru was the son of the vizier Ay who had previously been the

governor of El Kab.

58 3

The possible fourth Ay meru had no displayed filiation, but had a

double name including Neferkare.

58 4

Habachi and Dodson have suggested that the

Aymeru with statuary in the Heqaib sanctuary at Elephantine is the same as Aymeru

Neferkare dating to Sobekhotep IV.

58 5

Thu s, there are at least three viziers of the name

Aymeru: Aymeru son of the vizier Ankhu, Aymeru (-Neferkare) son of the controller of

the hall Aym eru and A ymeru son of the vizier Ay.

It also may be the case that there were several viziers with the name Ankhu

though none have filiation displayed in connection with their names.

5

The stela of

a

W epwaw ethotep, indicates that his wife's father, Ankhu, and two brothers, Resuseneb

and Aymeru had held the office of vizier.

58 7

Von Beckerath believes that Ankhu or one

of the Ankhus was likely the son of another vizier since

Cairo Statue 42034

refers to his

mother "viz ier's wife" as well as "vizier's m other."

58 8

Louvre Cll and CI2 of

Amenysoneb

58 9

dates a vizier Ankhu to slightly later than Nimaankhare Khendjer.

590

Likewise, von Beckerath places the Ankhu in

Papyrus Brooklyn, Insertions B and C

just

prior to Sobekhotep III.

59 1

Meanw hile, he believes that Papyrus Bulaq 18 should date to

582

Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 37-38, no. 48. Stela Cairo CG 20690 and Turin Statuette 1220;

Heidelberg Statue 274.

583

Mioso, A Reading Book, p. 21, line 25. Cairo Stela JE 52453.

584

von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp . 263-265 . This Aymeru is the same as that with father

Aymeru as shown in a stela from Karnak.

585

Dodson, Monarchs, p. 69; Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," p. 49; "Studies," pp. 261-278.

586

von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp. 263-264.

587

Franke, Personendaten, p . 154, Doss . 207. See also Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 257. Cairo Stela

CG 20690.

588

von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 99. For the evidence of

the

relationship between Ankhu and

Resuseneb in Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, see Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 147-149.

Franke, Personendaten, p. 108, Doss. 125.

590

von Beckerath, "Notes on the Viziers," pp. 265-2 67. See also Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 257.

591


139



Sekhemrekhutawy Am enemhet Sobekhotep I. It should be noted that Ryh olt's

reassignment of the date of Papyrus Bulaq 18 to Imyremeshaw or Intef in his chronology

or the order of the rulers in the

T urin King-List

would alleviate the need to have more

than one vizier Ankhu.

The approach to the Dynasty XIII material after Hayes' study is in sharp contrast

to that of Petrie from much earlier.

592

Petrie took a more unbiased approach. Though,

some of his conclusions are incorrect, the data from his relatively lengthy presentation

can be analyzed easily, correcting for mistakes made due to the lack of information and

the early state of the study of the

T urin King-List

at this time. Thu s, it is necessary to

return to such methods to reevaluate this time period while considering other theories.

Only in this way will the truth of the events of the period ever be discovered, to whatever

degree that is possible.

III.G. Circulating Succession

As noted above, it was Quirke, who effectively questioned H aye s' theory

concerning the existence of a ruling body of viziers and officials that appointed the king

for determined p eriods of time. In the process of criticizing this idea, Quirke de veloped

his own hypothesis based on an anthropological model of kingship,

59 3

a process that

becomes apparent in a later article.

59

Quirke believes that father-to-son succession probably was the ancient Egyptian

Petrie,

History,

pp. 200-227.

Quirke, "Royal Power."

Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty."

140



ideal, even though this interpretation comes from European "p rimogeniture" m odels.

595

Non etheless, he prefers to acknowledge that other criteria may have been acceptable,

especially in period s when the pow er of kingsh ip suffered. In these cases, he proposes

that "oligarchic structures" may have emerged, resulting in various, viable means of

596

succession.

Toward the end of his study,

59 7

Quirke suggests that the middle, more stable,

portion of Dynasty XIII may have resulted from the practice of circulating succession, a

theory adopted from anthropological literature.

59 8

Quirke explains that the lack of related

kings may have been the effect of

a

system, in which powerful families shared in the

inheritance of the throne.

59 9

The right to the throne would have passed from one group to

the next as the position became open. According to Q uirke, this means of succession

would have stabilized the state, by eliminating the existence of rivals vying for the royal

office since the familial line of kings had broken d own . Als o, reigns would have been

short, for the most part, because the eldest of each family group would have been

preferred.

600

Unfortunately, in his article, Quirke did not compare the evidence from the

middle of Dynasty XIII to the anthropological principles of circulating succession, a form

of a political system, in which power is spread across a specified section of society.

595

Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 137; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396.

596

Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396. See also Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, p. 216.

597

Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 138.

598

See below and J. Goody, "Circulating Succession Among the Gonja," in J. Goody, ed., Succession to

High O ffice, Cambridge Papers in Social Anthropology 4 (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 14-15, 155-169. Note

that von Beckerath m entions the possibility of

terms

of office (von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p.

1443).

599

Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 138.

600


141



Thus, here, the focus will be to explain this model and to determine whether or not it

applies to Dynasty XIII Egypt.

M odem and past cultures of West Africa (Ghana, Dahomey, Nigeria, M ali), the

Western Sahara (Kawar and Teda), the Eastern Sudan (Shilluk and Eastern Anu ak), the

East African Coast, South-Eastern Africa (Nyakyusa), Asia (Malaya, Socotra, Summer

and Akkad, and Southern India), the Pacific (Fakaofo and Rotuma), and Europe (Ireland

and Scotland) have all made use of circulating succession. In general, the system

works by rotating access to offices among groups, and is thus found in some

organizations such as the United Nations.

60 2

This form of governm ent can occur in

chiefdoms as well as in states.

A society, which operates according to a system of circulating succession, must

be divided in some tangible way, both vertically and horizontally. For examp le, the

Ganja define their social groups as ruling estate, Ganja Muslims, commoners, strangers,

and slaves.

60 3

The ruling estate is the only group w ith access to the most prestigious of

offices and defines itself

as

the descendents of Sumailia Ndewura Jakpa, who conquered

the area, in which they live.

60 4

Within this ruling class, there are many subgroups,

mem bers of which qualify to occupy local offices called chiefships. Certain chiefships

are eligible to ascend to the provincia l office of division chiefship. From this position,

one might be able to reach the highest leadership position in the nation, the paramountcy,

if one is a member of one of the five eligible divisions.

605

601

Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 172-175.

602

Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 162, 163.

603

Goody, "Circulating Succession," p. 143.

604


605


142



When a chiefship becomes open, the office moves to another qualifying group.

Within that group, the selection of the next office holder is made based on his seniority

along with other considerations such as his qualities such as intelligence, character, and

phy sical strength. Ano ther important practice adds an economic aspect to the proce ss, as

the candidate must present appropriate gifts to various parties including a committee

compo sed of mem bers of the other group s. Ultima tely, how ever, it is the divisional ruler,

who m akes the final selection. There is nothing to prevent a younger candidate from

presenting himself, but it is generally recognized that one is a better leader if he or she

possesses age, experience, and w ealth.

From the chiefships, the divisional ruler is chosen based on circulating succession

along with demo nstrated skill. The result is an opportunity for prom otion. The benefit of

such a system is that the groups all have an equal stake in the preservation of the

governm ent. The group holding the pow er must perform its duties approp riately,

appointing m embers of the other groups to ranking positions. Meanw hile, the

infrastructure is such, that if a group attempts to harness p ower for

itself,

society breaks

into organized factions. The threat of such conflict often ke eps the system in check.

7

According to Goody, in states, circulating succession is always based on filiation

through the male line.

60 8

In other wo rds, the organized groups are based on descent from

a single heir or a group of such heirs. Thu s, circulating succession m oves from one group

to another, and a son cannot follow his father directly; the office must be turned over to a

more distant relative. How ever, as the right of succession returns, the eldest son or a

606

Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 155-158.

607

Goody, "Circulating Succession," pp. 160, 164.

608


143



grandson of a former king might then becom e eligible.

Wh en com paring the theory of circulating succession to the mid-Dynasty XIII

evidence, one must anticipate findings that might indicate that such a system is

applicab le. First of all, it must be accepted that circulating succession

is -a

very complex

system. In the Ganja exam ple, it is evident that this form of government n ot only affects

kingship bu t also provid es the structure for more minor offices. Likew ise, as noted

above, states, which use this form of succession, are organized into family groups, based

on one or more predecessors, who established their right to the throne. In Dynasty XIII,

one might also search for groups within the elite class, who migh t hold offices such as

vizier or military positions, which might lead their group to the office of kingship.

It is possible, though unlikely, that a system of circulating succession existed

witho ut leaving any tangible evide nce. No nethe less, it is prudent to search for some

indication that defined group s existed within Dynasty XIII society. First of

all,

one must

examine royal filiation. Durin g the time Quirke proposes circulating succession may

have existed, one finds that kings often em phasize their non-roya l lineage. How ever, this

filiation refers only to the father and the mother, not to some distant relative. Therefore,

multiple non-consecutive kings do not proclaim their relationship to the same direct

ancestor, and no extended familial groups are evident in the royal sector.

The next aspect of society to examine is that of kinship terms in the elite sphere,

forming a tribal group, from which king s might be selected. Franke defines some kinsh ip

terms, which could indicate that there was some concep t of a tribal group. For exam ple,

the term, mhwt, which first appears in Papyrus B rooklyn 35.1446 from the reign of

609

Goody, "Circulating Succession,"

p.

159.

144



Amenemhet III (late Dynasty XII), refers to the extended family group beyond the

nucleus (father, mother, and children), but it is a term meaning connecting families to a

common ancestor.

61 0

Other words, such as Jbwt, whiit, and h nw encompass various parts.

of com mun ities and house holds, including unrelated parties and, thus, fall outside of

the type of group one would expect for circulating succession.

It is likely that by the Middle Kingdom, clearly defined kinship groups no longer

existed. Franke states:

Ancient Egyptian society was not preferentially stratified by kinship from the Old

Kingdom onward. Social hierarchy and order were determined by rank and

status, not by kinship.

612

For example, in the Old Kingdom, the term s/?^("no bility"),

rhyt

("commoners"),

and

hnmmt

("sun-people," precise meaning unknow n), labeled some of

the

social

classes.

61 3

Commoners were known as nds from the First Intermediate Period and nmhy

in the New Kingdom.

61 4

Franke states that wh en the structure of the political system was

610

A.M. Fathy, "Identical Familial Terms in Egyptian and Arabic: A Sociolinguistic A pproach," in Z.

Hawass, ed.,

Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International

Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000,

3 (New York, 2003), p. 185; Franke, "Altagyptische

Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 179-203; "Kinship," in D.B . Redford, ed.,

The Encyclopedia of

Ancient Egypt,

2 (Oxford, 2 001), p. 246; J. Lustig, "Ideologies of Social Relations in Middle Kingdom

Egypt: Gender, Kinship, Ancestors," dissertation, Temple U niversity, 1993, pp. 45-65; Troy,

Patterns of

Queenship,

p. 104.

611

Franke, "Kinship," p. 246; "Altagyptische V erwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 204-210, 245-256, 279-

289; Fathy, "Familial Terms," p. 189.

612

Franke, "Kinship," p. 247. See also Assmann,

Mind of Egypt,

p. 132. Richards states that, in the

Intermediate Periods, "actual authority devolved to powerful provincial kin groups." Here, presumably, the

meaning of kin group is the father-to-son succession of power within local dynasties, rather than extended

tribal groups (Richards, "Modified O rder," p. 38). Note that there may be some traces of kinship lines

(tribes) in the Old Kingdom (Ann Macy Roth, Personal Comm unication).

613

D. Lorton, "Legal and Social Institutions of Pharaonic Egypt," in J.M. Sasson, ed.,

Civilizations of the

Ancient Near East,

I (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 351 . See also Goedicke, "Origin," pp. 127-128; Doxey,

Egyptian Non-Royal E pithets,

pp. 193-196.

6, 4

L orton, "Legal and Social," p. 351 . See also, D.P. Silverman, "A Reference to W arfare at Den dereh,

Prior to the Unification of Egypt in the Eleventh Dynasty." in

Egypt and

Beyond.

Essays Presented to

145



threatened, kin groups did emerge in texts (biographies),

61 5

but the nuclear family seems

to have been more important than distant relatives.

61 6

Thus, an underlying system of

kinship with its corresponding terms are evident in some texts, but a system organized on

such units is missing, making circulating succession improbable in Ancient Egyptian

society after the Early Dynastic Period or possibly the Old Kingdom.

Cruz-Uribe stresses that family groups did exist and are visible in the retention of

certain offices within familial group s. How ever, it must be emp hasized again that the

transfer of these offices followed the patterns of inheritance. Thu s, it was im portant to be

the predecesso r's son or alternatively, brother, rather, than to trace on e's heritage back to

a com mon ancestor. Inheritance differs from "triba l" family grou pings.

Another problem with circulating succession in Dynasty XIII is the related line of

kings Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Menwadjre Sahathor, Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, and

possibly Khahotep re Sobek hotep V. The first three of these rulers were brothers while

the fourth m ay have been a son of Sobekh otep IV. Here, there is clearly a roadblock in

the circulating succession theory. By definition, such close relatives could not assume

the throne in turn. Since this block of kings makes up the middle third of mid-Dyn asty

XIII, it is difficult to explain how circulating succession could apply.

The model for D ynasty XIII kingship must not only comply w ith tradition,

however one might define it, but it must also conform to the structure of Egyptian

society. Thou gh circulating succession can appear in states, these entities seem less

LeonardH.

Lesko. S. Thompson and P. der Manuelian, eds., Providence, 2008, p. 328; D. Franke, "Kleiner

Man (nds)—was bist Du?" GM167 (1998), pp. 33-48; Doxey, Egyptian Non-Royal E pithets, pp . 19 1, 196.

615

Franke, "Kinship," p. 247.

616

Franke, "Kinship ," p. 247. For the impo rtance of lineage in non-roy al inscriptions, see Baines,

Visual

and Written Culture, p. 195.

617

Cruz-Uribe, "Model for the Political Structure," pp. 48-49.

146



complex and mo re loosely organized than that of ancient Egypt by the M iddle Kingdom .

In fact, societies that use circulating succession appear to be chiefdoms or transitional

chiefdoms/states in their structure, and it is well-known that as states develop , they lose

strong familial associations, becoming organized along lines of class instead.

618

No nethele ss, one -might argue that the only area, in which the patrilineal line is preserved

is in the institution of kingship, and, thus, it is possible that kinship groups related to

distant ancestor rulers may have emerged at the end of Dynasty X II. Evidence does not

exist, however, to move that the Dynasty XIII kings proclaimed their relationship to any

of these predecessors in unprecedented way s.

Just like with H ayes ' theory, that of Quirke has begun to be repeated in

Egyptological literature.

61 9

For example, Murnane suggests it to be a system through

which families of the elite officials, who often trace their lineage to Dynasty XIII royalty,

gained power with "the ebb and flow of their accumulated influence."

62 0

Meanwhile,

Franke states that "a sort of circulating succession" may have existed through a number

of influential families along with the "charisma" and "deeds" of

the

candidate.

621

O'Connor suggests that this system worked well for the late Dynasty XIII to early

618

Claessen, "Balance of Power," p. 23; M.H. Fried,

The Evolution of Political Society

(New York, 1967),

p. 23 5; "The State, the Chicken, and the Egg; or What Came F irst?," in R. Cohen and E.R. Service, eds.,

Origins of the State: The Anthropology of Political Evolution

(Philadelphia, 1978), p. 36; C.W. Gailey,

"Culture W ars: Resistance to State Formation," in T.C. Patterson and C.W. Gailey, eds., Power R elations

and State Formation

(Washington, D.C., 1987), pp. 39-40; E.R. Service, "Classical and Modern Theories

of the Origins of Government," in R. Cohen and E.R. Service, eds.,

Origins of the State: The Anthropology

of Political Evolution

(Philadelphia, 1-978), p. 27. In relation to ancient Egypt, see Richards, "Mortuary

Variability," pp. 3-6, 22. •

619

Callender, "R enaissance," p. 171.

620

Murnane suggests that this system resulted from the reforms in the administration in late Dynasty XII

(Murnane, "Overview," p. 701).

621

Franke, "The Middle K ingdom in Egypt," p. 746.

147



Dynasty XVII (Dynasty XVI in this study). However, there is no evidence that there

was any organized circulation between defined groups, and the data for the latest phases

of Dynasty XIII and that of the Theban kings of Dynasty XVI is so fragmentary that there

is no way to prove or disprove any theory conce rning kingsh ip. For the first part of the

period, charisma and accomplishments, within the context of a broader group made up of

the progeny of one or more Dynasty X II kings, were probably the more important factors

in the selection of

a

ruler. After the brother kings, it is unclear how rulers were cho sen,

and it is probably better not to speculate upon the nature of the institution at this time

unless more specific evidence comes to light.

Though one cannot accept the sort of kinship groups necessary for circulating

succession, it is true that some stelae during the Second Intermediate Period provide for

the names of

a

far greater number of relatives including kings or other royal family

memb ers than in other time periods.

62 3

How ever, in no way, are these genealogies used

to justify the right to the throne, the main con cern here. In other wo rds, these texts

simply outline parts of families associated with royalty in one way or another but do not

serve to establish groups, from which a ruler might originate.

From the discussion above, circulating succession cannot explain the transfer of

the royal office in Dynasty X III, but it is possible that so mething similar to the Kushite

(Napata) collateral succession could have occurred. In this system, two eligible groups

alternated in their turn in the office of kingsh ip. Within a grou p, the right to the office

passed from father to son (but not necessarily the eldest son). This system originated

622

O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," p. 61.

Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," pp. 8, 15; Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 11; Simpson, Terrace of the Great

God;

Ward,

Essays,

p . 50.

624

Torok, "Foundations of K ingship," p. 276.

148



from a fratrilineal line , in which heirs became scarce and adjustments we re made. This

bilateral system, however, would not have had the same structure as circulating

succession, which would allow for the investment of multiple groups within a society to

function as head s of the state. Thoug h this system does appear to have been stable, there

is no evidence that such a method existed'in Egypt during D ynasty XIII.

IV. Gonelusions

The rapid succession of kings in Dynasty XIII gives rise to questions as to the

means of legitimization of rulers, as well as methods of succession. King ship was a

divine, eternal office, which mortals occupied for a limited amount of

time.

62 5

It is

possible that the kings of Dynasty XIII used idea of divine birth to legitimize the reigns

of the brother kings through the possibly older story of triplets in the

Westcar Papyrus.

626

Also, real and fictionalized historical precedents also may have been used to justify

alternative means of succession as well as to connect kings to the more affluent kings of

Dyn asty XII. King s also legitimized their reigns through representing themselves in

sculpture and relief

as

traditional rulers, wearing royal regalia and taking part in normal

festivals, and by building m onum ents.

627

Ideally, the office of kingship passed from father to son through the rules of

inheritance as it did in the mythological world from Osiris to Horus, according to the

Me mph ite Theology . Ho weve r, for Dynasty XIII, the route to this office remain s

unclear. Mo re than one mod el of succession must have existed from the beginning to the

625

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 275; Posener, De la Divinite; Silverman, "Unity and Power,"

p .

45;

"Nature," pp . 51-61. See also D. Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," p. 460.

626

Q uirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 397.

627

Baines, "Definition," p. 7; Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 137; Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture," p. 266.

149



end of Dy nasty XIII, since kings ascended the throne though it is clear that both father-

to-son and fratrilineal succession ex isted. It is also likely that usurpatio n by regents of

child kings, as well as powerful officials may hav e taken place from time to time.

Coregency is another possibility, but insufficient evidence exists to confirm its usage

during Dynasty X III.

Elective and selective kingship, as well as circulating succession, are methods of

transferring the royal office w hich are the most alien to ancient Egyp t.

62 9

The first of

these suggests some sort of democratic procedure, at least within the elite of society,

while the second implies that officials, such as viziers, were more powerful than kings.

However, the evidence dated to Dynasty XIII fails to support such conclusions.

Circulating succession is an anthropological model which has clear indicators

including easily identified kin groups horizon tally stratified within society. As

mentioned above and elaborated upon further in Chapter 6, no traces of this sort of

system exist within ancient Egyp tian society. . . ..

Though there may be as of yet undetermined methods of succession in Dynasty

XIII, it would seem that the ancient Egyptians had a limited number of options through

which kin gs could be selected. It is not necessary to explain the rapid turnover of rulers

through models of succession. Rather, it is mo re important to acknow ledge the social and

economic conditions of the period. These conditions, which eventually caused the

demise of this group of kings, provide great insight into the situation, which m ay have


H. Junker and L. Delaporte, Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg, 1933), pp. 103-104.

Quirke, "Thirteenth Dynasty."

150



been dire at times.

63 1

It is likely that some rulers were replaced because they or their

predecesso rs were unable to reverse unacceptab le trends. Since the lengths of most of the

reigns of Dynasty XIII kings can only be estimated, it should not be assumed that they

were all significantly short or that the 150 year length given to the group is necessarily

correct.

1

See Chapter 7

151



Chapter 3

The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Fun erary M onum ent Corpus

I. Introduction

In the study of ancient Egyptian history, the size and attributes of royal and

private funerary structures can provide both a synchronic and diachronic measure of the

power held by various social groups.

63 2

The compon ents of the royal funerary

establishments of the Late Middle Kingdom (after the reign of Amenemhet III), in

contrast, remain poorly examined and misunderstood, resulting in an unrealized potential

source of data on Dynasty X III kingship.

In regard to royal pyramids of the period, scholars have noted but have avoided

extensive investigation of the royal pyramid com plexes of the Late Middle K ingdom

perhap s because of the impression that so few of the rulers built such structures. Thoug h

there were more than fifty kings in Dynasty XIII, only five pyramids and one shaft tomb

dating to this period (Fig. 3.1) have been d iscovered and recorded by scho lars. Of these

six tombs, only three are associated positively with the names of Dynasty X III kings; one

or more of the unknow n ow ners of the remaining pyramids may be Am enemhet IV or

Nefrusobek, who were the last rulers of the previous dynasty. Add itional sites, from the

Mem phite region to the Delta, have been proposed as being potential locations for Late

Middle K ingdom royal tombs, though some are better candidates than others.

633

All of the certain late Dynasty X II-Dyn asty X III s ites were excavated betwee n

632

Kemp, "Social History," pp. 86-89, Fig.

82.81.

633

See Chapter 3, Section

XL

152



pi I tPTanean Sen

Sakkara

•Cairo

•4-Dahshur

Mazghuna#( i

-Hawara

N

Re d Sfta

Valiey of the Kings • (

Figure 3.1. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle

Kingdom pyramids (Sakkara, Dahshur, Mazghuna, and Hawara).

Aby dos is the site of two ad ditional royal funerary structures in the

co rp u s t o b e d i s cu s s ed i n C h ap t e r 4 . T h e Va l l ey o f t h e K i n g s is t h e

location of the tombs of the New K ingdom rulers.

153



fifty and a hundred years ago, using less than ideal archaeological methods, and

investigators failed to record integral data concerning items such as ceramics and

fragmentary o bjects. Also , much of the time, these early excavators did not fully

understand the remains of the architectural features they revealed, often leading later

scholars to miss the connections between m onum ents at different sites. Finally, more

recent archaeologists have not returned to work at these royal funerary structures.

Instead, grander and more intact monuments, such as the Dynasty XII pyram ids, have

taken precedence, due to modern environmental threats and the encroachment of villages

upon their elem ents.

This chap ter will focus on the location, structure, and furnishings of the Late

Middle K ingdom royal tombs, providing a comp rehensive description of the architectural

components of these monum ents, correcting and enhancing information found in the

original publications. Additionally, a tomb model found within a Dynasty X II royal

funerary comp lex will be added to this corpus. Finally, a synthesis of this information

will be presented w ith the proposal of

a

tomb typology, w hich will then be used to

evaluate other potential sites for the burials of rulers of this period.

II .

The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb Type: The Pyramid

of Amenemhet III at Hawara

In the second half of Dynasty X II, there appears to have bee n a significant shift in

the architectural expression of the ideology of the roya l afterlife. In the tomb of

Senwo sret II at Lahun , a series of corridors leads in a circular pattern from just outside

the sarcophagus chamber to the south, west, north and east, entering the site of the burial

154



from the north (Fig. 3.2 left).

634

These passages are not the primary means though which

one would have entered the sarcophagus chamber and may have been a conceptual mod el

of the netherworld as it would be understood in the funerary texts of the New

/ • i f

Kingd om. The following ruler, Senwosret III was likely buried in his tomb at Ab ydo s,

the center of the Osiris cult, rather than in his pyramid at Dahshur.

63 6

During this reign,

unprecedented bent or arced tunnels and corridors, which may be related to Sokar in the

fifth hour of his voyage through the netherworld,

63 7

were added onto both the

substructures of this king's funerary monuments, as well as onto those of some queens

(Fig.3.2 right). Thoug h the funerary mo num ents of these kings lacked characteristics

specific to the Late M iddle Kingdom (Amenemhet Ill-Dyn asty X III) type to be discussed

below, they may provide the precursors in the development of the standardized features

of these later structures.

The first monument to display typical qualities of

a

Late Middle Kingdom royal

tomb type (the

wsht

tomb), including winding corridors, portcullises, and a complex

lowering system for the lid of the sarcophagus, is that of Amenemhet III at Hawara.

639

Petrie explored the substructure of this complex in 1888, before any of the other royal

634

635

W.M .F. Petrie,

Illahun, Kahun andGurob

(London, 1891), pp. 2-3, Plate 2.

E. Homung, The Valley of the Kings: Horizon of Eternity (New York, 1990), p. 26; RoBler-Kohler,

"Konigliche Vorstellungen I", pp. 73-88.

J. Wegner, "South Abydos: Bu rial Place of the Third Senwosret? Old and New Evidence at the Abydene

Complex of Senwosret III," KM T 6 (1995), pp. 69-71; Mortuary Temple, p. 393.

637

Di. Arnold, Tlie Pyramid Complex of Senwosret 111 at Dahshur Architectural Studies, The Metropolitan

Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition XXV I (New York, 2002), pp.

40-41;

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp.

199,

392. See also D. Eigner, Die Mon umentalen Grabb auten der Spdtzeit in der Thebanischen Nekropole

(Vienna, 1984), pp. 163-183; K.J. Seyfried, "Bemerkungen zur Erweiterung der unterirdischen Anlagen

einiger Graber des Neuen Reiches in Theben-Versuch einer Deutung," ASAE 71 (1987), pp. 244-245.

638

Tombs displaying this feature included those of Senwosret III at Dahshur and Abydos, the queens'

gallery in the Senwosret III pyramid at Dahshur, and Queen Waret II at Dahshur (Di Arnold, The Pyramid

Complex of Senwsoret

111,

p. 41). For similar structures, which lead to the surface, in private tombs of the

Amarna Period, see J. Assmann, "Das Grab mit gewundenem Absteig zum Typenwandel des Privat-

Felsgrabes im N euen Reich," MDA1K 40 (1984), pp. 277-290.

639

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 28.

155



funerary establishments had been excavated.

64 0

Am enemhet III also had a pyramid

complex at Dahshur, w ith variations on earlier prototypes, but this monu ment appears to

have been abandoned due to structural problems.

64 1

Though the reasons for the change in

the architectural layout of the substructure between first pyramid at Dahshur and the

second at Hawara during the reign of Amenemh et III are unclear, this new plan marked

the beginning of a trend, which continued well into Dynasty X III.

642

Ni

Lahun

South Abyctos

Dahshur

Figure 3.2. The substructure of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahun (left)

and the arced tunnels of Senwosret III from South Abydos and Dahshur

(right).

After Petrie, 189 1, PI. 2; Ayrton et al. 1904, PL 36 and Arnold,

2002, Plan 1.

640

W.M .F. Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara (London, 1890) pp. 5-8; 13-16; B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,

Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic

Texts,

Reliefs, and Paintings,

IV (Oxford,

1934),

pp.

100-101.

See further below.

641

Di. Arnold, Amenemhet

III,

pp. 83-84.

64z

Both Wegner and Di. Arnold have proposed that the pyramids of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III at

Dahshur predate the tombs of these kings at South Abydos and Hawara (Di. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex

of Senwsoret

111,

pp. 36-37; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 390). Such a situation is possible if these two

rulers were coregents.

156



In the sections below, the elements of the pyramid of Amenemhet III will be

discussed in great detail. Desp ite the fact that there is a division betwee n Dy nasties XII

and XIII, both in modern and ancient lists of kings, Am enemhet I ll' s m onument at

Hawara is linked directly to those of the later period. Thus, the Late Middle K ingdom

royal tomb corpus, as defined h ere, begins with the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Haw ara

and proceed s through much of Dy nasty XIII. Later chapters will address the significance

of the developmen ts of these monuments upo n the understanding of kingship in Dy nasty

XIII and its relationship to this institution in the previous period.

II.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

The pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara was built upon a platform and was

composed of a mudbrick core with limestone casing.

43

The monument was 102 to 105

m on each side with a height of 63 m and a slope of 49 degrees.

64 4

A rectangular

enclosure w all, measuring 384.96 by 157.89 m surrounded the com plex with the pyramid

at the northern end.

645

Dividing wa lls extended from the eastern to the western sides of

the enclosure in order to create separate zones for the pyramid, the temple, and the

entrance. On the northern side of the structure, Petrie found the remains of

a

small

chapel.

646

643

The bricks used in the construction of the monument were roughly 45 by 22.5 by 13 cms (A.J. Sp encer,

Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt

(W arminster, 1979), p. 38). Those making up the houses connected to

the site of the pyramid measured 37.5 by 18 by 12.5 cms (E.P. Uphill,

Pharaoh's Gateway to Eternity

(New

York, 2000), p. 14).

644

Uph ill,

Gateway,

pp. 63-64,

7 1.

W.M .F. Petrie had originally measured the sides as being 101.75 m

(4006 inches) each with an estimated height of 58.01 m (2284 inches) (Petrie,

Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara,

p.

13).

645

M. Lehner,

The Complete Pyramids

(London, 1997), pp. 181-183.

646

Petrie,


p. 6.

157



To the south of the pyramid, there was an elaborate temple, know n by classical

authors as the "Labyrinth."

64 7

Unfortunately, this structure lay in ruins, and the

investigators often found little more than limestone chips marking its position.

Architectural com ponents such as columns and shrines as well as statues of A menemh et

III, the god Sob ek, and other deities littered the surface. From the descriptions of the

classical writers, as well as evidence noted by Petrie, it seems that this temple resembled

a "Mansions of Millions of Yea rs"

(hwt nt hh n rnpwt),

common in the New Kingdom

though preceded in form by the Dynasty XI tomb of Nebhepetre M entuhotep.

64 8

In fact,

the first use of this term was on a statue of an official during the reign of Khane ferre

Sobekhotep IV of Dynasty X III.

649

ILB.

The Components of the Substructure

Unlike the other elements of the Hawara complex, the substructure of the tomb of

Amenem het III was well-preserved, but many of the passages and cham bers, including

the sarcophagus, were partially flooded at the time of Petrie's work there.

65 0

Though this

complex has some unique features, the structure of the tomb is similar to those of the

others to be discussed in the next sections, and it served as the architectural and

ideological prototype for these later monuments.

I.E.S. Edwards, The Pyramids of Egypt (Harmondsworth, 1961), p.

231;

W .M.F. Petrie, Hawara,

Biahmu, andArsinoe (London, 1889), pp. 4-8; W.M.F. Petrie, et al., The Labyrinth Gerzeh and Mazghuneh

(London, 1912), pp. 28 -35; Verner, G reat Monuments, pp. 430-432. See the plan in Di. Arnold, "Pyramids

of the Middle Kingdom." in Z. Hawass, ed., Pyramids: Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt.

Vercelli, Italy,

2003,

p. 360.

648

For the development of

the

"Mansion of Millions of

Years,"

see Di. Arnold, "Vom Pyramidenbezirk

zum 'Haus fur Millionen Jahre," MDAIK 34 (1978), pp. 1-8; "Cult Complexes," p. 75; Wegner, Mortuary

Temple, pp. 5, 6, 9, 22 4, 228.

649

Habachi, "New Light," p. 26 3, Fig. 262.

5

Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pp. 14-16, Pis. 11-12. The flooding was a result of the high water

table.

158



As will be seen below, the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs were

constructed by excavating a pit, into which the sarcophagus chamber and all of the

corridors were then placed. In the tomb at Haw ara, a pit was exc avated for the burial

chamber, while individual trenches were dug for all of the surrounding passageways.

651

Here, limestone (bedrock) made this process less difficult than the loose sand often

encountered in the construction of some of the other monum ents. Around the central pit,

a short, mudbrick wall was built with the use of mortar, either to hold back the sand from

above, to help support the superstructure, or both. The quartzite sarcophagus cham ber

was placed in the pit, and the trenches were lined in limestone, creating the layout of the

tomb.

The entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Amenemhet III was tow ards

the western end of the southern side beneath the encasement stones (Fig. 3.3.A).

652

From

this point, a staircase (24.42 m long and 0.96 m wide; Fig. 3.3.B), made up of small,

shallow steps with narrow ramps on either side, descended into an uneven room (1.7 by

3.77/3.72

m).

65 3

Next, a small passageway led to a portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.3.C), where

a quartzite block (2.64 by 1.78 by 1.82 m) had been maneuvered from its niche to the

right of the passage, possibly with the use of

ropes,

until its western end rested in a space

on the other side.

65 4

In this way, the stone plugged the entrance to the rest of the

Edwards, Pyramids, p. 233 ; Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara, p. 14; Uphill, Gateway, p . 7 1; Vemer,

Great Monuments, pp. 428-429.

652

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 182; Petrie,

Kahun, G urob, and Hawara,

p. 14; Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p. 428.

653

This is the lowest point in the tomb.

654

Note that the structure of the portcullis had not yet evolved com pletely. Petrie had difficulty

determining how the stone was moved into place. His drawings show that the descending ram p, found in

the later tombs, was not used at Hawara. For the fully developed form o f the Late Middle King dom

portcullis system, see Fig. 1.7. Note that Lehner mistakenly identified the closed blocking stone as the

third rather than the first (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 182).

159



substructure, which began at a higher level behind the blocking stone, the base of which

had become the ceiling of the chamber.

655

How ever, since the area around the portcullis

was com posed of limestone, the tomb had not remained secure as robbers had easily cut a

tunnel around the hard block.

Behind the portcullis, another small corridor led to the southwest turning

chamber, measuring 2.67 by 2.18 by 1.88 m (Fig. 3.3.D).

65 6

This type of room was

designed so that a coffin and other funerary furnishings could be maneuvered around

corners between relatively narrow passage s. From here, a corridor, which was filled w ith

large blocks of stone, continued to the north (Fig. 3.3.E). How ever, the main part of the

tomb e xtended to the east. Just after the turning chamber in the southern wall of the

passage, a niche w ith a socket revealed that a wooden door had once stood in this area.

The niche allowed the door to fall within the lines of the walls when opened so that it

would not stand in the path of the coffin and other items as they were moved through the

tomb after the death of the king. The corridor continued to the east for a total of 30.63 m

(from the sou thwest turning ch amber to that of the southeast; Fig. 3.3.F). The width of

the corridor was 0.97 to 0.99 m except at the eastern end where it narrowed to 0.79 m.

657

At the end of the southern corridor, there was another turning chamber, partially

filled with masonry, measuring 3.59 by 2.25 by 2.28 m.

65 8

At the northern end of this

room, there was a second quartzite portcullis, which had remained in its niche to the left

655

Wegner points to the tomb of Senwosret III at South Abydos as a precedent to this portcullis

configuration as well as the changes in level (Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.

373-375;

Mortuary Temple, p. 390).

6

Petrie, Kahun, Guroh, andHawara, p. 15.

657

Note that this narrow width matches that of the sarcophagus chest. Thus , the coffin would have fit

through this hallway.

658

Petrie,


p. 15.

160



i soo

N

SOUTH PASSftSE

D . i

G.

C.

CORE QF I BMCKWOF.K

n R I G I N f t L ' S T Q N E C ft S IN G .

Figure 3.3. Plan of the pyramid of Am enem het III at Haw ara. After Petrie 1890,

Plate 2.

(Fig. 3.3.G). A passageway, w hich was located at a higher level beyond the blocking

stone, ran to the north for 15.33 m (width at 0.97 m; height at 1.59 to 1.81 m ) as it sloped

downw ard; it ended in a third turning chamber, measuring 4.22 by 2.29 by 2.18 m, with

161



maso nry filling parts of it. At the western end of the turning chamber, there was an

unclosed, quartzite portcullis (3.51 by 1.55 by 1.12 m; housed to the right of the chamber;

Fig. 3.3.H). Fr<5m here , another corridor led 8.54 m to the west (at a higher leve l), ending

in the antechamber (7.85 by 2.28 by 2.32 m; Fig. 3:3.1).

Like the second and third turning compartments, the antechamber was partially

filled with stones.

5

Near the center of this room , there was a small corridor in the floor,

which had been blocked. This passage, measuring 1.82 by 0.92 m, led to the sarcophagus

chamber, which displayed an advance in technology (Fig. 3.3.J). The base was made of

a

monolithic piece of quartzite with interior measurements of 6.79 by 2.39 by 2.35 m.

660

Within this block, a separate sarcophagus and canopic chest had been placed during the

early phases of construction. The sarcophagus, which was decorated with a niched

facade, was placed to the north of the canopic box in the burial chamber. The lid of the

chamber was composed of three sections. Two quartzite blocks covered the southern and

midd le portions of the tomb . These 1.22 meter-high stones were stationary, as they had

been built into the tomb. A third lid section was located in the north and had been

suspended above the chamber, using stone pillars set in niches upon sand (Fig. 3.4 right).

After the deceased Amenem het III had been placed inside, workers must have crawled

into the two small corridors hidden in the floor of the antecham ber. One of them

removed the stone that held the sand in the niche permitting it to pour into the small

cham bers, causing the supports, and thus the lid, to lower slowly. Once the lid had been

659

Petrie,

Kahun, G urob, and Hawara,

pp. 15-16.

660

Later scholars have stated that this block was 100 tons and measured 7 by 2.5 by 1.83 m (Lehner,

Pyramids,

pp. 182-183; Verner,

Great Monuments,

p . 429).

661

Dodson notes that the canopic box was slightly to the west of

the

central axis of

the

sarcophagus in

order to make room for the coffin of Neferuptah (Dodson,

The Canopic Equipment,

p. 28). For the tomb of

Nefeniptah, see p. 13.

162



closed, there w as no mechanical w ay to reopen the sarcophagus.

Figure. 3.4. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of

Amenemhet III at Hawara (left; after Petrie, 1890, Plate 4) and the

mechanics of the sand lowering system (right).

The roof of the chamber was in the saddle form, composed of two large limestone

slabs (50 tons each), which formed a triangular apex above the sarcophagus (Fig. 3.4

left).

Horizon tal limestone beam s were used across the chamb er below this feature.

Above the saddle roof, mudbricks, some of which weighed 18 to 23 kilograms, were laid,

with the aid of mud m ortar. On top of this layer, a brick arch, was formed using five

courses. Abov e, the arch, which served to help distribute the weight of the pyramid, the

interior of the structure was constructed setting bricks into the sand (7 m thick).

T he t omb i t s e l f ha d be e n r obbe d t h r ough a sma l l ho l e c h i se l e d i n to t he a r e a w he r e

Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pp. 6, 15; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p . 38; Verner, Great

Monuments, p . 429.

163



the lid and the base of the sarcophagus met.

66 3

From here, the coffin had been ravage d

and burned. Interestingly, the coffin and funerary go ods (including an alabaster offering

table) of a princess, Neferuptah, were found within the sarcophagus chamber next to the

items of

the

king.

66 4

Some of this wo ma n's objects had mutilated hieroglyphs inscribed

into them (feet of birds and tails of snakes not shown).

5

On other items, the feet and

tails of normal hieroglyphs were chiseled in order to alter them into this form.

Neferuptah 's inscriptions represent the first use of mutilated hieroglyphs in the L ate

Middle Kingdom , something, which became standard in the funerary equipment of both

royal and private individuals of Dynasty XIII.

666

663

Dodson,


p . 29, n. 57; Petrie,

Kahun, Gurob, andHawara,

pp. 15-16, Pis. 13-

14;

Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p . 429.

664

Dodson,


p. 29; Lehner,

Pyramids,

pp. 182-183; Petrie,

Kahun, Gurob, and

Hawara,

p . 17; Verner,

Great Monuments,

p . 430.

665

Mu tilated hieroglyphs were likewise found on the objects from the sarcophag us within the pyram id of

Neferuptah (N . Farag and Z. Iskander,

The Discovery o f Neferwptah

(Cairo, 1971), p. 55). These

modifications of

the

hieroglyphs prevented them from harm ing the deceased in the subterranean part of the

tomb (H.G. Fischer, " Archaeological Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography ," in R. Caminos and H.G.

Fischer,

Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography

(New York, 1976), p. 32; "Hieroglyphen"

LA

II

(Weisbaden, 1977), p. 1195).

6

Mutilated hieroglyphs were also used in royal and private inscriptions found in tombs in the Old

Kingdom. It has been mistakenly stated that the coffin of Nebkhep erre Intef of Dynasty XVII has the last

example of m utilated hieroglyphs (Bourriau, "Patterns of

Change,"

p. 13). However, the coffin and canopic

case of Kam ose also contains mutilated hieroglyphs, though the latter also has regular bird and other animal

signs. Kam ose's funerary equipment is the last royal use of such modified signs until Dynasty XXV .

There are also exam ples of royal coffin and canopic inscriptions without mutilated hieroglyphs during

Dynasty XV II (A. Dodson, "On the Internal Chronology of

the

Seventeenth Dynasty,"

GM

120 (1991), pp.

33-38). Objects from the private tomb of Sonebnay and his wife, Khons have m utilated hieroglyphs.

Cartouches reveal that they lived in the reign of Sewahenre Senebmiew (Dynasty XIII) (Berlev, "A

Contemporary of King Sew ah-en-Re,'" pp. 110-111, Pis. 26-28). For other examples, see Fischer,

"Hieroglyphen," p. 1195; Hayes,

Scepter,

p. 348 ; P. Lacau, "Suppressions et modifications de signes dans

les textes funeraires,"

ZAS5\

(1913), pp. 26-35; V. Maragioglio and C. Rinaldi, "Note sullaPiram ide di

Ameny 'Aamu,"

Orientalia

37 (1968 ), p. 325; T.E. Peet,

T he Cemeteries ofAbydos, Part II—1911-1912,

Memoirs of

the

Egypt Exploration Fund 34 (London, 1914), p. 57, PL 13.53; G.A. Reisner,

Canopies,

Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes du M usee du Caire 103 (Cairo, 1967), pp. 14, 17, 18, 142,

143, 36 1, 362, Pis. IV, VI, XXX II, LII; D.P. Silverman, "Coffin Texts from el Bersheh, Kom el Hisn, and

Mend es," in H. Willem, ed.,

T he W orld of the Coffin Texts

(Leiden, 1996), p. 138; H.M. Stewart,

Egyptian

Shabtis,

Shire Egyptology 23 (Buckingham shire, 1995), p. 15; N. Swelim and A. Dodso n, "On the Pyramid

of Ameny-Qemau and its Canopic Equipment,"

MDAIK

54 (19 98), p. 327, Fig. 324. J.P. Allen, "Coffin

Texts from Lisht," in H. Willems, ed.,

Th e Wo rld of the Coffin Texts

(Leiden, 1996), pp. 1, 13; Grajetzki,

Burial Customs, p. 58.

164



The appearance of a wom an's burial within the funerary complex of the king is

not so unusual in the Middle Kingdom though her proximity to the ruler is unique.

667

How ever, a small pyramid, located by H abachi several kms southeast of the complex at

Hawara in 1936 and excavated by Farag in the 1950's, was found to contain inscriptions

with the nam e of this same Neferuptah.

66 8

The actual location of the prin cess ' burial

seems to have been within her own pyramid as fragments of mummy w rappings with skin

attached w ere discovered there; she likely ou tlived A menemh et III.

66 9

Also, within the

Pyramid of Hawara, there is a corridor leading to the north on the western side of the

monum ent. Di. Arnold has suggested that this hallway m ay lead to the burial chamber of

queens like that of

the

same king at Dahshur.

670

II.C.

The Owner of the Pyramid at Hawara: Amenemhet III

Amenemhet III, who ruled for 46 years, was one of the most successful kings of

the Middle Kingd om. During his reign, Egypt enjoyed great wealth, the office of

kingship had significant po wer, and A menemhet III was able to construct monuments of

the highest quality throughout the country. Two of the most impressive of these

structures included his pyramid complexes at Dahshur and H awara.

W. G rajetzki, "Multiple Burials in Ancient Egypt to the End of the Middle Kingdom." in W. Grajetzki,

ed.,

Life and Afterlife during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period

(London, 2007), pp, 16-

34.

Farag and Iskander,

Neferwptah.

See also Dodson,


p . 29; P. Janosi,

Die

Pyramidenanlagen der Koniginnen. Untersuchungen zu einem Grabtyp des Alten und M ittleren Reiches

(Vienna, 1995), pp. 67-70; Grajetzki, "Multiple Burials," p. 24. Farag notes that the average size of the

bricks of

the

pyramid of Neferuptah was 46 by 25 by 14 cms while' Spencer records the brick size as 46 by

24 by 14 cms (Spencer,

Brick Architecture,

p . 38). Note that this pyramid does not have the substructure

design of the Late Middle Kingdom royal type.

Grajetzki,

Middle Kingdom,

p. 58.

670

Di. Arnold, "Dahschur Dritter Grabungsbericht,"

MDAIK36

(1980), pp.

20-21.

See also A. Dodson,

"The Tombs of

the

Queens of

the

Middle Kingdom,"

Z AS

115 (1988), p. 135;

The Ca nopic Equipment,

p .

28 , n. 56.

165



Amen emhet III began his first funerary monument at Dahshur. During

construction, this pyramid suffered structural failure due to the underlying soil quality as

well as the weight of the superstructure. Presum ably, at this point, the royal a rchitects

abandoned Dah shur and began work at Hawara where they made radical changes in the

design of the tomb of the king, possibly relating to new ideas regarding the afterlife of

this important figure. Though some of these new features were derived from earlier

pyramids, the overall impact of the new d esign upon the funerary m onuments of later

kings is significant and likely pertains to a culmination in religious experimentation that

would begin again in Dyansty XV III.

671

Compared to the information about Dynasty XIII kings to be discussed in this

thesis, knowledge concerning the reign of Amenemhet III is relatively extensive, and it is

certain that the office of kingship was secure during this point of the Middle Kingdom.

After the death of Amenemhet III, however, the stability of kingship declined

significantly. Am enemh et IV, who may not have been directly related to his

predecessors, took the throne for four years, followed by a daughter of Amenemhet III,

Nefrusobek. After these last two kings of Dyn asty XII, information concerning the

following rulers becomes fragmentary as they were ephemeral, and some appear to have

had little resources for the construction of monuments.

672

III. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV) at South Sakkara

The most complete of all of the post Amenemhet III pyramid complexes is that of

See Chapter 4 below. Also, see Wegner, "Am duat To mb"; RolMer-Kohler, "Konigliche V orstellungen

I," pp. 73-88.

672

Grajetzki,

Middle

Kingdom, pp. 74-75.

166



the Dy nasty XIII king W oserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara. Thu s, it is most logical to

proceed from Amenemhet Ill's funerary establishment at Hawara to a discussion of this

monument, since through it, the conceptual plans of the others, all of which presumably

remained inco mp lete, can be envisioned. Als o, the attribution of this pyramid to

Woserkare Khendjer, is certain, as his name was discovered not only on a pyramidion

within the complex but also in the limestone relief fragments o f his chapel. Thu s, this

monum ent serves as a chronological peg within the Late Middle K ingdom royal funerary

corpus.

Lepsius was the first to note the existence of this pyramid, and de Morgan appears

to have entered the tomb.

67 3

How ever it was not studied in detail until Jequier excavated

the monument in 1929-1931,

67 4

and published it, along with a nearby royal tomb, in a

relatively detailed report.

67 5

Thu s, not only is this structure well-preserved, bu t the

recording of

its

features is also more substantial than those of the other members of the

Late Middle Kingdom royal monument corpus. Nonetheless, the condition of the site is

poor in many areas as are the remains of the other Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary

monuments, having a square mound of mudbrick debris surrounding a large, sand-filled

J. de Morgan,

Carte de la Necropole Mem phite

(Cairo, 1897), p. 6; Jequier,


p. 67;

C.R. Lepsius,

Denkmdler ausAegypten undAethiopien

I (Leipzig, 1897), p. 202, PI. 234.

674

The pyramid is in an area, which has a concentration of Old Kingdom private tom bs (G. Jequier,

"Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1928-1929 dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole

Memphite,"

ASAE

29 (1929), pp. 153-156; "Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1930

dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole M emphite,"

ASAE

30 (1930), pp. 105-107; "Rapport

Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1931 dans la Partie Meridionale de la N ecropole

Memphite,"

ASAE 31

(1931), pp. 32-35;


pp. 1,

39-43;

W eill, "Com plements," p. 11).

675

Jequier,

Fouilles a Saqqarah.

For summaries of the work here, see C. Holzl, "Saqqara, Pyramids of the

13th Dy nasty," in K.A. Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the Archaeology ofAncient Egypt

(New York, 1999),

pp. 711-712; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p p. 186-187; B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,

Topog raphical Bibliography of

Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings

III (2) (Oxford, 1981), pp. 434-43 5; R.

Stadelmann,

Die Agyptischen Pyramiden,

K ulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 30 (Mainz

Rhein, 1985), pp. 249-252 .

167



crater.

676

The pyramid complex of Khendjer had many components including two enclosure

walls,

a north chapel, a mortuary (pyramid) temple, a subsidiary pyramid, and shafts

leading to galleries for the burials of members of the court (Fig. 3.5.A-G).

67 7

Graffiti

within the tomb suggests that the substructure was begun in the first year of Khendjer's

reign with the pyramid being raised in the next two y ears followed by the surrounding

walls and buildings.

678

III.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

The pyramid complex of Khendjer was-constructed on a relatively high plateau at

the edge of the desert. How ever, the southeastern side had to be built up for the later

addition of the brick outer enclosu re wall. In this same area, there was a practically

unused ramped staircase, made of mudbrick, descending toward the east.

679

The staircase

was 2.5 m wide with steps measuring 12 cms in height and 38 cms in depth and was

eventually covered and blocked by the enclosure wall.

680

The pyramid of Khendjer was roughly 52.5 m (100 cubits) on each side.

68 1

The

structure was made of mu dbrick, encased in fine Tura limestone. In the tomb crater, laid

67 6

Jequier,


pp. 3, 28.

Jequier,


PI. 2.

678

Jequier,


p. 30.

679

Jequier,


p. 28, Pis. 22, 24b-c. Lehner suggests that this feature may mark.the

location of the substructure in an earlier plan of the tomb or may have even been a south tomb like that

found in the pyramid of Djoser (Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 186). Note that there is a mud brick, ce remonial

staircase leading to the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos (Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 373-374, 393).

680

Jequier,


p. 9, n. 1.

681

Jequier,


p. 30. Dodson states that the sides are 51.8 m (Dodson, "Tombs of the

Kings," p.

41;

"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29). I have measured the length in the plan as 55 m.

This same estimate is also found in Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229. However, he seems to round most figures to

the nearest five.

168



bricks and debris were preserved to a height of about half a meter.

68 2

The bricks had

varying amounts of straw inclusions and were 42 by 21 by 11 cms (± 2.00 cm s).

68 3

One

of the bricks in the pyramid structure had a white inscription painted upon it with the date

"year 1, month 3," suggesting that the construction of this part of the funerary complex

began very early in the reign of Khendjer.

684

Figure 3.5.

The Pyramid Complex of Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara.

After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.

Around the mudbrick structure, there was a trench 6 to 7 m wide and 2 m deep

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28.

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 29; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p. 39.


169



that the architects cut in order to provide a foundation for the encasement stones.

Unfortunately, Jequier was able to identify only fragments of these stones, as they had

been removed in earlier times. Non etheless, he did estimate the angle of the pyramid, -

likely with the use of the slope of

a

pyramidion to be discussed later, as

55°,

68 6

a number

coming roughly in the center of those of the more recent studies of this object: 54 °22 '

687

to 56°, making the monum ent around 37.49 m high. In the northeastern corner of

the encasement trench, Jequier discovered a foundation deposit within a small circular pit

lined w ith bricks.

69 0

The deposit included four small vessels with a cone-shaped base.

The inner enclosure wall, which was approximately 77 by 78 m in length, was

located around 8 m from the face of the encasement stones of the pyramid (Fig. 3.5.A).

691

The wall was m ade of limestone blocks in a palace facade pattern, which extended out 3

m in some areas, and was similar to those of some of the Dynasty XII kings.

69 2

Upon

excavation, only a trench and the first layer of stones were preserved in most places.

Interestingly, abutting the outside of the wall in the east, there was a section of a

685


686

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 30.

687

J. Rousseau, Mastabas etpyramides d'Egypte (Paris, 1994), pp. 197-198.

688

C. Rossi, "Note on the Pyramidion Found at Dahshur,"

JE A

85 (1999), p. 219.

689

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30. Based on my measurement of the sides of the monum ent in the plan

at a 55.50 degree angle, the height of the pyramid could be around 40 m. However, here, the excavator's

written estimates will be used above all others. Non etheless, Jequie r's calculation of a height of 37.35 m

has been corrected using his own data in the formula: h=tan A x l/2b where h is the height, A is the slope

of

the

pyram id and b is the base length. An angle of 54.90 would result in a height of

37.35,

so it is

possible that this number has been rounded to 55° in the text but not in the calculation. Jequ ier's incorrect

estimation of the height has been repeated by more recent authors (Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 1929; Lehner,

Pyramids, p. 186; Stadelmann, Agyptischen Pyramiden, p . 249).

69

Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 30, Fig. 24; J.M. W einstein, "Foundation

Deposits in Ancient Egypt," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973, p. 85.

691

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 7. Note that Fakhry estim ates the length of the inner wall as being

about 75 m on each side (Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 229).

692

Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp . 7-8, Figs. 6-7. The Dynasty XII

examples include Senwosret II, Senwosret III, and Amenemhet III (Di. Arnold, T he Encyclopedia of

Ancient E gyptian Architecture (Princeton, 2003), p. 162).

170



mudbrick, sinusoidal wall.

69 3

Jequier believed that this wavy w all served as a temp orary

enclosure and was replaced later when time and finances were sufficient.

694

As will be

noted later, this wall is more robust than the other two sinusoidal constructions in the

comp lex. The function of these walls will be considered together with those from other

sites in a later chapter.- The outer enclosure w all was made of mud brick being about 2.6

m wide and measured 122.65 by 125.9 m around its perimeter (Fig. 3.5.B).

69 5

Jequier

only found sections of this wall preserved though it was clear, due to the presence of a

trench, that it originally surrounded the entire complex.

From the middle of the eastern face of the pyramid to the outer wall, Jequier

found the fragmentary remains of a limestone m ortuary temple, measuring roughly 26.25

by 27.5 m, including a courtyard with the dimensions 15 by 25 m (Fig. 3.5.C).

696

Since

the temple was so completely destroyed, it was difficult for the excavators to reconstruct

its plan. Nonetheless, they discovered many architectural fragments, such as sections of

torus molding, decorated columns, and inscribed limestone and granite blocks, leading to

some conclusion s about this mon ume nt. Jequier notes that the fragments from

papyriform columns indicated tha t the hall they occupied was about 4 m in height.

698

Unfortunately, the majority of the temple's relief fragments were in such a poor

state that the excavators did not attempt to record them.

69 9

Nonetheless, he had a few

examples copied, and the fragments show standard themes such as offering bearers, the

693

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 108; Jequier,


Pis. 2, 4a.

Jequier,


p. 7; Spencer,

Brick Architecture,

p . 39.

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229; Jequier,


p. 6.

696

Jequier, "Rapport

1930-1931,"

p. 32; Jequier,


pp. 3-4, PI. 3.

Jequier,


pp. 4-6; Verner,

Great Monuments,

p. 440.

698

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 4. Columns from Medam ud from D ynasties XIII-XVII are similar in

form (Bisson de la Roque,

Medamoud

1927, pp. 82, Fig. 59 .7; 84).

699

Jequier,


pp. 4-6, Figs. 1-5.

171



offering formula, and cartouches with the names Khendjer. Jequier noted that the quality

of the carvings was sub-standard. Such a reduction in the quality of artisanship has

become synonymous with periods such as Dynasty XIII, in which kingship suffered a

loss of power and economic strength.

At the front of the temple, there was a large doorway leading outside the pyramid

enclosure.

70 0

Jequier suggested that a causew ay, beginning at this point, was visible and

ran in the direction toward the cultivation to the east, as he was able to see the line of two

mud brick walls in the sand. How ever, well before this structure reached the valley, its

path could no long er be traced. Perhaps it is rather a ramp or temporary road leading to

the site as such structures are common whereas formal causeways appear not to be

used.

701

In the middle of the northern face of the pyramid, there was a small chapel

measuring approximately 6.38 by 8 m (Fig. 3.5.D).

70 2

Like the larger, funerary temp le,

this small structure was completely destroyed, and only indications of

the

building

remaine d. At the northern end of the chapel, there were two small ramped staircases, one

leading from the eastern side and the other from the western one, next to the enclosure

wall.

70 3

These features, ma de up of three steps each, led from the ground level inside the

enclosure wall up to a platform at a level 0.56 m high.

70 4

This area was open and

originally led to a darker room covered with a roof supported by columns.

Carved fragments from the structure indicated that it originally include d offering

700

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 107;


p. 6.

701

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 24.

702

Jequier, "Rapport

1930-1931,"

pp. 32-33;


pp. 15-17, PL 12.

7

Jequier,


pp. 15, 17, Pis. 12, 15a.

704

Jequier,


p. 17.

172



scenes, kheke r friezes, a blue ceiling with stars, and a false d oor made of quartzite.

This latter object was inscribed in sunk

relief,

decorated with blue/green p igment and had

been placed at the southern end of the chapel near the pyram id. An other fragment

included the king's Nebty name, Wahmesut

{wlh-mswi)

while additional pieces of the

door displayed other parts of the titulary. Ano ther set of blocks w ith a portion of the

kin g's titulary, had chisel marks where his name had once been, possibly indicating the

malicious destruction of the ruler's identity. Finally, one fragment showed a part of a

yellow serpent with red, dashed scales.

Other sculpted features were also found in the small chapel. There was part of

a

quartzite statuette of Khendjer, broken at the level of the elbows. Though the

craftsmanship is not as superb as in the reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhet IV, the

rendering of the facial features resembles that of Late Dynasty XII, although these

attributes are less enhanced (heavy eyes, down turned lips, large ears, etc.). °

Another important find in the chapel was that of fragments of a black granite

pyram idion, m easuring 1.3 m in heigh t with a circular tenon on the base for attaching it to

the pyramid.

70 7

Now in the Egyp tian Museu m in Cairo, this object was inscribed with the

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 229; Jequier,


pp . 15-17, Figs. 14, 15; Verner,

Great

Monuments,

p. 440. Note that false doors were already antiquated by this time, having been replaced by

stelae except in the northern chapels of kings (Senwosret I, Senw osret II, Senwosret III, and Am enemhet III

at Hawara) (D i. Arnold,

En cyclopedia,

pp. 89, 163).

7

Robins,

Egyptian Statues,

p. 45; E. Russmann, "Historical Overview ," p. 19; "Aspects," 35-36; C.

Aldred,

Egyptian Art in the Days of the Pharaohs 3100-320 BC

(New York, 1980), p. 138; Bourriau,


p. 37; Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 106-107;

"Rapport 1930-1931," p. 3 3;


p p. 18-19, PI. 15b-c; Richards, "Modified O rder," p. 44.

707

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 106, PI. 102; "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33;


pp. 19-26, Figs. 16-20, PI. 16. Note that Verner mistakenly places these fragments in

the temple on the eastern side of

the

pyramid (Verner,

Great Monuments,

p. 440). Tenons could also be

square at this time (Di. Arnold,

Building in Egypt: Pharaonic Stone Masonry

(New York, 1991), p. 127).

173



king's names

70 8

as well as

Coffin Text,

spell 788.

70 9

Spell 788a is found on the coffins of

Awibre H or and Nebhotepti at Dahshur as well as that of a lector priest from Lisht.

710

In the buildings within the complex, there were twenty control marks in both red

and black ink.

7

These inscriptions often record the names and titles of individuals along

with dates. Thu s, through these m arks, it is possible to identify certain peop le related to

the construction of the tomb . The years recorded in this structure ranged from year 1 to

year 5, indicating that this latter date was probably the extent of Khendjer's reign. The

names of officials included the overseers of the southern province, Shebnu and Ameny,

both sons of Nemtynakht, as well as the overseer of the palace, Senebtyfy and untitled

officials Iwsobek, Hawnakht, and Neferhotep.

712

III.B.

The Com ponents of the Substructure

The construction of the substructure had begun by excavating a pit in the sand

measu ring 13 m on the sides and 11 m in depth with a 4 m-wide trench that sloped

upward toward the west,

71 3

Then, the sarcophagus chamber and the other components of

the substructure were placed within it, probably with the aid of brick structures, as will be

seen in other monum ents to be discussed below .

708

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29.

709

E. Fiore-Marochetti, "On the Design, Symbolism and Painting of Some Xllth D ynasty Tomb

Superstructures,"

GM

144 (1995), pp. 49, 50; M.G. Maspero, "Sur le Pyramidion d'Am enemhait III a

Dahchour,"

ASAE

3 (1902), pp. 206-208; A. de Buck,

The Egyptian Coffin Texts

VII (Chicago, 1961), Spell

788.

710

L. Lesko,

Index of the Spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Coffins and Related Documents

(Berkeley,

1979), pp. 54-55, Da2c, Da4c , and L2Li. Da2x and D al e, which both belong to women, display Spell 788.

711

F. Arnold,

The Control Notes and Team Marks,

The South Cemeteries of Lisht 2 (New York, 1990), pp.

176-181; Jequier,


pp. 10-15, Fig.

18-11.

712

713

F. Arnold,

Control Notes,

pp. 176, 178-179, KH171, 178-179, 112-113, 115.

Jequier,


pp. 33-34.

174



Figure 3.6.

The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer. After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.

The concealed entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Khendjer was

located at the southern end of the center of the western side of the pyramid (Fig.

3.6.A).

71 4

The passage descend ed toward the east from an opening found at the level of

the pavement stones, providing the foundation for the pyram id's encasement. The area

defining this entrance, just outside the encasement trench, was lined with six courses of

4

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 3 1, Pis. 32, 37b.

175



mudbricks with a small brick staircase descending through the center.

715

There were also

two narrow brick staircases descending against the encasement stones (at a right angle to

the previous staircase to the west) toward the entrance in order to allow for an approach

from three sides when lowering heavy funerary equipment.

716

Jequier's plan also shows

a long brick structure leading from the northwest of the interior enclosure wall to the area

of this entrance,

71 7

but he does not discuss this feature.

The entrance and its components w ere constructed of well-worked T ura

limestone.

71 8

From the western edge of the opening in the surface, a ramped staircase

descended towa rd the east. The stairs were shallow and slanted back, ostensibly to allow

a person carrying heavy objects to walk down them easily, while larger items could be

placed alon g the ramps in order to slide them safely through the corridor. In the

limestone feature leading to the opening, as well as in every flat area without a staircase,

including places where the level changes, grooves were cut on each side in order to allow

woo d to be placed to help guide bu lky ob jects, such as the coffin, over the space.

The stairway is approximately 0.9 m wide and extends downward for around 5 m,

providing fourteen steps, before the floor becomes level for a distance of approximately

2.75 m with 1.75 m of this region being a portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.6.B).

7I 9

A quartzite

portcullis stone, measuring around 2.9 by 1.9 by 1.9 m, rested in a ramped recess (with a

slope of 9°) to the south. Acco rding to the excavator, the portcullis was supposed to have

lowered with the use of a system, in which the sand from beneath a stone support could

715

Jequier,


p.

31,

PI. 38f.

Jequier,


p.

3 1,

PI. 32.

Jequier,


Pi. 31.

7 8

Jequier,


p. 31.

719

Jequier,


pp . 31-32, PL 38.

176



be released, allowing one end to slide down the quartzite ramp across to a niche in the

northern side of the wa ll.

720

The base of the stone would form a ceiling to the room

below and would have concealed the entrance to the next corridor, which w as positioned

behind it at a level 1.5 m above the prev ious floor (See F ig. 3.7).

Figure 3.7. Plan of

one

portcullis in the tomb of Khendjer. After

Jequier 1986, PI. 8.

Jequier notes that the smaller stone meant to prop up the portcullis was missing,

but the block still remained in its original, pre-burial position.

721

Thus, he surmised that

the mech anisms used to move this particular stone had failed. Since Jequier did not

explain how the sand would have been released from the hole, the supposed sand

lowering system may simply have been a niche for a lever used to start the stone down

Jequier,


pp . 31-32, PL 38.

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqq arah, pp. 31-32.

177



7 7 7

the ramp had it ever been used.

In the passage after the portcullis, another staircase of the same design as the

79 ' }

previous one stretches again to the east traveling around 13.5 m in thirty-nine steps.

Ag ain, the floor leveled off, for a distance of about 3.3 m including another p ortcullis

cham ber (Fig. 3.6.C). Strangely, halfway b etwe en the end of the staircase and the

western ed ge of the block, there was a recess on each side of the wall. Here Jequier

found evidence for a wooden dou ble door.

724

W hen the doors were opened, they fit into

niches in the walls so that they would be flush and, thus, would not be in the w ay of the

funerary equ ipment brough t in during the interment. This double door system was

similar to the single variety found at Hawara, except that the two planks joined- in the

middle of the corridor. The reason why this doorway w as in between the two quartzite

portcullis stones is unk now n. It may have served to keep peop le from en tering the tomb

prior to burial, though one would h ave thought that the architects w ould have placed the

door at the entrance to the structure. Alternative ly, it is possible that the wooden do ors,

as well as the portcullis, may have served a ritual purpose rather than as a means of

protecting the tomb.

The second portcullis was identical to the first in its mechanics and measured

approxim ately 1.75 by 3 by 1.75 m. How ever, this system operated from a niche to the

north of the passage. Like the previou s portcullis stone, this quartzite block remained in

its original position, never having been moved to rest in its intended place.

722

For the use of levers in ancient Egyptian architecture, see Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p. 133.

Jequier,


p. 32, PL 38.

724

Edwards,

Pyramids,

p p. 738-739; Jequier,


p . 32, PL 38.

725

See Chapter 5, Section IV for further discussion.

Jequier,


p. 32, PL 38.

178



The next passageway continued in an easterly direction at a level about 1 m

higher than before for about 6.75 m, while the width was the same as all of the other

corridors (around 0.9 m).

72 7

The floor of this hallway sloped dow nward slightly, leveling

off just prior to ending in a square room measuring around 2.25 m on each side (Fig.

3.6.D). This* chamber served to turn the coffin 90 degrees in order to continue through a

passage to the north. How ever, the entrance to this next corridor was hidden in the floor

The passage, which was around 11m long, 1 m wide, and 1 m tall, continued at a

lower level toward the north. The hallway ended with the antechamber, which was

concealed above it (Fig. 3.6.E). Thu s, the entrance to this part of the tomb was throug h

the floor of this chamber, above the level of the ceiling of the previous corridor. This

room measured approximately 9.9 by 2.25 m, the longer section running east/west, with a

height of about 2 m.

Beneath the floor in the center of the antechamber, there was an entrance to

another passage, which had been hidden by pavement stones.

72 9

This new corridor

extended toward the south, measuring 3.75 m in length,

1

m in width, and.l.25 m in

height. The end of this hallway w as blocked by the northern end of the sarcophag us lid

once the body had been placed inside the sarcophagus chamber.

The sarcophagus was made of a single quartzite block w ith niches for the coffin

and the canopic box (Fig. 3.6.F).

73 0

The upper part of the inside of the sarcophagu s

measured around 3.5 m long by 1.25 m w ide by

1

m high. Presumably, this area was

Jequier,


p . 32, PI. 38.

Jequier,


p . 32, PI. 38.

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 3 2, PL 38.

730

Jequier,


p. 32, PL 38. Fakhry estimated that the stone weighs around 60 tons

(Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229).

179



kept free for funerary items such as weapons and other goods and was used to maneuver

the coffin.

731

M eanw hile, the niches for the coffin and the canopic box rested below ,

measuring approximately 2.4 by 0.8 by 1 m and 0.75 by 0.7 by 0.7 m, respectively.

The lid of the sarcophagus was made of two large pieces of quartzite, the interior

of the southernmost one having a slightly rounded shape (2.25 m long, 3 m wide and 1.5

m tall).

73 2

The northern lid component was abou t the same size as the first but was flat

on its und erside. The profile of this section of the lid was in the form of a truncated

triangle with a rectangular base . The reason for this shape was that the lid originally was

held abov e the base with the use of quartzite block s on its east and west sides. Thu s, this

shape fit best into the saddle roof before the lid was lowered.

7 3

Like the structure of the saddle roof in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara,

two large limestone slabs were set, leaning into one another on top of the walls around

the sarcophagus in Woserkare Khendjer's tomb. Above the junction of these two stones,

there were eight layers of bricks below an arch.

73 4

This feature was com posed of twelve

courses of bricks, sometimes interspersed with layers of

sand,

which served to relieve the

pressure from the tremendous weight of the pyramid abo ve.

Before the interment, the northern part of the lid would have been propped upon

two, one-meter high granite supports on the eastern and western sides of the

sarcoph agus. Like in the pyram id of Am enem het III at Haw ara, these supports sat

upon sand and caused the lid to remain open with enough space to place the funerary

731

Dodson,


p. 33.

732

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, p p.

32-33,

PL 38.

733

Di. Arnold, Building, pp. 194, Fig. 193.127.

734

Di. Arnold, Building, pp . 79, Fig. 73.27; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, p. 34; Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229.

735

Edwards, Pyramids, pp .

240-241;

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp .

32-33,

PI. 38; Verner, Great

Monuments, pp. 439-440.

180



goo ds, including the coffin, w ithin. This sand lowering system was made com plete by

the presence of two small corridors running from the sarcophagus chamber to the east and

west.

73 6

The first of these passages was located to the east and had a concealed entrance

in the floor of the hidden hallwa y, leading to the antecham ber, discussed earlier. It was

about 6.25 m from the southern entrance of this hallway and was 2.75 m long, 0.8 m wide

and 0.9 m high. Mean while, the western passage had the same dimensions and emerged

from the floor of a small room, measuring 1.5 by 2 m, to the west. From here , another

passageway, m easuring 2.5 m in length and 0.8 m in width extended toward the north,

running to an entrance beneath the floor of the western end of the antechamber.

As was the case with the sarcophagus of Am enemhet III, small stones would h ave

blocked the space between the burial chamber and the small, eastern and western

passages before the burial.

73 7

After the royal mum my had been placed in the coffin, m en

wou ld have been sent into the tight corridors to remov e the stones. Once this occurred,

the sand would flow from beneath the granite supports, holding the lid above the

sarcoph agus. Slowly, the heavy lid would close , securing the coffin w ithin by sealing the

tomb along with the entrance to the northern corridor. Ad ditionally, the supports wou ld

block access from the eastern and western passages.

738

In his monograph, Jequier contemplates whether or not the tomb of Khendjer w as

ever used.

73 9

As noted above, both portcullis stones remained open. However, the lid of

the sarcophagus had been maneuvered into position as if the deceased ruler had been

73 6

Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 33, PL 38.

73 7

Di . Arnold, Building, pp. 79, Fig. 73.27; Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 33, PI. 38.

Note that Jequier recognized that this system paralleled that of Mazghuna (Jequier,


p .

33).

73 9

Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah , p . 33.

181



placed insid e. In addition, it is important to consider that if the encasement of the

pyramid had been completed, it would have covered the entrance to the king's tomb,

mak ing the lowering of the portcullis stones unnecessary. In fact, the king wou ld have

had to have been buried before the superstructure could have been finished

Unfortunately, no signs of burial goods remained within the sarcophag us.

740

Nonetheless, there was a small, child-sized hole cut into the base of

the

lid in one area.

Here, it seems that robbers had successfully entered the burial. Jequier believed that they

had been able to take everything out of the sarcophagus.

IILC.

The Subsidiary Pyramid

When examining elements of the funerary complex other than the royal tomb

itself, it is important to recognize that there was a smaller pyramid with two burial

chambers, located to the north of the mortuary temp le, just outside of the northeastern

corner of the inner enclosure wall (Fig. 3.5.E).

741

This structure would have measured

approximately 25.5 m on each side, making its sides about half that of the main

pyram id. Ho weve r, the majority of the superstructure was missing , and only a few

courses of bricks were visible. Like the larger mon umen t of Khendjer, this structure was

to be mudbrick with a stone encasemen t. Also , Jequier discovered four or five pieces of

dark granite, which m ay have com prised the sm all pyramidion.

743

Janosi suggested that

there could have been an eastern temple and northern chapel associated with the small

740


741

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, pp .

70-71,

120-

122,

177; Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," pp.

33-35;

Fouilles a Saq qarah, pp. 35-39, PI. 32.

742

Fakhry {Pyramids, p. 230) estimates the sides as being arou nd 25 m each. See also Janosi, Die

Pyramidenanlagen, p. 184.


182



pyramid, though Jequier did not supply evidence for either building.

As in the larger pyramid, the entrance to the tomb, located on the center of the

eastern side, was concealed in the foundation of the encasement stones (Fig. 3.8.

A).

745

From the surface, there was a ramped staircase with

21

steps leading to the west (at an

angle of

33°).

74 6

At the base of the stairs, the floor becam e increasingly level, ending'in a

portcullis cham ber (Fig. 3.8.B). He re, the quartzite portcullis stone had bee n closed from

its niche to the south, sliding down its quartzite ramp, partially into the space cut out to

hold its end in the north. Like the blocking stones in Khen djer's tom b, this block

provided a ceiling for the chamber, closing off the access to the next corridor at a higher

level.

The second passage also continued in a westerly direction.

747

However, this short

corridor was level, ending in a second quartzite portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.8.C). This

blocking stone had also been positioned in its final resting place from the niche to the

north. How ever, the stone has since cracked in two, and only half of it remains in situ. It

is here that the violators of the tomb broke into the structure by smashing through the

limestone ceiling.

From the second portcullis chamber, a third passageway extends to the west at a

higher level than before.

748

This corridor ends in an antecham ber (the ceiling is not

preserved here), which leads to a sarcophagus to the south at a lower level (Fig. 3.8.D).

Unlike the sarcophagus in the main pyramid, this one does not include a canopic niche.

744

Janosi,

Die Pyramidenanlagen,

p. 177.

Jequier,


p . 35, PL 32, Figs. 26-28.

Janosi,

Die Pyramidenanlagen,

p. 184.

7

Jequier,


p . 35, Figs. 26-27.

748

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 230; Jequier,


p. 3 7, Figs. 26, 37.

183



Rather, it only has room for a coffin with a separate box to the south for the canopic

equipment.

74 9

Als o, the lid system is substantially different. The lid remains today in its

original position in a niche in the ceiling. It is held here with the use of six pillars (two

on each end and two in the middle) made up of stacks of uniform bloc ks of stone. The lid

was likely to have been closed w ith the use of levers as the stones were removed.

750

Figure 3.8. Subsidiary Pyramid of the Khendjer Pyramid

Com plex. After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.

A second quartzite sarcophagus was located to the north of the antechamber (Fig.

3.8.E). He re, the floor is level with the top of the lower section of the sarcophag us, and

the separate quartzite canopic box, which is the same size as the first, is located on the

eastern side of the southern end of the sarcophagus so that it would not encumber the

Dodson m easured this canopic box as 0.65x0.65x0.65 m, though recent checking shows 0.6 m for each

side of

the

cube (Dodson,

The C anopic Equipment,

p. 35).

750

Edwards,

Pyramids,

p. 243.

184



placem ent of the coffin. Like the lid in the other chamb er, that of the unuse d

sarcophagus was propped upon five pillars of stacked stones (two on each end and one in

the middle on the eastern side).

The situation in the subsidiary pyramid is directly opposite to that of the main

one. In the Khendjer monu ment, the portcullis remained open while the sarcophagus lid

was lowered. In the smaller pyramid , the portcullis stones were closed while the

sarcophagi remained op en. Jequier decided that a tomb was used w hen its sarcophagus

was closed.

752

Thus, he assumed that the main pyramid was occupied while the

subsidiary one was not. This conclusion w ill prove to be a constant challenge in the

discussion of other tombs later in this chapter.

Another issue surrounding the complex is the purpose of the subsidiary pyramid.

There are two main options: a resting place for queens or a pyramid for the king's ka.

Dodson believes that the location of this pyramid indicates that it is more likely to belong

to the queens of the owner rather than for the ruler's own ka.

75 3

Jequier also.believed that

these tombs were for queens or other family members (without ruling out the ka

theory).

75 4

How ever, he though t that some thing, such as a change in political family,

may have prevented the interment of Khendjer's wives or descendents in this particular

part of the comp lex. Finally, Lehner allows for the possibility that this subsidiary

751

Dodson,


p . 35; Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 230; Jequier,


p. 37,

Figs. 26, 37.

752

Jequier,


pp. 3 3, 37.

753

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p.

41;

"The Tombs of

the

Queens," p. 136;


p.

35 ;

"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

p. 11. See also Grajetzki, "Multiple

Burials," pp. 24-25.

754

Jequier,


p. 37.

185



pyramid could be the last example of

a

ka pyramid.

III.D.

Subsidiary Bu rials

To the west of the subsidiary pyramid, there were several roughly hewn galleries

of tombs located within the mortuary complex of Khendjer (Fig. 3.5.F-G).

756

These

galleries were entered through large shafts located between the inner and outer enclosure

walls. At least some of these shafts contained more than one sarcophagus, but all appear

to have been unused, and none contained inscriptions.

The first shaft, measuring roughly 2 by 4 m, was located near the center of the

inner enclosure wall and extended under this structure from the north.

75 7

The outer

sections of the shaft were supported through the use of brick masonry extending

downwa rd for 10 m. From the openin g, the galleries ran to the north and south, housing

space for three burials complete with a sarcophagus and a separate canopic box for each.

The southern end ran beneath the enclosure wall of the main pyramid and had two

quartzite sarcophagi, each with a canopic box to its south with no space between any of

these items. To the north of the shaft, the gallery continued with an additional limestone

sarcophagus and a canopic box in the normal position.

The second shaft was to the west of the first, being only about 6 m away, while

the third gallery was located closer to the (western) outer enclosure wall.

75 8

These two

shafts were very similar to the first in their construction. Ho wev er, their ceilings had

755

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 187.

756

Dodson, "The Tombs of

the

Queens," p. 135; Jequier, "Rapport

1930-1931,"

p . 3 3;


p.

38, PI. 32.

Dodson,


p . 35; Jequier,


p. 3 8, PL 38.

758

Jequier,


p. 3 8, PL 38.

186



collapsed due to the w eakness of the stone in these areas. Thus, Jequier was unable to

enter them and could not add their galleries to the plan, though he did note that they both

extended to the south.

None of the three shafts had any sign of

a

superstructure.

75

How ever, there were

sinusoidal walls around at least two an d, probab ly originally, all three of them. The

second shaft had a wavy wall, the sides of which were located to the west and north of

the structure.

76 0

This wall also likely continued around the first shaft but may not have

been preserved well enough to detect. The third shaft was surround ed on three sides

(north, east, and south) by sinusoidal walls and by the outer enclosure wall to the west.

The majority of the lines of these walls were preserved.

Interestingly, in the debris to the south of the pyramid, Jequier found a fragment

of an alabaster canopic jar with the name of a queen "Seneb..." inscribed upon it.

Unfortunately, very little of the inscription is preserved, and, since there are no animate

hieroglyphs, it is impossible to determine if it contained any mutilated ones, as might be

expected. These hieroglyph variations occur on objects, which were close to the mumm y

within burials at this time.

76 2

It is also unclear as to exactly where the quee n, associated

with the fragment, was buried. Since the subsidiary pyramid seems to have had two

unused sarcophagi, it is likely that the queen was buried in one of the galleries, which

Jequier was unable to enter. No nethele ss, there is still a chance that the fragments came

from the subsidiary pyramid.

763

759

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 39, PI. 38.

760

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah.

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 35, n. 65; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28, Fig. 21.

762

Fischer, Archaeological Aspects, p . 32; "Hieroglyphen," p. 1195.

763

Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, p. 70; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 80.

187



III.E. Court Cem eteries

In a recent survey of the Sakkara region conducted by Alexanian, Schiestl, and

Seidlmayer, pits to the north and south of the pyramid of Khendjer were noted.

76 4

It is

likely that these tombs are connected to Khendjer in some way, possibly being the burial

locations of

the

mem bers of his court. The southern group extend s south to the

"Unfinished" Pyramid and may also be associated with this monum ent. To the north of

the funerary complex of Khendjer, there were many small sand-filled pits and several

large ones (SAK S4/2, 4, and 5; 35 m in diameter) with fragments of granite, quartzite

and limestone in the debris surrounding them . Me anwh ile to the south, SAK 5/1 and 5/2

were 6.8 by 7.6 m and 16 by 12 m respectively. The former had limestone ch ips,

quartzite, and granite while the latter was surrounded by pottery dating to Dynasty XIII.

The surveyors believe that these tombs were likely mastabas, at least some of which had

been encased in limestone.

Since the funerary complex of Khendjer can be dated to a specific king , it could

be quite important in establishing the chronology of some of the other Late Middle

Kingdom monum ents especially through the use of ceramics. Schiestl notes that the

surface pottery may be mixed from the time of the establishment of the complex until the

abandonment of the cult, making it impossible to establish a specific ceramic corpus for

his reign. Als o, it should be recognized that Je qu ier's work at the site likely d estroyed

the context of any stratified material, if it existed beyond ancient times.

76 5

Thus, the

examination of some of the court tombs could be enlightening even though they too are

764

R. Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole der 13. Dynastie: Survey in Dahschur-Nord/Sakkara-Stid

und Dahschur-Sud,"

SOKAR

13 (2006), p. 48.

765

N. Alexanian, et a l, "The Necropolis of Dahshur E xcavations Report Spring 2006,"

ASAE

(forthcoming); Schiestl, "N eues zur Residenznekropole," p. 48.

188



likely heavily disturbed.

III.F.

The Owner of the Royal Tomb : Woserkare Khendjer

Th e

Tu rin King-List

nam es Woserkare Khendjer in (Ryh olt's) section 7.20 with

both his prenomen and nomen in a single cartouche (the latter name is misspelled).

766

The regnal length is not preserved in this document but is likely to be around five years

as this date is recorded in the pyramid complex of this king, who was either the 17

th

or

22

nd

ruler of Dynasty XIII, depending upon the chronology used (see Appendix I).

Since the discovery of the pyramid complex of Khendjer at Sakkara, there has

been some debate over the origin of this king's nomen . With the complexity of the

period, many scholars have concluded that "Khendjer" is of foreign origin,

7 7

indicating

that this king was not of Egyptian ancestry. For example, Ward points to Ugaritic and

Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that this name m eans "sw ine" in Semitic

tongues {hnzr). How ever, others have argued that the king was native to Egypt.

Khendjer is one of the few kings, to whose reign a specific vizier can be placed.

Ankhu served in this position during the tenure of this ruler and possibly that of the king

before or after.

770

Unfo rtunately, there appear to have been several viziers by this same

name; debate exists concerning who did what. The name of the queen of Khendjer is

66

Titulary- Horus:/"...]-

c

nh , Nebty: wih-mswt, Golden Horus:?, Prenomen:

wsr~kJ-r

c

,

~Novaeit\:h-n-d-rox h -

d-r. See Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen, pp . 99-100; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 34 2; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen, pp. 238-239.

767

Note that this name was incorrectly copied in the Turin King-list as n(y)-dr-r

e

probably due to the

author confusing it with the prenomen,

ny-m3

c

t-r

c

,

of Amenemhet III (Ryholt,


pp. 17,

74).

768

W.A. Ward, "Comparative Studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic," JNES 20 (1961), pp. 34-35. See the

further evidence in Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.

220-221.

769

Stock, 13. bis 17. Dynastie Ag yptens, p. 50.

770

Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 18/s (small), 18 L (large), and 18/1 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn

35.1446 B and C. Franke, Personendaten, p . 254, Doss. 398; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 193-194.

189



likely to have been Senebhenas I, possibly indicated through the inscription in the

canopic ja r fragment from the funerary comp lex.

771

The complexity of the pyramid establishment of Khendjer would suggest that this

king was relatively powerful for his time. His reign is important for discovering

information concerning the relationship between the office of vizier and the crown itself.

III.G. Later Activity at the Pyram id

Interestingly, Jequier's excavations also revealed the presence of lower class

burials, dating to Dynasty XVIII, in the north and east of the enclosure of the pyramid of

Khendjer at South Sakkara.

772

These simple, non-mum mified interments occurred

beneath the stone of the foundation of the encasement of the pyramid, under the inner

enclosure wall, or within a mound of debris. Objects found in this cemetery included

pottery, amulets, stone vessels, a seal with the name of Thutmosis III (Dynasty XVIII and

in commemorative/decorative seals thereafter), a faience kohl jar with the names of

Am enhotep and Tiye (Dynasty XVIII) as well as blue painted ware ceramics. With the

end of Dynasty X VIII/beginning D ynasty XIX , there were no more tombs until after the

end of the Pharaonic Period.

77

Graffiti from a block in the funerary temple ind icates that at least a part of this

structure was standing in the New K ingdo m. The text from one of these examples refers

to the quarrying of the stone from the structure in year 34 of the reign of an unnamed

771

Ryholt,


pp. 39, 40, 221.

772

Jequier,


pp. 43-4 8, Figs. 33-39.

773

Jequier, "Rapport 1928-1929," pp. 160-161; "Rapport 1929-1930," p. Ill; "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 36;

Fouilles a Saqqarah, p p.

49-53.

190



king.

77 4

Since the text is constructed using full Late Egyp tian gramm ar and the reign of

this king is so long, it has been proposed that the inscription dates to Ramses II .

775

In the publication of the excavation of the pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara,

Jequier noted the presence of additional graffiti including geometrical shapes and boats of

unkno wn period. He also records an early Arabic inscription from within the tom b, •

which M.G. Wiet translated as, "Ask this tomb who destroyed it after its glory "

77

Since there is evidence of the activity of the peop le of Dy nasty XV III at the

pyramid complex of Khendjer, one can be certain that the original pillaging of the tomb

took place no later than the early part of this period. Jequier believed that the first

Til • T1SK

robbing of the tomb occurred during the Hyksos Period, "without doubt", but he

fails to explain any evidence supp orting this claim. Data suppo rting the time of robbing

or destruction of the Dynasty XIII tombs would be very useful and will be discussed later

in this thesis.

IV. The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius X LVI)

Approximately 80 m to the southwest of the pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer at

South Sakkara, there is another mortuary complex, dating to the Late Middle

Kingdom.

77 9

Lepsiu s was the first mod ern explorer to identify this mo num ent as a

774

Jequier,


pp. 13-15, 43, n. 15, Fig. 12. Note that the tens place in the hieratic of the

year is difficult to read with absolute certainty.

775 i

776

i

775

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 229; Jequier,


p. 15.

' My translation of "Demande a cette fosse qui l'a detruite apres sa gloire" (Jequier,


p. 35).

777

Jequier,


pp. 34-35, 43.

778

Jequier,


p. 43.

779

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,


p. 55, PI. 51. For

summaries of the findings, see Holzl, "Saqqara," p. 712; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p . 187; Porter and Moss,

Topographical Bibliography III

(2), p. 435.

191



pyramid.

78 0

He seems to have entered the tomb, but his description and measurements

are inaccurate.

78 1

In roughly 1893, de Morgan also entered the tomb as he sketched the

general outline of its interior. Finally, Jequier excavated this incom plete pyram id in

two months during 1929-1931. Similar to other monuments of the time period, the ruins

included an area of compact brick material and debris mounds surrounding a sandy

crater.

IV. A. The Su perstructure

The superstructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid had only been started; this

monum ent probably never reached a state of completion.

783

The pyramid itself was to

have been 91 m on each side.

78 4

The center of the monument was constructed using

bricks made of mud with straw and other organic inclusions.

78 5

Most of the twelve

remaining courses of bricks were placed with the use of mortar but did not alternate

betwee n headers and stretchers. The bricks ranged from 40 to 44 cms in length, 21 to 23

cms in width, and 12 to 13 cms in height.

78 6

In modern times, the mound representing the

7X7

pyramid stands to a height of about 3 m.

Around the area of bricks, there was a trench, 5.5 m wide and 1.8 m deep, cut in

Lepsius,

Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien I. Text,

(1897), p. 202 , PI. 234.

781

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,


p. 67.

782

de Morgan,

Carte,

p. 6; Jequier,


p. 67.

783

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 232; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 107-111; Jequier,


pp.

55-56,

Pls.13,

15. Note that Fakhry suggests that further excavations might lead to the discovery of

pyramid and valley temples (Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 230).

784

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p.

41;

"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

p .

11;

Jequier,


PI. 2. Fakhry lists the length of

the

sides as being around 95 m (Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 230).

785

Jequier,


p. 60.

786

Spencer,

Brick Architecture,

p. 39.

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 230.

192



order to receive the foundation of the encasem ent stones. Some of the pavem ent

stones of this trench remained in place, being about a cubit in height and connected with

the use of stone butterfly ties. Interestingly, the four outer corners of the pavemen t we re

reinforced with brick masonry,

78 9

a technique that will be met again in other monum ents

including the substructure of S9 at South Aby dos in a later chapter. The enc asemen t

stones themselves seem never to have been laid as Jequier notes that he did not find any

slabs of the correct shape for this purpose.

790

In two of the four corners, where the preservation was minimal, Jequier

discovered foundation deposits.

79 1

At each corner there were two, brick lined holes

containing a variety of objects. From the northwest corner, items included two cone-

shaped vessels, a lid, the body of a large jarstand, two smaller stands, and a group of

miniature metal tools as well as a section of a bovine skull. The foundation deposit

discovered in the southwestern corner contained two conical vessels and two jarstands.

The enclosure wall, measuring 123.5 m on each side, was of the sinusoidal form

and was preserved to a height of

2

m at some points (Fig. 3.9.A.). The wall had a i m

deep foundation trench, unusual since most sinusoidal walls were simply built on the

surface, and was 0.65 m in width. Jequier notes that the bricks we re made of fine silt

with straw inclusions and were sm aller than those used in the pyramid, m easuring 34 by

17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18 by 8 cms. Mud m ortar was used in the areas between bricks in

order to make the surface of the wall smo oth. Despite the fact that Jequier notes that

788

Jequier,


p . 60-61, PI. 13, .

789

Jequier,


p .

61,

Fig. 43.

Jequier,


p. 61.

791

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 230; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p.

107; Fouilles a Saqqarah,

p . 62, Figs. 44-

45 ; W einstein, "Foundation D eposits," p. 86.

193



there were no traces of color on the walls, a photograph in his monograph, appears to

show that they were whitewashed.

79 2

Like in the complex of W oserkare Khendjer, the

area between the enclosure wall and the encasement stones of the pyramid is at a higher

level, forming a kind of terrace.

7

Figure 3.9. The pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara.

After Jequier, 1986, PL 13.

No indication of

a

causeway leading from the pyramid to the Nile Valley

7

Jequier ,

Fouilles a Saqqarah.

79 3

Jequier , Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 57, PI. 13.

194



survive s. How ever, there were structures preserved for the mov emen t of supplies and

construction m aterials. There was also a ramp leading to the northeast from the entrance

to the tomb, which would have served as a road for construction materials, was located

along the northern enclosure wall at the western end.

795

Here, a brick surface, mea suring

5 m in width; ran across the sinusoidal wall. The purpose of this feature is unknown,

though it may have been used to transport the giant lower section of the sarcophagus

base.

796

A more certain doorway in the sinusoidal wall was located in the center of the

western section (Fig. 3.9.B).

79 7

He re, the curves on either side of an opening ended in

more solid rectangu lar doorjambs. This doorway seem s to have been cut through the

wall rather than being planned from the begin ning . Also, the bricks used for the

doorjambs were the same size as those of the pyramid (see below) rather than being the

smaller dimensions (see above) of those of the sinusoidal walls.

The entrance to the tomb, which was located in the center of the eastern side of

the monum ent, had been destroyed, but the outline of bricks was preserved (Fig.

3.8.D).

798

He re, there was flat area, measu ring about 5 m on each side. Since this space

was approximately 5 m down from the terrace surrounding it, the ramp mentioned before,

extended d own ward in order to bring sup plies to the correct level. Also , there was a

ramped staircase made of brick to the north of the entrance, presumably for people not

9


795

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqa rah, pp . 57-58, PI. 13.

796


Jequier,


p. 56.

79 8

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp . 55, 57, PI. 13.

195



carrying heavy or bulky supplies.

Above the entrance to the tomb, there were two pyramidions of black granite.

800

The pyramidions had been placed across the pavement stones deliberately as they sat

safely upon a debris layer of 10 cms. One of these objects was fully formed, wh ile the

other, which would have been the same size if completed, was truncated at the top. Both

of these pyramidions were similar to that of Woserkare Khendjer in size, production and

material, except that these were not inscribed and had beveled tenons like that of

Amenem het III at Dahshur.

80 1

The incomp lete capstone had red lines on one side,

indicating to the sculptor how it was to be cut. It is likely that work stopped o n this

pyramid at some point, and the stones were placed at the entrance then.

It is unclear why two pyramidions w ere needed for the "Unfinished" Pyramid at

South Sakkara. Some scholars have proposed that one of these capstones was to be used

for a qu een's pyramid, which had never been started.

80 2

Mean while, Verner questioned

whether one of these pyramidions was meant to serve as a votive object.

803

Interestingly,

a miniature pyramidion w as found at the Amenem het III complex at Hawara.

80 4

IF this

one actually w as for votive purposes. Then perhaps V erner's idea may have credence.

Scholars have also suggested that the truncated pyramidion may have been intended to be

topped w ith a precious metal and, thus, would have been the primary capstone for the

Jequier,


p. 58, PL 13.

800

Jequier,


pp. 58-59, Pis. 13, 16-17, 19; "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 109, PI. 103.

Cairo J54855 and J54856.

801

Arnold,

Building,

p . 127, Fig. 4.39.

802

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 230; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p . 187; Ryholt,


p . 81.

803

Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 441.

804

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 35, PL 27, bottom left; Uphill,

Gateway,

pp. 31-32, 44. Note that Uphill

believed that this small object may have served as the pyramidion of

a

small queen's pyramid.

196



monum ent. It is also possible that one or both of these stones may have been intended

to top other "Unfinished" P yramids in the area.

806

Several other features, not detailed here, appear in-Jequ ier's plan. In the south,

near the southeastern corner, there is a small portion of a ramped staircase.

80 8

Also,

there is a strange, thin brick structure leadin g from«the enclosure wall toward the

southeast, paralleling that found near the entrance of Kh endje r's pyram id. Ano ther

feature, which appears in the foreground of Jequier's Plate 14, seems to be an eroded

column base, which sits upon the foundation blocks of the pyram id's encasement.

Clearly, this object is not in its original context and may not even be from this complex.

Jequier stated that he was unable to find any temples associated with this monument.

810

How ever, in his plan, a depression in the center of the northern encasement trench may

indicate the planned location of a north chapel.

IV.B.


The substructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is one of the best-

preserved monum ents of the Late M iddle Kingdom corpus, as well as being the most

complex.

81 1

The entrance to the tomb is located in the center of the eastern face of the

pyram id in a stone platform (Fig. 3.9.D). Originally , the entrance itself wa s meant to be

805

Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 229; M. Vemer, "Pyramid," in D.B. Redford, ed., The O xford Encyclopedia of

Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001 ), p. 4 41 .

806

L. Habachi, "Khanta'na-Qantir: Importance," ASAE 52 (1954), p. 477.

807

Jequier,


PI. 13.

808

Spencer records the bricks of this structure as measuring 34 by 17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18,by 8 cms

(Spencer, Brick Architecture, p . 39).

809

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, PI. 2.

810

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 57, PL 14.

811

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 4 1; Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

p . 11; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930,"

PI.

1;

Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Pis. 13, 17.

197



concealed as limestone pavement stones covered it, blending it into the surface of the

platform.

Within the entrance, there is a gentle slope, leading to a ramped staircase.

81 2

In

this area, there are also grooves, into which workers could slide wooden boards to help

them transport large objects, such as a coffin, to the ramp below . Once past the opening ,

this area was just tall enough for a man and wide enoug h for a coffin. In general, from

this point forward, the substructure of the tomb was mad e with Tu ra limestone, which

was som etimes painted to resemble granite.

813

The ramped staircase, which led to the west, was about 16.5 m long and 0.8 m

wide and included forty-four steps (Fig. 3.9.E).

814

At the base of the stairs there was a

flat area, measuring approximately 3.5 m in length with a portcullis chamber at the end

(Fig. 3.9.F). The structure of the quartzite, blocking stone and the mechanics used to

position it were identical to those of the pyramid of W oserkare Khendjer. The stone,

measuring 3.4 by 2 m, was housed in a niche to the north of the line of the stairway and

corridor. This portcullis sat upon a stone at the edge of

a

quartzite ramp, which led to a

recess in the opposite wall. Once the stone was remov ed, the portcullis wou ld slide into

position, blocking the entrance to the next passage located above the level of the

cham ber. Ho wev er, this particular portcullis stone remained open .

A short passage, measuring 2 m in length and 0.8 m in width, was located behind

the portcullis and ended in a room, with the dim ensions, 3.6 by 2 m.

815

This room was

provided so that the coffin and other long objects might be turned 90 degrees. Starting at

812

Jequier,


p. 6 3, Pis. 17, 19.

813

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 187.

814

Jequier,


p . 63, Pis. 17, 19.

815

Jequier,


pp. 63-64, PI. 17.

198



this point, Jequier noticed some black dashes located in rows about 0.1 m from one

another (inconsistently drawn).

81 6

Though he and others thought that these marks may

have been some kind of decoration,

81 7

Di. Arnold later explained that these lines are the

remains of the system used to dress the stone, whereby consistently deep holes were cut

into the blocks, using a grid system (set with the aid of a cubit rod and a plumb b ob ).

8 18

'

After the holes were in place, a chisel was used to cut the stone back a standard distance

until the entire wall was even.

From the turning chamber, a corridor, measuring 12 m long by 0.8 m w ide, sloped

gently dow nward toward the south, ending in a second turning chamber (3.7 by 2 m).

From here, a ramped staircase with four steps descended to the west ending in another

passage way (the latter being 9.5 by 0.8 m; Fig. 3.9.G). The corridor led to a larger room,

measuring D 6 by 2.2 m.

82 0

This room had two doorways; one of these openings ended in

a large storage gallery, measu ring 15.1 by 1.8 m (Fig. 3.9.H). Presum ably, this room was

meant to contain furniture and goods for the king 's afterlife.

The second doorway from the previous room led to a corridor with a shape similar

to that of the gallery described above (Fig. 3.9.1).

821

How ever, this chamber was divided

into two wider areas with a corridor in between. In the first section, there was a ramped

staircase leading down to another level. From the base of the stairs, there was a short,

narrow corridor that terminated in a larger area, the end of which could have been used

816

Jequier,


p. 64, PI. 20. Jequier notes that these sm all lines were found only on the

porculli in the tomb of Userkare Khendjer while they are found on the walls and portcullises of this

chamber.

817

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 232; Verner, "Pyramid," p. 440.

818

Di. Arnold,

Building,

pp. 139-140;

Encyclopedia,

p . 59.

819

Jequier,


p. 64, Pis. 17, 18.

820

Jequier,


p. 64, PI. 17.

821

Jequier,


p. 64 , Pis. 17, 18.

199



for additional storage. Prior to this extra space, there was a small, four-step, ramped

staircase leading to the west.

From the stairs, a corridor continued to the west for 2 m, ending in a second

portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.9.J).

22

Here, the quartzite blocking stone, measuring around

3.3 by 2 m, was closed. Jequier was fortunate in finding a robb ers' tunn el carved into the

limestone, around the hard quartzite portcullis. Otherwise, there would have been n o way

past this obstacle.

A second corridor continued westerly at a higher level behind the blocking stone

for a short distance of 2 m before encountering another portcullis chamber (Fig. 3.9.K).

This third quartzite block was approximately 3.3 by 2 m and remained in its open

position. From this point, a long corridor extended northw ard, at a higher level, toward

the main sarcophagus chamber.

Approximately, the first 2.8 m of this next passageway sloped gently

downward.

4

It flattened at the point where an antechamb er was found. How ever, the

northern and southern sides of this room w ere at a level below that of the corridor. Thu s,

to the south, there was a short, rampe d staircase leading downw ard. The corridor in the

middle of the antechamber continued to the west where the sarcophagus chamber w as

located.

Like the structure of the tomb

itself,

the sarcophagus chamber of the "Unfinished"

Pyramid at South Sakkara is far more complex than those of the other Late Middle

K i n g d o m r o y a l m o r t u a r y m o n u m e n t s ( F i g . 3 . 9 . L ) . J e q u i e r e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e m o n o l i t h i c

822

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 64, Pis. 17, 18.

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 64, PL 17.

82


200



base of the quartzite sarcophagus alone weighs over 150 tons, measuring approximately

6.2 by 2.8 m in length and width and 4.2 m in height.

82 5

Un usually, the coffin w as placed

crossways in the sarcophagus so that it would be in the normal north/south orientation

within the east/west con tainer. Instead of lying at the foot of the coffin within the

sarcophagus, the canopic niche sat at the southern end of its eastern side.

The sarcophagus was so large that it took three sizable quartzite blocks to cover

it.

82 6

The two northernmost blocks of the lid were set into place as the substructure w as

built and were encased further by limestone suppo rts. The third block was mo unted

above the sarcophagus to allow it to be filled and was to close using the sand lowering

system. As one would expect, there was a saddle roof here, compo sed of large limestone

slabs. Above the junction of these blocks, there was the expected layer of m udbricks

followed by a mu dbrick arch with sand and debris above. The walls to the sides of the

mobile sarcophagus lid were made of granite.

The sand lowering system w as similar to that of Woserkare K hendjer's tomb, but

there were some differences. Like in Kh endje r's tomb , there were two small corridors

on either side of the sarcophagu s. In the second pyramid at South Sakkara, they extend ed

from ben eath the floor of each end of the antechamb er. M eanw hile, the lid was

suspended above the sarcophagus with the aid of four limestone supports at each corner

as well as two, longer quartzite blocks, which sat on a pile of sand. When the tomb was

to be sealed, workers would have kn ocked out the limestone blocks, leaving the

825

Jequier,


p . 64, Pis. 17, 18.

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p . 231; Jequier,


p . 64-65, Pis. 17, 18; Verner,

Great

Monuments,

p. 441.

827

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; Jequier,


pp. 64-65, Pis. 17,

18.

201



sarcophagus on the movable quartzite blocks alone. At this point, workers could be sent

into the corridors to remove the smaller stones blocking the sand, allowing them to pour

into the chambers, resulting in the gradual descent of the heavy lid.

The reason why limestone supports were used along with the standard m oveable

quartzite ones is uncertain . It is possible that the ancient architects were co ncerned w ith

the weight of the stone. Also, this mechanism m ay have been added to prevent an

accidental lowering of at least part of the sarcophagus lid prior to the burial.

When Jequier recorded this tomb, he discussed the fact that the sand lowering

system had been released without the removal of the limestone supports. Thus, the lid

remained op en, and the lowering mechan isms were unusable from that point forward. It

is unclear when this unfortunate event occurred and whether it was the result of careless

construction workers, robbers, or some other group. Jequier believed that no king was

ever laid to rest within this tomb, based upon his assumption that a tomb w as used if the

sarcophagus was sealed, regardless of the status of the portcullis stones.

828

The "U nfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is unique because it has an additional

sarcophagus, within the substructure of the tomb (Fig. 3.9.M).

82 9

Suggestions for the

purpose of this structure include the possibility that it is a dummy tomb, meant to distract

potential robbers, a ka chamber, or the area for the burial of a queen or some other royal

person.

3

It must be remembered that the Dynasty XII pyramids of Am enemhet III at

Dahshur and Hawara included secondary burials within the substructure of the

828

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 64-65. Dodson believes that the tomb was abandoned due to a coup or

some other significant event (Dodson, After the Pyramids, p. 12).

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 65, Pis. 17, 18; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 187.

830

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 41 ; The Canopic Equipment, p . 35; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el

Naga," pp. 29, 39, n.

17;

After the Pyramids, p . 12; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 187.

202



pyramids. How ever, the structures of both sarcophagus chambers in this monum ent

take forms exclusively associated, as far as is currently known, with the burials of kings.

Nonetheless, it is interesting that the spatial relationships between the two sarcophagi of

the "Unfinished" Pyramid and that of the tomb of Khendjer within the pyramid the

subsidiary pyramid are similar (the secondary burial(s) is/are to the northeast of the

primary one).

The secondary tomb in the southern pyramid is located to the northeast of the

antechamber and is entered by using a ramped staircase at the end of the room and

passing through a corridor, measuring about 4.4 m in length. At the end of this

passageway, there is a granite sarcophagus chamber with a limestone, saddle roof.

The upper extent of the base of the quartzite sarcophagus was at the floor level of the

precedin g corridor. A separate canop ic niche was located in the wall to the east of the

southern end of the sarcophagus.

To the north of the sarcophagus chamber, there w as another room, which h eld the

quartzite lid until after a coffin had been placed in its final position. At this point, the

lid would have been positioned over the southern end the sarcophagus against the edge of

the floor of the previous passag e. The position of the lid would also block access to the

canopic equipment in the wall (ca. 0.6 m on each side), though the top of this box w ould

have been visible in its niche. Next, the back room w ould have been empty and could

have received funerary good s. Then , a granite portcullis would have been moved from its

position in the west, sliding along the northern end of the sarcophagus lid, preventing the

Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 179-183. See also, Chapter 3, Section II.B.

832

Fakhry, Pyramids, p . 232; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 109; Fouilles a S aqqarah, p. 65, Pis. 17, 18.

8

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 36; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 65, Pis. 17, 18.

203



removal of the large stone.

In actuality, the lid remained in the room to the north, and it appears that the

sarcophagus had never been used.

834

How ever, as with almost every monument of this

period, there is some ev idence, to support its use. One of the sides of the quartzite lid of

this second burial chamber had been chipped as if

a

chisel had been utilized to gain

access to the tomb. Jequier thought that it was unlikely that robbers would have taken the

time to place the sarcophagus lid back into its original place.

83 5

Also, in this case, one

would have to assume that the granite portcullis had not been used, leaving the burial

vulne rable. Perhap s, a burial in this chamb er would explain the closing of the second

portcullis stone within the pyramid.

IV.C.

Subsidiary Burials

In the area near the eastern section of the southern side of the enclosure wall, the

excavators found a single tomb shaft, measu ring 3.3 by 2.1 m (Fig. 3.9.C). The tomb was

lined with limestone blocks, and the sarcophagus chamber had a saddle roof of the same

material. The sarcophag us was located in the floor, but there was no evidence that

anyone had ever been buried there.

IV.D.

Court Cemetery

To the west of the "Unfinished" P yramid (300 m ), there is a wadi running

northeast to southwest (SAK S 8) that appears to contain mastaba tom bs, which may

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 109;


p . 65.

835

Jequier,


p . 65, n. 62.

204



belong to the cou rt officials of the owner of this pyramid or that of Khendjer slightly

further north.

83 6

Many of these tombs are now sandy pits measuring roughly 7-12 m in

diameter with de bris fields of up to 25 m. Ne ar one pit, there was a large, quartzite

sarcophagus. Meanw hile, a railroad trench revealed the walls of

a

brick m astaba which

measures 10.4 by 16.8 m with a vertical shaft of more than 10 m in depth.

IV.E.

The O wner of the P yramid

Jequier believed that the second pyramid of South Sakkara belonged to either

Khutawyre W egaf or Semenkhkare Im yremeshaw, the predecessor or successor of

Wo serkare Khendjer.

837

According to Ry holt's chronology, Khutawyre Wegaf is the

predece ssor of Woserkare Khendjer. Unfortuna tely, howev er, the control notes found in

this tomb date from years 3 to 5,

838

but this king 's reign is only 2.25 years.

83 9

Thus, if

these notes are contemporary w ith the construction of the tomb, it is necessary to look to

one of the kings with a reign of

this

length in order to find a possible owner.

Ryholt proposes that this tomb belongs to one of Khen djer's successors.

84 0

He

suggested that it could be Sem enkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef, with a 3-5

year reign, based upon his theory that.

Papyrus Bulaq 18, a

text recording the accounts for

a royal sojourn to the Theban region, belongs to one of them. He also points to a mark,

found on stone used in the complex that has hieroglyphs spelling "W oserkhau".

841

836

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006"; Schiestl, "Neues zur

Residenznekropole," p. 49.

837


838

F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp. 181-183, KH12 1-128; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Figs. 46-47.

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 197, Table 136.

840

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 194, 244.

841

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p . 63, Fig. 47; Ryholt, Political Situation, p p.

80-81,

n. 245.

205



Ryholt believes that this crudely, painted inscription is the Nebty name of a king.

Unfortunately, no ruler can be matched with this potential Nebty name due to the fact that

this part of the royal titulary remains unknown for the bulk of the Dynasty XIII rulers.

Non etheless, the Nebty name pattern

X-p

c

wis

characteristic of the period.

Ryholt acknowledges that the use of this name to identify the stone as being for

the "Unfinished" Pyramid project is strange, though he justifies its use due to the

presence of this part of the titulary on the pyramidion of Khendjer.

842

How ever, in this

later object, the Nebty name is not used exclusively and, in fact, appears only once (as

does the Horus name, which is not preserved) while the nomen and prenomen are more

prolific.

84 3

Thus, though the mark at Sakkara could be the Nebty name of the unknow n

king, there may be other explanations, such as an elaborate team mark or other

designation, especially since it is not preceded by the two goddesses, Nekhbet and

Wadjet, w ho normally introduce this titular compon ent. If, how ever, the mark is truly the

Nebty name of the owner of the tomb, then Khutawyre Wegaf m ust be eliminated from

the list of possible rulers, who bu ilt the monument, since his "Two Lad ies" name is

Khabaw CM/w) .

8 4 4

.. -

A few officials are listed in the control notes inc luding, the retainers Nebai (nbii),

lm

(im),

and Seneb-nakht

(snb-nht)

and hall keeper of the enclosure Seneb (snb) as well

as those without titles such as Ameny {jinny) and He ri.. .-nakht (ph... -nht).

Unfortunately, all of these men held relatively minor positions, and, as of now, there are

842

Ryholt,


p p.

80-81,

n. 245 ; 194; Jequier,


p . 22, Fig. 18.

843

The presence of

the

Horus name is indicated by a small section of the lower right corner of

a

serekh and

the top of the head and crown of the falcon, which sits above it. See Jequier,


Fig. 17.

844

Note that there are other kings, who have known Nebty names. See Ryholt,


p .

81 ,

n .

245.

206



no inscriptions that tie them to a specific king.

The architectural features of the tom b itself may also provide clues as to its -

owner. The two sarcophagus chambers, as well as the pair of capstones, could belong to

the brother kings Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, especially since the latter emphasized

his relationship to the former. Both of these kings had relatively long reigns and w ith

their prosperity, visible through m onum ents, it could suggest that they would have been

able to construct significant funerary m onu me nts. How ever, the dual burial chambers are

of two different types (see below ), and a single king may hav e wished to have both styles

in his tomb since it is possible that they are linked to different aspects of royal funerary

religion at this time.

IV.F. Later Activity at the Pyramid

By the New Kingdom, the second pyramid at South Sakkara probably no longer

held religious importance, and there are tombs of this date in the northern areas of the

pyramid.

84 5

How ever, unlike in the complex of Woserkare Khendjer, these burials are

rare. Nevertheless, there was a more extensive New K ingdom cem etery with small

tombs to the west of the site (S AK S

6).

846

No clear signs exist as to who may have first entered the tomb, or who dug the

tunnel around the second portcullis. If Jeq uier 's hypothesis is correct that it was tomb

robb ers, who triggered the sand lowering system, then they were unfamiliar with the

other Late Middle Kingdom tombs and were probably not a part of any sort of large-scale

1

Jequier,

Fouilles a Sa qqarah,

p. 68.

846

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Repo rt Spring 2006."

Jequier,


p. 65.

207



destruction of these monum ents. How ever, this set of uninformed robbers could have

entered the tomb long after the original ones. Nonetheless, since no one seems to have

been buried w ithin this monument, the identity of any visitors with unseemly motives is

not of the utmost importance.

In the main burial chamber of the tomb, there were several early Arabic

inscriptions, showing that the people of that time were able to get through the blocked

portcullis, though other intruders may have succeeded previously.

84 9

One of these texts

refers to religious themes, while the other speaks of specific sects within the Islamic

movement.

V. The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau (DAS 18)

The funerary monument of Ameny Qemau, located 1.5 km south of the pyramid

complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur, was first excavated in 1957 by Muses of the

Falcon Wing Press in Denver, who was shortly thereafter convicted of crimes such as

antiquities theft and currency smuggling, some of which were later overturned.

85 0

No

proper publication of this expedition appeared, but the identity of the owner, a previously

unknown king named Ameny Qemau (incorrectly read as Aamu

85 1

), was revealed

through the inscriptions on calcite canopic jars . Some of these antiquities were allegedly

848

See Chapter 5, Section VI below .

849

Jequier,


pp. 66-67 , Figs. 48-49.

850

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; "The Strange Affair of Dr Muses, Or the Discovery

of the Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau,"

K MT 8

(1997), pp. 60-63;

After the Pyramids,

p. 8; J. Leclant, "Fouilles

et travaeux en E gypte, 1955-1957,"

Orientalia

27 (19 58), pp. 81-82; Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p.

326; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ame ny-Qema u," pp. 319-320. For an additional summary of the

monument, see Lehner,

Pyramids,

p . 185.

851

Dodson, "From Dahshur to D ra Abu el Naga," p. 39 , n. 38; "Strange Affair."; S. Gabra,

Chez les

Derniers Adorateurs du Trismegiste. La Necropole d'Hermopolis - Touna el Gebel

(Cairo, 1971), pp. 203-

207;

Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 325; Porter and M oss,

Topographical Bibliography HI (2),

p. 890;

Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 129; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 319, n. 312.

208



found in M uses ' possession, as he attempted to depart Egypt with them. The pyramid of

Ameny Qemau was revisited by the Italian architects, Maragioglio and Rinaldi, twice in

an attempt to record Muses' findings, they produced a short article published

approximately eleven years after the original excavation of the structure.

IV.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

The construction of the superstructure of the pyramid began with the clearing of

the sand from the natural limestone below.

85 3

Once the tomb builders reached bedrock,

they began to cut three level trenches on the north, south, and west, while they leveled an

area in the east, creating a square, uneven mass of limestone in the center (Fig. 3.10. A).

The trench measured 57.55-57.65 m on the exterior of the western side and ranged from

44.2 m to 45.3 m in length on the interior sides, making them from 5.85 m to 6.5 m in

width. The natural slope of the land made the construction of an eastern trench

unnecessary. Here, leveling, along with the measurement of the trenches led M aragioglio

and Rinaldi to suggest that the pyramid was intended to m easure 100 cubits with 52.4 m

being its actual length. The exterior line of each trench was reinforced with a hasty

construction of bricks and limestone.

85 4

The Italian architects have also suggested that a

hypothetical sinusoidal wall may have b een intended in the outer part of the trench within

meters of the encasement stones. How ever, this plan is unlikely , and the trenches are

within the normal widths for Late Middle K ingdom p yramids, suggesting that the

852

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 325-338. See also Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga,"

p.

27.

853

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 327-328, Pis. 353-356, Figs. 325-312; Swelim and Dodson,

"Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp .

320-321.

854

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 321 .

209



monument was to be slightly larger or that a foundation pavement would have extended

beyon d its line. Interestingly, the monum ent was constructed upon a natural limestone

plateau, possibly in order to make it seem taller than it actually was.

855

8

oep

3

o o f t

I

c.

4

U

"» i>V"

J

B.

•

*

rE=i':

Figure 3.10.

The pyramid of Ameny Qemau. After Maragioglio, 1968, PI. 51 .

Bricks from the superstructure, built upon the rock in the center, were still

preserved at the time of recording . No nethe less, there was a great deal of evidence that

suggested that the bulk of the superstructure remained incomplete after the burial of the

king, and it is possible that the casing had never been laid.

856

In fact, M aragioglio and

Rinaldi suggest that the structure may have been finished as a short mastaba rather than a

pyramid. How ever, even the funerary mo num ent of Khendjer wh ich has a pyramidion ,

855

Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropo le," p. 52.

856

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 328, 329; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Am eny-Qemau," p .

323.

210



was in a similar state in modern tim es, indicating that these sites suffered much

destruction and that they appeared in poor condition even in antiquity.

Maragioglio and Rinaldi have proposed that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau may

have been designed to have an enclosure wall, a causeway and a subsidiary p yramid,

because such features are found at some of the monuments at South Sakkara and

Mazghuna.

85 7

M ore significantly, they pointed to archaeological evide nce for other

features. M udbrick w alls and debris to the east of the structure have been interpreted as

being the remains of a mortuary temple (Fig. 3.10.B).

858

It is also possible that there is a

foundation for a small, north chapel within the relevant trench (Fig. 3.10.C).

85 9

The

outer side of the northern trench for the encasement of the pyramid turns toward the

north, extending out an additional 3 m, making the trench 9.6 m wide in the area in the

center of the northern side for an extent of at least 8 m. Unfortunately, the northern wall

is not preserved from this point until a section 11.5 m to the east after the trench had

returned to its smaller size.

V.B. The Components of the Substructure

Like the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs, that of Ameny Qemau w as

established using limestone blocks in an area cut out near the center of the superstructure

(Fig. 3.10.D).

860

In this case, how ever, since the pit was hewn from lim estone rather than

857

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328. Note that the "cause way s" at the other monuments are likely

to have been short ramps or roads for the transport of building materials and goods from lower to higher

areas within the com plex.

858

M aragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 338.

859

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 328; Swelim and D odson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau," pp . 319-

334.

860

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," Pis. 57-58, Figs. 13-14.

211



sand, the construction of the substructure must have proceeded at a relatively rapid rate.

The area between the natural bedrock and the placed limestone blocks was filled with

debris.

861

Ideally, the tomb would h ave been entered through a ramp, which led down

toward its entrance on the eastern side (Fig. 3.11 .A). However, for some unknown

reason, this ramp was never finished; it had been filled in.

862

Instead, one wou ld enter the

tomb through a small passageway, sealed after the interment of the king 's body with

stone blocks and bricks.

Figure

3.11.

The interior of the pyramid of Am eny Qemau. After M aragioglio,

1968,

PI. 51.

Once inside the tomb via the declining entrance passage, one would continue to

861

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 329-330; Swelim andDodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p.

323.

862

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 329-330; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny -Qemau ," p.

323.

212



the west through a short corridor (Fig. 3.11 .B). At this point, there was a quartzite

portcullis stone, which blocked the entrance to the next corridor, located at a higher level

(Fig. 3.1 l.C ).

86 4

Unlike the blocking stones found in Late Middle Kingdom tom bs,

including the others in that of Ameny Qemau, this one appears to have been lowered

from above through a shaft. Though Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that, in the

original plan, this portcullis likely was to have operated from the north to the south, it

appears rather, for some reason, an alternative system was used.

From the first blocking stone, a short passage (1.6 by under

1

by 1.1? m) led to

another room (1.3 by 1.4 m; Fig.

3.1

l.D), w hich again was filled with a qu artzite

portcullis stone (1.6 by 2.15 by 1.4 m), blocking a passageway located above the level of

the floor (Fig. 3.11.E).

865

The following corridor and turning chamber were not well-preserved, but their

general plan can be derived from knowledge of similar royal tombs from the period (Fig.

3.11.F-G).

86 6

The passageway was short and continued westward before ending in a

turning chamber of unknown dimensions. This room likely housed a hidden staircase

which may have negotiated a drop of roughly 1.2 m.

Another small corridor then led to the north before encountering the next turning

chamber; it too was in poor condition (Fig. 3.11. H-I).

86 7

This room, which was about 2.1

m in length, had vertical lines like those in the Dynasty XIII pyramids at South Sakkara.

863

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 337; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Am eny-Qemau," pp. 322-

324; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 438.

864

When Maragioglio and Rinaldi investigated this monument, this first portcullis stone was displaced.

See Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," PL 60, Figs.

18-21.

865

Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," pp. 335-336, PL 359, Figs. 315-317.

866

Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 334.

867

Maragioglio and R inaldi, "Note," p. 333.

213



From here, six steps led downward to a passage which continued to the west (1.74 by 0.9

by 1.75 m).

86 8

This corridor was roofed by a quartzite block w ith a thickness of 0.75 m .

The corridor ended in the antechamber, which had a north-south axis (3.25 by 2.2

by at least 2.2

m).

86 9

This area was the location of the lid of the sarcophagu s prior to the

burial of the king (Fig. 3.1 l.K ). Once the deceased ruler had been interred, the lid was

dragged into place over the sarcophagus in the burial chamber to the south (0.6 m thick),

and a quartzite portcullis was moved into place from the west (2.6 by 0.8 by 2.6 m),

sealing the burial cham ber off from the an techamb er. The lid of the sarcophagu s was at

the same level as the floor of the antechamber (Fig.

3.1

l.L).

87 0

The lid slipped up under

the side walls while the portcullis slid over it, sealing it from all directions as the end fit

into a notch.

87 1

This sarcophagu s type was similar to that in the second burial chambe r of

the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (4.50 by 2.18; Fig. 3.1 l.M ). Like most of the

other sarcophag us bases of the period, this one included both a niche for the coffin and

another at the southern end for the canopic equipment.

72

Unfortunately, the entire tomb, including the burial chamber, had been robbed in

antiquity, leaving only the canopic material behind.

87 3

As far as is know n to date,

fragments of a few objects were discovered, and only a small portion of those can be

found in the Egyptian M useum in Cairo today.

87 4

It is possible that some of these

artifacts were lost in the process of the legal proceedings against Muses.

868

It is likely that these staircases were hidden beneath floor blocks.

869

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 332.

870

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p . 62.

871

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

K ings," p. 40;

After the Pyramids,

pp. 8-9.

872

Dodson,


p. 30; Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," p. 331; Swelim and Dodson,

"Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 323, 325.

873

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra A bu el Naga," p. 27; Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "N ote," p. 332.

874

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 325-328.

214



In his excavations, Muses found a fragment of what may have been an offering

table.

87 5

He also discovered portions of the four canopic jars,.tho ugh there were .

conflicting reports as to whether or not the lids were recovered.

87 6

Nonetheless, the

calcite vessels, or parts

thereof,

were inscribed with standard texts (in four columns),

filled w ith blue-green paint, and they included the nomen of the king, Ameny Qemau.

According to Dodson, the morphology of the canopic jars in the tomb of Ameny

Qemau shows that the style was unchanged from late Dynasty X II. Likewise, the texts

reflect the same continuity, with the structure of the word

stp-sl,

I n *> , with the word

spelled out at the beginning, as well as the use of imt/t instead of the later hr.t/t, found

during the time of Aw ibre Hor.

7

Like in the funerary texts found on objects of

Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara, as well as the texts in her own

monum ent, the hieroglyphs in the sarcophagus chamber of Ameny Qemau w ere of the

mutilated style of the period.

V.C. The Ow ner of the Pyramid: Ameny Qemau

Fortunately, due to the discovery of canopic jars carrying the name of Ameny

Qemau, the owner of the Late Middle K ingdom royal funerary monument at Dahshur is

known. How ever, there are no other monuments or objects containing his name, and he

875

Dodson, "Strange Affair," pp. 62-63; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 324-325.

876

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 326.

77

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 40;


p. 30; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el

Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p.

6 2;

After the Pyramids,

p. 9; L. Habachi, "Review of Untersuchengen zur

politischen geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ag ypten,"

Cd'E

85 (1968), pp.

80-81;

Swelim and

Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," pp. 325-326. For other examples, in which the nomen is found on

canopic equipment without the prenomen, see Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qe mau," p . 329.

878

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Q emau," pp . 326-327. Note that the royal inscriptions are

only represented by a handful of

examples,

and any conclusions based on them must be treated w ith great

caution.

215



is not listed as such in the

T urin King-List.

Thus, the relative placement of this king

within Dynasty X III cannot be established with certainty. Non etheless, Ryholt has

suggested that the royal name (Sankhibre) Ameny Intef Amenemhet may refer to Ameny

Qemau as the grandfather of this ruler (Amenemhet, son of

Intef,

son of Am eny). Thus,

he places Am eny in a position prior to both Intef and Sankhibre Am enemhet. How ever,

the interpretation of this type of double (or triple in this case) name is not certain, as will

be shown later. Am eny could also have been a nickname for Am enemhet, of which there

are several options within the Turin King-List.

Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau w as

constructed after those at Mazghuna, and due to the state of completion, they surmised

that Ameny had had a relatively short reign.

87 9

Nonetheless, the architectural sequence of

the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is unclear. Given the size of the monument, it is likely

that this king had at least a norma l regnal length for the first part of Dynasty XIII. Very

little information concerning Am eny Q emau remains in the poor record, which exists

from the excavation s of his funerary structure. Thoug h the architectural remains likely

suffered greatly due to the elemen ts, since the Italian architects visited the site, this

location certainly is a prime cand idate for future research. Screening of the spoil from

the excavations would likely unearth ceramic material and other remains, which might be

useful in the study of the kings of this period . Als o, further ex amina tion of the site might

reveal more about the final plan of the structure, such as evidence for the existence of

periphery buildings attached to the pyram id.

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 325-326.

216



V.D.

Later Activity at the Pyramid

Unfortunately, there is not a lot of information concerning the cultural material

(such as pottery, statuary, small object, and etc.) found during the excavations of the

pyramid of Ameny Q emau. It is known that the monument w as in the midst of Old

Kingdom mastabas.

88 0

No m ention of any New Kingd om or later activity exists at the

site, yet Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggest that the monument was used as a source of

limestone sometime from the New Kingdom to the Arab Period.

88 1

Thus, without any

ceramic or other evidence, it is currently impossible to determine the date(s), in which

this tomb was looted and destroyed. One must also remember that the ruins of the

substructure of the pyramid remained uncovered and unprotected from the time Muses

excavated them un til (and after) the Italian architects returned to the site. Th us, modern

damage is also a consideration.

VI.

The Pyramid at North M azghuna

In 1910-1911, Mackay excavated two large monuments, the first of which is 1.4

kms south of Dahshur, in a place he called Mazghuna after the name of the train station

adjacent to the site.

88 2

According to a resident of a nearby v illage, de Morgan had

explored this monument previously, but, unfortunately, there is no record of his w ork

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p . 320.

881

Maragioglio and Rinaldi, "Note," pp. 3 31, 338.

882

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 37; Porter and Moss,

Topographical Bibliography IV , p. 76. Note that Jequier wrote that the name of this area was actually Gisr

Dahshur (Jequier, Fourths a Saqqarah, p. 67). For recent summaries of

this

material, see C. Holzl,

"Mazghuna," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New York, 1999), p.

475;

Lehner, Pyramids, pp . 184-185.

217



there.

883

VI.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

In his monograph concerning the site, Mackay reported that there was no

indication of a formal superstructure at North M azghu na, though he was-convinced

that there was a limestone pyramid due to the presence of fragments of this material on

the flat surface.

885

Also, Mackay was not able to excavate a large portion of the area

above the tomb , due to the presence of a Cop tic Christian cemetery. Thu s, either the

entire pyramidal feature had been removed through quarrying or intentional destruction,

or the plans for above-ground building were never im plemented due to some unk nown

circumstance such as the sudden death of the king.

Though there was no pyramid, Mackay did find evidence of two architectural

features in the area. He records a mu dbrick wall, running no rth/south, to the northeast of

the tomb and states that it may have been used to flatten the area by serving to retain sand

and debris. The wall was constructed of alternating headers and stretchers up to twelve

courses in height and was 0.95 m wide and 15.39 m long.

The second component of the com plex, the causeway or supply ramp, was a large

structure, measuring 43.74 by 116.43 m and began about 3.63 m east and 3.45 m north of

the entrance to the tomb .

88 7

The northern and southern extents of this feature were

composed of two walls, each with debris filling the space between; the former was wider

883

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 50.

884

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 28.

885

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

pp. 50-51, 55.

886

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 55 , PI. 49.

887

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 55, PI. 49. Spencer seems to have confused the causeway/ramp with the

outer wall, describing the construction of

the

former as the latter (Spencer,

Brick Architecture,

p. 49).

218



and had smaller walls running east-west for support. The 11.68 m between these two

structures was filled with debris, making a solid surface.

VLB.

The Components of the Substructure

The entrance to the tomb was on the eastern side of the structure, with a poorly-

preserved, ramped stairwell leading from the north.

88 8

There were ten steps descending a

passage, measuring 0.96 m wide by 4.56 m long (Fig. 3.12. A). The steps were cut into

the stone and were 0.53 m w ide by 0.43 m deep by 0.09 m h igh with a ramp on either

side of 0.22 m. The height of the passage ranged betwe en 1.90 and 1.93 m.

At the base of the steps, the staircase turned to the west with flat stones on either

side measuring roughly 2.61 by 0.81 m each.

889

The descent through the space between

the two stone blocks began as a ramp extending 3.78 m leading to thirty-one steps,

measu ring 0.53 by 0.38 by 0.09 m with a ramp of 0.22 m on either side. All of the

roofing bloc ks in this one were found in situ (Fig. 3.12.B). The level dropped 0.14 m and

then a ramp procee ded for another 1.06 m. At the end of this passa ge, there was clear

evidence that a wooden door was to have been p laced in this area due to the presence of

sockets and a bolt notch (Fig. 3.12.C). This door worked m uch in the same way as that at

Haw ara with a niche on the southern side for the closing of the door. M eanw hile, when

the door was opened, it fit into a niche in the northern wall, preventing it from narrowing

the corridor.

The presence of

the

door, as well as the ramps without steps, seems strange when

Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 232; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 51.

889


219



comp ared to the monum ents discussed before and after this section. A door in this

position must have either served in the construction process to keep out intruders, or it

may represent some sort of religious sym bolism related to the kin g's afterlife. The ramps

may have provided safety for the mumm y after the tomb was to be sealed. Mean while,

the workers must have used some sort of rope ladder across the slippery stone in order to

carry out their work below.

Figure 3.12. The substructure of No rth Mazghu na. After Petrie 1912, PI. 47

At the base of the staircases, there was a room with the dimensions of 1.97 by

1.61 by 3.8 m, where a quartzite portcullis stone, measuring approximately 4.5 by 2.01 by

1.79 m, would have been positioned to block the remainder of the tomb (Fig. 3.12.D).

890

The portcullis rested in a chamber, which was 1.63 m above the floor on the northern

side. From this point, the stone would have been po sitioned down a ramp, creating the

ceiling of the chamber and blocking the entrance to the next section of the tomb.

The portcullis was to block a passage, which was 1.64 m above the surface of the

1

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p .

5 1,

Pis. 47, 48(C).

220



floor of the previou s chamber (1.12.E). This corridor led from east to west, measuring

1.58 m long, 0.96 m wide and 1.4 to 1.59 m in height as the floor sloped downward 0.19

m. The ceiling was made of a single quartzite slab. This short passage en ded in another

chamber, measuring 2.38 to 2.41 m from east to west, 2.95 m north to south, and 2.37 to

2.38 m in height (1.12.F). In the southwest of this room , there was an entrance to a

corridor, extending 1.47 m to the south, being 0.97 m wide and 2.11 m high ending in a

portcullis room (Fig. 3.12.G-H).

The area for the portcullis stone, which was never used, was 1.76 m (north to

south) by 1.52 m by 3.75 m high.

89 2

The quartzite blocking stone itself is 2.96 by 1.69 by

1.79 m and sits in a recess to the east of its intended position. The mechanism used for

sealing this chamber was the same as that of the first portcullis discussed above as the

stone would have slid dow n the ramp to block the next section.

Once again, the corridor running south from the portcullis was 1.43 m above the

previous floor level (Fig. 3.12.1).

893

This passage was 1.59 m long and 0.98 m wide . The

corridor was set at an incline with the north being 1.47 m high while the height of the

southern end was 1.36 m.

At the end of the passageway, there was another room w ith an east-west axis,

894

measuring 4.93 by 2.51 by 2.13 m (Fig. 3.12.J). Mackay n ote dth at the floor appeared to

have been damaged when robbers dug into it, searching for the entrance to a non-existent

secret passag e. At the southw estern corner of this room, there was a set of two steps built

into the floor, leading west followed by a ramped staircase descending to the north.

891

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 52, PI. 47.

892

Petrie, et al ,

Labyrinth,

p. 52, PI. 47(F).

893

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 52, PI. 47(G).

894

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 52, PI. 47(H).

221



There was a ledge on the western wall, measuring 29 cms deep and was at a height of

approximately 3.8 cms above the level of the floor of the room.

The ramped staircase descended at an angle of 24° and was 0.85 m wide with

steps of

0.41

m in width, 0.41 m in depth and 0.16 m in height.

89 5

From the base of the

steps, a hallway extends in the same direction for an additional 8.33 m, the width being

0.99 m with a height of 1.69 m (Fig. 3.12.K). This passage had a roof compo sed of eight

blocks of limestone, and the floor was 6.3 cms below that of the area prior to the last

portcullis. At the end of the corridor, there was a room m easuring 3.3 by 2.69 by 2.38 m

(Fig. 3.12.L).

89 6

In the northwest of this chamber, there was a passageway leading w est

for 2.06 m being 0.97 m wide and 1.59 m high and was covered with a quartzite block

(1.12.M.).

The corridor ended in a large chamber measuring 9.16 m from north to south and

2.67 m east to west (1.12.N-P).

89 7

In reality, this room was conce ived as two separate

areas, the antechamber and the burial camber divided from one another by a quartzite

portcu llis. In the antechamb er, the floor wa s set to decline toward the sarcopha gus.

He re, the lid was found in its pre-burial position . It was a finely smo othed q uartzite

block measuring 4.23 m by 2.6 m and was 0.77 m thick, having flat ends and the arched

center commo n at this time. There was fine sand in the antechambe r, and Mackay

believed that it had been placed there deliberately or had fallen into the area during the

building process and had not been removed.

898

O nc e d i e body w a s p l a c e d i n to d i e t omb, t he l i d w ou ld ha ve be e n pos i t i one d ove r

895

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 2, PI. 47(J).

896

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 3, PL 47(K).

897

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 53, PL 47 (M).

898

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 54, PL 47.

222



the sarcophag us. A quartzite portcullis stone, measuring 3.21 (as estimated by the

excavator) by 2.62 by 0.61 m would have been m aneuvered dow n a quartzite ramp from

the west with the aid of a lever in a slot cut for this purpose.

89 9

This large block fit into

niches in both the roof and the eastern wall, fully sealing the remainder of the tomb.

The burial chamber itself has a saddle roof made of limestone (Fig. 3.12.P).

900

The sarcophagus was carved from a single slab of quartzite and measured 4.75 by 2.63 by

1.83 m , the southern end lying beneath the w all; the niche for the body w as to the north

of that for the canopic bo x. The former measured 2.38 to 2.39 m long, 0.94 to 0.96 m

wide and 1.17 to 1.18m deep while the latter was roughly square with the sides

measu ring 0.66 to 0.68 m and had a depth of 0.76 to 0.77 m. The sarcoph agus also had

small holes meant for the reception of tabs on the lid.

To the north of the burial chamber, there was a corridor 1.17 m long, 0.7 m wide,

and 0.66 m high, leading to a room with a floor surface at a level 1.50m below (Fig.

3.12.Q).

901

This chamber was on an east-west axis and measu red 4.70 by 1.49 m and

was 2.16 m in height. The entrance between the passage and the room was to have been

closed with a thin stone block.

Mackay does not propose a use for this room behind the burial chamber. Perhaps,

it contained funerary equipment, such as weapons and disassembled furniture (See the

tomb of Awibre H or below). One should note that the width and height of the corridor

would have limited the size of the material, which could have been placed in this area.

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p p. 53 , 54, Pis. 27, 28.

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 53 , PI. 27, 28.

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 54, PL 47 (N, O ), 48.

223



Like the antechamber, there was clean sand fill within this room.

Interestingly, there were some m arks in the tomb at North M azghuna.

90 3

The

quartzite blocks had all been painted red, and some had carefully dra w a black h orizontal

lines (about 19 cms apart) with less well-rendered vertical ones (approximately 10 cms

apart) between them. These lines even appear in places where they would not have been

visible once the tomb was sealed. It is possible that these mark s were used to help dress

these stones similarly to those on limestone surfaces in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at

South Sak kara. In the area of the entrance of the tom b, there were two quarry marks

written with black charcoal.

90 4

There was also a team mark on the back of

a

limestone

block in the western wall of the first portcullis chamber as well as two others in from

unspecified locations.

905

Mackay found no signs of offering goods or human remains, and the portcullis

stones had not been moved into their final positions, but he thought that the second

portcullis had once blocked the passage since the wall was not completely preserved

between this area and the hallway to the west.

90 6

He surmised that robbers had made a

hole because the passage was blocked. Ho wev er, it is difficult to understan d why the

portcullis would have later been moved back into its initial open position once the

"robb ers" had invaded the tomb. The tomb itself seemed to have no structural flaws, and

the workm anship is comparable to those of the other sites. Thu s, either the own er

decided to be buried elsewhere, or the political situation was such that a group of people

902

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 54, PL 47.

903


904

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 52 , PL 49.

905

F. Arnold, Control Notes, p. 175; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 5 5, PI. 49, middle.

906

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 58.

224



or the successor to the throne did not allow h im or her to be interred in the finished

tomb.

90 7

As a result, there was no indicative crater above, since the integrity of the

ceiling had been maintained. Like that in the "Unfinished" Pyramid, this condition may

have been due to the fact that the tomb had probably never been occupied. Thus, the

destruction found at the other monuments was not necessary here as will be seen below.

VI.C.

The Ow ner of the Pyramid at North M azghuna

Mackay believed that the tomb belonged to Amenem het IV or Nefrusobek,

picking the former over the latter due to the fact that the pyramid at North Mazghuna

resembled that of Amenemhet III at Hawara.

90 8

However, this conclusion is only one of

the possibilities as to who built the tomb.

909

Dodson suggests that this pyramid belonged to either Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef or

Khaankhre Sobekhotep II based upon his chronological analysis of the sarcophagi and

geographical placement of the tomb s.

91 0

He chooses these two kings due to their position

between Am eny Qem au and Khendjer w ith the South Mazghuna pyramid (see below)

falling between this monument, and the reign of Khendjer.

907


908

Edwards, Pyramids, p. 236; R.N. Gillam, "Sobekneferu," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford

Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p.

301;

Griraal, History, p .

171;

Petrie, et al., La byrinth,

p.

37. Verner also seems to believe that this tomb belonged to Nefrusobek though he acknowledges that

most scholars currently date the monument to Dynasty Xlll (Verner, Great Monuments, p. 433). He claims

that this monument is later than that of North Mazghuna due to the complexity of

the

corridors. Others

have also repeated the possible late Dynasty XII dating of this monument (Bell, "Climate," p. 260;

Callender, "Reign of Sebekneferu," p. 229).

09

Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p .

141;

Dodson, Th e Canopic Equipment, p . 29, n. 61 ; W. Grajetzki, "Zwei

Pyramiden der

13.

Dynastie bei Mazghuna und die ungeklarte Frage des Besttattungsortes von Amenemhet

IV. und Sobeknofru," Sokar 5 (2002), pp. 23-27.

910

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 3 1, 38.

225



VII.

The Pyramid at South Mazghuna

Mackay chose to investigate the South M azghuna pyramid, located 40 m from the

previously discussed monument at this site, because there was an area with limestone

chippings around a large crater filled with wind blow n sand. It appears that only the

depression was fully investigated while the remains of the periphery structures were

excavated on a more selective basis. Thus, though there is a considerable am ount of

information p ublished on the work and details of this site, there is still potential for future

exploration here.

VILA. The Elements of the Superstructure

Excavations revealed the method of constructing the tomb, a process familiar after

the discussion of the pyramids above. Four trenches, aligned with the cardinal

directions, surrounded a nearly square area, the exterior of

the

northern and western sides,

measuring around 55.67 m and 55.40 m respectively, making this monument roughly 100

cubits like that of Ameny Qemau (Fig. 3.13.A).

91 3

How ever, in this case these trenches

were built into the hard, sandy, desert floor, rather than into limesto ne. Large , roughly

cut limestone blocks in the bottom of the trench existed in at least two co rners. Over

these and around the edges of the trenches, were mudbrick w alls, one brick in thickness,

coated with whitewashed mud plaster in order to preserve the integrity of the sand after

soil had been remove d. These walls gradu ally leaned into the sides as they rose, an effect

911

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

pp. 232 -233; Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

pp. 41-50. For other summaries of the

pyram id's e lements, see HQlzl, "Mazghuna," pp. 474-475 ; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 184.

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p.

4 1;

Porter and Moss,

Topographical Bibliography IV,

p. 76.

913

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 2 8;

After the Pyramids,

p. 10; Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 41.

226



achieved by carefully placing the edge of each brick slightly back from that of the one

below . Outside of the trenches, there was a surface, extending 3.00 cubits out around the

entire extent.

In the area in the center, where the tomb pit lies, there were some bricks, which

measured 46.48 by 23.37 by 12.95 cms,

91 5

still in place in the superstructure. Ma ckay

found bricks one or two courses high, usually on their sides in the sand. He believes that

the monument at South Mazghuna was a mudbrick pyramid with limestone casing.

916

Such a structure is probable due to the parallels of the Late Middle Kingdom royal

monuments.

The monum ent of South Mazghu na had a complete enclosure of the sinusoidal

type, measuring 76.61 to 77.72 m on each side (N. 77.72, S. 76.4, E. 76.61, and W.

76.63? m; Fig, 1.13.B). This wavy wall was 1.05 m wide and still stood up to 1.52 m

high.

91 7

M ackay e xcavated this feature by following the structure along its outer face.

The southern and eastern walls were intact, while the other two only extended part of the

way toward the northwestern corner. There were two different sizes of bricks; one

measured 3 by 16 by 9 cms, and the other, 32 by 17 by 11 cms. Both were made from

alluvium soil mixed with sand,

918

and were usually laid as stretchers in the wall. The

curves averaged 3.71 m across and 1.04 m deep, and the wall had a thin coat of

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 41.

Spencer calculated the dimensions of bricks at 46.5 by 23.5 by 12.5 cms (Spencer, Brick Architecture, p.

38).

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 41. Other scholars have also repeated this conclusion based on Mack ay's

publication. See N. Swelim, T he Brick Pyramid at Abu Raw ash Number "I" by Lepsius: A Preliminary

Study (Alexandria, 1986), p. 72.

917

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p p. 41, 47, Pis. 39, 44.

918

Spencer states that the bricks were 30.5 by 15.5 by 9.5 cms and 32.5 by 17 by 10.5 cms (Spencer, Brick

Architecture, p. 38).

227



whitew ashed plaster. The southern section of the enclosure had been set into a trench in

order to place it at an even level w ith the rest of the structure as the surface w as at a

higher level in this location.

In the southern wall, near the eastern corner (18.8 m), Mackay discovered a

blocked entrance into the enclosure wall, measuring 3 .71 m (Fig. 3.13.C).

919

The

entrance led into a room measuring, 7.52 by 6.86 m, the north/south section being the

longest. An other entrance, measuring 3.96 m, was located on the same line as the first in

the northern wall. A second cham ber to the east shared a wall with the entrance room .

The means of access to this room is unknown since its southern end was disturbed on

both the eastern and western walls. Nonetheless, this room was 7.52 by 2.64 m. All of

these white, plastered walls were made with bricks measuring, 29 by 15 by 9 cms and 31

by 16 by 11 cms , a size essentially identical to those in the sinusoidal wa ll. On the

ground in this area, there was a large concentration of limestone chips, some of which

contained control notes from the construction of the tomb.

92 0

These dockets, originally

translated by Gardiner and later modified by F. Arnold, record the delivery of unnamed

items by the "expeditionary forces of the southern province" (three examples), dating

from y ears 2 to 3 of an unnamed king, and a "Seneb " (one piece). Mackay believed that

this entrance had been blocked either after the burial or during the destruction of the

tomb.

In the eastern side of the sinusoidal enclosure wall, there was a second building,

919

Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 233; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 47; Verner, G reat Monuments, pp. 432-433.

920

F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp . 174-175; Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 9-10, no. 14; Petrie, et al ,

Labyrinth, pp. 47-48.

228



which is almost centered, being 0.46 m closer to the northeastern corner (Fig. 3.13.D).

Mac kay assum ed that this structure was a funerary chapel. It had an entrance, on the

eastern side, which led to the largest room . This chamb er measu red 8.45 by 6.22 m and

had a surface, composed of plaster over a layer of bricks, which was 0.96 m below the

base of the wavy wall. » -

Figure. 3.13.

The Pyramid at South Mazgh una. After Petrie 1912, PI. 39.

At the back there was another entrance, measuring 0.88 m, offset to the south

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p p. 48, Pis. 39, 41, 4 5.

229



from the main doorway and extending back in the direction of the tomb . This small

area was 1.66 by 4 m with a vaulted roof made of larger bricks with straw inclusions and

may have held a statue of the deceased ruler.

In his report of his findings at South Sakk ara, Jequier notes a statuette fragment,

broken at the waist and missing its head and arms, now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo

(no. 54493). It reportedly originated from the pyramids at M azghu na.

92 3

It is likely, but

not certain, that this object came from the back chamber of the chapel of this tomb since

the northern monument appears to have remained em pty. Nonetheless, the statue

paralleled that of Khendjer, since it was made of black granite and was of similar size and

style.

924

The southern wall of the main room also had an entrance, which led to two

smaller rooms, the latter having a vaulted roof.

925

Originally, these two rooms had been a

single chamber mea suring, 2.18 by 6.22 m. The doorway had been filled w ith bricks,

sealing the roo ms.

Finally, in the northern part of the building, there was a doorway (1.05 m wide) in

the northern wall of the structure leading to two small room s. These chambers were

similar to the ones in the south, measu ring 2.83 by 2.11 m and 2.67 by 2.11 m. While the

floor of the first chamber w as at the same level as the main room to the south and all of

the adjoining ones, the surface in the northwestern area was 0.15 m lower than the others.

The brick sizes were 31 by 16 by 11 cms, 30 by 15 by 10 cms, 34 by 15 by 11 cms, and

922

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 48, PL 39, 41.

923

Jequier,


p. 67.

Jequier,


pp. 18-19, 67, PI. 15b-c.

925

Petrie, et al,

Labyrinth,

p . 48, Pis.

39,41.

926

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

pp. 48-49, Pis. 39, 41.

230



38 by 20 by 9 cms and were made of alluvium soil mixed with sand. Mackay found no

evidence of bonding between the walls of this structure and those of the enclosure, and,

therefore, believed that the former was built before the latter.

It is likely that the mudbrick structure is actually an economical version of

a

funerary temple or chapel, especially since the rooms are roughly in line with the burial

chamber to the west.

92 8

Though there is no evidence to prove the hypothesis, it is

possible that the small isolated room in the north of the structure may have served the

same purpo se as the northern chapel did at the pyramid of Khendjer. Ho wev er, in the

latter monument, it appears that the northern chapel was inaccessible from the exterior of

the complex.

VII.B. The Components of the Substructure

Mackay, like other excavators of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs, had a difficult

time with sand pouring into the pit as he proceeded 2.74 m to the roof and beyond. In

these difficult surroundings, the ancient Egyptians developed procedures in order to

facilitate their work in these difficult surroun dings.

92 9

The original pit itself was dug by

removing the loose sand and penetrating about 1.4 m of compacted soil through a layer

with a high concentration of tiny stones and into another of

clay.

The removed looser

sand was placed just outside the pit area w hile the lower levels were cast just beyond

wh ere the sinusoidal wall was constructed. In the plates from the exca vations at

Mazghuna, there is another feature, which must have been used to help control the sand

927

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 48.

928

Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 233.

29

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 42.

231



walls of the pit. He re, like in other mo num ents, brick lines the trench and the

stonework.

The entrance to the tomb was centered in the southern part of the pyramid, near

the trenches (Fig. 3.13.E). From here, a ramped staircase led northwa rd and dow nward

(22° 30 ') approximately 4.88 m, at which point the passage continued for 0.84 m at the

same level (1.13.F).

93 1

The stairs measu red 37 cms across with smooth surfaces of 28

cms and 25 cms on the eastern and western sides, respectively. The steps were narrow in

depth, measuring 11 cms each, and the final step dropped down 13 cms. The entire

staircase was sculpted into stone after it was placed in the entrance corridor.

At the base of the entrance corridor, there was a chambe r with the dimensions 1.4

m (N/S) by 1.14 m (E/W), where a granite portcullis stood (Fig. 3.13.G).

932

Though the

stone blocked the passage, it was still about 0.36 m short of where it was designed to rest.

The large portcullis, measuring 2.63 by 1.49 by 1.45, sat on limestone with an uneven

line cut down the middle to reduce friction, and a strip of granite (on the northern side).

These elements were cut at an angle of

4°

15',

declining from east to west, allowing for

the movement of the portcullis into place with the use of levers. Like in the other tomb s

discussed previously, this stone provided the ceiling to this room.

On the opposite side of the portcullis, the entrance to a corridor was entered at a

greater height.

93 3

From here, a second ramped staircase continued dow nwa rd (18°) to the

north, extending 2.79 m (Fig. 3.13.H). There were eight steps, each measuring 0.11 m in

de p th a n d 0 .39 m in w id th w hi l e , on e i t he r s i de , t he r a mp w a s 0 .27 m w ide . A t t he e nd o f

930

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, Pis. 42, 43.

931

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 42.

932

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp.

42-43,

PI. 39.

933

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp.

42-43,

PI. 39.

232



the staircase, there was a 0.13 m ledge, followed by a 0.84 m- long corridor.

The hallway ended at a room, measuring 1.4 m east-west and 1.14 m north-south,

that held a granite portcullis much like the previous one, with the dimensions of 2.65 m

by 1.59 m by 1.45 m (Fig. 3.13.I-J).

93 4

T hough the passage remained open, it was clear to

the excavators that the principles used for the lowering of the stone were identical to the

previous one. How ever, this particular example would have descended from the west,

rather than the east, at an angle of 6° 15'.

Once again, a corridor, located at a higher level ran northward, but it was in such

poor condition that Mackay w as unable to acquire its measurements.

93 5

This passage led

to a rectangu lar room that was equally destroyed (Fig . 3.13.K). Ho weve r, at the eastern

end, the floor level dropped 1.04 m downward via one cut-in step measuring, 0.42 by

0.35 by 0.1 m, presumably with a 0.49 m drop leading to it, and a large stone, measuring

1.08 by 0.2 by 0.5 m, placed inside of the next corridor (Fig. 3.13.L). Arou nd the steps

on the eastern and southern walls, there was a ledge (0.15 to 0.16 m on the south and 0.22

to 0.23 m on the east) along the line of the hallway, the walls being cut back slightly, at

the height of the floor of the rectangular room.

The corridor was 10.29 m in length, 1.07 to l.0 8 m in width at the bas e, and 1.07

to 1.09 m at the top, running from the south to the north (Fig. 3.13.M).

936

In this area, six

preserved roofing sto nes, all of which were set at a lower level than tha t of the area with

the ledge, covered most of the hallway. Interestingly, the height of the midd le section

(four blocks) of

the

ceiling of the corridor was 0.10 to 0.22 m higher (1.63 m) than the

934

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 43 , PI. 39.

935

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 43, PL 39 , 40.

936

Petrie, et al,

Labyrinth,

p. 43, PL 3 9,4 0.

233



other areas (1.41 to 1.53 m) for a length of 4.13 m. The eastern and weste rn walls we re

constructed on top of the floors using three courses of stone blocks,

93 7

ranging in size

from 1.59 to 1.98 m in length and from 0.48 to 0.64 m in width .

At the end of

the

corridor, there was another area with a ledge on the eastern side,

measuring 1.75 m in height and 0.25 m in width (Fig. 3.13.N).

938

A small staircase, made

up of three steps, ascended approximately 0.89 m from the northern end of the hallway

toward the west. The depths of the steps were 0.19, 0.23, and 0.25 m from b ottom to top

with the second being cut into two sections of stone, and stabilized with a wooden

dovetail cram p.

At the top of the stairs, there was an antechamber with the dimensions, 9.00 to

9.04 m east/west, 2.11 to 2.15 m north/south, and 1.62 to 1.66 m in height (Fig.

3.13.0).

93 9

Six of the original nine roofing blocks were still in place, measuring 4 .47 m

in length and 0.49 to 1.21 m in width. Mack ay noted that this room seem ed to have been

filled with small limestone blocks as many of the same size were found within the walls.

On the eastern side of

the

southern wall of the antechamber, there was a charcoal

sketch of what Mackay believed to be a king on a funerary bier. He dates the drawing

to some time later than the burial, possibly at the time when the tomb w as destroyed due

to his assessment that some plaster had fallen from the wall before the charcoal had been

applied as it was on both this substance and the bare stone. Ho wev er, the pho to in the

publication seems to indicate that this "plaster" may h ave been gypsum mortar used to

937

Mack ay records the courses as 0.53, 0.64, and 0.48 m thick on the eastern wall from bottom to top and

0.53,

0.56, 0.57 m thick on the west side (Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44).

938

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 43-44, PI. 39 ,40 ,44 .

939

Petrie, et al ,

Labyrinth,

p p. 44-45 , PI. 40 (N).

940

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 44, PI. XLIV.

234



slide the large stones into place. At Aby dos, such blotches of this substance exist even on

the smoothed interior surface of the limestone in a similar

tomb.

94 1

Until further research

is undertaken at South Mazghuna, it is probably best to keep the dating of this drawing

open.

Mackay did not understand the architectural purposes of the elements of this part

of the tomb ,

94 2

but it is clear that the sarcophagus of the South Mazghuna monum ent had

the same sand lowering system as tombs of Amenemhet III at Hawara and the pyramids

at South Sakkara (Fig. 3.13.Q).

94 3

As one would expect, there are two small corridors

leading to the eastern and western sides of the sarcophagus to allow a person to trigger

the flow of sand from beneath the sup ports of the mobile lid componen t. The first of

these portals is located in the middle of the long hallway, which leads north from a

destroyed room to the antechamber (Fig. 3.13 M ).

94 4

Next to the western wall of the

large corridor 4 m from the northern extent of the tomb, is a square hole 0.5 m east/west

and 0.73 m north/south. It had been designed to be covered by a thin limestone cap,

sitting on narrow supp orts, while blend ing it into the rest of the floor. The small corridor,

which runs from east to west, is 3.44 m long, 0.7 to 0.74 m wide, and 0.91-0.92 m high.

The entrance to the second portal, which is located in the southwestern corner of

the antechamber, was 0.86 m north/south, 0.85 m east/west, and 0.91 m deep (Fig.

3.13.P).

94 5

The first section proceeds from north to south, measuring 3.65 m long, 0.8 to

0.86 m wid e, and 1.08 to 1.1 m deep . This passage ends with the entrance to a second

941

These observations are from my excavations of S9 at South Abydos in

2003.

942

Edwards, Pyramids, p. 236; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 44-47, 49-50, Pis. 40, 41, 44.

943

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 28-29.

944

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44, PL 40 (O), 44.

945

Petrie, et al , Labyrinth, p . 45, PI. 40 (Q and R).

235



corridor in its floor. The dimensions of the passage, which travels eastward toward the

burial chamber, are 3.15

94 6

by 0.77 m with a depth of 0.95 m .

Within the second passage, Mackay discovered several objects, including a single

alabaster, vessel resembling a duck.

9 7

This vessel, which was 0.46 m tall with a rim of

0.11 m and a maximum diameter of 0.24 m, had been sliced in half and reassembled in

ancient times. In this same location, Mack ay found two limestone lamps.

In order to reach the sarcophagus, one has to enter a hidden passage located near

the center of the antechamber, along the northern wall (Fig. 3.13.0).

9 8

Two steps, one

each on the east and west of the entrance descend to a third, which sits upon the floor of

the corridor. From here a passage leads to the south and measu res 2.09 m in length, 1.06

m in width, and 0.85 m in height.

The burial chamber is well-preserved in the north, but poorly in the south.

Nonetheless, it is clear that the room had a saddle ceiling.

9 9

The height of the roof above

the sarcophagus would have been 1.08 m. The sarcophagus chamber was 4.10 m in

length (north/south) and 2.88 m in width (east/west) and was made of

one

single piece of

roughly he wn qu artzite with two additional slabs for the lid. To the east and west of this

northern lid there are quartzite supports measuring 0.89 by 0.34 by 0.95 m (eastern) and

0.89 by 0.34 by 1.05 m (western). The interior of the sarcophagus had two nich es, the

northern one for the coffin and the southern for the canopic box. The former m easured

No te that Ma ckay lists the length of this pass age in two places, the first of which is repeated here . The

other measurements at 2.35 m must ex clude the area of the entrance so as not to double count the area

within both passages though they are at different levels (Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 45, PI. 40).

7

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p p. 45-46, Pis. 43, 46. For parallels, see Bourriau,


p .

141.

948

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

pp. 44, 45 , Pis. 40, 44.

949

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p p. 46-47, Pis. 40,

41;

Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p . 432.

236



2.4 to 2.43 by 0.9 to 0.92 by 1.04 to 1.06 m w hile the latter was 0.72 to 0.73 m on each of

its four sides with a depth of 0.7 to 0.72 m. The sou thern lid block (2.23 by 2.11 by 1.4

m) was fixed in place and had a space hollowed out on the inside that measured 0.43 m,

allowing for the deposit of the canopic box. The second (mobile) lid componen t

appeared to be lodged into the northern wall (southern limit'of

the

antechamber, 2.59 by

2.01 by 0.99 to 1.57 m) in the entrance corridor. Inside the sarcophagus w ithin the

debris, Mackay discovered a piece of a calcite koh l pot and a sm all, steatite inlay.

950

Figure 3.14.

Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna.

No te that the mobile com ponent of the lid to the left is out of position . After

Petrie 1912, PI. 41 .

Mackay's description of the position of the mobile quartzite lid component has

caused some deg ree of confusion (Fig. 3.14). He states that, "the southe rn side wall of

the great northern chamber (the antechamber) thus improperly included this block in its

951

mason ry." Meanw hile, later in the publication, he explains that this stone would have

been pushed into place from the second passage and argues against it ending in this

950

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 40; "From Da hshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p . 29;

After the Pyram ids,

p .

11; Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 46.

951

Petrie, et al,

Labyrinth,

p. 46, PL 41.

237



position, due to robbers sliding it such an inconvenient distance. How ever, the plate

shows this stone as being lodged within the limestone with its thicker end being further in

the structure of the wall, making it impossible that this stone was meant to move from its

• • 953

current position.

Entrance size

Width

Coffin

0.90

Entrance

Passage

Open x 1.06

1.06

Corridor 1

0 .50x0 .73

0.70

Corridor 2A

0 .86x0 .85

0.80

Corridor 2B

0.80x0.76

0.76

Table 3.1.

Size comparisons between the width of

the

coffin (measurements for the

space allowed within the sarcophagus) and that of the passages leading to the

sarcophagu s chamber at South Ma zghun a. The entrance passage clearly displays the

proper dimensions for the transport of the funerary equipment.

The unclear description provided by Mackay has led to at least one incorrect

reconstruction of the tomb, other than his own. Lehner suggests that both of the quartzite

stones are in their intended and permanent positions and that a third missing stone would

have been positioned between them, using the sand lowering system, paralleling H awara

in the way in which that lid functioned. Ho wev er, in the Haw ara exam ple, the part of

the lid closest to the northern passage is the one controlled by the sand lowering system

with the second and third being in their fixed position. In this way, the canopic chest and

the coffin could be placed into the sarcophag us through the opening below the lid. Once

the burial was complete, the sand lowering system would be activated, causing the

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 50.

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

PL XLI.

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 184.

238



sarcophagus to seal and the burial chamber to be closed off from the corridor leading to

the antechamber. The problem w ith placing the mobile lid component in the middle is

that there would have been no way to insert the deceased king into the tomb since the

burial chamber would have been sealed with the stone in the passage. Since the main

passage has the dimensions necessary to carry the coffin into the chamber, this was

certainly its purpo se (Table 1.1). M eanw hile, the other corridors had been used to initiate

the sand lowering system and had provided for the flow of sand allowing for the closing

of the mobile section of the lid.

955

VII.C. Court Cemetery

To the north of the pyramid at South M azghuna, there are a number of pits (DA S

54), indicating the existence of a cemetery.

956

Currently, these burials are represented by

pits,

but they may have originally been mastaba s or shaft tomb s. Unfortunately, now ,

how ever, the area is heavily disturbed. These tomb s could also be associated with the

pyramid of North M azghuna, but they are closer to the southern monum ent.

VII.D.

The Owner of the Pyramid at South Mazghuna

Mackay believed that the pyramid at South Mazghuna belonged to either

Amenhotep IV or Nefrusobek, favoring the former over the latter, due to the similarities

with the tomb of Hawara and the fact that this monument was smaller than that at North

See also Dodson,


p. 33.

956

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Exca vations Report Spring 2006;" Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p.

233. Recently, Schiestl discovered a beer jar rim, dated to Dynasty X III, in this area (Schiestl, "Neues zur

Residenznekropole," p. 52).

239



Mazghu na. How ever, Jequier later proposed that this monum ent and the one to the

south are so similar in architectural features to those of South Sakkara, including that of

Khendjer, that the Mazghuna monuments probably date closer to the reign of this king

than to the end of Dynasty X II.

95 8

Ho wev er, in light of the architectural characteristics of

the entire corpus, this relationship is not as significant as it might seem at first. The

similarities between this monu ment and S9 at South Ab ydos, to be discussed below, seem

to suggest that these tombs are of similar date, likely having been constructed relatively

early in Dynasty XIII.

Fakhry has suggested that it is possible that material from the potential court

cemetery m ay contain inscribed objects with the nam e of the king, who bu ilt the

com plex. Potentially, the name of the owner of both this tomb and that at North

Mazghu na could be revealed by items such as control notes from elements of the

complexes themselves. Modern re-excavation of these pyramids and their peripheral

funerary installations would certainly be welcomed and could become essential

components of the study of D ynasty XIII kingship.

VILE. Later Activity at the Pyramid

It appears that the pyramid at South M azghuna had been disturbed during Dynasty

XV III. Several burials were located around the sinusoidal walls while others including

957

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p. 37. Note that the dating of South Mazghuna to Amenemhet IV still appears

in some recent publications, though authors usually allow for the possibility that the monument belongs to

Dynasty XIII (Bell, "Climate," p. 260; Callender, "Reign of Sebekneferu," p. 229; Verner, Great

Monuments, p. 432).

958

Jequier, Fourths a Saqqarah, p. 67. Currently, most scholars believe that this monumen t should be

dated to Dynasty XIII (Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p.

141;

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 29, n. 61 ;

Grajetzki, "Zwei Pyramiden," pp. 23 -27; Hayes, Scepter, p. 341).

240



two tombs dated to the reign of Thutmosis III were within the pit for the substructure of

the monument.

95 9

The placement of these burials caused Mackay to believe that the

superstructure of the tomb had been completely destroyed prior to this king's time in the

Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom.

VIII. The Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor at Dahshur

The last example of a "certain" Dynasty X III royal tomb is that of Awibre Hor,

who was originally thought to have been an insignificant coregent of Amenemhet III of

Dynasty XII, since he was buried in a renovated shaft tomb within the earlier king's

abandoned funerary complex at Dahshur.

96 0

The shaft was located in the outer row of

tombs found between the two temenos walls on the eastern side of this pyramid.

96 1

This

tomb w as excavated by de M organ in the spring of 1882 with the help of Legrain and

Jequier, the last of whom would later work at South Sakkara at the pyramid of Khendjer

and the second mo nument of unknown ownership discussed previously.

962

959

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 49.

960

S. Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor. Essai d'interpretation du materiel decouvert par Jaques de Morgan a

Dahchour (1894),"

BIFAO

101 (2001), pp. 12-39; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;

Weigall,

Pharaohs,

pp. 147-149. For further bibliography on the elements of

the

tomb and objects within,

see Porter and Moss,

Topo graphical Bibliography HI (2),

pp. 888-889. Note that a few years after the tomb

was excavated, Petrie m istakenly reported that it was a pyramid at Dahshur, though he did recognize that

the king belonged to Dynasty XIII, despite the misinterpretation of the name as Rafuab (Petrie,

History,

p .

208).

961

J. de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894

(Vienna, 1895), pp. 86, Fig. 205. A loose English

translation of some of this report can be found along with selected photos and plans in R.L. Cron and G.B.

Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur: Excavations in the 12th Dynasty Pyramids, 1894-'95 Part Two ,"

KM T

6

(1995), pp. 58-60.

962

de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,

pp. 84, 87, 90,

91,

Fig. 209. As the excavations

commenced, a statuette within the debris yielded the name of the unknown king, Awibre Hor.

241



VIII.A. The Elem ents of the Superstructure

It is unknown as to whether or not there was a superstructure above the tomb of

Awibre Hor, but it is likely that his architects envisioned the pyramid complex of

Amenemhet III as an important part of

the

later kin g's tom b. In other wo rds, this later

and less-powerful ruler likely hoped to acquire the benefits of the entire Amenemhet III -

funerary complex by being buried within its wa lls. Such a concept wou ld eventually

lead to the burial of rulers beneath the natural pyramid within the Valley of the Kings in

the New Kingdom . In the Late Middle Kingdom, it also became the practice of some

4

priests at Sakkara to extend the lengths of the corridors to allow their burial shafts to lie

beneath the walls of the Old Kingdom pyramid enclosure or even within the courtyard of

pyram id com plex of Teti in order to attempt to receive increased status in the afterlife.

964

VIII.B. The Architectural Components of the Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor

Before the burial of King Awibre Hor, ancient engineers had modified a Dynasty

XII court tomb in order to contain the elements desired for the royal interment.

965

The

original part of the tomb included a shaft measuring 2.7 by 1.49 m with a door, which had

a limestone lintel and lead to a chamber with the dimensions 2.7 by 1.4 m (Fig. 3.15.A-

B). This room had a vaulted ceiling, which had collapsed by the time of modern

Concerning the tomb of Aw ibre Hor, Clayton states, "This site was presumably chosen to indicate

solidarity and continuity with the previous dynasty" (Clayton,

C hronicles,

p. 91).

964

D.P. Silverman, "Middle Kingdom Tombs in the Teti Pyramid Com plex," in M. Barta and J. Krejci

(Praha, 2000) pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272; Silverman, "Non-Royal Bu rials." One of

the

gallery

tombs extends beneath the walls of

the

inner enclosure of

the

pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara, and

all three are within the complex . For the

965

de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894,

pp. 88, 101-102, Figs. 208, 242, 243; Dodson,

"Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 42; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga ," p. 30; Dodson,

After the

Pyramids,

p. 13.

242



excav ations. From this point, a new section had been added to the south of the original

tomb via a shaft to the south of the entrance (me asuring 6.1 by 2.4 m; Fig. 3.15.C). An

antechamber, measuring 2.77 by 1.33 m, was the first of

the

two new rooms (1.15.D). It

is here that the sarcophagus lid was stored until the time of the interment.

966

Next, at a

lower level, the architects created a burial chamber with a limestone, saddle-roof

(1.15.E).

96 7

The sarcophagus cham ber mea sured 2.95 by 1.26 m, excluding the canopic

box niche in its southern end. The walls of both room s were covered in plaster.

A

B

y

Figure 3.15. Plan of the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor. After de M organ 1895, Fig.

243.

The sarcophagus room , which was made of quartzite (described as sandstone by

de Morgan), did not have an unfamiliar arrangement after the discussion of the Late

Middle Kingdom monuments above.

96 8

Though the canopic box was not included in the

sarcophagus, this container was found in the center of the southern end of it in the

966

Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.

967

Di. Arnold, Building, p p. 194, 195, Fig. 194.191.133; de Morgan, Fouilles aDahchour Mars-Juin 1894,

p.

102, Figs. 243-244; "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; After the Pyramids, p. 13.

968

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 102, Fig.

211;

Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p .

31 , Fig. 38.

243



expected position . Once put into its place , the sarcophagus lid was even with the floor

much like that of Ameny Qemau.

969

VIII.C. The Co ntents of the Tomb of Awibre H or

The real significance of the tomb of Aw ibre Hor is not the architectural features

but, rather, the fact that the tomb had lain relatively undisturbed, and that excavators

found some of the items buried with the king still in place. In fact, the mum my of

Awibre Hor, though little more than a decomposed skeleton, is the only royal example

found to date from the entire Middle King dom . Considering that the excavations of the

other Late Middle Kingdom tombs have only recovered fragments of a few objects, the

nature of the cultural material in the tomb is of the utmost importan ce. Unfortunately, the

tomb had been robbed; the violators successfully punctured a hole in the ceiling of the

sarcophagus chamber, and parts and pieces of some of the tomb equipment were found

dispersed chaotically around the chambers.

971

The antechamber contained the wo oden ka statue of this king within a naos, both

now in the Egyptian M useum in Cairo (JE 309 48).

97 2

Interestingly, the position of this

statue (1.35 m in height) within the antechamber paralleled that of the body in the

sarcophag us; it was on its back with its feet to the south. The majority of the we ll-

carved statue was made of one block of wood, w hile other parts were attached, and the

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 42;

After the Pyramids,

p . 13.

970

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 42; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30;

Monarchs,

p. 68;

After the Pyramids,

p. 13.

971

de Morgan,


p. 90.

972

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp . 17-26; de Morgan,


pp. 91-92,

Figs.

211-216, Pis. 233-235 ; Dodson, "From Da hshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.

244



joins w ere hidden using a thin coat of gray plaster over the entire wo rk. Certain

features of the statue, such as the nails, ey elids, and belt, had been covered in gold leaf.

The ka arms, eyes, and beard were all detached and lay in the naos.

The naos, which held

the ka

statue,

had

inscriptions

on its

forward-facing wooden

planks, which flanked the image of the king.

97 4

These inscriptions were attached to the

wooden naos, using a technique found throughout this tomb as well as in the deb ris from

the Late Middle Kingdom tomb S9, to be discussed below . A layer of plaster, placed

over the wood, was covered in gold leaf, and the hieroglyphs were etched into this

material. In this case , the inscriptions, which include the kin g's complete titulary, had

been painted green.

Figure 3.16. The contents o f the tomb of Awibre Hor. After de Morgan,

1895, Fig. 211.

Th e ka statue did not stand directly upon the base of the naos as there was a niche

between it and the platform for the figure.

975

This area was packed with wood shavings,

973

This thin plaster coat fell

off

the statue during excav ations.

974

de Morgan,


pp.

9 1,

Figs. 213-214. For a discussion of the text

and paleography

in an

argument

for

the dating

of

this king

to

Dynasty X II,

see

Aufrere, "Le

roi

Aouibre

Hor," pp. 17-21.

975

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 29-30; de Morgan,


p. 92.

245



containing m iniature woo den vessels. In all, there were fourteen different types of

vessels, ranging in frequency from one to fifteen; all were painted w hite.

7

Interestingly, there was a second ka figure within the tom b.

97 7

In the debris in the

shaft, de Mo rgan discovered a poorly preserved ka statuette. This wooden figure, which

was covered in gold leaf and had quartz eyes, provided the first sign of

the

name and

status of the occupa nt of the tomb with its inscriptions. As with the larger one, this figure

was in a naos proportioned to its size, the fragments of which were found in the tom b. It

too was inscribed w ith green hieroglyphs into gold leaf.

An interesting group of alabaster objects was comprised of two stelae, an offering

table, and a vessel. From the western side of the antechambe r, there was one small

calcite stela containing an offering formula,

978

and one larger stela with a text of fourteen

lines of

Pyramid Texts

(PT 204-205) came from the naos in this same room.

97 9

Also,

there was an inscribed canopic jar.

98 0

Finally, de M organ found the pieces of an offering

table, displaying an offering formula, in and around the naos in the antechamber.

981

All of the inscriptions mentioned above displayed blue, mutilated hieroglyphs.

982

976

de Morgan, Fourths a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 97, Fig. 226. Note that the number of these vessels

in tombs of the royal family may have been standardized between 59-62 and that they may correspond to

the number of goods in the offering formula found on offering tables such as that of Neferuptah (Aufrere,

"Le roi Aouibre Hor," p . 29).

977

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 14, 17-26; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 18 94, pp. 90,

95 , Fig. 209, 220.

978

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 27-29; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, p. 94, Fig.

218; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.

979

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 16, 26-27; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 94,

Fig. 217; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 20; Burial Customs, p. 57.

980

de Morgan,


pp. 91 , 95 Fig. 210. Note that there were fragments

of

two

of these jars found throughout the tomb (B. Liischer,

Untersuchungen zu dgyptischen

Kanopenkasten, H ildeshceimer Agyptologische Beitrage 31 (Hildesheim, 1990), pp. 24, 27). See also

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 14.

981

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, p. 95 , Fig. 219.

982

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 37-38; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, pp. 91 , 94-

95 , Figs. 210, 217-219 . See also Chapter 3, Section II.B for references for mutilated hierogly phs.

246



Due to the presence of the disfigured signs, it is likely that these objects were meant to be

close

to the

body.

In

Dynasty XIII animated signs, such

as

snakes, birds

and

humans

were mutilated to prevent them from coming alive and harming the deceased. It is

interesting

to

note that both

the

large

and

small naos statues

had

normal hieroglyphs

indicating their location away from sacred space surrounding

the

body

itself.

De M organ found countless pieces of staves and other objects throughout the

tomb. There were

so

many,

in

fact, that

he was

only able

to

reconstruct

a

handful

of

examples. Also, he did not report on the frequency of the types , and, thus, there is only a

very incomplete record of these objects. Typ es included

a

staff topped with

a

wooden

head

of

Horus;

mekes,

was

(1.55 m in

height), dam,

and awat

staves;

a

flail;

a

granite

mace; two broken arrows, part of a dagger, and a sheath.

98 4

The scepters, staves, and

weapons came from

the

naos,

the

coffin,

and a

case, which

was

found

out of

context

on

the western side of the antechamber.

985

All of these objects were made of wood and were

decorated with gold

leaf.

In

the

naos

and

around

the

tomb, there were many ceramic pottery vessels.

From the text, it is certain that many of these pieces were Nile C, including jars, plates,

and cups.

9 7

Unfortunately, however, this important ceramic evidence, tied

to a

specific

983

de

Morgan, Fouilles

a

Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,

pp.

96-97, Figs. 221-225. Note that

de

Morgan

believed that

the

staves

had

been broken during

the

funeral

and not by

robbers. These objects

are

similar

to

those

of

Dynasty

XII

princesses, Senebtisi

and

Neferuptah (A.C. Mace

and

H.E. Winlock,

The

Tomb

of

Senebtisi atLisht (New York, 1916),

Pis.

29-32; Farag

and

Iskander, Neferwptah,

pp.

34-36, 66-69, 82-89,

Pis. 27a,

31b, 38,40,49 ,

52).

de Morgan ,

Fouilles

a

Dahchour Mars-Juin 1

894 , pp. 96-100, Figs . 221, 223-225 . For information on

staves,

see

H.G. Fischer, "Notes

on

Sticks

and

Staves," MM J13 (1978),

pp. 5-32; A.

Hassan, Stocke

und

Stdbe im Pharaonischen Agypten bis

zum

Ende des Neuen R eiches (Berlin, 1976).

985

de

Morgan, Fouilles

a

Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,

p.

96; Dodson, "From Dahshur

to Dra Abu el

Naga,"

p.

30.

986

de

Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, p.

98, Figs. 227-228.

987

The

fabric typ e, Nile

C, is

characterized

by

silt clay with large straw inclusions.

247



king of Dynasty XIII, who is known in the

Turin King-List,

w as poorly recorded and

provide s no significant information such as fabrics and types. Other objects found in the

naos included: basketry, a wooden box, and tubular faience bead s.

988

The burial chamber contained a coffin decorated with an eye panel and a golden

band of inscriptions on a flat lid;

98 9

the signs of birds and snakes were truncated . Inside

of the coffin, the body was heavily decayed, leaving only a skeleton, and most of the

jewels had been taken.

99 0

Non etheless, some objects were found within the context of the

coffin.

One of the most exciting items found within the coffin was the mummy mask (in

fragments). This object was made of wood and had gilded plaster over it, mak ing a

more economical mask in the style of the golden one of the later king of great modern

fame, Tutankhamun. The mask shows the king with a nemes headdress, the uraeus

having broken off (fragments of this uraeus may have been found in the coffin

992

). The

eyes were made of stone and were placed into metal sockets and were surrounded by

large, black-lined eyelids.

As mentioned above, the mummy also had other objects in its vicinity such as two

de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894,

p. 91.

989



p. 101,

Fig. 241, PL 136; Dodson,


p. 3 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.

de Morgan,


p. 98. Dodson notes that this skeleton, which belongs

to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, fell victim to the experiments of

a

French anatomist, D.M. Fouquet, w ho

cut through the skull, damaging the facial area (Dodson, "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30;

After

the Pyramids,

p. 14).

991



p. 98, Fig.

229; Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 42;


p. 3 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el

Naga," p. 30;

After the Pyramids,

p . 14; S. Ikram and A. Do dson,

The Mummy

in

Ancient E gypt

(London,

1998),

p. 169. This mummy m ask does not have the feathers and small face found in Late Middle

Kingdom through early Dynasty XIII private examples. See Ikram and Dodson,

Mummy,

p. 169.

992

de Morgan,


p. 100, Fig. 234, 235.

248



staves and a flail.

993

Ad ditional objects included a woo den mallet, two small calcite

vessels, two falcon c ollars (with carnelian and faience), a fragment of a dagger, and a

beaded sheath, ten sizeable golden needles, a wooden vulture head, two gilded wo oden

beads displaying Aw ibre Hor's cartouche, inlaid wood, and countless fragments of gold

leaf.

994

The mum my had gilded, wooden bracelets, with carnelian and faience beads,

around its wrists and ankles and had had golden covers over its nails.

995

The four, hum an-headed canopic jars were found w ithin a box, w hich matched the

coffin in its exterior design.

996

Interestingly, the box was sealed with the name

Nym aatre, which was the prenomen of Amenem het III, leading de Morgan to believe that

Aw ibre Hor was a co-regent of this king.

99 7

It is unclear if this name was used

honorifically, com mem orating the Dynasty XII king or if the name belongs Sedjefakare

Am enemhet of Dynasty XIII since it is possible that he may have used it early in his

998

reign.

The shape and size of the canopic jars continues that of late Dyn asty XII. Like in

the funerary material of Am eny Qem au, the hieroglyp hs are mutilated. Also , the wo rd

The nomen of Awibre Hor appears on the Hapy and Q ebehsenuef vessels while the

993

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, p. 98.

994

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Ma rs-Juin 1894, pp. 98-100, Figs. 230-233, 236, 239, 248 , PL 138C

995

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894, pp. 99, 100, PI. 138D; Dodson, "From Dahshur to

Dra Abu el Naga," p . 30.

996

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 18 94, pp. 102, 105, Figs. 246, 247; Dodson, T he Canopic

Equipment, p. 32; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30 ; "Canopic Jars and Chests," in D.B. R edford,

ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, I (New York, 2001), p. 232; Reisner, Canopies, pp. 11-14,

17-18,

Pis. 14, 16.

997

Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," p. 60; de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894,

pp .

105, 125-128. Murnane does not discuss this seal because it does not have a double name . How ever,

he dismisses the occurrence of a coregency between these two kings, whose names both appear on a

faience plaque (Murnane, Egyptian C oregencies, p. 25).

998

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp.

30-31;

After the

Pyramids, p. 14. For uses of this seal in Nubia after the reign of Amenem het III, see S.T. Sm ith, Askut in

Nubia: The Economics a nd Ideology of Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millennium B.C. (New York,

1995), pp. 70-71. See also Weill, La Fin du M oyen Empire, pp. 482-484.

249



prenomen is on those associated with Imseti and Duamutef. The texts are found in

three columns on each jar and are similar in form to those of Sobekemsaf II of Dynasty

XVII.

1000

Do dson notes that the quality of the detailing on the lids is much lower than

those found in the complexes of Senwosret I and Senwosret III of Dynasty XII, as one

might expect.

1001

VIII.D.

The O wner of the Tomb: Awibre Hor

Scholars know very little concerning the reign of Awibre Hor, who occupies

position 7.17 in the

Turin King-List

according to Ryho lt's transcription. Only a handful

of other objects have been found outside of the location of the tomb, and most of these

are withou t provenien ce. In essence, it appears that Aw ibre Hor reigned for only a short

time, estimated by Ryholt at up to 1.5 years, and he may not have had the resources

necessary to build his own pyram id or may have died prior to its construction.

The nature of Aw ibre Ho r's tomb in relation to other royal tombs of the Late

Middle K ingdom is unclear at this time. It could be the case that Aw ibre Ho r's short

reign resulted in his tomb provisions being less elaborate than the other kings of the

period.

1002

In fact, Kem p notes the similarity between the funerary e quipmen t of this

king and the provisions of D ynasty XII court burials, implying the low political/economic

status of Awibre H or.

1003

It is possible that this ruler had a familial or ideological

connection to Amenemhet III, due to the placement of his tomb w ithin this k ing 's

Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p . 31; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," pp. 319-

334.

1000


1001

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p . 32.

1002


1003

Kemp, "Social History," p. 149. See also Williams, "Problems," pp. 108, 1224-1225.

250



funerary complex, making his burial in this location both symbolic and significant.

1004

A

female mem ber of the court, possibly a daughter of Awibre H or (Nebhotepti), was buried

in the tomb next to his, continuing the M iddle Kingdom practice of associating w omen

with the king in death.

Aufrere has argued that there were two k ings by the name of Hor, who had the

prenomens

}w-ib-r

c

(tomb) and

Jwt-i'b-r

c

(Turin King-List

8.17).

1005

He believes that the

first of these was a king of Dynasty XII between Senwosret III and Amenemh et III, while

the latter was a ruler dating to Dynasty XIII. His argum ent is based upo n the location of

this tomb, the Nymaatre (the prenomen of Amenemhet III) seal on the canopic box of

Awibre Hor, art and writing styles, as well as sealings and a plaquette which he argues

puts these names in juxtaposition, indicating a chronological relationship amongst the

three kings. Ho wev er, this evidence is not convincin g, as the seals contain phrases

connected to the god, Re, (such as

mn-kJ-nfrand h

c

-k

c

-r

c

)

which may not necessarily

correspond to royal nam es. The plaqu ette, how ever, is interesting, as it appears to

have the nomen H or and one side and the prenomen Nym aatre on the other.

1007

If these

kings were linked, it is unclear why the forms of their names would not match.

Aufrere argues that Awibre Hor (in discussion for Dyansty XII dating) would not

have chosen to be buried in the pyramid of Am enemhet III if

the

latter was buried at

Hawara, because he would not have been in the correct location for the cult of the earlier

1004

For a discussion on the question of whether or not additional kings had shaft tombs similar to that of

Awibre Ho r, see Chapter 3, Section XI.C.

1005

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre H or," pp. 1-41.

For a description of these seals and the argument that they are not royal, see Ryholt,

Second

Intermediate

Period, pp . 62-63. See also Hornung and Staehelin,

Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette,

p .

205, no. 69.

1007

Erman, "Miscellen," p. 143.

251



king, and the site had been abandoned after the first kings of Dynasty XIII.

1008

However,

it should be noted that cultic activity continued to take place at the Dahshur Pyramid into

Dynasty XIII.

1009

IX. The Tomb Model

A limestone, architectural mod el of a tomb w as found by a German expedition,

that Di. Arnold directed, at the funerary complex of the Dynasty XII king, A menem het

III at Dahshur.

1010

Thou gh this object has often been overlooked in studies of the

pyramids, Di. Arnold had suggested that it is possible that the object dates to Dynasty

XIII.

1011

The object appeared in a special exhibit held at the Egyptian Mu seum in Cairo

in 2003,

1012

and that the mo del's plan clearly fits into the Late Middle K ingdom g enre of

architecture, whether that includes the end of Dynasty XII or not.

Some scholars, including Di. Arnold, have at times attempted to argue that the

miniature tomb provides a schematic plan, presumably later modified, for the

substructure of Amenemhet Ill's pyramid at Hawara.

1013

Mean while, others have stated

that the sand lowering system found in the model indicates that it belongs exclusively to

1008

Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 11.

1009

Do. Arnold, "Zur Keramik aus dem Taltempel der Pyramide Am enemhets III. in Dahschur," MDAIK

33 (1977), pp. 21-26.

1010

Di. Arnold and R. Stadelmann, "Dahschur: Zweiter Grabungsbericht," MDAIK

33

(1977), p. 16, PI.

13b.

1011

Di. Arnold,

Amenemhet III,

pp. 87-88, PI. 67. Other scholars, such as Ryholt

{Political Situation,

pp.

82-83);

Stadelmann Agyptischen Pyramiden, p. 245), and Verner (Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 69), allow

for the dating of

this

object to Dynasty XIII.

1012

Note that in the catalogue, the model is dated to Dynasty XII (Hawass, Hidden Treasures, p. 34).

1013

Di. Arnold, Amenemhet III, pp. 87-88; Building, p p. 9-10; Lehner, Pyramids, pp.

181,

227. More

recently, Di. Arnold has suggested that this object may be a "demonstration sample" (Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia, p. 152).

252



the Dynasty XIII corpus, but the same exact system was used in the Haw ara complex

indicating that this technology existed in the reign of Amenemhet III.

1015

Nonetheless,

since the context of the model provides evidence that it is later than the valley temple of

this king, it is likely that this object d ates to a reign after h is death .

Figure 3.17.

The tomb model from the funerary complex of Am enemhet

III at Dah shur. After Arno ld,

1991,

Building, Fig. 1.6.

Ryhol t notes that Dynasty XIII monuments in the area (Ameny Qemau and the

For example, see Ryholt,

Political

Situation, pp.

82-83,

n. 254.

D i. Arno ld , Encyclopedia, p. 134.

253



unexcavated tombs thought to date the this period) may have been planned and executed

from the pyramid complex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur, since this is the location where

the model was found, as well as being the site of the tomb of Awibre Hor.

1016

The use of

Dynasty XII funerary installations and their associated towns was probably typical in the

construction of the Dynasty XIII mortuary com plexes.

1017

Thu s, the fact that such a

model would be found in the confines of Dynasty XII funerary architecture is not

surprising.

Desc ribing the plan of the tomb m odel is somewhat difficult due to the fact that

the rendering is schematic, not exact. Thu s, one must take certain liberties, based on

knowledge gained from studying the other complexes, in order to interpret the

architecture represented in the model.

18

Since the Late Middle Kingdom tombs, which have features similar to this mo del,

always have the canopic niche to the south at the far end of the sarcophagus chamber,

wh ile the coffin is near the antecham ber, the entrance of the tomb represented by the

model would likely have been on the eastern side of the monument (Fig. 3.17).

The entrance, as shown here, has a staircase leading from the surface, descending

northward towa rd the substructure of the tomb (Fig. 3.17.A). From here, a doorway to

the east (Fig. 3.17.B) appears very small in comparison to the other components of the

tomb.

This phenomenon must simply be interpreted as the language of the model. Most

likely the architects wished for the object to portray the layout of the tomb and its

6

Ryholt,


p p. 82-83. See also Chapter 5, Section V.B .

7

Ryholt,


p. 294.

8

The model is 0.36 m long by 0.11 m wide by 2.72 m in height (Hawass,

Hidden Treasures,

p. 34).

254



features rather than being an exact to-scale replica.

From the entrance, a corridor continues to the east until a turning chamber is

reached (Fig. 3.17.C).

1020

The walls wide n at this point and slots for the block s of the

ceiling are visible. From this chamber, a staircase leads to the north (Fig. 3.17.D). He re,

one might have expected a ramped staircase. How ever, the size of the model, might have

precluded adding this detail.

At the end of the stairs, there is another turning chamber as the eastern wall

widens and another set of slots for the slabs of the ceiling blocks ap pears. The co rridor

continues for a short distance to the west. At that point, there is a wo oden portcullis

(symbolizing quartzite; Fig. 3.17.E), shown in its preburial niche. Though the receiving

niche across from this feature is not shown, one must assume that the shape of the model

has been abbreviated, as it has in the case of the turning chamb ers. Thus this portcullis

works in exactly the same way as the real ones in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs.

The passage continues at a higher level behind the portcullis stone, immediately

reaching a turning chamber (Fig. 3.17.F). From here the tomb co ntinues to the south,

whe re there is a large, rectangular antech amb er (Fig. 3.17.G). In the center of this floor,

there is an entrance to a corridor running south to the sarcophagus chamber (Fig. 3.17.H).

The sarcophagus itself is not shown, but entrances to two small rooms are found in the

floor and wall of the antechamber, leading to two small rooms beside the sarcophagus

cham ber. Two do ors then lead to the sides of the sarcophag us, forming the structure

1019

For the accuracy of the models as well as the nature of other types of structures such as houses and

estates, workshops, granaries, and ships, see Hayes, Scepter I, pp. 262-274; S. D'Auria, P. Lacovara, and C.

Roehrig, Mummies and Magic (Boston, 1988), pp. 112-116. Note that, in Figure 59, of

the

latter

publication, the peop le are taller than the building. The door, which is painted on on e side, is much smaller

than they are.

1020

For the definition of "turning chamber," see Chapter 3, Section II.B.

255



needed to create a sand lowering system for lowering the lid of a sarcophagus (Fig. I-J).

As noted above, the size and appearance of aspects of

the

tomb mod el are not

identical to their life-sized originals. How ever, here, it is important to remem ber that this

model may have served as a general guide for the laying out of the limestone blocks at

the base of the excavated pit rather than being an exact blueprint for the details of the

tomb . No neth eless, it is quite fortunate that this tomb mode l was found, as it adds a sixth

example to the corpus of royal Dynasty XIII tombs.

The location of the monument depicted in the model is unknow n. It is possible

that someday one of the proposed sites (see section XL) or an unknown monument from

Hawara or Dahshur will be excavated and will match the design of this model. However,

it could also be the case that the tomb was never constructed at all and that it only

remained in the planning stag es. Also , it is possible that the model was intended for

ritual pu rposes.

1021

X. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments

The first person who attempted to define the characteristics of four of the Late

1 099

Middle Kingdom pyramids was Jequier in 1933. In his generalized comparison of the

pyramids from South Sakkara and those of Mazgh una, Jequier commented on aspects

such as the use of bricks, general plan, portcullis type, quartzite sarcophagus style and

mechanics, and dashed "decoration." How ever, until the present study, there has been

neither a detailed description of all of these monum ents in a single publication, nor a

1021

For the resemblance betwee n this model and tomb S10 at South Abydo s, see Chapter 4, Section IV.

Though these are not the same tombs, many of their architectural features, and a little over half of their

plans, are identical.

1022

Jequier,


p. 67.

256



comp rehensive analy sis of the similarities, which they share. Specifically d efining the

nature of the corpus is imperative in order to determine whether or not further

monuments belong to the group and what certain trends may be significant in the

development of kingship in D ynasty XIII.

X.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

The visible components of the Late Middle K ingdom royal tombs are not

distinctly different from their Old and Middle Kingdom counterparts except for the use of

sinusoidal walls. The presentation here provides an overview of the plans of the above-

ground portions of the royal funerary complexes from the Late Middle Kingdom.

There are several characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary

monum ent corpus that indicate that these structures were envisioned as pyramids w hether

or not they were comp leted. First of all, the elaborate design of the brickw ork abo ve the

sarcophagus chambers would have been capable of supporting the considerable weight of

a significant su perstructure. Outside of the brick core, there was to have been a fine

limestone encasem ent for each pyram id. In several cases, such trapezoidal encasem ent

blocks were found above flat foundation stones in trenches, where ritual deposits were

sometimes hidden. Also, pyramidions from such monum ents have been found both in the

complexes (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara), as well as

elsewhere (Merneferre Ay in the Delta).

A r ou nd t he py r a m id s t r uc tu r e , t he r e w a s t o be one o r tw o e nc los u r e w a l l s . I n

some cases, these structures were first built in the form of sinusoidal walls. How ever, if

there was enough time before the death of the king, these temporary structures could be

257



replaced with more durable (niched facade) stone or whitewashed, mudbrick w alls.

Sometimes, the foundations of these trenches included large, uncut natural boulders.

Even more tenuously built sinusoidal walls could appear around areas of

construction. These walls were poorly made, using bricks and brick parts to form the

general structure of the wall while add ing mu d plaster to fulfill the curved shape . 'It is

possible that these walls were used as an economical alternative to straight walls since

much stability could be obtained quickly using this shape with less brick s. The bricks of

these structures as well as those of the enclosu re walls differed in size from those used in

the pyramids.

On the eastern side of the outer enclosure, there was often a temple or cult

structure. These constructions cou ld be either limestone or mudbrick with the former

option having painted inscriptions. In the most complete examples with limestone

temp les, a decorated (includ ing a false door), northern chapel is also present. In both of

these structures, it is likely that there were statues of the deceased king.

Another com mon feature of the Late Middle K ingdom royal pyramids is the

presence of subsidiary burials. The monum ent of Khendjer has both a subsidiary

pyramid and shaft tombs with galleries in his complex, while the "U nfinished" Pyramid

also had a less elaborate shaft tomb. The other locations of these mortuary comp lexes

may also have had contemporary burials, but the excavation techniques of the times as

well as the interests of the expeditions often did not lead to investigations of the

surrounding areas where such tombs m ay be located (See section X I. Below).

The final feature of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs is a causeway or

road leading in the direction of the Nile Valley. M ost of the time, such a feature is only

258



visible for a short distance from the tom b, and its destination cannot be determine d. For

this reason, it is uncertain as to whether or not these tombs had valley temples or whether

some or all of these kings established their cults in their p redec essors'm onu me nts

nearby. It may be the case that such short causeways/roads are actually ramps used

during the construction process.

X.B.

The C omponents of the Substructure

It is in the substructures of the Late Middle Kingdom royal monuments that this

corpus can truly be differentiated from those of other time periods. Th us, this

information is important to compile so that a standard may be set for determining whether

further mon ume nts should be included in this group. Obv iously, there is differentiation,

but the common characteristics and restriction in choices in specific elements provide one

with a clear idea of what a Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument should

encompass.

X.B.1. Layout

For the pyramid of Amenemh et III at Hawara, the building of the substructure

began with the excavation of one rectangular trench for the sarcophagus chamber and

separate channe ls for each of the corridors leading to it. In the remainde r of the

mo num ents, a single trench served to delineate the space for the entire structure. He re, it

was limestone blocks which were used to separate the individual components of the

tomb. In these monuments, bricks were used to support the limestone elements as well as

to outline the trench and control the surrounding sand (where applicable as some

259



pyramids were set into stone plateaus).

The entrance to the substructure of the Dynasty XIII monum ents was somewhat

inconsistent. The most comm on side for the entrance was the east (subsidiary pyram id of

Khendjer, A meny Qemau at Dahshur, North M azghuna, South Sakkara, and the tomb

model from Dahshur) while a single example is present from the west (Khendjer) and two

from the south (Hawara and South Mazgh una). None of the monuments have entrances

on their northern side, possibly indicating that this area was deem ed as being

inappropriate for it.

In some cases, the entrances to the tombs in the Late M iddle Kingdom royal

funerary monum ents were beneath the superstructure, meaning that the m onuments

wou ld have had to have been comp leted after the death of the king. How ever, in other

cases, the entrance was hidden und er a portion o f the encasement of the pyram id. It is

unclear at this point whether these choices were deliberate or whether they reflect the

status of

the

completion of the tomb at the time w hen the king died.

The structure of the staircases in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is always the

same, with the exception of the tomb model (a factor of its size and purpose) and perhaps

the pyram id of Am eny Qemau. The stairs are normally narrow and shallow and are cut

into the limestone after it is in position. On either side of the steps, there is a narrow

ramp, which was likely used to slide the coffin and other heavy equipment down the

stairs with the use of men and ropes. At the tops of

steps,

some excavators noted ridges

or notches that could be used to help position the heavy coffin onto the stairway .

Interestingly, in a few complexes, this type of stairway was found outside the tomb,

which was made of mudbrick.

260



In some of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids, there are passages hidden b eneath

false floors in corridors with dead en ds. The stones of the false floor could be removed,

revealing either a drop to the surface below o r a staircase. M eanw hile, other hidden

passages were blocked by portcullises.

X.B.2. Portcullis Types

There are two types of portcullis stones that are always m ade of a hard stone,

mo st common ly quartzite but sometimes also granite. The first variety, Type A, is found

in every tomb and is positioned so that it blocks a hidden passage above the level of the

floor of the previous room (Fig. 3.7).

1023

The large stone sits in a niche to the side of the

chamber housing it. The length of one side of the stone is positioned upon a gently

sloping ramp usually made of polished quartzite. The end is propped upon a piece of

limeston e, which is often found in a small niche of its own. When the tomb was to be

closed, the limestone was smashed, allowing the stone to move down the ramp with the

aid of small levers. At the end of

the

ramp, there was a smaller niche in the opposite

wa ll, wh ich housed the end of the stone. Thu s, the base of the stone performed as the

ceiling of the portcullis chamber while blocking the rest of the tomb.

Type A portcullis stones were not randomly placed within the tomb. It is clear

from the ir positions that a certain plan was usually followed. In most of the tomb s there

are two T ype A portcullis stones (Khendjer m ain and subsidiary, Mazghuna N orth and

South, while the pyramid of Ameny Qemau had one Type A, one Type B, and one

portcullis that dropped from the ceiling, the tomb model had one Type A variety, and the

1023

Di. Arnold, Building, p. 223; En cyclopedia, p. 224.

261



unfinished monum ent at South Sakkara had three Type A and one Type B p ortcullis).

There seem to be several rules for the position of these portcullises. First of all, wh en

there is only one Type A portcullis, it is housed to the left of the corridor preceding it

(model and Ameny Qemau, though the plan of the latter may have originally had another

Type A blocking stone before the one mentioned here). If there are two or more

portcullis stones of Type A, they always alternate the sides from which they slide into

position. With two stone s, the first normally sits in a niche to the right of

the

passageway

while the second is placed to the left (North and South Mazghuna, and Khendjer main).

The subsidiary pyramid at the complex of Khendjer is the exception to this rule with the

order being left and then right. It is possible that since this tomb was not mean t for the

king himself that there was more flexibility w ith the arrangement. In the "Un finished"

Pyramid at South Sakkara, there was one portcullis stone at the base of the ramped

staircase leading from the entrance and two along the same line closer to the sarcophagus

chamb er. Their order alternated directions starting with the right.

In all of the tombs, except for the model and the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, there

is always a Type A portcullis located at the end of the entrance, often at the base of a

ramped sta ircase. In three of the tombs, two Type A portcullis stones are located along

the entranceway (Khendjer main and subsidiary and South M azghuna) w hile the

"Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has all of its Type A portcullis stones along the

same axis even though the first and the last two are separated by corridors leading in

other directions.

It is unclear why five of the tombs have two portcullises in close proximity to one

another and/or are along the same corridor. Also , often, one or both of these block ing

262



stones remained in its original position. Thu s, it is likely that the placement of these

stones had some sort of religious significance related to the king 's passag e to the afterlife.

Though these "do ors" never reached a state of consistency in their placement, there are

enough correlations to propose some religious significance in the architecture of

the

tomb

at this time.

The second portcullis style, Type B, is only found in tombs with sarcophagi of

Type 2 (see below ). In each case, only one of these blocking stones is found. Tom bs

containing this type of stone include the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, North

Mazghuna, and the secondary tomb in the ""Unfinished" Pyram id" at South Sakkara.

Type B is always located just to the north of the sarcophagus and has a pre-use niche to

the west with a receiving niche to the east. The portcullis slides horizontally with its base

at the level of the floor of the antechamber.

In the two cases where this type of portcullis seals the main burial, the large stone

blocks the sarcophag us chambe r from the precedin g corridor. Ho wev er, in the

"Unfinished" tomb at South Sakkara, the portcullis, still forming the northern wall of the

chambe r, is located at the opposite end from the passage leading to the burial. It seems

irrational to place the portcullis behind the burial. How ever, here, it may have bee n more

important that the structure of the burial chamber and the placement be directionally

sound (according to religious tenets) than that the security system would work in a logical

fashion.

Another interesting element in three of the tombs was the insertion of wooden

doors. In the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Haw ara, a single wooden door blocked the

extension of the first corridor from the rest of the tomb. A niche would ha ve housed the

263



door when it was open in order not to block the path while a bolt secured it when closed.

Within the tombs of Khendjer and North Mazghuna, there is a small niche on either side

of the wall, indicating the presence of double doors. When these doors were open, they

fit into the niche s and were flush with the walls. In the pyramid of Khendjer, the wo oden

doors are located just prior to the second portcullis while in that of North Mazghuna, they

are found prior to the first. Both of these doorways are located at the base of a long

ramped staircase.

X.B.3. Sarcophagus Types

The core of each mortuary structure is similar in the complexes except for those

meant to receive two burials. In the pyramids of Khendjer, South Mazghuna, North

Mazghu na, Ameny Qemau, and the model, the approach to the tomb follows the pattern

of corridors leading to the north on the eastern side. From here, the hallway turns to the

west and then approaches the sarcophag us cham ber from the north. In all of these tombs,

except for that at North Mazghuna, where there are additional passages, this core

structure is attached to the entranceway via a corridor running in that direction.

The type of sarcophagus found in the tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom has

often been recog nized.

1024

In the main burial chamber, presumably m eant for a king, the

sarcophagus always includes a niche for the coffin with a second for the canopic

equipm ent at the foot. Secondary and sub sidiary burials have matchin g cases for these

comp onents but are not usually found in the same block of stone. The preferred material

for the construction of the sarcophagus and its chamber was quartzite, though granite is

1024

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 27; "Strange Affair," p. 62.

264



also found o ccasionally. Due to the fact that the sarcophagi were architectural

components rather than free-standing objects, they do not have any decoration or

inscriptions.

The sarcophagus itself

is

always aligned so that the coffin within sits to the north

of the canopic niche. From Awibre H or's tom b, it is clear that the king 's head was meant

to be at the north end of the coffin, and, thus, the canopic eq uipmen t was located at the

feet. If a configuration prevented the canopic niche from being to the south of the feet of

the deceased person, then the canopic container wo uld be positioned to the east of the

southern end of the coffin.

There were three basic types of sarcophagi found w ithin the Late Middle

Kingdom royal tomb complexes. Type 1 is the most complex, requiring careful

engineering to accommo date the closing mechanisms. In this type, found at Khe ndjer's

pyramid, the "Unfinished" Pyramid, South Mazghuna, and the tomb model, the bottom

portion of the sarcophagus was m ade of a single giant slab of quartzite. The lid was

composed of two or three (Hawara and "Unfinished" Pyramid) large pieces of the same

material. In the two-piec e lid variety, the section of the lid over the southern part of the

tomb would be fixed into place during construction. The underside of the stone wa s

usually convex in order to facilitate the placement of the canopic box and other

equipment into this end. Mean while, the second part of the lid was positioned above the

sarcophagus by propping it upon two quartzite support stones, one being one each side

(east and west).

The structure of the tomb provided for an antechamber to the north of the

sarcoph agus. From the floor of this room, a small corridor led to the edge of the bottom

265



section of the sarcophag us. Thu s, wh en the coffin was broug ht into the an techamb er,

workers maneuvered it through the corridor and into the sarcophagus.

1025

Onc e all of the

equipment was in place, a sand lowering system allowed the mobile section of the lid to

be positioned.

The sand lowering system in its form here first appeared in the pyramid of

Amenem het III at Hawara, with three quartzite lid blocks.

1026

In this type, the suppo rts

holding the mobile part of the lid in its position above the base sit in a niche filled with

sand. To the east and west of the sarcoph agus, there are small passa ges, which lead to the

antechamber or a side passage, either directly or through two corridors at right angles to

one another. These entrances to these passag ewa ys are usually in the floor of the rooms

or hallways, from w hich they originate. At the other end near the sarcopha gus, there was

a limestone blocking stone preventing the sand from pou ring into the corridor. Wh en the

sarcophagus lid was to be closed, a man would have been sent into the corridors to

remove the block and the sand would have poured into the chamber. As the level of the

sand lowered, the supports and the lid would gradually hav e maneuv ered until the lid

came to rest gently upon the base of the sarcophagus. Once in this position, there would

be no way to mo ve the heavy lid.

The sarcophagus chamber itself was often made of hard materials like quartzite

and granite. How ever, there are cases where only limestone was used. The ceilings were

also limestone, being of the saddle variety. Above the roof, bricks were laid to fill in the

gap between the limestone and a series of brick arches used to keep the pressure of the

1025

Excavators have only found the coffin of Awib re Hor. Those from the pyram ids are missing or were

not preserved. See Chapter 3, Section VIII.C.

Di.

Arnold,

Amenemhet III,

pp. 86, n. 210;

Building,

p p. 75, 78;

En cyclopedia,

pp. 14, 134; Dodson,

"From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 26 ; Holzl, "Mazghuna," p. 474.

266



superstructure off of the ceiling.

The more complicated, "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara contained a

variation on the Type 1 sarcophagus in the main burial chamber. Here, the quartzite

sarcophagu s was massiv e, requiring three stones for the lid. The placemen t of the

sarcophagus was along an east-west axis rather than the normal north/south.

Nonetheless, it was so large that the coffin fit within it sideways, keeping its north/south

orientation. The canop ic niche was the east of the southern end of the coffin. This

sarcophagus also had four limestone supports in addition to the two granite ones used in

the sand hydraulic system . These softer suppo rts were meant to have been destroyed

prior to triggering the closing device.

The Type 2 sarcophagus was found in the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, that at

North M azghuna, and the secondary burial chamber of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at

South Sakkara. This variety is much simp ler than that of Type 1 discussed above. In two

of these tombs (Ameny Qemau and North Mazgh una), the base of the sarcophagus is

made of

a

single slab of quartzite and has niches for the coffin and the canopic equipm ent

in the preferred position s. The lid was also made of a single piece of quartzite but was

less massive than those of Type 1. The undersides could be concave, and the ends had a

traditional rectangular form. Before the burial, the lid was housed in the antecham ber to

the north. Once the coffin and other items were placed into the tomb, the lid wou ld be

maneuvered over the sarcophagus, which w as at floor level. Finally, the Type B

portcullis would be slid from the west, sealing the chamber as the lid was in contact with

the walls and inserted into niches and, thus, could not be removed.

Once again, the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has a variation of the

267



Type 2 sarcophagus in the secondary burial chamber. How ever, there are a few

interesting features. First of all, the canopic nich e is not in the sarcoph agus, but is in the

wall on the eastern side at the southern end. Secondly, the room for the lid and the

associated Type B portcullis stone are not found in the corridors leading to the chamber

but rather behind them . As discussed abo ve, this strange configuration allow ed for the

portcullis and the lid to lie to the north of the chamber as it does in the other examples.

Once the lid was in place, it blocked most of the space in the wall, where the canopic box

was kept.

The last sarcophagus group found in the Dyn asty XIII royal tombs is Type 3.

This form, found in the subsidiary pyramid and possibly in the galleries of Khendjer's

complex, always has separate containers, made of quartzite or limestone, for the coffin

and the canopic material. The canopic box is found either to the south of the coffin or on

the eastern side at the southern en d, following the pattern in the other types. In the

subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer, the lids of the two sarcophagi were flat and were

suspended in the air in a niche in the ceiling. They w ere supported by five or six pillars,

made of uniform limestone stacks of blocks, around the perimeter. Levers would have

been used to lower the lids.

XI.

Other Proposed Sites

1027

One of the greatest mysteries of the Late Middle Kingdom is the location of the

missing tom bs of the num erous Dynasty XIII rulers. Scholars have identified a num ber

1027

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 80, n. 242; Swelim, The Brick Pyramid, pp . 18, 73-74; "Pyramid

Research from the Archaic to the Second Intermediate Period: Lists, Catalogues and Objectives," in

Homma ges a Jean Leclant I: Etudes Pharaoniques, Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 1994), p. 343; Swelim and

Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p . 334.

268



of unexcavated mou nds and out-of-context pyramidions as potential monum ents of this

period. Though some of these structures provide little evidence of Late Middle K ingdom

activity, others are likely to be the sites of the burials of Late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII

rulers. Belo w, these possible locations for funerary establishments in both the Mem phite

region and the Delta will be described and evaluated as to their relevance to the Late

Middle Kingdom royal corpus investigated in earlier sections (Fig. 3.18).

Figure 3.18. Map showing the locations of the potential Late M iddle

Kingdom royal funerary monuments.

XI.A. The Memphite Region

The M emphite region is the most likely area in which to find Late M iddle

King dom roy al funerary co mp lexes. It is here that the kings of Dyn asty XII built the

majority of their monuments near the capital of Itjatawy.

1028

Scholars have suggested

Grajetzki,

Middle

Kingdom, p. 74

269



that five sites within this region may have one or more Dynasty XIII monuments (from

north to south): Abu Roash, A busir, Sakkara, and Dahshur.

XI.A.1. Abu Roash (Lepsius I)

Abu R oash is a site, located 9 kms north of Giza, with monum ents dated primarily

to Dynasties I-V.

1029

He re, a mud brick pyram id (Lepsius I) is located near the edge of

the cultivation. Though Dodson o riginally theorized that this monum ent might belong to

the Late Middle Kingdom corpus, ° Swelim has recently suggested that the tomb may

be a non-funerary pyramid from the end of Dynasty III.

1031

Others believe that the

monum ent is a mastaba from the period w hen the site was most popular.

1032

Thus,

Dodson has recanted his original theory and no longer attributes the structure to Dynasty

XIII.

1033

It is unlikely that any Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary m onuments w ere

constructed in this northern location within the M emphite region.

XI.A.2. Abu Ghurob

Abu Ghurob is adjacent to the site of Abusir to the south of Giza. Abusir is the

1029

M. Valloggia, "Le Com plexe Funeraire de Radjedef a Abou Roasch: Etat de la Question et Perspectives

de Recherches,"

BSFE

130 (1994), 5-17; E. Chassinat, "A Propos d'une Tete en Gres Rouge du roi

Didoufri (IVe Dynastie) Conserve au Mussee du Lou vre,"

Monumnets et Memoires Publies par VAcademie

des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres

25 (1921-1922), pp. 53-75.

1030

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43 ; Lepsius,

Denkmdler Text

(1897), pp. 21-22.

1031

Swelim,

The Brick Pyramid,

pp. 2-3, 80-87. These pyramids served as the locations of the cults of the

living kings of

this

period (H. Papazian, "Dom ain of Pharaoh: The Structure and Components of the

Econo my of Old Kingdom Egypt , " disserta t ion, Univers i ty of Chicago (2005), pp. 101-108; S.

Seidelmayer, "Town and State in Early Old Kingdom: A V iew from Elephantine," in A.J. Spencer, Aspects

of Early Egypt

(London, 1996) p. 122).

1032

For exam ple, see I.E.S. Edwards, "Abu Roash," in K.A. Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of

Ancient Egypt

(New York, 1999), pp. 82-83.

1033

Dodson,


p. 30, n. 63; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 31 . See also

Ryholt,


pp. 80, 242.

270



location of pyramids of the Dynasty V kings while Abu Ghurob contains at least two sun

temp les, a special royal construction of the period. As one might expec t, the activity

at these two sites originates primarily from Dynasty V with occasional material from the

end of the Old Kingdom as well as the Middle Kingdom and the Late Period.

XLA.2.a. Lepsius XXVIII

Lepsius first identified pyramid XXVIII, located to the south of the valley

component of Ne userre's (Dynasty V) sun temple at Abu Ghurob and o riented to the

local directions.

1035

In 1907, Borch ardt opened test trenches in the vicinity of the moun d,

which m easures around 95 m on each side and was made of

clay,

brick, and limestone

fragments with some quartzite, granite and basalt.

1036

Some of the sondages produced

late Old Kingdom tom bs and Late Period faience fragments. This investigation also

revealed a possible Middle Kingdom dark, red-slipped sherd at the bottom of one of the

trenches, indicating that the mou nd could be associated with that time period. Due to this

evidence, as well as the appearance of the clay, Borchardt suggested that it was a

manm ade mound. Later, however, a Czech geophysical study concluded that the mound

1034

F.W. Von Bissing,

Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-user-Re I

(Berlin, 1905); Ricke, H.

Das

Sonnenheiligtum des Konigs.

Beitrage zur agyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde herausgegeben

von Herbert R icke 7 (Gottingen, 1965).

1035

Lepsius,

Denkmaler Text

(1897), pp. 137-138;

Denkmaler aus Aegypten undAethiopien, Blatt

I (Berlin,

1897), PI. 32. L. Borchardt,

Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neuserre

(Leipzig, 1907), pp. 6, Fig. 3, PI. 2; L.

Borchardt , Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs S'AAHu-rea, Wissenschaft l iche Veroffent l ichung der Deutschen

Orient-Ge sellschaft 14 (Leipzig, 19 10), pp. 1 47-148, PI. 142; V. Maragioglio and C. Rinaldi,

L'Architettura

Delle Piramidi Menflte

7 (Rapallo, 1970), PL 5. Note that Dodson refers to these pyramids as being at

Abusir (A. Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids at Abusir?,"

VA

3 (1987), p. 232). For an aerial

photograph, see H. Ricke,

Das So nnenheiligtum,

frontispiece.

1036

L. Bares, "Note to the Thirteenth D ynasty at Abusir,"

VA

4 (1988), pp. 117-118; Borchardt,

Grabdenkmal,

p. 147, PL 142; Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyram ids," pp. 231-232.

271



was natural.

1037

More recently, Dodson proposed that Lepsius XXVIII may date to Dynasty X III,

though he was cautious in making the Late M iddle Kingdom identification, noting that

this monum ent could be related to Ne userre's sun temple.

1038

Bares also exercises doubt

concerning this date for the mou nd and proposes that this area may have served as the

deposit site of clay removed to construct Late Period shaft tombs around 1 km away.

3

How ever, according to this same scholar, Verner noticed con necting walls at the southern

and western sides of the mound in 1987, indicating that this feature is unlikely to be

natural.

1040

Non etheless, in a later article, Dodson notes that Verner has since dismissed

the hypothesis that this monum ent belongs to D ynasty XIII altogether.

1041

Though the

mound labeled Lepsius XXV III may display some of the aspects of Late M iddle

Kingdom tombs in its composition, it is likely related to the Dynasty V activity in the

vicinity.

XI.A.2.b. Lepsius XVI

In the area between the sun temples of Neuserre and Userkaf at Abu G hurob,

there is a second square m ound, which Dodson considers to be a possible Dynasty X III

pyramid.

1042

This structure measures app roximately 75 m on each of its four sides and is

1037

M. Verner, "Excavations at Abusir: Season 19 78/1979 -Preliminary Report," Z AS 107 (1980), p. 169;

M. Verner and V. Hasek, "Die Anwendung goephysicalischer Methoden bei der archaologischen

Forschung in Ab usir,"

Z AS

108 (1981), pp. 75-76 . For this theory and additional schola rs' ideas with

referen ces, see Bar es, "Abusir," pp. 118, 120, n. 118. See also Ryh olt, Political Situation, p. 80, n. 242 .

1038

Dodson, "Tw o Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids," pp. 231-232.

1039

Bares, "Abusir," p. 118.

1040

Bares, "Abusir," p. 118.

1041

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 39, n. 28.

1042

Lepsius, Denkmaler, Blatt (1897), pp.

130-131,

138; PI. 32; Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty

Pyramids," p. 23 1; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 3 1.

272



aligned according to the local directions. It is mad e up of bricks and small lim estone

chips,

and it sits in the desert near the line of cultivation, a characteristic, which Dodson

identifies as common in the Dynasty XIII corpus.

In response to D odso n's argument, Bares states that the location of Lepsius XVI

is much like those of the sun temples of Userkaf and Neuserre and that one m ight expect

another sun temple in this area.

1043

Non etheless, he does give more credence to the

possibility that this mound might be a pyramid of the Middle Kingdom than he does with

regard to Lepsius XX VIII even though there are no walls or ceramic vessels to

corroborate this conclusion . In the end, it is very unlikely that this mon ume nt represe nts

a Dynasty XIII royal funerary establishment, not only due to the lack of evidence

pointing to such an identification, but also the monument's size, which does not fit the

two ranges found in the Late Middle Kingdom structures (52-56 m and 91-105 m).

XI.A.3.

South Sakkara

Sakkara, located to the west of the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom

capital of Memphis, is a site with royal activity in Dynasties II-VI and VIII-IX and

private patronage throughout ancient Egyptian history. The Dynasty XIII, king Khendjer

as well as another unknown ruler from the Late Middle Kingdom chose to construct their

funerary monuments at the southern extent of this site (southwest of Memphis proper).

XLA.3.a. SAK S 3

One hundred meters to the north of the pyramid of Khendjer, the Free University

1043

Bares, "Abusir," pp. 118-119. See also Ryholt,


p. 82.

273



of Berlin expedition, including Alexanian, Schiestl, and Seidelmayer, identified the

remains of a pyramid, which had not been completed.

1044

Only the substructure remains

with its entrance on the eastern side. The sand-filled pit is 25 by 20 m with 2 m-w ide

piles of debris, composed of

sand;

brick fragments; and quartzite and limestone chips,

surrounding it. Thou gh this site had little diagnostic pottery, it is likely to be a Late •

Middle Kingdom royal funerary monum ent.

XI.A.3.b. Lepsius XLV (SAK S 5)

Jequier reported that Lepsius XLV (about 70 m on each side), which is located to

the west of that of Khendjer and north of the "Unfinished" Pyramid, may also date to the

Late Middle Kingdom.

1045

The debris around the site contained bricks, and there was

also a sinusoidal wall visible at the time he was there, but he was unable to find a tomb.

In 2006, the Free University of Berlin survey team was unable to find any signs of a

pyramid in this area, and they were unsure as to the function of the monument Jequier

had described. Non etheless, it is possible that this monum ent that no longer visible

from the surface. If it can be relocated, perhaps excav ation may reveal that its features

have become covered.

XLA.3.C.

SAK S 7

To the south of the southeastern corner of the "Unfinished Pyramid" at South

1044

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur


1045

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 111. Note that Swelim mistakenly lists this pyramid using Lepsius'

number for that of Khendjer (XLIV instead of XLV) (Swelim , "Pyramid Resea rch," p. 343). He refers to it

as the "Demolished P yramid."

1046

Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole," p. 48.

274



Khendjer

"Unfmishedlgl

Pyramid

B

Senwo sret III El

H Lepsius L

13 Sneferu(Red)

Amen emhet II ^ *£l a—

Lepsius LIV

Sneferu (Bent)^*

g|]—•

Amenemhet III

(Awibre Hor)

DAS 2 H

DAS 17

B

a

Ameny Qemau

North

a

1 - .S ou th j

I

km

Sakkara

Dahshur

Mazghuna

Figure 3.19. Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late

Middle Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara, Dahshur, and Mazghuna. After

D o d s o n ,

From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga,

p . 26 .

275



Sakkara, there is a sunken, sandy area measuring approximately 25 by 28 m surrounded

by spoil heaps with lengths of 55 m.

1047

Schiestl suggests that this ruined monum ent may

have been a pyramid with 52.5 m sides, making it 100 cubits. Interestingly, there was an

accumulation of quartzite fragments in the northeast corner of the monument, and

Dynasty XIII ceramics were found.

XI.A.4.

Dahshur

Dahshur was first used as a royal cemetery during the reign of the Dynasty IV

king , Sneferu, wh o built two pyram ids at the site (Fig. 3.19). Later, three Dynasty XII

rulers, Amenem het II, Senwosret III, and Amen emhet III each constructed their own

mortuary complexes around and between the Old Kingdom mo numen ts. The southern

part of the site is the location of the pyramid of the Dynasty X III king, Ameny Qemau,

discussed in a previous section, while A wibre H or of the same era was buried w ithin the

walls of the pyramid enclo sure walls of Am enem het III. It was in this com plex, that an

architectural model of Late Middle K ingdom style royal tomb substructure w as also

discovered. Since Dahshur represents the center of the field of known D ynasty X III

pyramids, this site is very likely to house additional Late Middle K ingdom royal

monum ents and tombs. ° Below, the proposed positions of such structures, which have

been noted by multiple scholars in the past, will be reviewed.

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Jequier, Fouilles a

Saqqarah, PI. 1; Schiestl, "Neues zur Residenznekropole," pp. 46-47.

1048

Dodson suggests without explanation that Sobekhotep IV may have had a pyramid in the

Dahshur/Sakkara area (Dodson, Monarchs, p. 70).

276



XI.A.4.a. Lepsius LIV

The first potential Dynasty XIII royal funerary site at Dahshur is located

approximately 125 m to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II (Fig. 3.19).

1049

This location is made up of

a

mound of limestone debris, measuring about 40 m square, a

causeway, and the eastern side of a sinusoidal enclosure w all.

1050

Even without

excavation, the appearance of this last component suggests that this tomb likely dates to

the Late Middle Kingdom.

Interestingly, it was at Lepsius LIV that an Egyptian Inspector by the name of

Moussa discovered a small fragment of limestone containing the cartouche of an

Amenemhet.

1051

There are three likely possibilities as to the identity of this king out of

those with the same name. The relief may refer to Am enemhet IV or an Amenemhet of

Dynasty XIII, making this tomb datable to late Dynasty X II to early Dynasty XIII. The

fragment, however, could have actually com e from the tomb of Amenemhet II, meaning

that the owner of Lepsius LIV is still unknow n.

1052

Unfortunately, several scholars have

noted that this area was severely impacted when an oil pipeline was installed in 1975, and

1049

Di. Arnold and R. Stadelmann, "Dahschur. Erster G rabungsbericht,"

MDA1K 31

(1975), p. 174; Fakhry,

Pyramids,

p. 217; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 184; Lepsius,

Denkmdler Text

(1897), p. 207 ; Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 82; Stadelmann,

Agyptischen Pyramiden,

p . 249; R. Stadelmann and N . Alexanian, "Die

Friedhofe des Alten und Mittleren Reiches in Dahschur. Bericht uber die im Friihjahr 1997 durch das

Deutsche A rchaologische Institut Kairo durchgefflhrte Felderkundung in Dahschur,"

MDAIK

54 (1998), p.

313.

1050

Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 174; Stadelmann,


p .

249.

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 41; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 2 7;

After the Pyramids,

p. 8. See also Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343, n. 316.

1051

Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 174; Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el

Naga," p. 39, n. 36; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 3 43, n. 316.

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp . 27, 39, n.27; Ryholt,


p. 8 2, n.

252.

277



it may no longer be possible to excavate this important site.

1

XI.A.4.b. Lepsius LV

Dodson originally noted that Lepsius recorded monument LV as being a 30 m

square of debris, making up a stone pyramid.

1054

Dodson thought that this monum ent

was not known currently and that it, like Khendjer and others, had been mistaken as a

stone structure (rather than being stone encased brick). How ever, Dodson later stated

that this monument (a mastaba) actually belongs to Saiset of Dynasty XII.

1055

Thus,

Lepsius LV is definitely not a Late Middle K ingdom pyramid.

XI.A.4.C. DAS 2

To the northeast of the tomb of Ameny Qemau (250 m), there is an unexcavated

pyramid, discovered by D i. Arnold and Stadelmann, who though t it might date to

Dynasty XIII (Fig. 3.19).

1056

The remains of this monument m easured approximately 20

by 20 m. The pyramid clearly had had a limestone casing surrounding the mudbrick

core, with the subsurface being m ade up of limestone , quartzite, and granite. Such

components w ould suggest that this debris may indeed represent a royal monument

dating to the Late Middle Kingdom, even though ceramics, which would support this

Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

p . 8; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p . 184; Stadelmann,


p.

249.

1054

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

K ings," p. 4 1; Lepsius,

Denkmdler

Text (1897 ), pp. 207-208.

Dodson, "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids," p. 231 , n. 232;

The Can opic Equipment,

p . 30, n. 63;

Porter and Moss,


(2), p. 898; Ryholt,


p. 80, n. 242.

1056

Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster Grabungsbericht," p. 172, Abb. 3 ; 174; Stadelmann and Alexanian,

"Die Friedhofe," pp. 312, 313, Fig. 311. See also Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," pp. 36,

41;

"From

Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

p. 13; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 187; Porter and

Moss,


(2), p. 890; Ryholt,


pp. 81-82; Swelim, "Pyramid

Research," p. 343.

278



dating, have not been found. Ryholt has proposed that this tomb may belong to one of

Ameny Qe mau 's relatives including his father, son, or nephew (according the Ry holt's

chrono logy: Sekhem kare Am enemh et V, Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef, or Sankh ibre

Amenem het VI) due to its proximity to his py ramid.

1057

It is important to note that the dimensions of DAS 2, as they now stand, are

smaller than those of the subsidiary pyramid in the funerary complex of Khendjer at

South Sakkara. It is likely that this debris moun d represents only the location of the

substructure pit rather than the entire monumen t, which may never have been begun.

Otherwise, it would have been difficult to construct the winding corridors of the Late

Middle Kingdom royal tomb type, as defined in this study, within the confines of such a

small superstructure. If it is the case that this mo num ent is encom passed co mpletely by

its visible remain s, then the plan of the substructure likely differs substantially from w hat

one might ex pect and may be difficult to identify as a royal tomb of this period w ithout

inscriptional evidence.

XI.A.4.C. DA S 16

An unexcavated pyramid, which w as first identified by D i. Arnold and

Stadelmann and may date to Dynasty XIII, lies just to the west of DAS 2 (Fig. 3 .19).

1058

The remains include some brick as well as the outer outline of a substructure with m any

similarities to that of Am eny Qem au, including an entrance on the eastern side. Materials

visible on the surface included limestone , quartzite and diorite. It is very likely that this

Ryholt,


pp. 81-82.

1058

Stadelmann and Alexanian, "Die Friedhofe," pp. 312-313, Figs. 31 1, 319, PL 352.C.

279



tomb belongs to the Late Middle Kingdom corpus.

Despite the fact that this tomb is more likely to be a Late M iddle Kingdom royal

pyramid than D AS 17 (below), the former has been overlooked due to the fact that Di.

Arnold an d Stadelm ann did not publish it with the other two in 197 5. It is not until

Stadelmann and Alexa nian d escribe the details of JDAS 16 and their doubts ab out DA S 17

that the situation becom es clear. How ever, it should be noted that almost all of the

summaries of the Late Middle Kingdom monum ents were published prior to this later

article, and so most refer only to DAS 2 and 17.

XI.A.4.e. DAS 17

According to Stadelmann, DAS 17 is a poorly preserved formation located on a

plateau at Dahshur and is 30 by 37 m .

1059

The area is heavily pitted without any defined

areas or certain fragments of limestone from architecture. Unfortunately, th is monum ent

has been use d for military e xercises, and it is likely that if there was any significant

architecture here, it is now heavily dam aged. No neth eless, the surveyors were least

certain regarding the nature of this site of the three suspected of dating to the Late Middle

Kingdom at Dahshur. Ryholt surmises that this tomb could belong to either Sekhemkare

Amenemhet, Hotepibre

Saharnedjeritef,

or Sankhibre Am enemhet based on his theory

that the first is the father of Ameny Qemau, whose monument is nearby while the second

and third are his son and nephew, respectively.

1060

1059

Stadelmann and A lexanian, "Die Friedhofe," pp . 313, Fig. 311; Di. Arnold and Stadelmann, "Erster

Grabungsbericht," p. 172, Abb. 3; 174; Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," pp. 36,

41;

"From Dahshur to Dra

Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

p . 13; Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 187; Porter and Moss,

Topographical

Bibliography III (2),

p. 890; Swelim, "Pyramid R esearch," p. 343.

1060

Ryholt,


pp. 81-82.

280



XI.A.4X Lepsius LIX

From the description of Lepsius LIX , scholars such as Dodson and Swelim h ave

proposed that it may belong to the Dynasty XIII corpus of royal tombs. The exact

location of pyramid LIX is unknown due to the fact that Lepsius originally placed the site

to the- east of a village called Dahshur, later correcting it to west, and that there are

several towns kn own by this name.

Lepsius described pyramid LIX as a site with a dark mudbrick shadow , m easuring

roughly 58 m on each side, in the shape of a square in line with the cardinal directions.

He remarked that the pyramid w as located around 300 m from the cultivation, a

measurement common w ith the funerary monum ent of Ameny Q emau and the structures

at Mazghuna, and that it was in the vicinity of

a

dike. In the area around this debris, there

was a large circular mound of limestone chips. The complex included a 50.00 m-wide

causeway, a qu een's pyramid like that of Khendjer and buildings to the north and

southwest, the latter having a trail leading to the pyramid, as well as some other ruined

structure, which could not be identified.

Swelim and D odson attempt to show that North M azghuna is the likely choice for

Lepsius LIX using the details in the survey as well as comparisons with the known

monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom.

1063

The main argument for the correlation is

the distance of 300 m between the pyramids and the cultivation and the fact that there is a

Coptic cemetery nearby Mazghuna. Lepsius had mentioned that there was a modern one

close to site LIX . All the other features are missing from N orth M azghu na, and these

1061

Dodson, The C anopic Equipment, p . 30, n. 63; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343.

1062

Lepsius, Denkmaler Text (1897), pp. 209, PL 243.

1063

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p p. 331-333.

281



scholars explain that the debris could have been removed w hile some structures may have

been covered by more recent activities. None theless, there are so many m issing features

that one must be cautious until further research can be undertaken at the site of Mazghuna

and elsewhere.

XI.A.4.g. Possible Court Cemeteries DAS 46, 49-52

In the 1.50 km zone between the pyramid of Ameny Qemau and its surrounding

monum ents and those at South Mazgh una, there is a distinct change in the geography as

the landscape is made up of elevated areas cut periodically with wadis forming narrow

peninsulas that run from southwest to northeast.

1064

Until recently, this area had never

been surveyed, but investigation produced many sites with Dynasty XIII pottery. Many

of these locations likely contain the tombs of Late Midd le Kingdom elite. Ho weve r, it is

possible that some larger tombs are pyramids.

DA S 46 is the first in the southern geo graphic zone of Dahshu r. At this location,

the slopes of the wadi contained granite and quartzite fragments, possibly indicating the

presence of a structure above.

1065

Unfortunately, neither pottery nor an indication of any

architecture was found.

Located to the south of DAS 4 6, DAS 49 is a round, 12 m diameter pit containing

limestone fragments, brick debris, and a Late Middle Kingdom sherd.

1066

Down toward

the wadi to the north, the surveyors found quartzite, granite, basalt, which may h ave

1064

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestk "Neues zur

Residenznekropole," p . 50.

1065

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006."

1066



282



originated from a structure in the area. Whether or not DAS 49 and this area DAS 49/1

were conn ected is unclear. Since the data is not overwhelmingly co nvincing that there

was a Late Middle Kingdom pyramid in this area, it is likely that private (mastaba) tombs

could have occupied this particular region.

DAS 50, which is located on the next ridge to the south of DAS 4 9, seems to be a

grouping of elite tombs w ith Dynasty XIII pottery. °

7

Three sizes of pits were found in

the area, including those ranging from 11-12, 6-9, and 4-6 m in diameter. In some cases,

surveyors could see brick debris and limestone.

The next ridge to the south houses both DA S 51 and 52 as well as a quarry.

1068

Both we re between 8.5 and 10 m in diameter, and DAS 52 had visible bricks . It is likely

that these monuments were mastabas belonging to officials of Dynasty XIII.

The discussion of the likely private tombs above has been included in this

discussion of possible Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs due to the fact that none of

these sites have been inv estigated archaeo logically. Since, scholars are not yet sure as to

the nature of

all

royal tombs from this period, it cannot be stated with certainty whether

or not some of the locations above may contain small pyramids or even mastabas of the

weaker rulers of the period. It is also possible that these tombs belonge d to elite officials

and family m embers of Ameny Qemau, and perhaps even to other unknown rulers with

pyramids in the area as well as the owners of the pyramids at Mazghuna to the south.

Certainly, an investigation of these small monuments would provide a great deal of

insight as to the identity of the kings, who built tombs in the surrounding regions, the

7

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006 ;" Schiestl, "Neues zur


68

Alexanian, et al., "The Necropolis of Dahshur E xcavations Report Spring 2006;" Schiestl, "Neues zur

Residenznekropole," pp. 51-52.

283



existence of m ore pyramids in the areas nearby not surveyed, and the development of the

private and royal cemeteries overall at this time.

XI.A.4.h. DAS 53

On the southern-most, L-shaped ridge at Dahshur, there is a potential Dynasty

XIII pyramid.

1069

This 20 m monum ent stretches over most of the crest of the ridge. If a

traditional royal tomb stood here, it would have looked as though it formed the top of a

much larger structure, due to the continuation of the pyramidal lines of the slopes below.

Here, limestone fragments, brick debris, and Dynasty XIII pottery were found within the

extensive spoil heaps and in the wadi below. Schiestl and his colleagues believe that this

site was the most likely of all of those they surveyed at Dahshur to have been a Late

Middle Kingdom royal pyramid. How ever, it is also likely that the tomb was a large,

private mastaba and was a part of the cemetery possibly connected to both known and

unknow n pyramids of Dynasty XIII.

XI.A.5.

Lisht

Another possible location for a Dynasty XIII royal funerary monument is Lisht,

the site of the royal necropolis of the first two kings of Dynasty XII located near their

new capital at Itjatawy.

1070

Here, a son of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Wahneferhotep,

and an official, Bener, had funerary monuments near the pyramid complex of Senwosret



Amenemhet I may have begun to construct a pyramid at Sakkara before moving the capital to Itjatawy

and building the monument at Lisht (Do. Arnold, "Amenemhet I," p. 20, n. 102; Silverman, "N on-Royal

Burials"),

284



I. Thus, Hayes proposed that Neferhotep I may also have had a tomb in this area.

1071

At

this point in time, no scholars have proposed specific sites as being the possible locations

of Dynasty XIII pyramids at Lisht. None theless, there are also wooden statues of a king

found near the enclosure wall of the pyramid of Senwosret I at Lisht, which can possibly

be attributed to the reign of one of the early Dynasty XIII kings since they are similar to

the style of the reign of Amenemh et III.

1072

Aldred has suggested that these objects are

cult statues, which may indicate that one of the first few rulers of the dynasty had a

funerary monument nearby.

XI.A.6. el-Lahun

To the southeast of Hawara near the entrance to the Faiyum, the Dynasty XII

king, Senwosret II constructed a pyramid com plex. During the excavations of this site,

an ostracon naming another pyramid, Sekhem A meny

(shm-imny),

was found.

1073

This

same name is also found inscribed into the stelae of Khentiemsemt of unknow n d ate (BM

839).

1074

It is unclear w hether or not these inscriptions refer to a Dynasty X III

Amenem het (Ameny being a shortened version of the name). Nonetheless, since some of

the later kings seem to have used D ynasty XII monu ments as the headquarters for the

construction of their tombs located nearby, and the associated town of Kahun survived

Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 50. See also Grimal, History, p. 184.

1072

Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art, pp. 137-138.

1073

W.M.F. Petrie, et al., Lahun II (London, 1923), p.

13,

PI. 49; Ryholt, "Royal Nam es," pp. 108-109.

Sekhem Senwosret refers to the mortuary temp le of Senwosret I at Lahun. See S. Quirke, "Gods in the

Temple of the King: Anubis at Lahun," in S. Quirke, ed., The Temple in Ancient Egypt (London, 1997), p.

29 ;

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 18, 29, 224-226, 290.

1074

Note that Ryholt discusses another stela (BM 569, Sahathor), which is dated to Amenemhet II that lists

a shm-imnw. He believes that this site is different from the one in the el-Lahun o stracon (Ryholt, "Royal

Names," p. 108). Note that BM 839 has the determinative for both a pyramid and a pyramid city while BM

568 only had that of a pyramid (E.A.W. Bud ge, Hieroglyp hic Texts from Egyptian Stelae &c, in the British

Museum 2 (London, 1912), pp. 6, 8, Pis. 7, 20). See also Helck, Zur Verwaltung, p. 248.

285



well into Dynasty X III, it is possible that a Late Middle K ingdom royal tomb lies in this

area.

XI.A.7. Hawara

Grajetzki has proposed that the tombs of Am enemhet IV and Nefrusobek may be

located near the pyramid of Am enemhet III at Hawara.

1075

How ever, there is no specific

evidence that these last kings of Dynasty XII were buried w ithin monum ents at this

location.

XI.B.

Delta

The search for the missing Dynasty XIII royal tombs has led some scholars to

locations within the Nile Delta. In the Late Middle Kingdom , this region had no

traditional royal cemeteries, and a new circumstance had to arise to inspire rulers to

construct their funerary m onum ents here. One option is that an individual ruler without

ties to the previous royal family desired to be buried near the locations of his own

ancestral origin. Als o, fragmentation w ithin the state could have prevented certain kings

from having access to the Memphite necropolis. Below, sections will provide the

analysis of the rather scant evidence for Late Middle Kingdom tombs in two regions in

the Delta.

XI.B.1.

The Tell el-Dab'a Region

Tell el-Dab 'a is an important site located in the eastern Delta. Established ea rly

1075

Grajetzki, "Zwei Pyramiden," pp . 23-27.

286



in the M iddle King dom , this city (Avaris) becam e the capital of the Asiatic states

ruled by Dynasties XIV and XV. Three pyramidions, two of which certainly were found

in this area, have lead some scholars to propose that Khataana, located to the west of Tell

el-Dab 'a, may have been the location of

a

royal necropolis of Dynasty XIII.

Unfortunately, however, there is evidence that objects such as statues of Nefrusobek and

Qemau Saharnedjeritef w ere taken from Mem phite temples, possibly during raids by the

Hyksos, to A varis.

1077

Thus, tombs may also have been violated at this time, including

the pyramidions discussed below.

XL B.l.a. Pyramidion of Merneferre Ay

A portion of a granite pyramidion of M erneferre Ay w as discovered at Khataana.

Some scholars believe that there may have been a Dynasty XIII cemetery in this area,

including an undiscovered pyramid of this king.

1078

How ever, this pyramidion, which

certainly dates to Dynasty XIII, was more likely removed with the destruction of a

funerary monument in the Memphite region to the south, possibly at the hands of the

M. Bietak, "Avaris and Piramesse, Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta," Proceedings

of

the

British A cademy, 65 (London, 1979), p. 228; "Canaanites," p. 43; "Connections," p. 19;

The Ca pital

of the Hyksos,

pp. 5-6, 19,

31;

M . Bietak, et al., "Neue Grabungsergebnisse aus Tell el-Dab'a und 'Ezbet

Helmi im ostlichen Nildelta (1989-1991),"

A& L

4 (1994), pp. 26-24; Redford,


p.

114;

W.A. W ard, "Foreigners Living in the Village," in L.H. Lesko, ed.,

Pharaoh's Workers: The Villagers

ofDeir el Medina

(Ithaca, 1994), p. 61 . For evidence that earlier kings actually founded this town, see Z.E.

Szafranski, "Limestone Relief Fragments from Tell el-Dab'a," Proceedings of the Seventh International

Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven, 1998), pp. 173-175.

1077

Bietak, "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the

Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 779; Habachi, "Importance," pp. 459-460,468-470;

Ryholt,


p. 214, n. 737; Ryholt, "Hotepibre, a Supposed Asiatic King in Egypt w ith

Relations to Ebla,"

BASOR

311 (1998), p. 3; Helck,


p. 4, no. 8.

1078



p . 36, n. 90; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu

el Naga," p. 32; Habachi, "Importance," pp. 471-474, 478 , 558; Hayes, "Egypt: From the D eath," p. 52;

Kem p, "Social History," p. 153; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343.

287



Hyksos.

1079

It is interesting to note that the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay, w ho had the longest

known reign of Dynasty XIII at thirteen or twenty-three years, as well as other of these

structures from the Delta were small and easily transported in relation to that of Khendjer

and the two from the "'Un finished ' Pyramid" at South Sakkara.

1080

Thus this king, who

reigned relatively late in Dynasty XIII, must have had a funerary monum ent no tably

smaller than these structures at South Sakkara. Such a monument may have been one of

the proposed pyramids discussed above or an unknow n structure in the Mem phite region.

XI.B.l.b.

Pyramidion from Ezbet Rushdi

Another pyramidion w as found at Ezbet Rushdi.

1081

This capstone was made of

basalt and provided evidence that it had once been covered with a thin sheet of metal.

1082

As in the case of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay, this object has also led some to

believe that another Dynasty X III pyramid m ay have once rose above the area.

1083

However, it is also likely that this object found its way to this region when the Hyksos

removed it from its original location.

1084

1079

Dodson, After the Pyramids, p. 15; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 436; von Beckerath, Untersuchungen,

pp .

59, 73. Ryholt argues that a Dynasty XIII necropolis could not have been located here due to his

chronological reconstruction in which Dynasty XIV began at the end of Dynasty XII, giving the Late

Middle Kingdom rulers no access to the eastern Delta (Ryholt,


pp. 80, 82, n. 254).

1080

Habachi, "Impo rtance," p. 478.

1081

Habachi, "Im portance," pp. 474-476.

Rossi notes that Middle Kingdom pyramids have pyram idions made of dark stones, a reason why this

particular example m ight be placed in this group (Rossi, "Note," p. 221).

1083

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshu r to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 32; Habachi,

"Importance," pp. 478, 558; Swelim, "Pyramid Research," p. 343; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of

Ameny-Qemau," p. 334, n. 379.

1084

Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

p. 15.

288



XLB.l.c. Pyramidion (Anchor) from Unknown Provenience

A partial pyramidion, measuring 60 cms in height, is now located at the Egy ptian

Museum in Cairo though its origin is unknown .

1085

The limestone pyramidion had been

cut into an anchor, leaving only three decorated sides intact. One side is blank w hile the

other two each show a god seated on a throne including A nubis and Re-Horakhty.

Though Nibbi dates this original object to Dynasty XVIII, Swelim has included this

architectural feature in his list of possible Late Middle Kingdom funerary structures at

Khataana.

1086

How ever, it does appear that this object derives from the New K ingdom ,

as it does not have the same structure or style as the other Dynasty XII and XIII

pyramidions.

XI.B.2. Athribis

In 1800, Na poleo n's team of artists observed and noted a fully preserved pyram id,

which they discovered at the site Athribis in the southern part of the Delta. ° Thou gh,

presumably, only the subsurface remains at this time, Rowe was able to relocate the

structure in the late 1930's.

1088

How ever, he did not complete any excavations. More

recently, Dodson has suggested that this pyramid m ight belong to the Dynasty XIII royal

1US5

A. Nibbi, "A Half Pyramidion," GM56 (1982), pp. 57, 61, Pis. Ia-IIb.

1086

Sw elim, "Pyramid Research," p. 3 43, n. 318.

1087

Anonymous, "Instructions Donnes par l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres en sa Seange du

Vendredi 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a Executer en Egypte dans

l'lnteret de l'Histoire et de l'Archeologie," ASAE 2 (1901), p. 115; Commission and

d.s.e.a.

d'Egypte,

Description de

I'Egypte,

ou, Recueil de observation s et des recherches qui ont etefaites en Egypte p endan t

Vexpedition de Varm ee francaise, publie par les ordres de Sa Majeste I'empereur Napoleon le Grand

V

(Paris,

1809), PI. 27; C. Lenormant, et al., "Instructions Donnees par l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-

Lettres en sa Seance du Vendredid 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a

Executer en Egypte dans L'lnteret de L'Histoire et de l'Archeologie," ASAE 2 (1901), p. 115; Verner, Great

Monuments, p. 436.

1088

A. Rowe, "A Short Report on Excavations of

the

Institute of Archaeology, Liverpool at Athribis (Tell

Atrib)," ASAE 38 (1938), p. 524.

289



funerary corpus.

The identification of this pyramid with Dynasty XIII must remain very tenuous at

best. It is quite odd that the pyramid represented in the Nap oleon ic draw ing is so well-

preserved, as it is shown in a complete form. If this was the true nature of

this

monument

in the 18 00's, it is very unlikely that it wo uld date to Dynasty XIII, as it wo uld be the <

best-preserved funerary structure of the Middle King dom . Als o, it wou ld be the only

certain finished mo nument of Dyn asty XIII, meaning that a king would have had ample

time to comp lete the structure during his reign. It seems unlikely that an enduring king,

who m ight have enjoyed considerable pow er, would have chosen such a non-traditional

tomb site in the Delta. Un til excavations provide mo re substantial evidence , it is

necessary that the dating of this pyram id be approached w ith caution. In fact, Vern er has

proposed that this structure may have been a non-funerary, step pyramid from the early

Old Kingdom like those found at Elephantine and Abydos (Sinki) as well as other

sites.

1090

Alternatively , Dodson has suggested the possibility that this structure might be

of Ptolemaic date like much of the rest of

the

site

1091

while Ryholt adds that there is

nothing to show that this structure was a pyramid or a royal structure nor is there any

indication that dated to D ynasty XIII.

1092

1089

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p . 32.

1090

Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p. 173. These pyramids served as the locations of

the

cults of

the

living

kings Huni and Sneferu (H . Papazian, "Domain of

Pharaoh,"

pp. 101-108; S. Seidelmayer, "Tow n and

State," p. 122).

1091

Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

p . 15.

1092

Ryholt,


p. 80, n. 242. Note that a late Dynasty XII/Dynasty X III royal statue head

has been found at Kom el-Hisn, showing that there was royal activity in this region, though no signs of a

royal cemetery are at this site. See Silverman, "Royal Head w ith White Crown," in Z. Hawass,

Tutankhamun. The G olden King and the Great Pharaohs

(Washington, 2008), p. 90.

290



XI.C. The Missing Tombs

From the discussion of the excavated and potential sites for the Late Middle

Kingdom royal tombs ab ove, a pattern emerges that can allow one to establish a set of

assumptions regarding the missing monum ents. It is clear that the zone for Late M iddle

Kingdom tombs is similar to that for pyramids of Dynasty XII proper, extending from

South Sakkara in the north to the entrance to the Faiyum in the south with largest

concentration in the Sakkara/Dahshur region.

The Dynasty XIII kings clearly desired to locate their tombs in the vicinity of the

Dy nasty XII royal cemeteries, likely for both econom ic and political reasons. Existing

pyramids and their associated workforces allowed for the planning, building, and staffing

of the new royal tomb and the cult of the deceased king. Meanw hile, ideological ties to

the powerful Dynasty XII kings served to legitimize the reigns of the relatively weak

rulers who followed.

More than likely, the largest of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids are already

know n. The pyramidion of Merneferre A y indicates that even in his 13 or 23 year long

reign, he was only able to construct a relatively small funerary m onum ent. Thu s, many

pyramids from this period may be so small that they are misinterpreted as mastabas or

other more minor constru ctions. Th us, it is impo rtant that, in the areas outlined abo ve,

archaeologists must search for small monuments meeting the profile of Late Middle

Kingdom tombs.

At Thebes, there is a religiously significant site with a royal lineage in the form of

the tombs of the Dynasty X I rulers and the possible initial monumen t of A menemh et

291



I. In fact, a statue from Kam ak mention s the Man sion of M illions of Yea rs of

Sobekho tep IV. Th us, some scholars believe that this structure, as well as an associated

tomb may be located nearby.

1094

Ho wev er, at this point, no funerary mo num ents of

Dynasty XIII kings have been found in the Theban region.

Ryholt and Dodson have suggested that the lack of Dynasty XIII royal tombs for

the majority of the more than fifty kings of the period may be the result of

a

revolving-

door mortuary practice.

1095

Ryholt elaborates that families may hav e used the same tomb

and/or that usurpers may have left portcullis stones and sarcophagi open so that they

could clear the tombs and reuse the structures as their own pyramid complex.

Meanwhile, Dodson suggests that the erasure of Khendjer's names from the Osiris bier at

Abydos may provide evidence for the hostile usurpation of this kin g's m onum ents.

1096

It

is possible that some monum ents were begun by one king and then finished b y another or

occupied by another. How ever, some of the tombs, which remained open, those at North

Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at Sakkara, contained no elements, which

would suggest that they had been used, much less reused (mumm y fragments, wood , etc.)

if the excav ators' reports are to be believed . Thu s, until additional research is unde rtaken

at these and the other sites, one must assume at this date that some of the tombs of

Dynasty XIII kings remained unused.

Scholars have also suggested that the tomb of Awibre Ho r may provide a model

Do. Arnold, "Amenem het I," pp. 5-48; Silverman, "Archaism and Innovation." For views against the

ownership of

this

tomb by A menemhet I, see Brovarski, "False Doors"; G rajetski,

Middle Kingdom,

29-30.

1094

E. Delange,

Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen E mpire,

p . 68; Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," p. 263, Fig. 262;

von Beckerath, "Theban," p. 23. See also von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, p. 73.

1095

Dodson,


p . 35; Ryholt,


p. 81.

1096

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 35 , n. 86; Monarchs, p. 68.

292



for the funerary installations of man y of the kings of Dyn asty XIII. It is assumed that

many kings did not have the time or resources to build large tomb s,

1098

being buried on

the grounds of their royal ancestors (through blood or ideology) instead. How ever, it

must be remembered that practically unkno wn k ings, such as Ameny Qemau and

Khendjer, built pyramids near the beginning of their reigns. More affluent rulers-like

Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I, and Sobekhotep IV should have m onum ents, yet no tombs

have been attributed to them, though some hav e suggested that the second of these was

buried at Lisht.

1099

Other monuments may lay undiscovered at South Sakkara and

Dahshur.

1100

XII. Conclusions

The known tombs of the kings from the time of Am enemhet III at Hawara

through Merneferre Ay of Dynasty XIII developed from an earlier prototype during

Dynasty XII. How ever, during the Late Middle Kingdom the architectural characteristics

of the tombs are relatively standardized. Excep t in the case of the "Unfinish ed" Pyram id

at South Sakkara, one of two types of sarcophagi are found within each tomb (this

pyramid has both). These monum ents also have quartzite portcullis stones which, when

closed, hid the entrances to the corridors. Staircases composed of shallow steps with

ramps on either side are also comm on. The superstructures of the monu ments, which

were more complete, included a brick pyramid and subsidiary structures such as

encasement walls (some being sinusoidal), a small pyramid, chapels, and possible

1097

Aldred, Middle Kingdom Art, p. 136; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny -Qemau," p . 333.

1098

Dodson,

Monarchs,

p. 67.

1099

Grimal, History, p . 184; Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 50.

1100

Verner, "Pyramid," p. 94.

293



causeways. The characteristics of these monuments can then be compared to the visible

properties of the sites thought to belong to this known corpus. Though some can be

eliminated based upon their descriptions, others would have to be excavated to confirm

that they belong to this group of pyramids.

294



Chapter 4

The Late M iddle Kingdom Royal Tombs at South A bydos

I. Introduction

An area of Abydos know n as Umm el-Gaab was the location of the tombs of the

first kings of Upp er and Low er Egypt. As time progressed , the ancient Egyptians cam e

to identify this site as the final resting place of the divine ruler o f the dead, Osiris, wh o

they believed had been the first regent of the state. Aroun d the begin ning of the Midd le

Kingdom, rulers began to expend great resources at Abyd os, including the construction of

ka chapels within the enclosure walls of the Osiris Temple, in order to experience a

greater relationship with this god.

1101

They also cleared and restored some of the ancient

royal tombs, including those of Den and Djer of Dynasty I.

1102

The latter monument

contained the Osiris bier, a basalt work displaying the deceased god on a funerary bed

flanked with falcons. Am elineau, who discovered the object, suggested that it indicated

that this monument w as the site of

the

symbolic tomb of Osiris known through ancient

texts.

1 03

Tho ugh a debate ensued over this interpretation,

1104

scholars today generally

accept this Early Dynastic structure as the tomb of Osiris of later times.

Leahy, Osiris

'Bed,'

p. 433; D. O'Connor and D.C. Patch, "Egypt's Sacred S ands: Exploring the

Tombs and Temples of Ancient Abydos," Archaeology 54 (2001), p. 46. For ka-chapels of the Old

Kingdom at Abydos, see O'Connor, "The Status of Early Egyptian Temples: An Alternative Theory," in B.

Adams and R. Friedman, eds., The Followers ofHorus. Studies Dedicated to Michael Hoffman (Oxford,

1992),

pp. 84, 87,

92-93,

9 6; E. Brovarski, "Aby dos in the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period, Part

II," in D.P. Silverman, ed., For His Ka, Chicago, 1994, pp. 16,

18-21.

1102

Dreyer, "Abydos, Um m el-Qa'ab," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient

Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 112; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 6.

1103

Amelineau, Tombeau, pp. 109-115, Pis. 102-104.

V. Loret, "Le tombeau d'Osiris," Sphinx 5 (1902 ), pp. 34 -52; Amelineau, Tombeau; "Le Tombeau

d'Osiris: Reponse a l'Article de M. Loret," Sphinx 5 (1902), pp. 234-246; V. Loret, "Un dernier mot a

propos du tombeau d'Osiris," Sphinx 5 (1902), pp. 247-248.

295



fC • .

i icn

i a

,>•- Vm m t'l-(itinh

s

Plinth-. uS'shc fn*.*

Îkm&ifh' . ^tsd sMttfroW

h > S i ^ u f U s l u s t

1 t

• " • .V . i . )

m.'v'i 0*lll i.

SC U\% OH

. i l l '

Complex

S 9 a n d S 1 0 - -

<_ ,

• l i l l ' | N > K

i loir ' . i

urni.i.

Illi«h lU-M-ri ( lilts i

**

'*

A

,N

500 m

-

>

f .'

f

E piC \

•

Figure 4.1. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary com plex of

Senwosret III, tombs S9 and S10, and the site of Um m el-Gaa b. After

Wegner 2006 , p. 9.

During the Middle K ingdom, private pilgrims also placed their mark on Abydos

when they traveled great distances in order to witness the annual Festival of Osiris, which

centered upon the temple, a sacred road, and the tomb of the deity.

05

They established

their own, cenotaphs, or symbolic tombs and stelae at the "Terrace of the Great God"

(rwdn ntr 9) near the Kom el-Sultan that they too might become associated with this god

in the afterlife.

1106

1105

W. Helck, "Die Herkunft des Abyden ischen Osir is r i tua ls , "

Archiv Oriental™

20 (1952), pp. 72-85;

Geschichte,

p. 117; Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp . 55-59; S. Quirke,

Ancient Egyptian R eligion

(New

York, 1992), pp. 52-62, 85 ; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 50-56, 58-59, 67-

68.

1106

D. O'Connor, "The 'Cenotaphs' of

the

Middle Kingdom at Abydos," Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar,

1985); "Abydos, North, ka Chapels and Cenotaphs," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


Ancient Egypt

(Londo n, 1999), pp. 101-102; Simpson,

Terrace of the Great God;

Simpson, "Twelfth

296



In the reign of Senwosret III, the royal worship of O siris reached a new p innacle,

as the king himself built a tomb at South Abydos to the east (local south) of the site of the

funerary structures of the first kings, including that now associated with this deity (Fig.

4.1). Thou gh S enwo sret III had built a pyram id comp lex at Dah shur, it is likely that he

was actually buried in his large, hidden, underground tomb at South Abydo s.

1107

This

structure was located beneath a natural pyramid in the cliffs, referred to as the "Mountain

of Anubis"

(dwi'npw),

which may have served as the precedent to the Gurn in the Valley

of the Kings during the New Kingdom. This complex included a town and a valley

temple, in which the decoration emphasizes the connection between the deceased king

and the god O siris.

1109

Senwosret Ill 's m ortuary activity at the site of Abydos provided a Middle

Kingdom precedent for the use of this ancient royal cemetery by some of the following

Dynasty," p. 456; J. Wegner, "A bydos," in D.B. Redford, ed.,


1

(Oxford, 2001), pp. 9-10; "Cenotaphs," in D.B. Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1

(Oxford, 20 01), pp. 247-248.

1107

Di. Arnold, "Cult Com plexes," p. 80; The Pyramid Complex of Senwsoret III; E.R. Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos, Part III (London, 1904), pp.

11-13,

18-20, 22-28; Wegner, "Burial Place of the Third Senwosret?,"

pp .

60 ,

69-71;

"A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 140-282, 357-380,

388-401;

"Nature and

Chronology," p. 257; "Cenotaphs," p. 246; Mortuary Temple, p. 393 ; "Excavations at the Town."; "A

Middle Kingdom Town at South Abydos," Egyptian Archaeology 17 (2000); "The Organization of the

Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos," A& L 10 (2000), pp. 83-125; "The Town of Wah-Sut at

South Abydos: 1999 Excavations," MDAIK 57 (2001), pp. 281-30 8. Weigall had suggested that Senwosret

III was buried temporarily at South Abyd os before his body w as moved to his tomb in Dahshur. Weg ner,

Mortuary Temple, pp. 5, n. 7; W eigall, Guide to the Antiquities.

1108

J. Wegner, "Seat of Eternity," Archaeology 54 (2001), pp. 58-59; Mortuary Temple, pp. 6, 17-18, 21 ,

32-33;

J. Wegner and M. Abu el-Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis: Necropolis Seal of the Senwosret III

Tom b Enclosure a t Abydos ," in E . Czerny and A. Sch wab, eds . , Timelines: Studies in Honou r o f Manfred

Bietak,

1 (Dudley, MA, 20 06), pp. 419-435.

1109

Wegner, "Excavations at the Town," pp. 4, 34; "Organization of the Temple," p. 86; "Abydos," p. 11;

"Institutions and Officials at South Abydos: An Overview of the Sigillographic Evidence," CRIPEL 22

(2001),

pp. 77, 81 , 85; "The Town of Wah-Sut, p. 28 1; "The Archaeology of South Abydos," E xpedition

48 (2006); "Hidden", pp. 15-22 ; "Echoes of

Power:

The M ayor's House of Ancient Wah-Sut," Expedition

48 (2006); Mortuary Temple, p. 19.

297



CLIFFS

Senwosret III

**»**•»»*$ H

I I

A(VkAAA*%f tA i *W\AAWj

u

?M

111

--r-fcB^^T

lUli I

J

-JL-i

S9

Sfei

S10

J8 T

WKfi*

n*WOK*

Figure 4.2. Weigall's plan of

S9

and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwosret III.

After Ayrton, 1904, PI. 36.

298



rulers. Interestingly, Bresciani has noted the existence of a possible D ynasty X III

chapel, belonging to Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, between the temples of Ramses II and

Sety I at Abydo s.

1111

How ever, though fragments of this monument were recorded in

sketches by Giuseppe A cerbi in 1829, and small pieces of it may be located in m useums

(Louvre, Leiden, and Am herst), the structure itself has not been recovered

archaeologically.

The Dyn asty XIII royal funerary m onuments in the Mem phite region are located

in the vicinity of the Dynasty XII pyram ids. In this time period, there was not only a

geographic connection to the monu ments of the Dynasty XII (and even Old K ingdom)

rulers but also a desire to adhere to the royal tradition of locating these tombs near the

capital, then at Itjatawy. There is also a sense that some Dynasty XIII kings attempted to

legitimize their reigns by copying and tying themselves to their successful predecessors,

especially in the construction of their mortuary structures. As was shown in the last

chapter, one king, Awibre H or, was buried in a shaft tomb within the pyramid com plex of

Am enemhet III at Dahshur.

At South A bydos, "m astabas" S9 and S10 are located to the north (local

southeast) of the tomb of Senwosret III.

1112

S9 is the closest to the Dynasty XII tom b,

while S10 sits a little further to the west (local northw est). These two monu men ts were

1110

It is also possible that this trend began in the reigns of Amenemhet IV and Nefrasobek at Abydos as

well as the Memphite locations.

1111

E. Bresciani, "Un Edificia di Kha-Anekh-Ra Sobek-Hotep ad Abido," EV O 2 (1979), pp . 8-17. See

also Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59, n. 80; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.

133,

384; Mortuary Temple, p. 16.

S9 and S10 are located at South Abydos and are not a part of Peet's Cemetery

"S,"

which is a part of

North Abydos (Peet, Abydos Cemeteries, pp. 30 -47, Fig. 1).

299



excavated in 1901-02 by the twenty-one year old Arthur W eigall, who was working

under the aegis of Petrie in the Egypt Exploration Society project.

111

He was the first to

excavate a tomb of this type , and, thus, had no parallels to which to refer. Therefore, the

date of these tombs as well as their significance went unnoticed for about ten years.

In 1912, Mackay recognized the fact that the sarcophagus at South Mazghuna and

that of S9 at Abydos were practically identical.

1115

Thu s, it is difficult to understand w hy

scholars failed to make a connection between these structures and the corpus of Late

Middle Kingdom royal funerary monum ents from that point until Wegner began to

reanalyze the area in 1994.

1116

Throug h further research and work with the primary

sources, it has become even more apparent how similar these monum ents actually are.

1117

Thus in this chapter, Weigall's excavations will be outlined, and the general arguments

for investigating the site further w ill be noted. Data from m y excavations at S9 will also

be discussed. Finally, the justification for including S9 and S10 in the royal mortuary

corpus of Dynasty XIII will be presented.

1113

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

pp. 11, 13-16.

1114

J. Hankey,

A Passion for Egypt: A Biography of Arthur Weigall

(New York, 2001), pp. 26-31; B J.

Kem p, "Abydo s," in T.G.H. James, ed.,

Excavating in Egypt:

The

Egypt Exploration S ociety 1882-1982

(Chicago, 1982), pp. 80, 82.

1115

Petrie, et al.,

Labyrinth,

p . 46.

1116

O'Connor, "North, ka Chapels and Ceno taphs," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


Ancient Egypt

(London, 1999), p. 106; Weg ner, "Burial Place of

the

Third Senw osret?," p. 60; "A Study of

Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 133, 381-383, 386, 388.

This connection was more com pletely developed in a paper presented at the American Research Center

in Americ a's annual meeting in Baltimore in 2002 (D. Landua-McCorm ack, "Evidence for Dynasty X III

Royal Mortuary A ctivity at South Abydos," Paper presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the American

Research Center in Egypt, Baltimore, Maryland, 2002). See also D. McCormack, "The Significance of

Royal Funerary A rchitecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty K ingship," in W.V. D avies, ed.,

The Second

Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties), Current Research, Fu ture Prospects

(London, Forthcoming).

300



II .

WeigalPs Excavations of S9

Prior to W eigall's excavations at S9 in 1901-02, Am elineau had begun clearing

this tomb.

1118

Ho weve r, he abandoned his efforts before reaching any architecture due to

the fact that sand poured incessantly into the excavations, causing him to be uncertain

that his effort wou ld be rewarded sufficiently with the finds below . Later, Petrie gained

an interest in the tomb and eventually assigned Weigall to excavate the crater within the

mounds of debris in 1901-02. Unfortunately, the excavations of S9 and S10 were

recorded in only a few pages in a book on the exp edition's w ork at Abydos.

19

Also, the

plans of the site were roughly m ade as the detailed m easurements and mapping were left

for the following season led by Currelly, who claimed that he did not have the time to

devote to this task. Thus, Weigall reports that, "the hasty plan .. .does not pretend to be

very accurate."

1120

In this plan and the text, the measurements have all been rounded to

the nearest half-foot. Thu s, in this discussion, these rough measu rements hav e been

converted into the metric system with the realization that they are probably far from

accurate.

II.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

Weigall excavated a portion of the features of the superstructure of S9 , while

focusing primarily upon the subsurface com pon ents. In the publica tion of S9 , W eigall

describes a rectangular enclosure wall, which he believed was filled with sand and

pebbles and was possibly covered with bricks, though non e were found in this position

1118

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, pp. 11, 13.

1119

Ayrton,

st&l, Abydos III, pp.

11, 13-16, Pls.36-38.

1120

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

p .

2 1,

n. 21 . For additional issues with the plan, see Wegner,

Mortuary

Temple, pp. 365-367.

301



(Fig. 4 . 2) .

m i

He believed that the superstructure was in the form of a mastab a. Several

m to the east of the enclosure wall, Weigall found a sinusoidal wall, which he describes

as a "frontage."

1122

He also suggested that a courtyard may have existed in front of the

tomb.

II.B. The Components of the S ubstructure

W eigall noted that S9 had been built by the, now familiar, m ethod of excavating a

large pit, into which the quartzite sarcophag us and limestone passage s were set. He

reports that the average limestone block size had dimensions of 1.23 by 0.91 by 0.76

m.

1124

Generally, the tomb had been completely emptied, and much of

the

subterranean

architecture, especially the roof, had been destroyed.

The entrance to the tomb, which was located in the local east, had a three-sided

retaining structure with a brick floor to the east of it (Fig. 4.3.A).

1125

The walls were

about 2.44 m tall and were whitewa shed on the sides visible from the entrance. A brick

staircase, which is not shown in the plan, descended from the surface to the tomb in one

corner. This area, which was about 3 m below the surface, was hidden when

architects filled it with sand after the deceased owner of the tomb had been placed inside.

The substructure of the tomb was not as elaborate as that in other royal

monum ents dated to the Late Middle K ingdom, though it does have many familiar

1 m

Ayr ton, et al. , Abydos III, p. 14.

1122

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14, PL 36.

1123

Ayrton, et

al, Abydos III,

p . 13.

1124

In Egyptian architecture, blocks used for building monum ents were usually of varying sizes (Arnold,

Building,

p. 122). The same is true for S9.

1125

Ayrton, et

al., Abydos III,

p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.

1126

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

p . 14, PI. 37.

302



characteristics. The entrance itself had been roofed w ith a vaulted ceiling mad e of a

single slab of

limestone,

measuring 2.43 by 3.5 m .

1127

From this point, a corridor gently

descends around 7.62 m (1.07 m wide) toward the west until it ended at a quartzite

portcullis (around 3.05 by 1.52 by 1.52 m; Fig. 4.3.B-C).

Figure 4.3. The substructure of S9 at South Abydos. The symbol indicates local

north. After Ayrton 1904, PI. 37.

The portcullis blocked a passageway, found at a higher level, measuring 1.23 m in

length (Fig. 4.3.D).

1128

This corridor ended in a turning chamber, measu ring 2.13 by 3.05

m (Fig. 4.3.E). A section of the flooring of this room could be remov ed from its 13 cm

1127

Ayrton, et

al., Abydos III,

p . 13, Pis. 37, 38.

1128

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

pp. 13-14, Pis. 37, 38.

303



supports, allowing one to enter a hidden passage below (Fig. 4.3.F). This corridor was

10.67 m long and extended toward the north before turning to the west for about a m

(Fig. 4.3.G ). The n, the passagew ay led to the north again for about 3.05 m (Fig. 4.3.H).

Weigall believed that a limestone blocking stone may have been placed in this position,

but he did not include it in the plan. Finally, the hallway turned again to the west (3.66

m) and then to the south (3.05 m, Fig. 4.3.1-J). Here, there was a smaller quartzite

portcullis (1.83 by 0.38 m, Fig. 4.3.K), after which the corridor narrowed and continued

at a slightly lower level for 2.13 m (Fig. 4.3.L), ending at the sarcophagus lid (Fig.

4.3.M). The outside of the sarcophagus was roughly hewn while the interior surfaces

were finely finished but uninscribed and undecorated, and the sarcophagus chamber was

composed of limestone blocks.

The sarcophagus had a base, made up of a single piece of quartzite (4.28 by 2.74

by 1.83 m), while the lid was composed of two blocks of the same material (Fig. 4.3.M-

N).

1129

The containe r had a coffin n iche, measurin g 2.74 by 0.91 by 1.52 m , with a place

for the cano pic box to the south (0.61 cms on each side). The fixed section of the lid

(3.81 by 1.22 by 0.91 m) at the south had a rounded end that extended beyond the line of

the sarcophagu s base. It was thicker from the tip of this curve until it met the base. From

this point on, where the funerary material would have been placed within, the lid was

hollowed out and had a convex shape on the interior side. The northern part of the lid

was m obile prior to the burial and measured 2.74 by 1.83 by 2.13 m .

Like in many of the M emphite tom bs, there was a small corridor leading from the

floor of the passageway east of the burial chamber to the sarcophagus (Fig. 4.3. 0). In S9,

1129

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.

304



this area was just less than 3 m long and w as 0.51 m wide and 0.61 m tall.

1130

Though

Weigall did not understand the sand lowering system, he did suggest that the stones

holding the sarcophagus lid in the air would have been broken with the use of this

passageway after the coffin had been placed inside.

Interestingly, both the portcullis stones as well as the sarcophagus lid were closed

in S9. As will be shown below, this tomb was certainly occupied. How ever, much of it

had been destroyed when people from an unknow n era broke through the limestone

1111

ceiling of the mon ume nt. In fact, they remov ed much of the roofing stones and some

of the upper regions of the walls. Once they found the sarcophagus, the "robbers" were

able to break a hole through it where the two lid components m et. From here, they w ere

able to remove the body and the funerary items, and Weigall noticed that some remnants

of the contents were burned.

III.

Weigall's Excavations of S10

If it were not for S9, S10 would probably remain an unknown example of Late

Mid dle King dom royal funerary architecture. As far as is know n currently, this

monument, which is located roughly 35 to 40 m to the local north and slightly west of

S9 ,

132

is much simpler and/or wrecked than the others discussed previously.

Nonetheless, there are still specific, more significantly diagnostic markers as to the date

of this tomb.

1UU

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 14, Pis. 37, 38.

1131

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14.

Note that Weigall's map sho ws these two tombs to be much farther apart than reported here. For these

computations, a new map of

the

mon umen ts and their craters was used. The actual direction is southwest.

305



III.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

Like in S9, the tomb itself had been covered with sand and p ebbles, possibly

making a mastaba-like feature, but it was in the form of

a

mound of sand around a crater,

when W eigall began his excavations. Passing over the limestone substructure near the

entrance to the tomb from north to south, there is a brick wall measuring 0.91 m tall (Fig. •

4.2). To the north of the area where this wall crosses the entrance, there are two

whitewashed walls running from west to east with a space of 7 m between them. Since

there was a brick surface in this area, Weigall sugg ested it was the site of the offering

cult.

In the text of the report, Weigall recalls finding another whitewashed (on the

eastern side) brick wall 2.74 m to the west of the one described above.

1134

However, he

does not include this feature on the plan, so the purpose of this structure is unclear.

Non etheless, there was another wall further to the w est, which may have delineated the

back of the tomb structu re. This wall was thick and short and seemed to have lacked any

connections with the walls to the east.

About 19.81 m to the east of S10, there is a whitewashed, mudbrick structure

measuring 11.28 by 3.66 m.

1135

Weigall referred to this feature as a "platform ." He

presented no evidence as to why he believed this feature is related to S10 (such as brick

sizes and composition), but the orientation of the structure does seem to match that of the

tomb. The exact nature and purpose of this mass of bricks remains unknown. Near the

location of this platform, magnetometry has revealed a brick-lined ramp filled with

1,33

Ayrton, et

al.,

Abydos III, pp . 14-15, Pis. 36-37.

1134

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 15, Pis. 36-37.

1135

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p . 15, PI. 36.

306



limestone debris.

1

III.B. Components of the Substructure

The entrance to the tomb was located on the eastern side (Fig. 4.4.A).

1137

Brick

walls extended out from either side- of the entrance with a brick floor between them. At

the eastern end of this room, there was a staircase, made up of six deep steps that

extended from the surface just to the south of the cham ber into its north end.

From the entrance, the floor of the limestone passage sloped downward gradually

1 1 TO

(Fig. 4.4.B ). The corridor was 1.07 m wide and ran for 7 m toward the west until it

came to a room, which was poorly preserved (2.4.C). Though the northeastern corner

appears to be displaced in the plan, this room was likely to have been a turning chamber.

A section of the floor in this room was false, and hid the entrance to a ramped staircase,

leading 7.92 m to the north, below (2.4.D). The shallow stairs were 0.51 m wide with

ramps measuring about 0.28 m. At the end of the steps, the passage turns to the west and,

after desc ending at an angle for a few m , dead ends at a portcullis (Fig. E-F). This

quartzite blockin g stone has the exact mea surem ents of the first of those of S 9 (3 by 1.52

by 1.52). The passage continues behind the blocking stone until it reaches the burial

chamber (Fig. G). Here, Weigall found a flat, out-of-context, quartzite sarcophagus lid,

lying northeast/southw est (Fig. H). It is likely that the sarcophagus originally sat below

the level of the floor. Weigall proposed th at this object had been m ade of limestone and

had been broken apart, but he cited no evidence to support his theory. More recently,

1136

W egner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 369.

1137

Ayrton, et

al, Abydos III,

p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.

1138

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.

307



Wegner has suggested that a field of quartzite debris near the temple of Senwosret III

may be the remains of the base of this sarcophagus.

1

H.-

Figure 4.4. The substructure of S10. After Ayrton 1904, P1.37.

It is unclear whether or not the sarcophagus l id represents the primary interment.

The missing burial chamber, which was often composed partly of heavy quartzite blocks,

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 296.

308



would likely have been the first section of a Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb to have

been finished. In the pyramid of Ameny Q emau , hasty modifications in the entrance to

the tomb seem to suggest that this section was not yet completed at the time of the death

of the king , but the burial chamber ap pears to have been finalized. Thu s, in the future, it

is hoped that careful excavation of S10 may result in new clues, which may shed light

upon the natu re of the burial chamber and the corridors leading to it. If the small room is

a chapel, it is likely that the original sarcophagus chamber is located directly to the west

as it is in S9.

In the area around the sarcophagus lid, Weigall found calcite canopic jar

fragments.

1140

These vessels had standard spells, which were written in mutilated

hieroglyph s like those of Aw ibre Hor. It is unfortunate that Weigall did not find the

name of the person buried in the tomb; Awibre H or's canopic jars had his name upon

them.

IV. Problems with WeigalPs Plans

There are some significant problems with W eigall's plans of S9 and S10 that are

apparent after the analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs in the M emphite region.

These potential errors are, no doubt, due to Weigall's inexperience as an excavator in

Egypt as well as the fact that he did not construct the plan from measurements taken for

that purpose (see Section II. above). Also , it may be the case that the arch itectural

remains were extremely fragmentary, and, since these monuments were the first of the

Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs to be excavated, W eigall may not have had the tools

1140

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

pp. 15, 19; Weg ner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 382.

309



he needed to understand them.

In Weigall's plan of S9 , there are three major problems (others will be discussed

in the section co ncerning the re-excav ation of this tomb). The first of these is an issue

pertaining to the quartzite portcullis stone in the first corridor. W eigall believed that this

stone had been lowered from the ceiling.

1141

How ever, as one could see from the other

six examples of these monum ents (including H awara), this pattern only occurs once in

the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, in which a modification had b een made to the

plan. Instead, the portcullises are usually enc ased in a niche in one of the limestone

walls.

As one m ight recall, the portcullises in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs usually

work using the same techniq ue (See Fig. 3.7). The large quartzite stone sits in its nich e,

with one side at the edge of a ramp, usually m ade of a polished piece of quartzite. The

blocking stone is held a little above horizontal by another stone that prevents it from

sliding down prematurely. Once the burial was com plete, the stone holding up the large

block would have been knocked out, allowing the quartzite stone to proceed dow n the

slope, presumably with the aid of levers.

There was a second, smaller niche in the opposite wall. As the stone slid down

the ramp, it would finally come to rest with one end in this niche, stretching across the

corridor, the final end remaining in the original chamber. Th us, the portcullis stretched

com pletely across the corridor into both walls. The stone would then block the next

passage, found at a higher level (usually about 1 to 1.5 m). Thu s, the stone formed a low

ceiling in its chamber, suspended on three sides via the niches and the ramp at the back.

1141

Ayrton, et

al., Abydos III, p.

13.

310



W eigalPs section and plan of S9 reveals that the portcullis stone is in the expected

location for this sort of

tomb.

1142

The stone is suspended on three sides above the surface

of the first corridor, blocking the entrance to the next passagew ay at a higher lev el. In the

plan, it is also clear the portcullis sits further into the southern w all than it does into the

northern one. Aga in, this characteristic parallels the other tomb s exactly. How ever,

Weigall's plan shows a recess in the ceiling, allowing for the stone to be lowered from

above.

It is likely that the ceiling in the portcullis chamber was not preserve d. With this

in mind, it is understandable w hy W eigall may have thought that the giant stone had been

lowered from above. Also, he may not have been able to see the large niche in the

southern wall because it was either not preserved or was blocked completely by the

portcullis stone. Further evidence that the portcu llis stone here follows the norm al royal

Late Middle Kingdom model is the increase in the thickness of the southern wall at this

point. How ever, it seems to be the case that Weigall did not reconstruct the thickness of

this wall correctly, as it would need to be larger to house the entire blocking stone prior to

sealing the tomb.

Another problem with W eigall's plan is the lack of turning chambers in the

northern part of the tomb . Clearly, there was one of these specialized rooms just to the

west of the first portcullis. This type of room was found whene ver the direction of a

corridor turned ninety d egrees so that the wo rkers wou ld be able to rotate the coffin and

maneuver this inflexible object down the halls to the sarcophagus chamber.

1143

In S9,

1142

Ayrton, et

al.,

Abydos

111,

Pis. 37, 38.

1143

The size of

the

coffin is estimated using the interior measurements of

the

sarcophagus.

311



there

is a

lack of these chambers

for

the other four ninety degree turns after

the

first.

Based upon the size of the coffin niche in the sarcophagus, it is not possible that the

structure of the first tw o turns

was

negotiable w ithout

a

turning chamber even though

they

are

close

to one

another, creating some extra space.

The

last two w ould

not

have

allowed for the transport of the coffin as they are drawn in W eigall's plan. Either there

actually were

two

more turning cham bers, which W eigall

was

unable

to see in the

ruins,

or the halls m ust be much wider than he recounts.

The final problem with Weigall's plan

is the

structure of the sarcophagus

chamber. Since the pattern of the Late Middle K ingdom sarcophagus chambers was

outlined above,

the

reader should immediately recognize

the

fact that this example must

be a Type 2. In this form, a section of the sarcophagus lid (usually two or three stones

total) is propped up on two pillars sitting on sand within a chamber with a saddle roof.

W hen the burial was com plete,

the

sand w ould

be

released

via a

small corridor

on

each

side. Thus, the lid would slowly lower, sealing the burial.

W eigall believed, however, that

the lid

of the sarcophagus

was

lowered from

the

ceiling,

1144

but he seems not to have recognized the mechanics used in this system. He

reconstructed a flat roof, when it is more likely that the ceiling was in the saddle form.

Also,

he

only shows

a

small corridor

for the

release of the sand

on the

eastern side. Thus,

there must be some other component of this system, wh ether it was a hidden corridor on

the west side

or

some sort of mechanism w ithin

the

sarcophagus

itself.

Like in S9, there are similar problems with the plan of S10. The structure of the

southern wall indicates that there

was

likely

a

turning chamber

at the

first tu rn

in the

1144

Ayrton,

et

al., Abydos III, p .

14.

312



tomb. W eigall's p lan displays a very irregular northern wall for this chamber, probably

due to the condition of the ruins in this area.

A more significant problem is the lack of a turning chamber at the end of the

staircase. Here, the joining of

one

passage at 1.07 m and another or similar dimensions

* seems too constrained for maneuvering a coffin, measuring around 2.74 by 0.91 by 1.52

m.

1145

He re, the structure of the northern wall, with its projection tow ard the north before

the portcullis stone, could indicate the presence of another turning chamber.

Like in S9, the portcullis in S10 should operate by the same system as the other

Late Middle Kingd om tom bs, though Weigall thought it was lowered from the ceiling.

1146

Instead, it is clear from the other examples that a portcullis niche would have been

housed in the southern wall of the chamber, meaning that that wall would have had to be

much thicker than shown in the plan. The northern wall obviously has a smaller niche

used to hold that end of the portcullis. In W eigall's section,

1147

it is clear that the

portcullis stone hangs above the surface of

the

preceding corridor, but he is vague about

the architectural plan here, simply movin g to the next corridor. How ever, it wo uld seem

that the ceiling is represented poorly here and that the actual corridor should be at a

higher level, as they are after every othe r portcullis of this nature, including that of S9.

Thus, the plan of the remainder of the tomb must be regarded as tenuous at best.

Weigall reconstructs the burial chamber without having found anything in this

area except the sarcophagus lid.

1148

Therefore, the location of the sarcophagus as well as

1145

The estimate for the coffin size of S10 was taken from the dimen sions of the coffin niche in the

sarcophagus of

S 9.

Even a significantly shorter coffin could not have been turned in this space.

1146

Ayrton, et al, Abydos III, p . 15, Pis. 37, 38.

1147

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. PI. 38.

1148

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 15.

313



the limestone blocks, which encased it, are simply conjecture. Thus, in the plan, Weigall

shows the lid as if it were dropped from the ceiling. If this placemen t is correct, then a

system, similar to that found in the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer (the lid is supported

by pillars until after the burial), must have been used . Othe rwise, it may be the case that

this tomb extend ed a little further to the west or, more likely, to the south. In this case, a •

Type 1 sarcophagus could be proposed for this tomb.

Interestingly, the beginning of S10 is identical to that depicted in the tomb model

at Dahshur described previously (Figs. 3.17, 2.4).

l 9

The staircase leading to the tom b,

the entranceway, the stairs leading to the north, and the position of the portcullis are all

identical. As W eigall has depicted the plan of S10, at this point the tomb ends in a Type

3 sarcophagus. How ever, the tomb model has a complete sand lowering system and,

thus,

a Type 2 sarcophagus. The model may not represent S10 ; nonetheless, the

resemblance is remarkable and may indicate some sort of chronological relationship

between the two.

Only further excavation can provide the answers to the questions resulting from

the comparison of the Memphite monum ents to S9 and S10 at Aby dos. Excavations of

exterior sections of S9 produced even more problems with WeigalPs plan. Thus, only

additional inspection of the substructure of the monument as well as other areas will

produce the com plete picture needed to truly understand these tombs.

V.

Recent Excavations at S9

As shown above, the two tom bs, S9 and S10, at South Aby dos have many of the

1,49

Di. Arnold, Amenemhet III, PL 67.

314



same characteristics as the royal Late Middle K ingdom m onumen ts found in the

Memphite area.

1150

Recent excavation of one of these tomb s, using modern techniques,

has resulted in new , more complete data concerning the structure of these tombs.

From February through March of 2003, the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine

Arts Expedition to Abydo s, undertook additional excavations of "mastaba" S9.

1151

Previously, in the summer of

2002,

Dr. J. Wegner, in conjunction with Dr. Herbich,

completed a subsurface survey of the area, indicating that structures existed around the

tomb, which W eigall had not recorded and remained unexcavated.

•*1

Figure 4.5.

View of excavations in the local southeast of S9 . Note the large spoil

heap and the pyramidal cliff in the background.

1150

See D. McCormack, "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty

Kingship."

1151

See the acknowledgements as they relate to this project.

315



Figure 4.6. Plan showing the results of the 2003 excavations season at

S9 at South Abydos.

The plan for the season was to begin with the architecture indicated to be to the

east of the tomb by the subsurface im age. After comp leting these excavation units, the

316



team set out to clear the subsurface part of the tomb and create a plan of the remaining

architecture, correcting any mistakes made by W eigall. The excavators also intended to

process all of the objects as they were retrieved to ensure the collection of useful data in

an efficient time period .

Excavations began with the opening of five 10 by 10 m squares-and a unit of

this same basic shape, which was truncated from the southwest corner to the middle of

the northern side due to the presence of a large spoil heap (Figs. 4.5-4.6). Five of the

units were located to the southeast of the tomb and one to the northeast. In the sou thern

units, the hope w as to uncover a sinusoidal wall visible in the magnetometry image, as

well as the southeastern corner of the enclosure wall. The northern unit was believed to

be the site of the northeastern corner of this structure.

In the following pages, the focus will be to document the results of the 2003

season at South Abydos and describe the finds in detail in order to provide a source of

comp arison for the other mon umen ts already investigated in the previou s chapter. In a

following chapter, the significance of

S9

and S10 in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship

will be discussed.

V.A. The Elements of the Superstructure

Since it will likely take a number of seasons to complete the excavation of S9 , it

is expected that the future work will allow us to better understand this monument and its

construction. How ever, after investigatin g only a few areas, it is clear that many of the

features of the structure are intact.

317



S9 and S10 are both located on the lower desert to the south of the visible

cultivation. The monum ents were constructed according to local directions, based upon

the line of the cliffs (east/west) and the Nile Rive r (north/south), rather than cardin al

ones, with the canopic niche being to the local south (actual east) of the sarcophagus.

1152

Since these designations are confusing, the following text will refer to local directions as

such, and the plans will be labeled using both systems. How ever, it should be noted the

ancient Egyptians themselves would hav e acknowledged the cliffs behind the tombs as

being the west, the direction, in which the dead traveled, while the part of the tomb facing

the cultivation was the east, the point, from which the sun rose every day giving life to

the world. It is the position of the sarcophagus as well as the corridors of the tomb that

make such a statement certain in light of the Mem phite corpus.

The directional orientation of the site did not begin with the Dynasty XIII activity;

the architects of Senwosret III of the previous period had established the South Abydos

area as a royal cem etery. They had ch osen this spot, no doubt, due to the fact that the

area was in the region of

the

sacred wadi and had originally been the focal point of the

tombs of the earliest kings of

Egypt.

At that point, it was the center of the Osiris cult and

had becom e crow ded w ith private tombs and cenotaphs, as well as ritual structures.

During Dynasty XIII, rules preventing these structures from encroaching upon the Early

Dynastic tombs themselves were recorded in Khutawyre W eg af s stela (JE 35256), which

For a short discussion of orientation, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p. 167. For the use of local

directions at South Abydos, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 10.

318



was later usurped by K hasekhemre Neferhotep I.

1153

Thus, in the Late Middle K ingdom,

there would have been no place for a large royal tomb in Aby dos p roper.

When Senwosret's officials searched for a place for his tomb complex, they must

have noticed that, from the base of the cliffs at South Abydos, the landscape appears to

form a natural pyramid . Thu s, they chose this spot for a hidden tom b and extended th e

corridors underneath this formation ("M ountain of Anubis").

1154

With the temple at the

edge of the valley, Senw osret's tomb formed a complete pyramid complex. The ow ners

of the Dynasty XIII tombs, presumably kings, not only benefited from closeness to the

natural pyramid, they also associated themselves with the legendary Senwosret III by

constructing their tomb in this vicinity.

1155

Therefore, this part of Abydo s became a Late

Middle Kingdom royal cemetery.

The landscape at South Abydos slopes downward from the cliffs to the cultivation

and also decreases in elevation from so uthwest to northeast. Mu ch loose sand and debris

litters the virgin desert surface. The construction of the tomb likely began with the

excavation of

a

large pit, where the subsurface elements of the structure were to be

placed. As mentioned previously, the dates recorded in the tomb of Khendjer

demonstrated that the central pit and the substructure of the tomb were the first

components of the comp lex to be constructed.

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 179; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, pp. 40-41; Helck, Historische-

Biographische,pp. 18-19, no. 26; Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp. 41-60; Mioso, A Reading Book, pp. 1-

3;

O'Connor and Patch, "Sacred Sands," p. 46 . Richards su ggests that the stela is earlier than Neferhotep I

but does not specify the king (J.E. Richards, "Abydos, Middle Kingdom Cemetery," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New Yor k, 1999), p. 95).

1154

J.

W egner, "Seat of Eternity," pp. 58-59; Mortuary Temple, pp. 6, 17-18, 21,

32-33;

Wegner and Abu el-

Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis," pp. 419-435.

1155

For a similar situation in which Amenemhet I chose to place his initial pyramid in the north at Sakkara

near the Pyramid of

Teti,

see D. Silverman, "Non-Royal T om bs" in J. Wegner and D. Silverman,

eds., Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt, Yale Egy ptological

Studies vol. 8, New Haven and Boston, 2009.

319



During the 2003 season, excavations focused upon the corners of the northern part

of the enclosure w all (Figs. 4.5, 4.6. A, 4.7). The northeastern corner was well-preserved

wh ile the northwestern one was fragmentary. The eastern end of the wall was set into a

foundation trench , wh ich cut down through the virgin desert surface. The western side

sat upon the loose sand on a platform, w hich extended beyo nd the northern face of the

wa ll. The level of the wall base on the western side of the northern enclosu re was 1.82 m

higher than that of the eastern end.

t

v .

Figure 4.7.

The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of S9 . The shorter

wall on the right extends toward the Senw osret III tomb com plex. In the bottom

center, the blocked entrance is visible.

In the subsurface survey results, the enclosure of S9 is visible on all sides, though

most co rners seem to be poorly p reserved, if at all. The shape of the enclosure is not

320



completely square, though it does appear to be around 54.5 m in length on each side. The

walls were made of bricks measuring 36-42x17-21x11-14 cms with no correlations

betw een the sizes. The com position of the bricks of the enclosure of S9 varied

considerably. One type was more dense, weighing about 12.00 kilograms, with a large

'amount of ehaff, while another, measuring 11.00 kilograms contained small gravel stones

and sherds and was hard like concrete.

1156

The outer bricks were laid with the use of

mortar, made of mud with small limestone chips.

The northern (local eastern) wall was 1.16 m wide and was preserved to a height

of 1.88 m while the eastern (local southern) one is 1.45 m in width at the base and 1.3 m

wide at the top and is up to 2 m in height. The northern (local eastern) wall also would

have been smaller at the top as it, like the eastern (local southern) one, occasionally had a

herringbone line pattern, used to decrease the width of the wall as it was built

upwards.

5

In this case, the reduction in width was taken equally from both sides. The

base of the eastern (local southern) wall was constructed with the use of a trench near the

corner and proceeded to follow the landscape to the south (local west), terracing upwards

along the way. Like in the pyramid encasement trench at South Mazghuna, at least one

uncut boulder w as within the trench, being visible at the base of the wall.

A floor surface of mud had been laid inside the enclosure about 0.7 m up from the

base of the northern (local eastern) wa ll. After the floor, which was about 8 cms thick,

was in place, the wall had been covered with mud plaster and whitewashed. To the north

1156

In S10, the hard bricks (38 by 17.5 by 11.5 cms) were lighter in color than those of

S9

and contained

substantial chaff as well as small limestone specks.

1157

Spencer,

Brick Architecture,

pp. 137, 138, PI. 8 (A17); Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p . 35; U. Holscher,

Da Hohe Tor von Medinet Habu

(Le ipzig, 1910), p. 29, Abb. 23 ; B. Kemp , "Soil (Including Mud-B rick

Architecture)," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology

(Cambridge, 20 00), p. 90.

321



(local east) of the northern (local eastern) wall, a similar floor, being around 10 cms

thick, had been constructed rough ly 0.59 m above the level of the wall base. This side of

the wall had likewise been coated with whitewashed plaster.

The eastern (local southern) side of the enclosure wall had a slightly more

comp lex history. A small wall even on the northern (local eastern) face of the enclosu re

abutted the structure (Figs. 4.9.B , 2.Y). Its base sat upon loose sand and was about 0.9 m

wide and 0.62 m in height, the base being about 0.36 m above that of the enclosure w all.

The original floor surface was in this area and 0.12 m above base of the small wall and

approximately 0.48 m above that of the enclosure.

The original floor of this area was relatively well-preserved and occupied the

majority of the section of the excavation unit to the east (local south) of the enclosure

wall. This surface also ran up under part of the wall on the southern end of the

excavation unit. Close examination revealed that this section represented a blocked

entrance in this area (Figs. 4.6.C, 4.7). One layer of whitew ashed p laster had coated the

wall up to this point before the entrance had been closed. Presum ably, once the owner of

the tomb had been placed inside, and the funerary rituals had been com pleted, sand was

laid over the floor, and bricks were p laced in line with the wall in order to close the

entrance to the interior.

Some time thereafter, the surface was raised as the area was filled with debris and

limestone ch ips. It is uncertain w hether the new floor was laid before or after the robbing

of the tomb (mumm y fragments and wood were found). Interestingly, the stratigraphic

layers between the first and second floors contained a large amount of Marl A ceramics,

possibly indicating a slightly later date (below the original floor, a significant number of

322



Marl C sherds were found). As of now, however, the exact dating of these layers is

uncertain. Nonetheless, about 1 m above the original floor, the new surface had been

constructed, and a fresh layer of whitewashed plaster had been applied to the enclosure

wall.

The layer of concentrated limestone chips as well as the new floor ran up over the

preserve d level of the small wall at the north (local east) of this area. Since the

whitewash of both the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall and the first layer of the

eastern (local southern) one ran up onto this feature, it is clear that the wall was a part of

the first pha se. If this wall never reached a height m ore than it currently stands, then it is

possible it was meant to form a terrace betwee n the upper and lower levels of surfaces. It

is clear that this wall was not considered to be a formal part of the S9 enclosure as it was

neither plastered nor whitewashed. The wall extended to a brick-lined ramp filled with

limestone debris to the local south in the vicinity of the structures connected with the

Senwosret III tomb .

1158

At the time when the second floor was constructed, the interior

of the small wall was no longer visible, as this area had been filled with debris.

Directly upon the preserved area of the new surface, more debris from the tomb

was found. Large amounts of wood, some being burnt, as well as two sets of senet game

pieces were discovered h ere. These objects found outside S9 are quite plebian for a royal

tomb as these items were often made of faience.

1159

There was also a concentration of

dung next to the w all.

1158

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 374, 380, 381.

1159

P. Piccione, "The Historical Development of

the

Game of Senet and its Significance for Egyptian

Religion," dissertation, University of Chicago, 1990, p. 19; Bourriau, Pharaohs and M ortals, p. 133.

323



The location of the entrance to the tomb is interesting for two reaso ns. First of all,

the entrance to the pyramid of South M azghuna w as located in this same region with the

com plex. Second, the small wall continues toward the Senw osret III enclosure to an area

once thought to be related to this earlier king 's mortuary establishment. Now , how ever,

it is clear that the sm all wall and this structure are in the line of

S9

and not the S enwosret

III mortuary comp lex. Thu s, it is possible that activities related to the adm inistration of

the construction of S9 and the burial itself occ urred in the area to the local east of the

Senwosret III tom b. Con sequently, above and below the surfaces in the excavated

portions of S9 , there were a few seal impressions, as well as a number of clay rods,

thought to be the portable source of sealing clay near the entrance.

1160

Abo ve the floor level of the area to the north of the enclosure, there w as a great

deal of brick and limeston e deb ris. It is uncle ar when the dep osit of this material

occurred. The brick material was not simply wall fall as there were no patterns

discernab le. Rather, it seems that this debris was collected either in the destruction of the

tomb or in W eigall's excavations. W ithin this debris, there were many fragments of

funerary provisions including small pieces of plaster with gold leaf, alabaster vessel

fragments, and w ood (discussed below).

To the local east of the tomb (north), there is a section of a sinusoidal wall

preserved (Fig. 4.6.D). The wall stretches toward the north (local east) and then turns to

the west (local north ). From c rest to crest, the waves in the wall are 2.6 to 3.5 m across

while being abo ut 0.5 to 0.55 m deep . The corner, which was 2.1 m wide at its base , 0.7

1160

These unbak ed, clay objects were cylindrical in shape. One preserved example was 9.59 cm in length

and 2.2 cm in diameter while another was 8.98 cm in length and 2.21-2.54 cm in diameter.

324



m at the narrowest point, and 2.2 m deep, is narrower as in the other examp le of these

walls in the Memphite region.

The preserved section of the wall included 17.5 m from south to north (local

east/west) and 7.8 m east to west (local north/sou th). In the former direction, the wall

clearly continued to the south, though its connection with the enclosure w all is unknow n.

Likewise, there were traces of the wavy wall all the way to a central structure, making its

full extent close to 15 m. The wall was preserved from a few brick fragments to aroun d

0.65 m in height and was one brick (laid as stretchers) in width . From the evidence of the

wall fall, it was originally at least 1.6 m in height

The construction of the sinusoidal wall was of economical quality. Unlike the

wavy w alls in the M emphite region and others around South Abydo s, this structure was

very thin, measuring about 0.2 m wide, which must have limited the height of the

sinusoidal wall. Thu s, the estimated height of the wall from the fallen bricks may

represent the original one. The preservation of the wall became taller as the excav ations

proceeded to the southwest, and future work will likely confirm or dispel the 1.6 m

estimate.

The sinusoidal wall had no foundation trench and was placed upon the loose sand

after applying a plaster-like wall base . The base of the wall sloped dow nward along

with the surface being about 0.98 m lower at the corner than in the southern-most extent

uncovered in the 2003 season. Like in the rest of the complex, the bricks were 35-40 by

17-21 by 10-14 cms witho ut any patterns of correlation between the sides. Other

components of the wall included brick fragments as well as triangular wedg es, with

1161

This mud wall base is typical of Egyptian co nstruction. See Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 34.

325



curved ends, used to accentuate the rounded areas of the wall. The bricks were laid with

a thick mud m ortar.

1162

After com pleting the wall, a thick layer of plaster, made of mud

and large pieces of chaff, w as placed on both of its sides, which w ere then

whitewashed.

1163

Fig ure 4.8. The sinusoidal wall of S9.

An interesting buttress was located inside the second interior curve to the south of

the corner of the sinusoidal wa ll. Here, small bricks and brick fragments outlined a

curved area. Bricks and debris were then placed inside, filling the space between the wall

and the outline. Unfortunately, the original height of this feature is unkn own as it was

only one brick high at the time of excavation.

T h e s inuso ida l w a l l at S9 m a y ha v e se r ve d mul t i p l e pu r p ose s . I t i s pos s ib l e t ha t it

1162

The use of mortar is very rare in Egyptian architecture. How ever, the mortar used here, as well as in

the enclosure wall, is typical with limestone chips and clay. Not to be confused, plaster usually con tains a

high straw content to prevent cracking (Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, pp. 34, 155; Kemp , "Soil," p. 92).

1163

The whitew ashed plaster was normally applied to walls to protect them from the natural elements. See

Di.

Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 34. How ever, in this case, the plaster seems also to add to the stability of the

rapidly constructed sinusoidal wall.

326



connected to the enclosure wall and that it also had a counterpart on the western side of

the southern face. Its purpose is uncertain, but it seems to have formed a courtyard in

front of the enclosure wa ll. If the wall did continue on the western side, then both walls

would have connected to a central rectangular structure similar to that found at South

Mazghuna (see below). Thus, the sinusoidal wall at S9 may have been an abbreviated

outer enclosure wall, connected to a cult structure.

Figure. 4.9.

The remains of the cult structure of S9.

The sinusoidal wall stretches to the west until it meets a rectangular-shaped

feature (Figs. 4.6.E, 4.8). Unfortunately, this building w as in very poor cond ition as the

preserved section including its northern (local eastern) wall and its eastern (local

southern) corner stood to a height of less than one course. The bricks measu red

approximately 39-39.5 by 11-15.5 by 8.5-9.9 cms and were laid on their sides (the

shortest length). This line of bricks wou ld have formed the foundation for a wall, which

was only one brick wide (about 40 cms). Though this feature may appear rudimentary,

327



its placement near the central line of the enclosure wall and tomb indicates that it was

likely a structure intended for the offering cult of the deceased p erson interred in the

tomb . This building is in the local east of S9 and holds the same position as that in the

South Mazghuna monument.

Both inside and outside the sinusoidal wall, there were areas with construction

debris. There was no surface preserved here, and it may be the case that one had never

existed in this poten tial courtyard. Due to the fact that the construction d ebris was on

both sides of the sinusoidal wall, it is likely that this structure was raised after the work in

the zone had been completed.

Much of the construction debris was made up of large and small deposits of

limestone chips, ground stone, and possibly fine, pow dery gypsum . In other

location s, small areas of an unidentified organic material were found. Some of the

limestone chips may have resulted from the cutting of limestone blocks. How ever, many

of the deposits appear to be related to the manufacture of whitewash and mortar for the

stone architecture. The organic material may have been used in the wall plaster.

Samples of all such deposits were collected, and, in the future, these materials will be

analyzed and compared to the makeup of the compo nents of the complex.

Near the southern end of the excavation of the sinusoidal w all, two more construction

features we re found. He re, there was one small plaster pit, which was at a higher level,

and a larger one. The hard surface of these pits was about 5 to 10 cms thick. The sm aller

feature was approximately 3.1m from north to south with a width of more than 1.3 m.

The second plaster pit was 3.1 by 2.9 m (Figs. 4.6.F , 4.10). Both of these areas had

1164

For information about gypsum, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p. 101.

328



clearly been used for the mixing of plaster or mortar and had finger, hand, and footprints

preserved in their surfaces.

••>•

• .

• " • - • < •

x.

«

J

- * * » " • * » * M i . • t _ s r

Figure. 4.10.

The large plaster pit.

V.B.


In the 2003 season, only a small area of the interior of the tomb was exposed.

These excavations included brickwork in the crater, the smaller of the two components of

the lid of the sarcophagus, limestone architecture to the southwest of the sarcophagus,

and the eastern face of the second portcullis stone.

The work of the excavation team in 2003 revealed several significant brickwork

structures, which W eigall had not recorded . These constructions are most prolific to the

local west of the tomb near the sarcophagus cham ber (Fig. 4.6.G ). It is possible that

some of the preserved brickwork in the substructure of S9 served as a means of holding

329



back the sand during construction. Exca vation of such a deep pit in the desert sand

proves to be a difficult task. Like other excav ators, we had extrem e difficulties in

clearing the pit even though only the upper extent of the substructure was reached.

During the 2003 season, 4 to 6 m of sand were removed from the crater, the greater

amou nts being from the sides, wh ile the smaller amount was taken from the center. At

this depth, any wo rk results in sand pouring in from the sides. Th us, the deeper one digs

the worse the problem with the loose sand becom es.

*%&4+J&

•

r

.,

A'

.«"'*££;

'^vitiHUL

^ ^ f e * ^

Figure 4.11. The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003. The mobile

component of the sarcophagus lid, the portcullis stone, the surrounding limestone,

and the supporting brickwork are visible.

330



The brick structures are often only a few courses thick as in the ones on the local

eastern side (Fig. 4.6.H).

1165

How ever, those closest to the sarcophagus cham ber reach to

a height greater than a meter as they terrace back into the sand from the edge of the

limestone w alls (Fig. 4.11 ). In this area, it may be the case that the brickw ork served not

only to hold back the san d in the lowest pa rt of the tomb , but also as a platform, from

which the lowering of the large quartzite components could be facilitated, and the support

of the saddle roof as well as a large superstructure could be provided. It may also be the

case that the brickwork w ithin the pit may represent the preserved sections of the

superstructu re. It is hoped that future w ork will clarify the nature of the brickw ork w ithin

the substructure of S9.

The crater itself measured roughly 25 by 21 m w hile the area between the

northern (local eastern) and southern (local western) mudbrick structures of the crater

was about 14 m. The northern (local eastern) one joined at what might be a corner with

the eastern (local southern) side (probably corresponds with the western (local northern)

side of the entrance corridor or the first portcullis chamber).

In the area next to the sarcophagus, there was a large structure of bricks with one

part being higher than the other. In the corner of these two sections, limestone fragments

were piled up in order to keep the sand back. Thou gh it cannot be certain, it is likely that

this makeshift construction w as the work of Wei gall's men, especially considering the

fact that the workers of the 2003 season often attempted similar means of holding it back.

1165

The brick structures on the eastern side had limestone flakes within them. Therefore, their exact date,

whether ancient or modern is unknown at this point. How ever, parallels to these walls in the Memp hite

region would su ggest that they are ancient. For example see the pyramid of Am enemh et III at Hawara

(Chapter 3, section II.B.) and South Mazghuna (Chapter 3, Section VII.B).

331



The top of the sarcophagus lid com ponent was 2.32 m below the desert virgin soil

(Fig. 4.6.1).

1166

This large mon olithic structure was made of a quartzite stone of variable

qualities (considerable inclusions in some areas). It measured ap proximately 2.7 by 1.82

m and had a height greater than 1.07 m. The corners were rounded and the local northe rn

36 cms were recessed. The cutting of the stone was irregular, and it was left roughly

finished on the top.

Though many of the features of the tombs are similar to those of the Memphite

region, excavations at S9 revealed that this monum ent had limestone of a somewhat

/ Q

lesser quality than the fine Tura limestone found in the tombs in the north (Fig. 4.6.J).

Most of these stones are like the sarcophagus top in that they were put in place with very

little smoothing of their surfaces. One stone contained a portion of a dovetail cramp.

The material of the cramp itself, which w as missing, was not determined.

1169

The blocks

were positioned with the aid of gypsum m ortar, which ran dow n the sides of many of the

blocks.

1170

The quartzite portcullis was about 1.5 m from the local northern face of the

1171

sarcophag us lid (Fig. 4.6.K). It was 1.6 m wide and approxim ately 0.4 m in depth.

The local southern side of the face of the stone was incredibly smooth, and the quality of

This layer is composed of hard, compact sand with small limestone inclusions.

1167

See Chapter 3, section X; Chapter 4, sections III.B. and V.B.

1168

The lower quality of the limestone may not be as important as one might think. Since limestone was

readily available locally, it may simply have been more practical to quarry the blocks from the area,

especially since they would be visible (Di. Arnold, Building, p. 159; Encyclopedia, p. 134; B.G. Aston, et

al.,

"Stone," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian M aterials and T echnology

(Cambridge,

2000) , p . 13; R. Klemm and D.D. Klemm , Steine u nd Steinbruche im Alten Agypten (Lon don, 1093), p. 30).

1169

For a description of

the

types of cramps used in ancient Egyptian architecture, see Di. Arnold,

Building,

p. 124;

Encyclopedia,

p . 60; S. Clarke an dR . Engelbach,

Ancient Egyptian Construction and

Architecture (Ancient Egyptian Masonry: the Building Craft) (New Y ork, 1990), pp. 11 2-113.

117

Gypsum mortar was commonly used in this manner (Di. Arnold, Building, pp. 118, 123, 291;

Encyclopedia, p p. 101, 133, 155; Clarke and Engelbach, Ancient Egyptian Construction, pp. 78-79).

1171

Note that Weigall measured this length as 2.13 m (Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, p. 14).

332



the quartzite was marked ly better than that of the sarcophagu s lid. It is likely that the

portcullis stone had been maneuvered into position from a niche in the wall to the local

west. This placement wo uld fit perfectly w ith a Type B portcu llis, which often occurs in

this position when it is paired with a Type 2 sarcophagus. Though this is a Type 1

sarcophagus, it appears that there might be just such a slot in the limestone walls for a

Type B blocking stone position, but only further excavations will confirm this hypothesis.

V.C.

Further Problems with Weigall's Plan

Thus far, Weigall's plan of the substructure of S9 seems to correlate in general

size with the remains found in the 2003 season . Further excavation s will be needed in

order to confirm and correct the probable errors explained in an earlier section (IV).

Non etheless, the above ground features of S9 seem to be quite off in W eigall's plan and

do not correlate with the new data.

The first major problem with Weigall's plan is that his enclosure wall is much

smaller than that recovered recently. Thus far, no wall has been found inside of the first,

leading one to the conclusion that Weigall did in fact excavate part of the enclosure wall.

The dim ensions, however, are not accurate.

Another perplexing problem with the original plan is the placement of

a

sinusoidal wall jus t beyo nd the enclosure. In the recent excavations, the sinusoidal wall

was well beyond this point. Also, some areas where the wall was completely preserved,

W eigall's plan shows it as missing. Thus, either there is currently a sinusoidal wall

beneath the spoil heaps just in front of the enclosure, forming a potential square, or

Weigall's plan does not reflect accurately the architectural features of this potential

333



courtyard. Finally, the distances betwe en the structures related to the Senwosret III

complex to the local south and S9 and that of the latter and S10 are also inaccurate.

V.D.

Foundation/Ritual Deposits

In the excavations of S9 , three foundation deposits were found to the northeast

(local southeast) of the northern section of the enclosure wall. Two of these deposits

were in the form of a small pit containing ceramics and other objects while the third was

composed of

a

line of brick s. A discu ssion of the nature and conten ts of each deposit will

appear below.

7

V.D.I. The Pit Deposits with Ceramic Material

At 1 m and 3.4 m from the edge of the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall of

S9, the two foundation deposits revealed through excavations appeared to be in the ideal

position for a double deposit often found in Late Middle Kingdom tombs.

1174

However,

unlike parallels to these kinds of pits,

1175

the ones found in the 2003 season were not

lined with brick s. The small, circular pits we re cut into the virgin desert surface. The

one closest to the wall was larger, being about 0.54 m in diameter while the smaller one

was approximately 0.31 m across. Both pits were 0.2 m in depth, being at the maximum

in the center and shallower around the edges.

On the general nature and contents of foundation deposits, see J. Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits in

Ancient Eg ypt," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973; Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p . 93.

1173

Revez, "Medamud," p. 476; Sambin, "Medamud," pp. 351-353.

1174

Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits," pp. 54, 55.

1175

Weinstein, "Foundation D eposits," pp. 52, 54-55.

334



r: ~ •

7i

\

/ ;

/

J

/

• %

1

\

J

X

\

\

B.

|

_

• - ' v

- y *

A.

_

\\ c.

'i

1 •'' \ k

10 20

Figure 4.12. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation dep osits.

Contents included hemispherical cups (A.) (the second of which contained

plaster), a funnel necked jar (B.), and a beak er (C.)

The smaller of the two foundation deposits contained ceramics including four

hemispherical cups (one filled with gypsum plaster), a beaker, and a funnel-necked

jar.

1176

The second foundation deposit was packed with many items including twelve

hemispherical cups; two, small flat bowls; one large, flat-based bowl with fabric adhered

to it; the rim of a funnel necked jar; one large jar stand; one tall jarstand; two jar sto ppers;

two rings of rope; a calf

rib;

two bird bones; and a collection of sticks, leaves, and

This deposit was not initially recognized as being in a pit as it was partly beneath the baulk, made of

loose sand, which poured into the excavation unit. Thu s, the full nature of

its

contents is uncertain, and it

likely included additional items.

335



Figure 4.13.

The second foundation depo sit. Hem ispherical cups (A.), flat, open

bowls (B.), a pulled-rim jar rim ( C ), a funnel-necked jar rim

(D.),

jar stands (E .), a

tall jar stand (F.) (which had been broken into segments), and a large bowl (G.)

336



seeds.

1177

It is difficult to determine the date of the deposits due to the placem ent of older

forms of pottery within such contexts. The vessel indices (width divided by height,

multiplied by 100) of the hemispherical cups have been shown by D o. Arnold to be an

indicator of date, becoming deeper over time.

1178

In the smaller pit, the average vessel

index is 186 with a range of 162 to 197 wh ile, in the larger one, it is 191 with a range of

176 to 218 . These vessel indices indicate that the deposits date to the earlier phase of the

Late Middle K ingdom (Late Dynasty X II to early Dynasty X III).

1179

Though

fragmentary, the ceramic eviden ce found so far in the rest of the S9 tomb m ay point to a

later date than the foundation deposits with deeper hemispherical cups as well as a more

advanced phase of Marl C jars (see Section V .E.l .c. below).

Weigall found similar unlined pits, packed with ceramics, around the Senwosret

III enclosure at South Abydos.

1180

In his study, W einstein expressed do ubt that these pits

For parallels to the hemispherical cups,

tall

jar stand and funnel neck

jar,

see Bourriau,

Pharaohs and

Mortals,

pp. 134-136;

Umm el G a'ab. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest.

(Cambridge,

1981),

pp. 56, 69. Though S.J. Allen suggests that Que en's W are was found in a foundation deposit at the

Senwosret III tomb at South A bydos by Pe trie, the intact pit of

S9

contained no true examples of

this

type,

though some of the shapes were similar (S.J. Allen, "Queen s' Ware: Royal Funerary Pottery in the Middle

Kingdom." in C.J. Ey re, ed.,

Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists

(Leuven,

1998),

pp. 47-48).

1178

Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976-1981,"

MDAIK

38 (1982), pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18;

S. Swain, "Pottery, Early Dynastic to Second Intermediate Period," in K.A. Bard, ed.,

Encyclopedia of the

Archaeology of Ancient Egypt

(New York, 1999), p. 627.

1179

Bourriau states that the vessel index marker of 145 sits between early and late Dynasty XIII (J.

Bourriau, "The Dolphin V ase from Lisht," in P. Der M anuelian, ed.,

Studies in Honor of William Kelly

Simpson,

1 (Boston, 1996), p. 113). Wegner points to indices between 155 and 165 as dating to

Amenem het III though he does w arn about regional trends, especially since the index is built upon the

Mem phite corpus (Wegner, "Nature and Chronology," p. 260). Note that he also assigned a vessel index of

178 to the reign of A menemhet

ITT

(W egner, "The Town of W ah-Sut," p. 296); he states that hemispherical

cups from an average of 190-160 date to late Dynasty XH-mid Dynasty X III while those with a mean of

160-135 belong to mid-Dynasty X III through the end of this era (Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 233). Di.

Arnold

{The Pyramid of Senwosret I,

The South Cemeteries of Lisht

1

(New York, 1988), pp. 140-141)

indicates that in the late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty X III in the Memphite region, indices can vary

between 190 and 150 with a range between 200 and 145.

1180

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos

111, p. 19, PI. XXXIX.

337



actual ly represented foundat ion depo si t s .

1 1 8 1

How ever, the presen ce of rope, plaster , and

other goods related to the bui lding process m ay prove otherwise, though a ri tual deposi t

cannot be excluded at this t ime. Unfortunately, W eigal l did not present photographs or

drawings of the contents of the other pi t s found at South Abyd os. Thu s, no comp arison

can be made at this time. W egner also found dep osi t s of pot tery near the ramp, wh ich

ma y be contem porar y with S9. It is poss ible that the deposited materia l originally

belong ed to the complex of Sen wosret III and that the archi tects of S9 found them and

rebu ried them in these locations. It is unfo rtunate tha t the dating of any founda tion/ri tual

deposits is unreliable especially since, at S9, these pits supplied the most complete

ceram ic vesse ls, and i t is difficult to stud y the t iny fragments from the rest of the are a.

V.D.2. The Brick Deposit

To the west of the pits discussed above, there was another form of foundation deposit.

Here, a line of five bricks, set at the sam e angle as the w all, sat upon a layer of clean sand abov e

the virgin desert sand. The full-sized bricks were abo ut 1.7 m northeast of

the

wall and

approximately 10 cms below the plaster surface.

Interestingly, a deposit with full-sized b ricks set in this fashion was not previously known

after the reign of Kheperkare Senwosret I.

1182

During the Late Middle Kingdom , one would

expect to find m iniature cop ies of bricks placed w ithin a foundation d eposit pit. Non etheless, the

small line of bricks at S9 was in a very clear context, and, maybe future excavations at Abydos

and elsewhere will provide further parallels to this practice later than the reign of Senwosret I.

Due to the size and fabric of the bricks, it is clear that this foundation deposit is contemporary to

1181

Weinstein, "Foundation Dep osits," pp.

82-83.

1182

Weinstein, "Foundation Depo sits," pp. 46-47.

338



the construction of

S9.

Figure 4.14. The brick deposit .

V.D.3.

Other Deposits

It

is likely that foundation deposits in S9 were located ben eath the corners of the

enclosure walls. A large pit had been dug into the wall base on the northwestern corner of the

comp lex, possibly indicating that treasure had been found here. Since the northeastern corner is

so well-preserved, there is no way to determine w hether or not a deposit exists there.

Non etheless, further w ork may even tually lead to the discovery of more foundation deposits.

V.E .

The Art i facts from S9

Since the tomb of S9 seems to have had a short l i fespan, the cultural material is

not incredib ly den se l ike that of the town si te of Senw osret III to the north. Thu s, al l

339



artifacts collected were fully examined and processed during the excavation season.

Though this material is only a small sample of what will be recovered from S9 in the

future, it can be seen as representative especially, since a portion of the old excavation

spoil heaps were screened.

Mo st of the artifacts are in small piece s. It appears that the destruction of the

tomb was comprehensive and that the intruders left many, if not most, of the objects at

the site, once they had smashed them . Thu s far, there is no evidence tha t points to a

specific date of destruction, nor can one yet be sure as to which reign in the Late Middle

Kingdom to assign the tomb. Non etheless, there are some hints as to the general time

period. The following sections will outline the nature of the material from S9.

V.E.I. Ceramics

Pottery is one of the most important sources of information recovered through

archaeolog y. Without the rare find of textual evidence giving one the exact reign, to

which a site belongs, ceramic material can allow one to establish a relative date. The

evidence from S9 at South Abydos is extremely important as it provides a small,

presumably short-lived set of material from the Late Middle Kingdom sequence. Though

the study of pottery dating to this period still requires additional study,

1183

a few types of

pots allow a general date for the site. If, in the future, excavations revea l the name of the

king, who m ay have ow ned this tomb, the material described below w ill become a set

1183

Note that Williams produced a chronological typology of

Late

Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate

Period pottery including Nubia and the Near East. Howe ver, many of

the

contexts, which were primarily

from cemeteries, were heavily disturbed, resulting in the mixing of forms from different time periods.

Also,

no analysis of fabrics was undertaken due to the fact that the vessels were studied through primary

sources (Williams, "Problem s", pp. 59-12 75). More reliable site-specific studies have been undertaken by

other scholars and can be found in the footnotes in this section.

340



point in the relative chronology tied to the absolute. Firchow suggested that one of the

sealings found at S8 pointed to a Dynasty XIII date for at least some of the structures in

the area, including this "dummy m astaba."

1184

How ever, it is likely that this structure is

connected to the Senwosret III complex, and this seal, which could represent a period of

restoration or cult activity at South Abydos, may or may not be connected to S9 and

S10.

1185

The ceramic assemblage from the limited excavations of the 200 3 season is likely

representative of the corpus. Thu s, it is not exp ected that the general statistics will

change with further exc avation. No nethe less, all of the material collected, except for that

from the foundation deposits, was composed of small, deteriorated sherds, not allowing

for a com prehensiv e illustration of the types found. Ho weve r, the ceramic assem blage

makes up a small subset of that found at the town of the Senwosret III complex, making it

possible for types to be identified, using the drawings from this partly contemporary site.

V.E.I.a. Foundation Deposits

As discussed before, the foundation deposits can be dated to the earlier Late

Middle Kingdom based upon the vessel indices of the hemispherical cups. As will be

outlined below , this material likely predates that found in the S9 ruins proper. Thus, this

material, which makes up about 3.00 percent of the total ceramics from the excavations,

will be eliminated from the statistics discussed below.

O. Firchow, "Studien zu den Pyramidenanlagen der 12. Dynastie," dissertation, Georg-August-

Universitat, 1942, p. 54. Note that Firchow accidentally refers to this feature as S18. Kemp mistakenly

writes that Firchow believed that the Dynasty XIII date applied to the Senwosret III tomb (K emp,

"Abydos," p. 37).

1185

Wegner and Abu el-Yazid, "The Mountain-of-Anubis," p p. 419-435 .

341



V.E.l.b.

Roman Pottery

The discussion of another subset of the ceramic material must also be set aside

from the main corpus. This pottery can be dated to the Roman Period, making up 24.00

percen t of the fabric types and 18.00 percen t of the identified vesse ls. The mo st

prevalent form of Roman pottery was amphorae at 70.00 percent (Fig. 4.15.A).

However, this number may be misleading due to the fact that these vessels were often

made of a soft, brown clay, which easily disintegrated into numerous piece s. The bases

from th ese vessels were often filled with resin. In some cases, this material seem ed to

have been bu rned, possibly indicating that the base from these vessels may have been

reused in the process of mak ing offerings. Basins (similar to the Late M iddle K ingdom

forms) made up 26 percent of the corpus while 4.00 percent were other forms such as

bowls and jars (Fig. 4.15.B-C).

The Ro man Period pottery was only found in the upper layers of the excavated

units, often being a part of the spoil heaps aroun d the tomb crater. The activity at S9,

which is represented by the Rom an Period pottery, is not entirely clear. Currently, there

is no indication that Roman b urials were placed inside the structure, though evidence may

be found in the future. Thu s, the use of this tomb as a cemetery would be much later than

that of the Memphite tombs, which often became the burial sites of the lower classes in

Dynasty XVIII.

1186

Rom an pottery was also found at the temple and tomb of Senwosret

III.

1187

Note that there were later tombs to the local east of S10 (Ayrton, et al, Abydos III, p. 16; Wegner,

Mortuary Temple, p. 369).

1187

Ayrton, et al., Abydos III, pp . 20, 27-28.

342



0 10 20 cms

D.

Figure 4.15. Pottery from S9 dating to the Rom an Period. Forms shown here

are amphorae (A.), a bowl (B.), and ajar (C.) Another comm on form w as that

of basins (not shown).

V.E.l.c. The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Assemblage of S9

The total number of identifiable Late Middle K ingdom diagnostic sherds was 64 4.

Untyped fragments w ere not counted in this number though they made up 14 percent of

the material collected (including Roman form s). The remaining 68 percent could all be

y—y-.

,

p

\

v

i

u

I

343



identified as Late Middle Kingdom forms.

Before describing the frequency of the forms, the discussion will begin with the

fabric types found (see Fig. 4.16).

1188

The most common fabric w as Nile C, being at 75

percent, with its large chaff

content.

It was often used in the production of large vessels

including basins, platters and

jars.

Nile Bl and B2 were less^common with percentages

of 7 and 8 respectively. Most Nile Bl vessels were hemispherical cup fragments while

B2 w as found in a variety of forms. Marl C wa s the next most frequent w ith 6 percent

and included large storage jars, wine jars, and other less frequent closed forms.

Mea nwhile, M arl A3 , making up 4 percent of the corpus, was found in both closed forms

and a few open one s. Finally, a single pan grave fabric was found.

S9 Late Middle Kingdom Pottery Fabric

Dis tr ibut ion

NileC

Figure 4.16. S9 Late Middle Kingdom pottery fabric distribution.

The significance of the fabric d istribution is difficult to assess since no statistics

are available concerning the pottery from the royal Late Middle K ingdom monum ents in

1188

For standardized descriptions of

the

fabric types, see Do. Arnold, "Ke ramikbearbeitung," pp. 45-46; H.-

A. Nordstrom and J. Bourriau, "Ceramic Technology: Clays and Fabrics," in Do. Arnold and J. Bourriau,

eds.,

An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery

(M ainz, 1993), pp. 171-174, 176-181.

344



Figure 4.17. The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from

S9. A. Hemispherical cups; B. Carinated bowls and cups; C , E. Bow ls, D.

Incense burner, F. Basins, G. Platter, H. Bowl with interned rim.

the Memp hite region. How ever, it is interesting that Nile C, a rapidly produ ced

utilitarian fabric, remain s so common in such a high status burial. On the other hand,

345



however, it is important to recognize the fact that the Marl C fabric from the Memphite

region outnumber the Upper Egyptian Marl A3. The fact that the Marl C fabric is in such

abundance, though relatively small compared to the Nile fabrics, indicates that the owner

of this tomb certainly had access to the resources of the Mem phite/Faiyum region.

1189

Thus, along with other evidence, it is clear that the construction and use of this tomb

predates a split of the north and south of Egyp t. How ever, along side the styles of the

residence, the development of Upper E gyptian forms continued (M arl A3 being from this

area),

1190

eventually overtaking the corpus in the Second Intermediate Period.

One can characterize the ceramic corpus overall as being made up of large

numbers of

a

few types with examples of other varieties being much rarer, sometimes

occurring only once. The most frequent vessel type was that of the hemisphe rical cup (21

percent, Fig. 4.17. A). Unfortunately, mo st diagno stic fragments of these vessels were

very small, and only a few allow for a rudimentary reconstruction of their form.

Nonetheless, it is clear that at least some examples display smaller vessel indices,

meaning that they are deeper than the earlier ones visible in the foundation deposits.

1191

Others, however, still seem to be shallow indicating, like other forms below, that S9

belongs to a transitional phase.

Other frequent open, Nile forms include various styles of bowls (11

percent, Fig. 4.17.C, E), large platters (5 percent, Fig. 4.17.G), and basins (3 percent, Fig.

A production zone for this material has been discovered at Lisht (Do. Arnold, "Pottery," in Di. Arnold,

The Pyramid of Senwo sret I (New York, 1988), p. 127; Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 6, n. 10;

"Beyond Avaris," p. 163; J. Bourriau, et al., "Pottery," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient

Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 2000 ), pp. 131-132; Bourriau, Umm el Ga'ab, p. 14).

1190

Bourriau, et al., "Pottery," p. 131; Umm el Ga'ab, pp. 14-15).

1191

Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung," pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18; Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p . 50, Fig. 14.

346



Figure 4.18. Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late M iddle

Kingdom at S9. A. Water jar rims, B. Jars with pulled rim, C. Jars with

straight rim, D. Beer jar, E. Beakers (other types not shown), F. Beer beaker,

G. Miniature storage jar, H-J. Bases.

347



Figure 4.19.

Closed marl forms from S9, dated to the Late Middle

Kingdom . Forms include: A. Marl C storage jars, B. Marl C wine jars,

C. Marl C jar with pulled rim, D-E. Marl A3 forms.

4.17.F). Mo re forms were found in a frequency of less than one percent including

carinated cups and bowls (Fig. 4.17.B), carinated incense burners (Fig. 4.17.D), trays (not

show n), and bowls with interned rims (Fig. 4.17.H). The last of these is also found in a

single example each in Marl A3 and stone. One hemispherical cup rim was also in Marl

A3.

The Nile closed vessels were also frequent, not surprising since many are made of

Nile C. W ater jars and other types of closed forms with pulled and straight rims made up

13 percent of the corpus (Fig. 4.18.A-C,

H )

1192

while beer jars were at 11 percent (Fig.

4.18.D, I). Beer beakers composed 7 percent of the Late Middle Kingdom material

For parallels, see Bourriau, U mm el Ga'ab, p. 133. The shape of

the

rims of these jars place them into

the Dynasty XIII categories at Tell el Dab'a (Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 36, Fig. 37).

348



collected while other forms of beakers ma de up about 2 percen t (Fig. 4.18.E .-F, J.). In

the drawing in Figure 4.18.E, these forms are much like hemispherical cups in their

comp osition, shape, and decoration. Finally, five examples of a type with a rim similar to

the large Marl C storage jars were recovered through excavations (Fig. 4.18.G). This

form might be a miniature Nile B version of the earlier form of

this

marl rim. <

Marl C jars were much less prevalent than their Nile coun terparts. Storage jars

(Fig. 4.19.A) and wine jars (Fig. 4.19.B)

1193

made up a little over 1 percent each while

one example of a possible M arl C fabric was also found (Fig. 4.19.C ). Each type of Marl

A jar made up less than one percent of the corpus and included those with rounded rims

(Fig. 4.19.D), globular ones (not shown), and others (Fig. 4.19.E).

t

\

/-

-1

y

n

/

r\

^.

D.

m

B.

0

/ *

i

c.

1 1

1 1

10

20

Figure 4.20.

Examples of other ceramic forms found at S9. A. Lid, B.

Breadmould, C. Model vessel, D. Jarstand.

As mentioned earlier, the presence of the Marl C w ine and storage jars is very

important, since it indicates contact with the Mem phite region. The shape of the rims of

the storage jars m ay also be chronologically significant. In the earlier part of the Late

1193

For parallels, see Bo urriau,

Umm el Ga'ab,

p. 66.

349



Middle Kingdo m, these rims were a more squat shape. How ever, possibly in Dynasty

XIII, they become m ore elongated.

1194

The exa mples of these jars found at S9 are the

more elongated version, connecting them with Do . Arnold's Sector 7 at Dahshur.

1195

Other forms of pottery found at S9 are shown in Figure 4.20 . In the Late Midd le

Kingdom corpus, 8 percent of the vessels were simple lids (Fig. 4.20. A) w hile 4 percent

were breadmoulds (Fig. 4.20.B).

1196

Four miniature vessels, including that shown in

Figure 4.20.C were found. Jarstands, including ring stands, made up four percent of the

pottery identified (Fig. 4.20.D).

Within the ceramic material collected, two M arl A3 fragments had p otmarks,

neither being complete enough to reconstruct. Also, one Nile C fragment d isplayed a lug,

something found com monly on carinated bowls of the Second Intermediate Period

though it is likely that such types of decoration originated in Dynasty XIII as at least one

example of a lug was found in Sector 7 at Dahshur.

1197

V.E.2. Stone Objects

The most prevalent stone objects were those made of Egyptian alabaster

(travertine).

1198

In total, fifteen fragments of these various vesse ls, including three sm all

rims,

were found. It is not surprising that so much alabaster might be discovered in the

1194

See Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 37, Fig. 37. Note that the shape of

the

rim of

wine

jars matches the

Late Dynasty XII/XIII shapes at Tell el Da b'a (Bietak, "Egypt and Canaan," p. 37, Fig. 38).

1195

Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung," p. 35 , Abb. 11.33-34.

For parallels , see Bourriau, Umm el Ga'ab, p. 65.

1197

Do. Arnold, "Keram ikbearbeitung," p . 34, Abb.10.37 . See also the late Dynasty XII to XIII pottery

corpus from Qasr el-Sagha (Di. Arnold and Do. Arnold,

Der Tempel Qasr el-Sagha,

Archaologische

Veroffentlichungen 27 (Mainz am R hein, 1979), pp. 29-40; J. Sliwa, "Qasr el-Sagha,"

Fontes

Archaeologici Posnanienses

36 (1987-1988), pp. 207-215).

1198

For general information about the composition of this material, see Di. Arnold,

En cyclopedia,

p. 7;

Aston, et al., "Stone," pp. 59-60.

350



debris from the tom b. In the burial of Aw ibre Hor, the canopic

jars,

as well as other

objects, were made of this material. Other alabaster canopic jar fragments w ere found at

the pyramid of Ameny Qemau as well as at SI 0 during W eigall's excav ations. How ever,

these examples all had inscriptions in mutilated hieroglyphs along, with the kin g's names

(no royal name was found in S10, though it still may be found on pieces in the debris).

Thus, it is possible that such fragments in the remaind er of the mound s of S9 may also

provide inscriptional evidence in the future. Also, more pieces will undoubtedly be

recovered, and some of them, along with those already collected, may be reconstructed in

later seasons.

Two other stone vessels were more easily identified. The first was likely mad e of

marble and was in the form of a bowl with an incurved rim. The same shape was also

found in both Nile and Marl A fabrics in low frequencies at S9. Due to the nature of the

hardness of the stone, the interior, which would have been visible from the top, was more

finely sm oothed than the exterior. An other vessel was made of a dark stone which had

been weathered due to exposure.

In the excavation of S9 in 2003, other stone objects or parts of them were found,

such as several lithic tools of uncertain date. Also , a wo rked fragment of basalt, dio rite,

or some other dark stone was discovered, though its original form could not be

determined. Likew ise, fragments of granite were found in low numbe rs, indicating that

either this stone had been reused from other parts of Abydos or, more likely, the owner of

this tomb had access to Aswan in the south, where the source of this material was

351



located.

1199

Another object was made of

a

dark, unshaped stone, two sides of which w ere

marked w ith team marks in faint red paint.

1200

This item was found to the north of the

enclosure wall beyond the extents of the preserved section of

the

floor.

The use of large blocks of quartzite within S9 indicates, like the Marl C ceramic

fabric, that the own er of this tomb certainly had access to the north. This material is

available at Gebel el-Ahmar near H eliopolis in the Memphite region as well as near

Aswan.

1201

However, the latter was not used until a later date.

V.E.3. Wood

The most prevalent material found at S9 other than limestone was wood. Much of

this material was deteriorated from exposure to the sun, and all had been thoroughly

destroyed. In fact, no object could be reconstructed, and only a few edges could be

identified. No nethe less, the woo d likely originated from funerary furniture and other

objects such as statuary, palettes, coffins, and shabti boxes. Some of the wood fragments

were visibly charred. In his report of his own excavations of

S9 ,

W eigall reported that

there was burnt wood within the sarcophagus.

1202

Thus, some of the wood may have

originated from the coffin of the tomb ow ner. Thou gh no certain specimens of paint were

found on the wood itself, one piece of wood p utty had a small patch of red paint upon it.

Another type of wooden object was in the form of sticks, often with bark upon

them (11 fragmen ts). Often these short sticks had resin on their ends. The purpose of

Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p . 100; Aston, et al., "Stone," p. 53 ; Klemm and Klemm,

Steine,

pp. 305-

310.

1200

For information on team marks, see Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p . 59.

1201

Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

pp . 192-193 ; Aston, et al., "Stone," p. 12; Klemm and Klemm,

Steine,

pp.

284-296.

1202

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

p. 14.

352



these objects cannot be certain at this time; analysis of the resinous substance will be

undertaken in the future in order to identify its composition.

V.E.4.

Faience

Faience is a comm on material found in cemetery sites througho ut Egypt. It is

made from a non-clay material, composed primarily of ground silica, formed and then

coated with a metallic oxide glaze, wh ich, wh en fired, is green or blue in color. At

S9 , several different objects were made of this material. The first items were in the form

of beads in the following shapes: tubular (6),

1204

tubular with larger diameters in the

centers (4),

1205

spherical (1), and discs (3). A faience amu let was also found, but its

shape could not be matched with any known symbols.

An other type of faience object found at S9 was that of inlays. In all, twenty inlay s

and fragments were found during excavations.

1206

The majority of these pieces

originated from rectan gular inserts, one of wh ich measured 7.7 by 2 by 0.6 cms. The

backs of these inlays, which were the color of and texture of cement, were slanted on the

edges so that they could be placed in their designated spots, probably within w ooden

1203

For the development of faience with a comprehensive bibliography, see P.T. Nicholson and E.

Peltenburg, "Egyptian Faience," in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian M aterials and

Technology (New York, 2000, pp . 177-194). Richards notes that one of the differences between the private

tombs of Dynasties XII and XIII is that the frequency of precious metals and stones decreases while the

occurrence of faience increases (Richards, "Mortuary Variability," pp. 101, 198). This trend may also

occur in the royal tombs.

1204

One tubular bead was made of gold.

One of these beads may have been made of lapis lazuli.

1206

For similarly-shaped inlays dated to the Early Dynastic Period, see F. Friedman, Gifts of the Nile:

Ancient Egyptian Faience (New York, 1998), p. 73. An additional small, trapezoidal inlay, which was dark

orange in color, was also found.

353



furniture or box es. Other shapes of faience inlays were also found including thin

curved and round ones.

A final faience fragment was three-dimensional with the blue color resonating

from all four sides. At this point, it is impo ssible to determine the nature of this object,

which may have been a handle or some other component of a free-standing vessel.

V.E.5.

Mummy Remains

One of the most important questions related to S9 is whether or not later

intrusions upon the tomb included burials. Thus, far, investigations have revealed no

evidence of later interments within S9. Thus, human remains and mummy components

found at the site likely belong to the owner of the monument.

1208

Interestingly, human bon es and mum my fragments were only found in certain

parts of the excavations. These pieces, including seven fragments of mum my wrappings,

were all located within a concentrated area inside and outside of the northeastern part of

the enclosure wall. As one might expect, they all came from lev els above the original

surfaces. In the north, these elements were found above the strata with the bricks and

limestone debris, indicating that they may have come from ancient plundering or even

W eigall's excavations. Meanw hile, those from the eastern side were in levels above and

around the later surface and above the limestone strata. In a different location , a portion

of a human jaw was in the upper section of the southern spoil heaps. The condition of

1207

B. Crowell suggested that these pieces may have originated from decorative boxes (Personal

communication).

1208 j j j

e s e r e m a

j

n s

c o u

l ( j

a

i

S

o belong to the tombs to the local east. How ever, the archaeological context of

some of these would suggest that they come from S9

itself.

354



this specimen is very go od, and it will be examined in the future for any information it

can provide regarding the health and age of the individual from which it originated.

V.E.6. Decorated Plaster

In the tomb of Aw ibre Hor, this king

had a

funerary mask composed

of a

plaster-

like substance, which w as inscribed and covered w ith gold leaf.

1209

Similarly, in the

pyramid o f Neferuptah, Farag and Iskander discovered plaster pieces with w ooden

backing from 7.00 cm wide coffin bands as well as covering other items such as staves

while the material-backed fragments were from an anthropoid coffin/mummy mask m ade

of layers of linen and glue. Similar material was found in the water in the sarcophagus of

this same Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenem het III at Haw ara. The excavations

at S9 revealed nine small fragments of a similar type of material (Fig. 4.21). Some of

these pieces were inscribed with hieroglyphs and other decora tions. Their backs are often

covered or impressed with w ood or linen, indicating that these pieces may come from the

covering of the mumm y

itself.

Like the fragments of the mumm y, the inscribed plaster, covered with gold leaf,

was only found in certain areas. These fragments cam e from the outside of the

northeastern corner of the enclosure wall.

In

both the no rth

and the

east,

the

plaster

fragments were found in the same strata as the mumm y linens.

For the development of these masks in the Late M iddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, see

Ikram and Dodson,

Mummy,

pp. 169-170.

1210

Farag and Iskander,

Neferwptah,

pp. 27-28, 32,

40-41,

4 3, 59, Figs. 30-32, Pis. 28, 37a-c.

355



0 1 2 3 cms.

Figure 4.21.

Fragments of inscribed, gilded plaster.

V.E.7. Senet P ieces

An interesting set of objects came from the eastern side of the enclosure upon the

later floor next to the wall. He re, two sets of game pieces, presumab ly belong ing to a

senet set, were found. They were all made of unba ked clay. The first set had seven

pointed cone pieces, and seven with flat, round ends and inward-curving centers.

Meanwhile, the other set of senet pieces had nine cone-shaped examples with small bulbs

atop, five truncated cones, and seven with flat, round ends (spool).

1211

Another bulbed

example was found to the north of

the

enclosure wall.

Senet, which had its origins in the Early Dynastic Period, was associated with the

The use of pieces with two different shapes is common in the New Kingdom (Piccione,

Senet,

p. 18).

356



challenges in achieving a successful afterlife. There are parallels to the game pieces

at the site of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb at South M azghuna, excavated by

Mackay.

1213

These objects were reportedly found in a Dynasty XV III grave in the

southwest corner. The only items in this burial were a body w ithin a coffin and a box

containing the game pieces, and there was no pottery. How ever, it is relatively clear,

based on other burials in the same area, that this tomb and its contents likely date to the

reign of Thutmosis III.

1214

The dating of the senet pieces found jus t outside the enclosure

of S9 at South Abyd os is uncertain.

V.E.8. Sealings and Sealing Clay

Though the recent excavations at the tomb of S9 clearly revealed a few examples

of sealings from Dynasty X III, there were no names, which could be reconstructed. Only

a common nam e component, Seneb, was visible. The other sealings display decorative

motifs incorporating both hieroglyphs and borders. Most were attached to wood and

cords while one had the impression of papyrus upon it.

Another set of objects, which may be related to seal impressions is that of

cylindrical clay rolls. A similar, longer version of these items were found in the

Senwosret III town site at South Abydos, and Wegner believes that these objects are

1212

For a complete study of

this

game, see Piccione, "Senet." See also T. Kendall, "Games," in D.B.

Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia o f Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001), p. 2.

1213

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p . 49, PI. 43 .

Since this dating is based upon seals, it should be noted that these objects carry the name of

this

king

long after his reign, making this a terminus post quem.

1215

For a discussion of

the

types of geometric designs, see R. Bianchi, "Scarabs," in

D.B.

Redford, ed., The

Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 180; D. O'Connor, "The Chronology of

Scarabs of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period," JSSEA 15 (1985), pp. 21-28.

357



portable clay rolls to be pinched off and used as sealing mud.

1216

At S9, these objects

were only 8.98-9.59 cms in length and 2.54 to 1.72 cms in diameter. Some of the 152

fragments (three com plete) were more oval than truly round, and it was not uncom mon

for these objects to have both white and red pigment upon them. Similar red paint was

found upon the jar stoppers within the larger foundation deposit.

Interestingly, these objects were found beneath the surfaces to the north and east

of the northeastern co rner of the enclosure wa ll. Inside the enclosure, these objects were

found abo ve and around the surface as well as below it. The reason why such ob jects, if

they were indeed portable sealing clay, would be beneath the floors is uncertain unless

they were placed there as foundation d eposits. Als o, no evidence was found that any of

these rolls had been pinched in order to make a sealing.

V.E.9. Other O bjects

Two small objects were found in the excavations of

S9

in 2003. One bone needle,

measu ring 5 by 0.2 by 0.1 cms, was brok en at its tip. Ano ther bone object was the top of

an unknow n item w ith horizontal lines inscribed into it.

VI. O wners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydos

The Dynasty XIII

Ramesseum Onamastacon

has a list of temples, towns, and forts

from south to north, including a mortuary mon ument of Amenemhet III

(bS(?J Imn-m-h

c

t

m^-hrw),

the town of Wah-Sut, which is associated with the funerary establishm ent of

6

Personal communication.

358



Senwosret III at South A bydos, and the town of Abydos

itself,

respectively.

1217

In the

list, there is no mention of the temple of a Dyansty XIII king to the north of that of

Senwo sret III. Thu s, it is either the case that a temple had not yet been con structed, the

cult was centered inside the Senwosret III temple or was considered to be a part of this

establishment, or the owners of S9 and S10 were venerated elsewhere at Abyd os. An

offering table found to the north of the Senwosret III temp le suggests tha t the cult of

Am enemhet III was located in the area.

1218

Interestingly, Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 lists

a temple of an Amenemhet at Abydos w ith a different name than the one m entioned

above (hnw?Imn-m-hit

c

nh dtrnhh)}

219

Prior to the recent development of

the

new chronological relationship between the

Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period, it seemed likely that some of the

Dyansty XIII kings may have been buried at Abydos, as they lost access to their

traditional cemeteries in the Memphite region due to the activities of the Hyksos there.

1220

How ever, now it seems more likely that the location of tombs at Abydos w as a deliberate

decision following in the tradition of Senwosret III of Dyansty XII.

In the temple of Senwosret III at South Abydos, the seals of Neferhotep were

prolific within the strata dated to him.

1221

There is also a treasurer prior to Neferho tep

named Senebsumai.

1222

It is possible that this treasurer was a participant in the

1217

A. Gardiner,

Ancient Egyptian Onomastica

(Oxford, 1 947), PI. 2, lines 210-212 . Along w ith this

source, a monument of Am enemhet is denoted as belonging to the third king of that name in a list of his

emit establishments in the Rekhmire scenes (Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp .

31 .

43-45).

1218

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 44.

1219

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

p. 44.

1220 O'Connor suggests that some of the later tombs of Dynasty XIII might be present at South Ab ydos,

since there is no trace of them at Thebes (O'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 57, 64, n. 25).

1221

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 41 , 313-315.

1222

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 41 , 343-344, 348.

359



construction of S9 or S10.

One attractive explanation for the ownership of the S9 and S10 at South Abydos

is that they belonged to important national or local officials, possibly during the reign of

Senwosret III or a subsequent ruler.

1223

At Dahshur, Mastaba tomb 17 has been identified

by Simpson as belonging to a vizier, Sobekemhet (northeast of the Pyramid of Senwosret

III) based on fragments of offering table and its inscriptions.

1224

This tomb is located

within the enclosure wall of the king, suggesting an elevated status of this already high

position during late Dynasty X II.

1225

M astaba 2, also found north of the pyramid

complex of Senwosret III, belonged to another vizier, Khnum hotep.

1226

Though viewing

S9 and S10 as subsidiary monum ents to the Senwosret III tomb at South Abydos m ight

be plausible, it seems more likely that these tombs follow that of Amenemhet III at

Haw ara based upon their architectural compo nents. In fact, S9 itself seems to be an

abbreviated form of a pyramid in its subterranean plan with a superstructure similar to

that at South Mazg huna. Certainly, structurally, these tomb s fit well into the Late Middle

Kingdom royal funerary monum ent corpus, regardless of the owner. If they do prove to

be non -royal, then certainly a reevaluation of the others in the north w ould be necessary,

especially since the owners of most remain u nknow n.

Interestingly, without knowing about S9 and S10, Stadelmann hypothesized that

the "Unfinished Pyram id" at South Sakkara may have simply been the Memphite tom b

and that the actual tomb of this king, maybe Neferhotep or Sobekhotep, presumably

1223

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 45, 369,

381,

n. 338 ; Weigall, Pharaohs, p. 98.

1224

Simpson, "Sobkemh et," pp. 26-27.

1225

See Chapter 3, Section VIII.

1226

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour M ars-Juin 1894, pp.

18-23;

B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss,

Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings III (Oxford,

1931),

p. 229. See also Chapter 1, Section II. A.l .

360



Userkare Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep III or IV, may have been located at Abydos,

making the Memph ite tomb a cenotaph.

1227

Though he does note that the nearby tomb of

Khendjer was used, it does leave one with another interesting prospect for evaluating the

tombs at Abydos.

< The Dynasty XIII name found closest to S9 and S10 is that of a mayor of the

town, vizier, overseer of the six great temples, Aymeru from the "Dum my Ma stabas" to

1 •J JQ

the east of the Senw osret III enclosu re. Quirke carefully suggests that this vizier, wh o

was contemporary to Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV is the same as that of a statue at Karnak

of

a

Neferkare Aym eru.

1 9

The inscription on this statue makes the first reference to a

"Mansion of Millions of Ye ars"

{hwtnthh n rnpwt).

Though admitting that this

institution, called H otepka-Sobekhotep, m ight have been located in Th ebes, Quirke also

notes that, since the sealing was found at South Abydos, that the monument might be

located between the Senw osret III enclosure and the pyramid of Ah mose.

1230

Due to the

fact that most scholars have believed that all of the royal monuments in the South Abydos

region are cenotaphs, he suggested that a Dynasty XIII cult center might be located in this

area. Since the Theban and Abyd os location for the "Mansion of Millions of Years,"

1227

Stadelmann,


pp. 253-254.

1228

Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

p . 18, PL 39.13, 15; Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 259;

Two Treasurers,

p.

41;

Wegn er, "A Study of Midd le Kingdom State Activity," p. 384. Other officials w ith seals in this area

included an overseer of the royal harem, Ay

(imy-ript-nswt iy),

and the guard of

the

hallway, Seneb

(iry-

c

t

snb).

See also Martin,

Egyptian Administrative a nd Private-Name Seals,

pp. 7, 10 nos. 18, 49, PL 14.14.

1229

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 260; G. Haeny, "New Kingdom 'Mortuary Temples' and 'Mansions of

Millions of Years,'" in B.E. Schafer, ed.,

Tem ples of Ancient Egypt

(Ithaca, NY, 1997), p. 89; Mariette,

Karnak, Etude topographie et archeologique,

PL 8.r; Q uirke, "Temple of the King," p. 42. Vem us

identifies this inscription with the vizier of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. He has the same second nam e

as his fa ther Iymcru (Vernus ,

Le Surnom,

p. 4). It should be noted that the vizier Iym eru Neferkare is

connected with the official Nubankh, who created many of the graffito found in the Cataract region for

members of the family of Nefe rhotep I. This official w as active at Aby dos during the reign of Sobekhotep

IV when he was promoted (H abachi, "Vizier Iymeru," pp. 261-278). See also D. Franke, Das Heiligtium

des Heqaib auf Elephantine, Geschichte eines Provinzheiligglim im Mittleren Reich,

Studien zur

Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens 9 (Heidelberg, 1994), p. 71 .

1230

Delange suggests a location near Karnak (Delange,

Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Em pire,

p. 68).

361



belonging to Sobekhotep IV, are both possible, an associated funerary complex could

also be found at Abydos. How ever, if either S9 or S10 belonged to this king, then he

possessed a true tomb here rather than a cenotaph. If this identification is correct, then a

likely candidate for the second monu ment m ight be this king's b rother Neferhotep I.

Interestingly, Am enemhet I ll' s cartouche fragments have been found at the

1

O X

1

Senwo sret III mortuary temple at South Ab ydo s. W egner suggests that Senwo sret III

may have died before he could complete his mortuary temple at Abyd os, and it may be

the case that his son quickly finished the mo num ent before the funeral. No nethele ss,

Leahy notes the stela of Sehotepibre, Cairo CG 20538, vs. 21-2, which refers to a single

group of priests for both Amenemhet III and Senwosret III as being housed at Wah-

Sut

m2

Obv iously, this statement refers to either the temple of Senwosret III with the

elements belonging to Amenem het III or to a separate temple of the latter nearby. It may

be the case that a cenotaph of Am enem het III is located in this area. Several cand idates

are possible including an unfinished tomb to the local south of that of Senwosret III as

well as S9 or S10. After Amen emh et III, there is evidence that Dynasty XIII kings were

also represented by activity at South Aby dos. The temple of Senwosret III and its

associated town at South Abydos extend from the reign of

this

king through the end of

Dynasty X III (temple) and possibly through the early New Kingdom (town) as indicated

by ceramics and seal impressions.

1 3

Sealings of the following ru lers have been found at

South Abydos: Nym aatre Amenemhet III (cylinders and impressions), Neferhotep I

1231

Randall-Maclver and Mace, El Amrah and Abydos I, pp. 59, 60; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom

State Activity," pp. 259-259; Mortuary Temple, pp. 167-169.

1232

Leahy, "Protective Meas ure," p. 59, n. 80. See also Wegn er, Mortuary Temple, p. 43.

1233

Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 1 77-182 ,186; "Excavations at the Town,"

pp . 4,14, 37-38; "Organization of the Temp le," pp. 83, 96; "Institutions," p. 104; "The Town of W ah-Sut,"

pp .

306-308.

362



(impressions-numerous),

1234

K hahotepre (Sobekhotep V ) (5), Merneferre Ay (scarabs and

impressions—3; many at mayo r's house), Wahibre Ibiaw (mixed con texts), as well as

Swadj[en]re Nebiriau I (impressions; Dynasty X VI— l).

1235

At the Osiris temple, there were fragments from ka chapels and other monuments

of Am enemhet III, Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, Neferhotep I, and Sobekhotep IV. The

private stela of Amenysoneb also records the renovation of the temple originally

constructed by Senwosret I in Dynasty X II.

1237

A treasurer, named

snb-sw-m-

c

(i)

was

active at Abydos (prior to Neferhotep

I) .

1238

There is also a possible ka chap el of

Sobekhotep III.

1239

Neferhotep I clearly also participated in activities at Abydos as

represented by the inscription of Iykhernofret as well as his own stelae (originally set up

by Wegaf).

2

° Along the edge of the cultivation, more chapels have been proposed,

including one of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, possibly including a tomb or cenotaph,

between the temples of Ramses II and Seti I.

1241

Wegner has dated a statue, now located

in the courtyard of the Sety I temple within a naos, that was originally found at Abydos in

2

Another seal of Khasek hemre Neferhotep was found at Abydo s (Hornung and Staehelin, Skarabaen

und an dere Siegelamulette, p p. 215, no. 126, PL 211).

1235

Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 178, 180, 386, 187-189; "Excavations at the

Town," pp. 37 , Fig. 20; Mortuary Temple, pp. 4 1, 313-315, 340.

1236

Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p. 41; Kemp , "Abydos," p. 31 ; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59;

Mariette, Monuments d'Abydos, p. 234; W.M.F. Petrie, Abydos I, Egypt Exploration Fund 22 (London,

1902),

pp. 2, 15, 20, 29, 74, 88; Petrie, Abydos II, pp. 17, 34,

35,43,

PI. 28; Wegner, "A Study of Middle

Kingdom State Activity," pp. 102,10 7, 108 ,127 ,409 , 385; Weigall, Guide to the Antiquities, pp. 5-6;

Weill, "Complements," p. 27. See also Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 5, 36, nos. 10, 40.

1237

Bou rriau,


p. 63 ; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp.

103,

n. 147, 115-116, 120, 385. For a translation of

this

text, see Breastead, Ancient Records, pp. 342-344.

1238

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 57-59, a, b, f-n; Two Treasurers, pp. 5, 21, 41; Wegner, Mortuary

Temple, p. 343.

1239

Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 384.

1240

Leahy, "Protective Measure," pp. 41-60; Wegner, "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 121.

1241

Bresciani, "Un Edificia," pp. 11-17; Leahy, "Protective Measure," p. 59, n.80; Wegner, "A Study of

Middle Kingdom State Activity," pp. 13 3, 384.

363



the 196 0's, to late Dynasty XII-XIII or XV I/XVII. Thus, there may have been

significant royal activity at this site, including kings, whose inscriptions have not been

found archaeologically.

Ceramic evidence from S9 may also be considered in the discussion of the dating

of the South Abydos tomb s. Some caution, however, must be extended to such an

endeavor as funerary assemblages can be misleading with older forms being used.

Unfortunately, the mo st diagnostic forms are from the two foundation depo sit pits. The

vessel indices of the hemispherical cups seems to indicate a very early date for these

tombs. How ever, other forms fall more within the Complex 6/7, dating to Am enemhet

III through A wibre Hor, of the Memph ite region.

1243

The ceramic material at S9 certainly falls within the Late Middle Kingdom era.

Due to a lack of royal names within the context of intact archaeological contexts in

general, it is uncertain as to exactly when the characteristic Lower Egyptian forms such

as M arl C storage jars fall out of use in Up per Egyp t. Thoug h these types may extend

until the end of Dyansty XIII, there is no doubt that they continue until at least the reign

of Awibre Hor as is evident in the sequence in the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at

Dahshur (Sectors 4-6).

1244

~ Weg ner, "A Study of Midd le Kingdom Sta te Act ivi ty , " p . 386; Mortuary Temple, p . 45 ; D. Wildu ng,

Egyptian Saints. Deification in Pharaonic Egypt

(New York, 1977), pp. 15, Fig. 11. This statue has

parallels to those of Amenemhet III (Cairo 43289, Copenhagen AEIN 1482, and those at Hawara).

1243

Bietak connects Dahshur complex 3,6 and 7 to Tell el-Dab'a H(d/2) and G l-3(c ) (Bietak, "Hyksos

Rule," p. 126; Holladay, "Eastern Nile Delta," pp. 184-185). The ceramic corpus from the temple is also

similar to complex 6/7 at Dahshur (W egner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 233-252).

1244

Bourriau, "R elations," pp. 129-130.

364



VII. Conclusions

At South A bydos, there are two previously excavated "m astaba" tomb s, S9 and

S10,

which have many of the architectural characteristic of the Late Middle Kingdom

royal mortuary corpus in the Mem phite region. Though these tombs are not located

within the key region identified in the previous chapter, their relationship to theJu nerary

complex of the Dy nasty XII king, Senwosret III, is significant. Du e to the veneration of

the god Osiris both as an early mythical king of Egypt as well as his association with

deceased rulers, Abydos becam e the location of a secondary M iddle Kingdom royal

cemetery.

S9 and S10 are typical monuments w ithin the Late Middle Kingdom royal

mortuary monument corpus. Wh ile S9 is most closely linked with South Mazgh una, S10

shares many characteristics with the tomb m odel from the complex of Amenemhet III at

Dahshur in a deposit dated to early Dynasty X III. These monumen ts share limestone

corridors, quartzite portcullis stones, hidden passages, turning chambers, quartzite

sarcophagi, enclosures, sinusoidal w alls, ramps, and possible chapels.

New excavations at S9 have revealed problems with We igall's original plan.

Further investigation in the future w ill likely provide affirmation for the chan ges

proposed here including aspects of the corridors and the mechanics of the portcullises and

sarcophagus lid. Additional elements of the superstructure have already been discovered

including a blocked entrance in the enclosure w all and a possible chapel, which is linked

spatially to the sarcophagus chamber.

Though so far only highly fragmentary remains have been recovered, the objects

from S9 have parallels in other contemporary roy al tombs. It appears that most of the

365



objects were destroyed and thrown outside of the tomb, allowing for the reconstruction of

the contents of the burial through careful excav ation and recordin g. Pottery, which is

also in small pieces, indicates that this tomb dates to the first half of Dynasty XIII, but a

more precise assignment is not yet possible.

366



Chapter 5

Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Fu ne rary M onum ents and

Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship

I. Introduction

In Chapter 3, a typology of architectural characteristics which constitute the

Dynasty XIII royal funerary monum ent corpus w as formed while, in Chapter 4, two

structures at Aby dos we re added to this group. In this section, the discussion will turn to

the overall corpus including the order of the tombs and the differences between these and

contemporary court and private tombs. Additional comm on traits of the Late Middle

Kingdom tombs and the religious ideology expressed through their architectural forms

will also be addressed . The date of the destruction of these royal tombs w ill be discu ssed,

and a comparison between the features of these funerary monuments and those of the

Dynasty XV II kings will also be made .

II.

Chronological O rder of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs

Determining the chronological order of the Late Middle K ingdom tombs is a

difficult if not impossible task. No neth eless, a detailed study of these structures would

not be complete without a consideration of this topic. Thus, here, Dodson's

chronological arrangement of these tombs will be outlined, and a new order will be

proposed.

367



II.A. Dodson's Chronological Arrangement

Dodson has attempted to place all the accepted and many of the potential Dy nasty

XIII monuments into chronological order (Table 5.1).

1245

His methodology centers

around the concept that the com plexity of the tombs increases, the sarcophagus cham bers

become deeper and the monuments progress from north to south within each location.

1246

Dodson also points to the characteristics of the tombs identified with specific monarchs

in order to assign other rulers from the

T urin King-List

to monuments with unknown

owners.

1247

The first three monuments in Dod son 's sequence are all unexcavated, and the

precise order of these tombs is unclear since several combinations are possible (Lepsius

LIV, DAS 2, and DAS 16). As mentioned in Chapter 3, Section XI.A A a., relief

fragments found at Lepsius LIV, located to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II

at Dahshur, may indicate that the monum ent belonged to a ruler with this same name

(Amenemhet).

1248

Thus, Dodson suggests that Amenem het IV is a candidate for being

the owner of this tomb, while other kings with this name, such as Sekhemkare

Am enemhet, are also possible.

1249

Next, D odson argues that the pyramids to the north

and northwest (DAS 2 and 16) of the tomb of Am eny Qem au belong to two of the kings

1245

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 39;

After the Pyramids,

p. 15; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el N aga,"

pp. 25-32, 38; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 330.

1246

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 43;


pp. 29-36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu

el Naga," p . 27;

After the Pyramids,

p. 8; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 326-329.

1247


After the Pyramids,

p. 8.

1248

See Chapter 3, section XI.AAa.

1249

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 27, 31, 38. Note that Dodson states that other kings

with the name Am enemhet are not considered since they have double nomen s. Howeve r, there could be

problems w ith these exclusions since private individuals with these names do not always use both in their

inscriptions (D odson,

After the Pyramids,

p. 8).

368



Khendjer

"Unfinished"

Pyramid

Pyramid SE

of

Amenemhet

II

Awibre Hor

DAS 2

(Dodson's

South

Dahshur A)

DAS 17

(Dodson's

South

Dahshur B)

Ameny

Qemau

North

Mazghuna

South

Mazghuna

Sequence

Number

8

9

l o r 3

6

l o r 2

2 or 3

4

5

7

Reign

Khendjer

Intef/

Sobekhotep III/

Neferhotep I

Amenemhet IV/

Sekhemkare Amenemhet

Awibre Hor

Amenemhet IV/

Nefrusobek/

Wegaf/

Amenemhet Senebef/

S ekhemrekhutawy/

Sehotepibre/

Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet

Nefrusobek/

Wegaf/

Amenemhet Senebef/

S ekhemrekhutawy/

Sehotepibre/


Ameny Qemau

Hotepibre

Saharnedjeritef/

Khaankhre Sobekhotep II

Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet/

Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet

Table 5.1.

Do dson 's chronological proposal for the Late Middle

Kingdom royal funerary monuments. The structures are listed from

North to South, and all possible owners are noted according to the von

Beckerath/Franke chronologies.

between A menemh et IV and this ruler.

1250

Because this scholar believes that the DAS 2

(Dahshur A) was built first, he excludes Amenemhet IV from possible ownership of the

Dodson, "Tom bs of the Kings," p. 43;

After the Pyramids,

p . 15.

369



DAS 17 (Dahshur B).

1251

As for the excavated tombs, Dodson believes that of Am eny Qemau is the earliest

with its simple sarcophagus and overall plan.

1252

Also, DAS 2 and 16, which are to the

north of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau, are placed prior to his following D odso n's north-

to-south chronological principle within each location. Using the same logic, Dodson

believes that the northernmost pyramid at Mazghuna, w hich is a more complicated

version of that of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur, dates to within a few reigns after it.

1253

Aw ibre Hor, who w as buried in a reused shaft tomb, appears in the Turin King-

List

(7.17) before Khendjer, and Dodson places his tomb between the two Mazghu na

pyramids since it displays a sarcophagus design similar to the earlier monuments while

the burial chamber has a gabled roof like those of South Mazghu na and Khendjer.

1254

The structure of this tomb is reminiscent of those with a Type 2 sarcophagus (North

Mazghuna and Ameny Qemau).

1255

Since Dodson places the shaft tomb of Aw ibre Hor between the pyramids of

North and South Mazghuna, the possessor of the former is a king that fits between

Ameny Qemau and Awibre Hor. Dodson chooses the two kings, Hotepibre

Saharnedjeritef and Khaankhre Sobekhotep II, whom he believes had relatively long

reigns, as potential ow ners of this tom b.

1256

How ever, there are no indications as to how

1251

1252

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshu r to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 31 , 38.

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," p. 40;

Th e Canopic Equipment,

p. 30; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el

Naga," pp. 27, 30, 3 1; After the Pyramids, p. 14-15.

1253

Dodson, T he Canopic Equipment, p . 33; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 28; After the

Pyramids, pp. 9, 14.

1254

Dodson, T he Canopic Equipment, pp . 35-36; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 30, 38.

1255

For common features with the Mazghuna pyramids, see Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," p. 13.

1256

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 43; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 31 ,

38 ;

After the

Pyramids, p. 14.

370



long the reigns of these rulers were, except the num ber of attestations. The two kings

with known regnal lengths are Sankhibre Amenem het and Khaankh re Sobekhotep II,

each with four years.

1257

Saharnedjeritef and Sehotepibre each had two years on the

throne, though the latter lacks significant archaeological monuments.

According to Dodson, the South Mazg huna pyramid follows the tomb of Awibre

Hor, as well as its northern neighbor with its more complex sand lowering system for the

sarcophagus. Thus, the South Mazghuna pyram id, which has a deeper burial chamber

than that of Am eny Qemau with room for the placem ent of goods above the coffin, is

positioned between the first few reigns after Ameny Qemau and that of Khendjer, more

specifically being between Awibre Hor and the latter ruler.

1259

Dodson considers

Sekhemrekhutawy Khabaw (H) and Sedjefakare Am enemhet as the likely builders of the

monument at South Mazghuna.

1260

The similarly-structured Khendjer pyramid, at

Sakkara, has a deeper and larger burial chamber than that at M azgh una.

1261

Also,

Khendjer himself can be placed after the other two kings discussed above in position 7.20

in the

Turin King-List.

Finally, the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (to the south of the tomb of

Khendjer) is dated to well after the reign of Khendjer due to the size and the increased

complexity of its halls and chambers.

1262

Jequier had preliminarily assigned this tomb to

1257

Ryholt,


pp. 338-339.

1258

Note that the change in the structure of the sarcophagus is due to the use of sand lowering system rather

than to increase the space for funerary goods, though certainly this area would have served such a purpose

secondarily.

1259

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," pp. 40- 41,4 3;

The Cano pic Equipment,

pp. 33 , 35; "From Dahshur to

Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

pp. 10-11, 14.

1260

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 3 1, 3 8.

1261

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," pp.

40-41; Th e Canopic Equipment,

p p. 33, 35; "From Dahshur to Dra

Abu el Naga," p. 29;

After the Pyramids,

pp . 10-11.

1262

Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

pp. 12, 14.

371



Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw.

1263

Though D odson agrees that this tomb must date to after

the reign of Khendjer, he thinks that the tomb shows far too many advances and must b e

assigned to a later king such as Sobekhotep III or Neferhotep I.

1264

Due to the fact that a large fragment of a pyramidion of Merneferre A y was found

in the Delta, it is certain that this king had a pyram id. This evidence m akes him the last

king of Dynasty XIII known to have had a large funerary monum ent. Dodson believes

that there may have been a royal cemetery in the Delta region, where this and ano ther

uninscribed pyram idion were found. He then suggests that other royal figures may

have also been buried outside of the Memphite region, as kingship weakened, and the

structure of the government fragmented.

1266

Dod son also considers that the cemeteries of

the Dynasty XIII kings may have been moved southwards with the last being at Dra Abu

el-Naga near Thebes.

1267

II.B.

Problems with Dodson's Chronological A rrangement

Do dson 's chronological arrangement of the tombs is not widely accepted, as

many E gyptologists, who have condu cted general overviews of the architectural aspects

of pyramids, are reluctant to place them in any defined order.

26

Als o, the sample size of

the corpus of royal funerary inscriptions, available for Dodson or any other scholar to use

1263

1264


The Canop ic Equipment,

p. 36 , n. 91; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu

elNaga,"pp. 31, 38.

1265


1266

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 44; After the Pyramids, p. 15. C.C. Edgar found the head of a late

Dynasty XII or early Dynasty XIII king's statue out of context at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman, "Royal Head

with White C rown ," p. 90). There is no evidence for Dynasty XIII royal tombs at this site.

1267

Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 67-68.

1268

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 44.

For example, see Verner,

Great Monuments,

p. 437.

372



in order to create a meaningful chronological typology is too small.

12 9

Another major caveat to the chronological assignment of royal funerary structures

is that the order of the rulers in the T urin King-List is still debated, so it is difficult to

make a correspondence between rulers and monum ents based upon this docum ent.

For example, Ameny Qe mau 's nomen does not appear as such in this document, his

prenomen remains unknown, and his canopic jars provided the only evidence that he

existed.

1271

Non etheless, the fact that Hotepibre

Saharnedjeritef,

wh o is found in

Turin

King-List 7.8 is known to have used the phrase, "son (sj) of Qemau " allows for him to be

placed after this king with some degree of certainty.

1272

As discussed in Chap ter 1, he

may be listed as Amenemhetre in line 7.7.

1273

Dodson, as well as other scholars,

1274

often rely on a model, whereby the tombs

become more complex over time, moving in sequential order over the terrain of the

Memphite region.

1275

How ever, one must note that the first tomb to display the Late

Middle K ingdom characteristics including the sand lowering system was the Dynasty X II

ruler, Amenem het III, at Hawara. Thus, the tomb of Ameny Qemau, if regarded as more

simple due to its use of a Type 2 sarcophagus, is actually a regression in progress.

Though D odson recognizes that the Haw ara monum ent has this basic system,

1276

he

ignores this problem due to the fact that this earlier mon ume nt lacks built-in coffin and

1269

1270

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 326-329.


1271


After the Pyramids,

p. 14; Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of

Ameny-Qemau," pp. 329-330.

1272

1273

1272

Dodson , "From Dahsh ur to Dra Abu e l Naga," p . 31 .

Section IV.B.4.

1274

Dodson,


pp . 29-36; "From D ahshur to Dra Abu el Naga."; Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 83.

Scholars have also questioned the method of ordering tombs according to their geographical positions,

since the royal cemetery was often moved from one site to another (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 285).

1276

Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

p. 7.

373



canopic niches in its monolithic quartzite base, something, which cannot itself nullify the

significance of the displayed technolog ical developm ent. It is also impo rtant to realize

that the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara, supposedly the most advanced of all,

incorpo rates both types of sarcophagi in its two-b urial chamb er design. Thu s, it is clear

that the development of the architecture may be more complicated than it would first

appear. The chronological framework of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs may not be

tied to the structure of the sarcophagus chamber and may have a more standardized form

than acknowledged in the past.

Interestingly, other scholars have also used the designs of the sarcophagus

chamber to arrange the tombs in chronological order, but many have come to different

conclusions than Dodson. Wh ile Dodson places South Mazghuna after North M azghuna,

Vern er argues tha t the latter is later than the former, due in part to the fact that the

southern monument has the same structure as that in the complex at Hawara.

1277

He also

stresses the fact that the passageways in the southern tomb are more complex, thus,

assigning a date based on the corridor arrangement rather than the structure of the burial

chambers. Though Verner has criticized Dod son's chronological placement of

the

Late

Middle Kingdom corpus, his own dating of the Mazghuna tombs is hampered by his

belief that these monum ents must belong to the last kings of Dynasty XII. Like Verner,

Stadelmann dated South Mazghun a from the end of Dynasty XII to the beginning of

Dynasty XIII based on its likeness to H awara, while placing the northern one into

Dynasty XIII.

1278

Mean while, Hayes argues that the Mazghuna pyramids are closer in

1277

Verner,

G reat Monuments,

p. 432-433, 437.

1278

Stadelmann,


pp. 247-248.

374



date to the pyramids at South Sakkara because of their structural similarities.

II.C. Suggestions for the Order of the Tom bs

There are many possible combinations for the order of the excavated Late M iddle

Kingdom tom bs from A menemhet III through Dynasty XIII. Thus, any further

development of a chronological order can serve as little more than a suggestion unless

further archaeo logical investigations take place at these sites. A sequence for the tom bs

based upon an analysis of the available architectural evidence would appear to represent a

valid starting point.

The Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara is the first example of the Late Middle

Kingd om tom b type as defined in this thesis (Fig. 3.3). The plan of the corridors leading

to the sarcophagus with portcullises and changes in level are the characteristics of the

royal funerary monuments of the era. Next, it is likely that the pyramid at South

Mazghuna was constructed either at the end of Dynasty X II or the beginning of Dynasty

XIII (Fig. 3.13). The plan of the substructure of

this

monument is a condensed form of

that found at Haw ara. The location of the entrance to the tomb remaine d in the south, but

rather than being constructed in separate trenches, the ones at South Mazghuna are all

within a single pit. In turn, S9 at Aby dos ap pears to be an abbreviated form of the

pyramid at South Mazghuna with a tightly arranged substructure as well as a chapel on

the eastern side of the enclosure (Fig. 4.3). S10 likely closely follows S9 since the latter

is located in the primary position next to the tomb of Senwosret III, and a tomb model

1279

Hayes, "Egypt: From the Death," p. 43. Lehner also thinks that the pyramid at North M azghuna may

date well into Dynasty XIII (Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 285).

375



closely resembling S10 was found in an early Dynasty XIII context in the funerary

comp lex of Am enem het III at Dahsh ur (Figs. 4.4, 3.17). It is also possible that S9 and

S10 were constructed after the monum ent of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur (Fig. 3.11). The

general form of this tomb is the same as S9 except it is less condensed and has the

simpler Type II sarcophagus typ e. Whichev er order these tombs- should be in, there is

little doubt that they are closely related chronologically.

The tomb of Awibre Hor likely follows that of Ameny Qemau since the level of

the sarcophagus and its arrangement mimic that of the former king's pyramid (Fig. 3.15).

Khen djer's tomb m ay be the next in the sequence, as he returns to the Amenem het III

mod el with a Type I sarcophag us (Fig. 3.6). Interestingly, both of these pyramids also

had a wooden door at the base of the stairs leading to the tomb . The following royal

tomb may be North Mazghu na since it also has the wooden door (Fig. 3.12). However,

this example is a linear expansion of that of Ameny Qemau including the Type II

sarcophagus. The "Unfinished" Pyramid also follows the linear plan but has two burial

cham bers, one of each type (Fig. 3.9). This arrangem ent confirms that the two

sarcophagus types were contemporary and may have represented different religious ideas

(or two different manifestations of the same idea), which were then com bined within this

monum ent. The pyramid of Merneferre Ay was likely the last of Dynasty X III and was

relatively sm all as indicated by the slope of the pyram idion. It is likely that other

unidentified Dynasty X III tombs between Khendjer and A y may also be relatively small

in size.

376



III.

Tombs of Royal Women and Private Officials

Before turning again to the royal tombs of the Late M iddle Kingdom , it is

essential to discuss the nature of the know n tombs of royal wom en and private officials

from the period. In this manner, it will be possible to determine the uniquen ess of royal

funerary'provisions.- Unfortunately, like the royal examples, there are few datable court

and private tombs for this period, and the objects from within are often in mixed contexts,

making it difficult to piece together the original contents of the tombs.

III.A. Tombs of Royal Women

III.A.1. Neferuptah

At Hawara, funerary equipment of a princess Neferuptah, who may have been a

sister or daughter of Amenhotep III, was found within the burial chamber of the king.

128

However, later, this princess was interred in her own small pyramid within the region.

12.

The excavators, Farag and Iskander, suggested that the monum ent had no entrance

because the princess was already dead when it was constructed.

1282

Thus, her body was

laid within the burial chamber 2 km s southeast of Hawara once preparations had been

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 170; Dodson, Th e Canopic Equipment, p . 29; Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 182-

183;

Petrie, Kahun, G urob, and Hawara, pp. 15-16, Pis. 13-14; Uphill, Gateway, pp. 79-81; Vemer, Great

Monuments, p. 430.

1281

Di. Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p. 161; Callender, "Renaissance," p. 170; Farag and Iskander,

Neferwptah;

Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 746; L. Habachi, "Nagib Farag- Zaky Iskander, The Discovery

of Neferuptah," Studies on the Middle Kingdom, Studia Aegyptiaca 10 (Budapest, 1987), pp. 199-200;

Holzl, "Hawara," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology) of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999),

p.

365; Janosi, Die Pyramidenanlagen, pp. 67-70; B. Williams, "The Date of Senebtisi at Lisht and the

Chronology of Major Groups and Deposits of

the

Middle Kingdom,"

Serapis

3 (1975-1976), p. 44.

Will iams argu es tha t th is mon umen t was s imply a s tone chamber with no shaft or pyramid, though a

superstructure of unknown typ e may have originally topped it. Unlike the tombs of earlier princesses , this

one contained no queen's ware, though certain special forms were present (S.J. Allen, "Queens' Ware," p.

47).

1282

Farag and Iskander, Neferwptah, pp. 1, 105-106. Note that human skin and mummy wrappings were

found within the flooded sarcophag us of Neferuptah within her pyramid. Thus , it is certain that this tomb

was used for her body.

377



made, and the structure was built above her remains.

III.A.2.

Princess N ubheteptikhered

Though several female b urials, which were found in Dynasty X II royal contexts,

have been proposed to date to Dynasty X III, only on e, that of Nub heteptikhered

(Nebh otepti, the Child), is relatively certain. The burial of this princess was found in the

shaft tomb to the west of the interment of king, Aw ibre Hor in the pyramid com plex of

Amenem het III at Dahshur.

1283

Though there is no reference to Awibre Hor in her tomb,

the proximity of the burials may indicate that the princess was the daughter or possibly

even the wife of this king.

1284

Also, her coffin contained two texts, CT 788a and PT 638,

which were located in similar positions to that of Awibre Hor (exterior foot and head).

1285

Like the tomb of the ruler, that of Nubheteptikhered appears to have been

enlarged and reshaped for her burial. It had been the location of the interment of a

mem ber of the court during the reign of Amenem het III. The gallery itself was 14.6 m in

length, with a vaulted, brick ceiling.

1286

This hallway ended in a stone wall, which

blocked the entrance to the burial chamber.

The burial chamber was almost intact, and the excavators found many objects

de Morgan,


pp. 107-115, Pis. 136, 138-139; Cron and Johnson,

"De Morgan a t Dahshur, " p . 62; Dodson, "Tom bs of the Kings ," p . 42. For further bibl iography concerning

the tomb and its contents, see Porter and Mo ss,


(2), p. 889. For a

discussion of

the

similarities and differences in the contents of

this

tomb, that of Awibre Hor, and others,

see Aufrere, "Le roi Aouibre Hor," pp. 38-39.

1284

Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," p. 60; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," p. 44.

1285

Lesko,

Spells,

p. 54, Da 2 C and Da 4 C. See also Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 240, Da8.

1286

de Morgan,


p. 107, Fig. 249.

378



within the room. These items included eight ceramic

jars;

four platters, two of which

contained small bowls holding organic material; one plate, in which black pow der w as

preserved; parts of bird and bovine bones; a long, rectangular case housing a mace, eight

arrows, canes of various varieties (was, crook, etc.); a silver mirror with a blue-painted,

wooden han dle; and an object of unknow n identity. A second case contained jars (two

types), which held ointments. Each vessel was labeled with the name of its contents.

The sandstone sarcophagus was located in the floor of the burial chamber beneath

the pavement stones, upon which the items described above sat. The coffin was made

of wood and was decorated with bands of inscribed gold leaf, most of which were poorly

preserved and had fallen from th eir original position s. The mumm y itself was also in bad

condition as most of the flesh had deteriorated due to humidity, leaving only the skeleton.

The body was laid in an extended position with the head at the north and the feet at the

south. The head was turned to the east, and the hands rested upon the pelvis. The body

had been covered with gilded plaster, including a cartonage funerary mask, all of which

had collapsed to powder. The funerary mask had been adorned with a uraeus and a

vulture, inlaid with precious stones and me tals. In death, the princess wore a silver

diadem, bracelets of gold and valuable bea ds, a beaded collar with golden falcon

termin als, and a carnelian net. Within the coffin, other objects included a dagger, a

flagellum, three scepters and canes, and two alabaster

jars.

To the east of the southern

end of the coffin, the canopic bo x rested with its decoration m atching that of the former.

The canopic jars were made of alabaster and had lids in the form of human heads. On the

1287

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, pp . 108-110, Figs. 251-2 62. S.J. Allen suggests that

the publication of the pottery m ay show queen 's ware, though this is not certain (S. Allen, "Q ueens' Ware,"

p.

47).

1288

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 189 4, pp. 110-115, Figs. 263-269.

379



1980

canopic

jars,

the texts are found in three columns and contain later forms of the spells.

For example, the canopic jars of Nubheteptikhered, like the chest of Aw ibre Hor,

discussed above, exchanged h ip

c

wy for sjp-si, the former carrying the idea of an

"protective emb race," commonly found in later versions as well as using

ddmdwto

introduce the formulae.

29 0

The style of the coffin and canopic box w as also of a later

Middle K ingdom style with curved end -boards, something not found in the tomb of

Awibre H or, though already in existence before his reign.

1291

III.A.3. Other Princesses

In recent years, there has been a debate concerning w hether other examples of

Dyn asty XIII royal female burials have been found. Today , some scholars have

dismissed a number of examples originally proposed by W illiams to date to this time

period. W illiams used the coffin styles and the characteristics of the funerary

equipment to suggest a Dynasty XIII date for these tombs.

The court tombs, which possibly date to Dynasty XIII, include those of Ita and

Khenm et, and Keminebu at the Amenem het II pyramid com plex at Dahshur and that of

1289


1290

Swelim and Dodson , "Pyramid of Am eny-Qem au," p. 328. See also Liischer, Untersuchungen, pp. 24,

27.

1291

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, pp.

32-33,

n. 74; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 30.

Swelim and Dodson report that there are no bird hieroglyphs represented on the canopic jars of this

princess (Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 328). However, there is the head of a duck

in the phrase "kin g's dau ghter." The symbol for the duck is likely abbreviated due to space rather than

indicating a further de velop me nt in the evolution of mutilated hiero glyp hs. It should be noted that the Other

inscriptions in the burial chamber do have the mutilated birds expected for the time period.

1292

B. Williams, "Date of Senebtisi"; J.K. Hoffmeier, "Th e Coffins of the Middle Kingdom," pp. 72-76;

Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 83-84; Williams, "Problems," pp. 103-115. Dodson originally also dated

these tombs to Dynasty XIII before later reassigning many of them to Dynasty XII, often, but not always,

within the reign of their associated royal funerary complex (Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 42; "From

Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 31).

380



Senebtisi in the mortuary installation of Am enem het I at Lisht. Do dson has suggested

that the members of the court desired to be buried near the affluent Dynasty XII kings.

129j

This phenomenon is found in the tombs of officials from the time period, who were

buried in underground structures, which ex tended beneath the walls of the funerary

complex of Teti at Sakkara.

1294

As Williams noted, coffin lid shapes have included flat (Awibre Hor), arched

without rectangular ends (Ita and Khenm et), and arched with rectangular ends

(Nub heteptikhered and Seneb tisi). With the use of this information, as well as styles

of maces and flails, he established the order: Awibre Hor, Ita and Khenmet, and

Nubheteptikhered and Senebtisi.

Dod son, wh o also studied coffin type s, states that the style of the coffin and

canopic box of Senebtisi, with its curved upper and flat under sections, dates to late

Dynasty XII, while Lapp argues for a late Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII date. The

structure of these objects later evolves into truly "arched" versions that continue into the

Second Intermediate Pe riod. It should be noted that such a small sample of royal coffins,

with only one precisely datable specimen (Awibre Hor), certainly cannot provide for a

reliable chronological typology, especially in the Late Middle Kingdom , when a

relatively large amount of experim entation is visible on many cultural fronts. Thu s, one

must rethink the dating of the tombs of these royal wom en using other material, which

has been ignored by scholars or has not been incorporated into a previous discussion.

1293

Dodson, "Tombs of

the

Kings," pp.

42-43.

1294

Silverman, "Teti Pyramid Cemetery," pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272; "Non-Royal B urials."

1295

Farag and Iskander, Neferwptah, pp. 83-85, PI. 38; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," pp. 42 -43,4 5-47 .

1296

Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, pp.

32-33,

n. 74.

1297

Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 286, L6a. See also W.K. Simpson, "Senebtisi," LA 5 (1984), p. 848.

381



The tombs of the princesses Ita and K henmet likely date to Dynasty XII, near the

reign of Amenemhet

II .

1298

Thou gh these tomb s are similar in content to that of

Nu bhetep tikhered of Dyn asty XIII, some important differences are present. First of all,

these two w omen appear to be the original occupants of the burials, which are part of the

same monum ent, rather than having reused older tombs. Second, the structure of the

monument, buried deep within the sand, included significant layers of precisely cut Tura

limestone over the monum ent, a structure and quality of workmanship rare for Dynasty

XIII. Also , the quantity and materials (including lapis lazuli and other highly e xpensive

items) of the objects w ithin the tomb were greater than those of Nubheteptikhered,

though Khenmet's possessions greatly outnumbered those of

Ita,

possibly showing a

difference in status. How ever, since Nub heteptikh ered wa s buried adjacent to the king , it

would be expected that her tomb was well-furnished for her time. Nex t, the hieroglyphs

used near the body of the deceased in the tomb of Ita and Khenmet w ere not mutilated,

something completely inconsistent with the current data for Dynasty XIII royal family

burials. Finally, the hemispherical cups shown in the excavator's d rawings appear to be

quite shallow, indicating that they are of a relatively early date. How ever, it must be

noted that in the area with K henm et's burial there was a paving stone, which had been

formed from a stela of a Dynasty X II prince, Am enemhet-Ankh, who m ust therefore

For the publ ica t ion of the tomb, see de Morg an, Fouilles a Dahchou r,l894-1895, (Vien na, 1903), pp .

40-68;

Figs. 96-110; Pis. 2, 5-12; Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," pp. 51-56. Lilyquist

suggests that the jewelry may date to Amenemhet III (C. Lilyquist, "Granulation and Glass: Chronological

and Stylistic Investigations at Selected Sites, ca. 2500-1400 B.C.E.," BASOR 290 (1993), pp. 36-37). See

also Lapp , Typologie der Sarge, p p.

180-181,

Da8 , DalO, DA18; 286-287, L6a.

1299

de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchourl894-1895, Fig. 105; Do. Arnold, "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur

1976-1981,"

MDAIKSZ, (1982),pp. 60-62, Abb. 17-18.

382



predate her death,

1300

though the date of this monument may well have been earlier in the

era.

To the south of the tombs of Ita and K henmet, were two additional monum ents.

The more eastern of these contained the interments of Queen Keminebu and an official

by the name of Amenhotep.

1301

These tombs had suffered great damage at the expense of

tomb robbers. Fragm ents of inscriptions from ob jects from the burial cham ber revealed

the nam es of the (latest?) owners. The hieroglyp hs in these passag es are mutilated,

possibly ind icating that they are of a later date than the original complex. How ever,

whether they represent late Dynasty XII or Dynasty XIII cannot be determined. It has

been proposed that Kem inebu belongs to D ynasty XIII due to the popularity of her name

at this time and the treasurer Amenho tep m ay be m atched to that on a seal type, which

several scholars date to the reign of Khaneferre Sobekho tep IV or later.

1302

Also, the

Book of the Dead, Chapter 30B appears on Kem inebu 's tomb, as it does in that of

Nubheteptikhered, indicating a Dynasty X III date.

1303

The tomb of Senebtisi was located between the enclosure wall and a mastaba to

the west of the pyramid of Am enemhet I.

1304

Do . Arnold has suggested that this tomb

1300

1301

Williams, "Problems," p. 105; "Date of Senbtisi," pp.

42-43.

Cron and Johnson, "De Morgan at Dahshur," pp. 57 -58; J. de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-

1895 (Vienna, 1903), pp. 69-71, Figs. 113-117.

1302

Franke, Personendaten, p. 88, Doss. 87a; W. Grajetzki, "Der Schatzmeister Amenhotep und eine

weitere Datierungshilfe fur Denkmaler des Mittleren Reiches," BSEG 19 (1995), pp. 5-11; Two Treasurers,

p.

3 5; Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 83, n. 260. Note that inscriptions from Am enhotep 's burial chamber

were composed of mutilated hieroglyphs (de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895,

pp. 70 , Figs.

113-115).

1303

Lapp, Typologie der Sdrge, p p.

180-181,

D al 8; T.G. Allen, Th e Book of the Dead o r Going Forth by

Day (Chicago, 1974), p. 40.

1304

Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography IV, p. 79; Williams, "Date of Senbtisi," p. 43 . Hayes,

Scepter, pp. 285 , Fig. 187; H. W illems, C hests of Life. A Study of the Typology an d Conceptual

Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins (Leiden, 1988), pp. 104-105; Liischer,

Untersuchungen, p. 28.

383



dates from late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII based upon the rim shape of a Marl C

jar.

1305

Bou rriau has narrowed this time period further, noting that Sene btisi's burial

chamber does not contain objects w ith mutilated hieroglyphs, placing her in the reign of

Am enemhet III, prior Neferuptah.

1306

Me anwh ile, Ryholt pushes the date of this wom an

into the first decade of Dynasty XIII, in order to argue that she is'likely the grandmother

of the brother kings (Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, Menwadjre Sahathor, and Khaneferre

Sobekhotep IV).

1307

This correlation could be further supported by the more recent

argument of Bourriau that the tomb of Senebtisi belongs to early D ynasty XIII based

upon the fact that her tomb was likely constructed after a house, which is stratigraphically

associated with it and can be dated to Dynasty XIII.

It has become clear that the dating of the royal tombs of the Late Middle

Kingdom must be approached with the use of a multitude of data including context,

ceramics, and style of objects.

1309

The analysis discussed above must end with the

following chronological suggestion: Ita and Khenmet (Amenemhet II), Keminebu (late

Dynasty X II/Dynasty XIII), Senebtisi (early Dynasty X III), and N ubheteptikhered

(Awibre Hor).

1310

1305

Di. Arnold, Senw osretl, p. 37, n. 114; Mace and Winlock, Senebtisi, pp. 110, Fig, 182.122, PI. 134.

The furnishings of the tomb of Senebtisi are similar to those of Nubheteptikhered and Awibre Hor.

However, there are no m utilated hieroglyphs.

1306

Bourriau, "Patterns of Change," p. 17.1307

Ryho l t , Political Situation, pp. 83-84, n. 264 , 126.

1308

Bourriau, "Dolphin Vase," p. 114.

1309

See the concerns of Lilyquist regarding the use of style of limited objects to date this group in C.

Lilyquist, "A Note on the Date of Senebtisi and Other Middle Kingdom Groups," Serapis 5 (1979), pp. 27-

28.

1310

Note that Dodson now believes that all of these tombs are Dynasty XII except for the last (Dodson,

"The Tombs of

the

Queens," p. 131).

384



III.B. Private Elite Tombs

Many private elite burials of the Late Middle Kingdom appear to be in reused and

often modified tombs in Dynasty XII royal pyramid complexes.

1311

Often, these

structures are made up of three rooms and do not resemble the form of royal

monuments.'

1312

Others-, found ou tside of royal funerary structures, are also remarkably

different tha n those of kings. In other cases, a shaft leads to the tombs of multiple peop le

like in the case of those in the funerary complex of Khendjer. Unfortunately,

how ever, the plans of very few of these tombs are published. Instead, early scholars

focused upon the objects found with in them. Thu s, it is difficult to discern the

architectural development of private tombs in the Late Middle Kingdom. Also, the

objects themselves often come from both primary and secondary burials within the tombs

or are in very disturbed contexts, and dating these individuals within this relatively short

expanse of time is often difficult if not imp ossible.

1314

The provisions within these tombs

are fairly standardized including some royal insignia.

1315

Ov erall, there is a decrease in

the amount of goods produced specifically for tombs during the Late Middle Kingdom,

and coffin styles in the north and sou th begin to dive rge.

1316

1311

For forms of elite tombs earlier in the Middle Kingdom, see Silverman, "Tombs of the Nobles in the

Middle Kingdom," pp.

364-381.

1312

For example, see the tomb of Am enyson eb at Hawara. This man likely lived during the reign of

Khendjer. His tomb was topped w ith a chapel displaying offering scenes (rare at this time) (E. Fiore-

Marochet t i , " Inscribed Blocks from Tomb Chapels a t Hawara ," JE A 86 (2000), pp. 43-44; Franke,

Personendaten,p. 108, Doss. 125; Petrie, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, p p. 18, Pis. 17.10, 11.12-14).

For an example at Lisht, see Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, p . 221. See also Grajetzki, "M ultiple Burials,"

pp . 16-34.

1314

G rajetzki, Burial Customs, p. 58.

1315

G rajetzki, Burial Customs, pp. 54-55.

1316

G rajetzki, Burial Customs, p. 54.

385



III.C. The Tom bs of Royal Women and Private Officials and the Power of Kingship

Most of the royal family mem bers and upper elite were buried in reused tomb s

dated to Dynasty XII. These structures do not seem to have the same characteristics of

royal tomb substructures including that of Awibre Hor. Thou gh it is pos sible, it is

unlikely that any of the Late Middle Kingdom pyram ids were the tombs of anyone other

than deceased kin gs. There appears to have been a distinct difference in the nature of a

royal tomb, likely indicating that the king was superior in status both in living society as

well as in death.

The contents of

the

royal tombs, as represented by the furnishings in the tomb of

Awibre Hor, may not have been considerably different from those of elite private tombs.

It would appear that the king and his family likely set the example for the items to be

included in these tombs. Rather than being an infringement on the kin g's pow er, the

appearance of items including royal insignia within tombs and ideology concerning the

Osirian afterlife, was a continuing phenomenon dating at least to the end of the Old

Kingdom.

1317

Low er level burials lacked the royal insignia, containing daily life objects

instead.

1318

IV. The w i g ; Tomb Type

From the descriptions and definition of the tomb corpus in Chapter 3, it is clear

that the elements of the Dynasty XIII tombs became standardized in ways in w hich the

Kamrin,

Cosmos,

p. 10; D.P. Silverman, "Coffin Texts from Bersheh," pp . 140-141.

Grajetzki,

Burial Customs,

p. 59.

386



Dynasty XII monuments never had.

1319

Also, many of the components, including those

thought to be measures of security, may have served more of a religious purpose than a

practical one .

1320

Interestingly, the shape of the tombs of the Late Middle K ingdom rulers

resembles the hieroglyph for

wsht(

u

Broad

Cou rt") (Fig. 5.1). This term is found in

contexts including palaces, temples, and (later) king s' tom bs, and it may be the case that

the design of these structures in royal funerary monuments was meant to ideologically

place the deceased in the court

(wshi)

of

Osiris.

Interestingly, in the New Kingdom,

Chapter 125 of the Book of Going Forth by Day (Book of the Dead) sets the judgm ent of

the dead before Osiris in the

wshtmiHy

("Broad Hall of the Two M aats").

1322

This term

is also used for a chamber in the royal tombs of the New K ingdom in the Valley of the

Kings.

1 23

In the Middle Kingdom,

Chapter 30,

which was inscribed on heart scarabs

1319

See also D. McCormack , "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th

Dynasty Kingship."

1320

Di. Arnold ("Tombs: Royal Tombs," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

Th e Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,

3 (New Y ork, 2001), p. 427) argues that the hidden passages and blocking stones are measures of security

derived from those of Dyn asty XII. W hile the origins of such compone nts are certainly from the height of

the Middle Kingdom , it is suggested here that a change began to occur in the reign of Amenemhet III,

reinterpreting features as religious eleme nts. Rop ler-Ko hler argues that these features reflect the hours of

the

Amduat

be ginning with Senw osret II (RoBler-Kohler, "K onigliche Vorstellungen I," pp.73-96).

1321

R. Hannig,

Agyptisches Worterbuch I

(Mainz, 2003), p. 383;

Grofies Handworterbuch

(Mainz, 1995),

pp. 216-217. A. Erman and H. Grapow,

Worterbuch der dgyptischen Sprache

(Leipzig, 1926-1950), p.

366.

Note that Old Kingdom pyramid complexes had a symbolic palace associated with the sed festival,

originating with the Djoser com plex which has a sed festival court (H awass, "Funerary E stablishments of

Khufu, Khafra and M enkaura during the Old King dom," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1987,

pp.

6, 136, 361-365, 389, 498, 545, 550, 632; H. Goedicke, "Zoser's Funerary Mon ument. 2. The 'Heb-sed

court',"

BACE

8 (1997), pp. 33-48; J.P. Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," in C. Berger, et al.,

Hommages a Jean

LeclantI:

Etudes Pharaoniques.

Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 (1994), pp. 24-28).

1322

For a translation, see T.G. Allen,

The Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents in the Oriental Institute

Museum at the Un iversity of Chicago

(Chicago, 1960), pp. 200, S202;

Going Forth By Day,

p p. 97-102;

R.O. Faulkner,

The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead

(Au stin, 1972), pp . 29-34 . For the text of this

section, see E. Na ville,

Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch der

XVIII.

bis XX. Dynastie

(Berlin, 1886), p. 200.

1323

Erman and Grapow,

Worterbuch,

pp. 366-367; J. Romer,

Valley of the Kings

(New York, 1981), p. 280.

387



and other objects, refers to the judgment of the dead in the domain of the god.

1324

Thus,

it may be the case that the concept of the

wsMmJ

c

ty as

envisioned in the later

Book of the

Dead

had already evolved and influenced the shape of the royal tom b, especially since

chapters of this compilation began to emerge in Sakkara, Dahshur, Bersha, Abydos,

Dendera, and Thebes during the Middle Kingdom .

1325

antechamber

Un

burial

chamber

J ti

corridor on

eastern side

Figure. 5.1.

The Hieroglyph for wsht"Broad Court."

Besides the ove rall shape of the tom bs, other aspects of the royal funerary

monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom also appear to reflect religious ideas about the

afterlife rather than being practical architectural features. For examp le, the Type A

quartzite portcullis stones, many of which remained opened, are always encased in

limesto ne. As is evident from the robb ers' tunnel found in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at

South Sakkara, this design was not an effective guard against thieves.

1326

Likewise, the

1324

S. Quirke, "Judgment of the Dead," in D.B. Redford, ed.,

The Oxford Essential G uide to Egyptian

Mythology

(New York, 2002), p. 174. For a translations of this spell, see T.G. Allen,

Going Forth by Day,

pp .

39-40.

1325

See S. Quirke, "Book of the Dead 'Ch apter 178 ': a Late Middle Kingdom C ompilation or Excerpts?,"

in S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, ed.,

Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom a nd

Second Intermediate Period (London, 2007), pp. 100-122; Lapp, Typologie der Sarge, p. 280, Da l8 ; T.G.

Allen,

G oing Forth by Day,

pp. 242-243, 246-247: Da3c, SqlBe, B9c, Cairo Stela 20520, Die, T7c, T13c,

Papyrus ofMwty.

1326

Weigall remarked that the limestone ceilings of

S9

were short-sighted, especially since the concealing

of

the

entrances drove people to look in the sand, eventually finding the limestone and then would likely hit

388



ceilings of many of the corridors and cham bers were also limestone, allowing robbers to

simply smash into the structures after removing the brick material above.

Though the portcullis stones likely had some security implications, their

placement, often after entrance stairwells or shafts, also leads one to suspect that there are

other purpo ses for these structures. The reality of the matter, howeve r, may have less to

do with the portcullis stones themselves, acting as do orways, than with the changes in

levels within the tom bs.

1327

Curiously, these level changes often add up to six, half the

number of hours in the night as the sun god and the deceased king journey through the

netherworld (See Table 5.2 and A ppendix III).

1328

In the tombs with more linear plans (S9, North M azghuna, and the "Unfinished"

Pyramid), the changes in level seem to play less of

a

role in determining the "h ours," and

several options have been proposed. North Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid are

more com plex and may represent a variation of the more standard types discussed above,

especially since they were larger than the other monum ents (the "Unfinished Pyramid" is

almost double the size of the other Dy nasty XIII royal funerary m onu me nts). Also , the

latter integrates both sarcophagi types, requiring it to have a more complicated plan.

It may be the case that texts, such as the

Book of the Hidden Chamber,

are associated

with these particular architectural manifestations of the netherworld.

1329

the sarcophagus chamber right away despite the closed porculli (Weigall, Tomb and Cemetery,"

pp.

15-

16).

Ropier-Kohler understood the doorways as being important in the architecture of the tombs from

Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII, but she missed the significance of the changes in level beginning with

Ame nemhe t III at Hawara. See Ropier-K ohler, "Kon igliche Vorstellungen I," Fig. 3.

1328

For the interpretation of late Dynasty XII-XIII royal tombs as Amduat tombs see, Ropier-Kohler,

"Konigliche Vorstellungen I," pp.73-96; Wegner, "Amduat T om b."

9

For the possible relationship between this book and the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos, see Wegner,

"Amduat Tomb ." See also Hornung, Texte zum Amduat I(Geneve, 1987).

389



Hawara

Khendjer

South

Mazghuna

Ameny

Qemau

S9(2)

Model

1

Stairs D/N

(Portcullis U)

Stairs D/E

(Portcullis U)

Stairs D/N

(Portcullis U)

Corridor W

(Portcullis U)

Corridor W

(Portcullis U)

Shaft Base W

(Threshold)

2

Corridor N

(Wooden Door)

Stairs D/E

(Portcullis U)

Stairs D/N

(Portcullis U)

Corridor W

(Stairs D/N)

Corridor W

(Floor Passage D)

Corridor W

(Floor Passage D)

3

Corridor D/E

(Portcullis U)

Corridor D/E

(Floor Passage D)

Corridor? E

(Floor Passage D)

Corridor N

(Stairs D/W)

Corridor N

Stairs/Corridor D /N-

W (Portcullis U)

4

Corridor U/N-W

(Portcullis U)

Corridor N

(Ceiling Passage U)

Corridor N

(Ceiling Passage U)

Corridor W

Corridor W

Corridor W-S

(Floor Passage? D?)

5

Antechamber W

(Floor Passage D)

Antechamber W

(Floor Passage D)

Antechamber W

(Floor Passage D)

Antechamber S •

(Portcullis)

Corridor S

(Portcullis D)

Antechamber

(Floor Passage D)

6

Corridor/

Sarcophagus S

Corridor/

Sarcophagus S

Corridor/

Sarcophagus S

Sarcophagus S

Corridor/

Sarcophagus S

Corridor/

Sarcophagus S

Table 5.2. Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within each monumen t. The actual

hours are shown with the transitions being in parentheses. Directions are indicated as N (north), S (south), E

(east), W (west), U (up), and D (Down). North Mazghuna, the "Unfinished" Pyramid and S10 are omitted.



How ever, unlike in the New Kingdom , when these texts were painted on the walls of

royal tombs, they may have been recited during the funeral at this time.

1330

During part

of the Old K ingdom (starting with Dy nasty V),

Pyramid Texts

lined the walls of the

rulers' tom bs. These hieroglyphic resources provided the king with certain spells aimed

at keeping the rulers' spirit and body protected and giving him the tools necessary to

obtain a successful afterlife. These texts were often a ssociated with specific parts of the

pyramid as they related to symbolic special orientation of each architectural

component.

1331

Th us, already at this earlier date, it is clear that religious texts and

architectural components were used together in royal funerary structures.

The mean s, through which the architectural features of the tomb became used

during the funeral and presumably the daily perpetuation of the afterlife, cannot be

determined with certainty. How ever, one can imagine the general scene. The stairway

leading down into the tomb m ay have been connected to R e's descent into the

netherworld at sunset, with the transitions between "ho urs" being represented by changes

1330

W. Federn, "The 'Transform ations' in the Coffin T exts. A New Ap proach,"

JNES

19, pp. 241-25 7; J.

Baines, "M odeling Sources, Processes, and Locations of Early Mortuary Texts," in S. Bickel and B.

Mathieu,

D'un Monde a VAutre. Textes des Pyramides et Textes des Sarcophages

("Cairo, 2004 ), pp. 22, 25 .

Wegn er has suggested that papyrus versions of the

Book of the Hidden Chamber

may have existed in late

Dynasty XII (W egner, "Am duat"). It should also be noted that eight secular documents have been found in

private tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, including

Papyrus Bulaq 18.

It

has been suggested that these texts were placed in tombs for religious purposes, related to obtaining an

afterlife (Quirke , "Investigation," p. 8). See also S. Quirke , '"Book of the Dead Chapter 178': a Late Middle

Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?," in S. Grallert and W. G rajetzki, ed.,

Life and Afterlife in Ancient

Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period

(Londo n, 2007), pp. 100-122.

Excerpts?," in S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, ed.,

Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle

Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period

(London, 200 7), pp. 100-122.

J .P . Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," pp. 5-28; "Pyramid Texts," in D.B. Redford, ed. ,

The Oxford

Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt

(Oxford, 2001 ), pp. 95-97; "The Cosmology of

the

Pyramid Texts," in W.K.

Simpson, ed.,

Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt,

Yale Egyptological Studies 3 (New H aven, 1989),

pp. 25-26 . This same sort of link between loc ation and spell is also found in the Coffin Texts and the Book

of Two Ways

(on the floor m ost of the time) (L. Lesko, "The Texts on Egyptian M iddle Kingdom Coffins."

in

L'Egyptologie en 19791

(Paris, 1982), pp. 39-43;

Index,

pp. 8-110; Silverman,

Coffin Texts from

Bersheh,pp.

129-141).

391



in level. The approach to the burial chamber would have bee n the most important, as this

space marks the sixth hour of the night, which texts of the early New Kingdom associate

with the uniting of the gods Re and Osiris with the deceased king.

1332

It should be noted that the discussion by U. RoBler-Kohler concerning the

Amduat tomb type that develops from the reign of Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII

and into the New Kingdom is valid in some respects.

1333

There are common ideas

between the features of the pyramid of Senwosret II, the Abydos tomb of Senwsoret III

and that of Am enem het III at Haw ara. Ho wev er, it is likely that the architectural

manifestation of the Amduat tomb (or the emphasis) diverged after the reign of

Senwosret III. Wh ile the Late Middle Kingdo m type (the

wsht)

tomb continued into

Dyansty X III through the mod el established by Am enemhet III, the Am duat type, as

constructed by Senwosret III ceased to exist until the Dynasty XVIII kings resurrected it

after entering this tomb.

1334

For the tomb as a depiction of

the

underworld, see Hornung,

Valley,

pp .

27-31;

71-80, 87-94; Hornung,

Valley, pp. 71-80 , 87-94; Di Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p. 235; J. Kamrin,

The Cosmos of Khnumhotep IIat

Beni Hasan

(London, 1999), pp. 139-151. Weg ner notes that quartzite may have been used in the

Senwosret III tomb in areas where associations with the solar cycle were desired and suggests that the tomb

of

this

king at Abydos is similar to the New K ingdom conception of

the

netherworld found in

The Book of

the Hidden Chamber

(Wegner, "Hidden," p. 17;

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 199, 392, 393; "Royal Amduat-

Tomb").

See also RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen I," pp. 73-96; Gestermann, "K onigliche

Vorstellungen II," pp. 97-110. For the concept of

the

unification of

Osiris

and the deceased ruler in the Old

Kingdom pyramid of

Unis

(J.P. Allen, "Reading a Pyramid," pp. 24-25). O'Con nor has suggested that the

structure of some Old Kingdom private tombs, such as that of Pepyankh, may reflect the cosmological

layout of

the

afterlife (D. O'Connor, "Society and Individual in Early Egypt," in J.E. Richards and M. Van

Buren, eds.,

Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States

(Cam bridge, 2000), pp. 33-35).

1333

RoBler-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen I", pp. 73-88. See also, Wegner, "A mduat T omb ;"

Gestermann, "Kon igliche Vorstellungen II," pp. 97-110.

1334

See Weg ner, "Am duat To mb ." Figures 1 and 3 in the RoBler-Kohler ar tic le ("K onigl iche

Vorstellungen") do not reflect the architectural realities of the tombs from Amenem het III (Haw ara) into

Dynasty X III. For hours 4-5, the scenes show a steady decent whereas the tombs have points of increased

as well as decreased elevation, often ending at an elevation not far from where the interior of

the

tomb

began. Also, Figure 2 misses one critical aspect of

the

Late Middle Kingdom tomb corpus as it shows the

approach to the antechamber as being from west to east. Every tomb from the reign of Amenem het III on

has an approach running from the east to the w est.

392



Another important issue that remains is whether or not a ruler, such as Awibre

Hor, buried without a complete wsht tomb, w ould have been able to achieve the same

royal afterlife as those who possessed the more elaborate tombs. Possibly , this king was

buried within the tomb complex of Am enemhet III at Dahshur in order to take advantage

of the provisions of this Dynasty XII ruler in order to achieve a position in his afterlife

much like some Middle Kingdom officials (Ihy, Hetep, Sahathoripy, and Sekweskhet) at

Sakkara presumably wished to accom plish with their tombs extending und er the walls of

the pyramid of Teti at Sakkara.

1335

V. The Significance of Selected Components of Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs

Besides the presence of the

wsht tomb

type, other features of the Late Middle

Kingdom royal funerary monum ents may be significant in religious or practical ways.

Below, a select group of these will be discussed including locations, reuse of Dynasty XII

supporting facilities, pyramid pairs, monument size, terracing, and sinusoidal walls.

V.A. Location

In the past, the possible locations of Late Middle K ingdom royal tombs in the

Delta have been used to support the theory that Egypt broke up into numerous polities

ruled by contemporaneous kings during Dynasty X III. In general, the placement of royal

tombs in the Old and Middle Kingdoms indicates the location of the political capital.

1336

However, in the case of Senwosret III of Dynasty XII, a second location near the

Silverman, "Teti Pyramid Cemetery," pp. 267; 268, n. 32; 269; 271-272. For these and similar

examples such as Intefoker and Senwosretankh at Lisht, see Silverman, "Non-Royal Burials."

Ryholt, Political Situation, p . 4; Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 70.

393



important religious site of Abyd os was chosen . It is likely that this king wish ed to

connect himself to the ancient kings of Dynasties I and II and the god Osiris himself.

Following these m odels, the Dynasty XIII kings w ere buried in the vicinity of earlier

kings often being intimately connected with the funerary complex of a Dynasty XII

ruler.

1337

Thus, the discovery of Dynasty XIII pyramidions in the Delta is likely the

result of plundering by the Hyksos rather than the existence of a nearby royal, Late

Middle Kingdom cemetery.

1338

How ever, like Aby dos, Thebes may be a location where

Dynasty X III king's tombs may be discovered in the future since a Dynasty XII ruler had

constructed a funerary monum ent there. Certainly, the Dynasty XVI/XVII kings chose

the form and location of their tombs according to those of the earlier Dynasty XI rulers,

who may have served as a historical president in order to the legitimize the new line of

kings there.

V.B.

Reuse of Earlier Pyramid Towns and Temp les

Another important aspect of any royal funerary complex is the cult that continued

after the king's death in order to support his spirit in the afterlife.

1339

In ideal

circumstances, the king would build his com plex, including the tomb and supporting

temp les as well as establish a funerary estate to pay for the labor and offerings needed for

the cult.

1340

It appears that the Dynasty XIII kings may not have been able to set up their

1337

Verner ,

Great Monuments,

p . 434; Haw ass , "Funerary Es tabl ishments , " pp. 573-599, 631-6 33.

1338

See Section VI. There was royal activity in the Western D elta during late Dynasty XII/Dyn asty XIII as

illustrated by the statue head of a king found at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman, "Royal Head," p. 90). However,

there is no evidence of

a

royal cemetery at this site.

1339

Verner, G reat Monuments, p. 58.

1340

For the Old Kingdom, see Hawass, "Funerary Establishments," pp. 423-557, 631-633. See also Di.

Arnold, "Cult Comp lexes," pp. 31-85.

394



own independent valley temples to house their funerary cults. Thus, one must

contem plate the effect of the economic limitations on the king 's afterlife.

It actually appears that, rather than have their own elaborate cults and their

associated buildings, some or most Dyn asty XIII kings may have appended their tombs to

the better-equipped Dynasty XII com plexes.

1341

'In other words, it is likely that the

majority of the Dynasty XIII cults existed in conjunction with those of the earlier kings.

In effect, this policy must have prolonged the activity at the Dynasty XII sites and

possibly some of the Old Kingdom complexes, while allowing the kings of a less

economically successful time to enjoy the benefit of

a

funerary cult they otherwise would

have been u nable to afford.

1342

For this reason, the towns and temples associated with

Dynasty XII funerary establishments often contain material through the reigns of at least

some Dynasty XIII rulers. This situation may imply that the Dynasty XIII kings were

unable to provide for their own funerary estates, which included temples and priests

along with towns and the fields and treasury to support them. For the Old and Midd le

Kingdom s, O'Conn or suggests that these institutions may have displayed more econom ic

power than the large funerary m onuments themselves.

1343

Thus, if the Dynasty XIII

kings cou ld not afford such self-sufficient provisio ns, it may indicate that they did not

carry the political and econom ic clout of their prede cessors. How ever, with the

combination of environmental and political factors, which the kings of Dynasty XIII may

Wegner notes that royal Dynasty XIII tombs tend to be near those of Dynasty XIT kings (Wegner, "A

Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity," p. 386).

1342

In Dynasty XII at Sakkara, officials were buried within the sacred space of

the

Pyramid of Teti, and

people of various social levels established cenotaphs around those of more powerful individuals. See

Silverman, "Non-Royal Burials"; Simpson,

Terrace of the Great

God; O'Connor, "The 'Cenotaphs, '" pp.

161-178.

1343

O'Connor, "Political Systems," p. 17.

395



have had to face,

1344

it is not surprising that certain economic cutbacks were necessary

even for the royal burial.

V.C. The Q uestion of Pyramid Pairs

In his discussion of the pyramids of Amenemhet III at Dahshur and Hawara,

Lehner ponders if these two distinctly different monuments were constructed for religious

purposes rather than simply to replace the former with the latter due to its architectural

faults.

1345

It also might be notable that Ame nem het's predecessor, Senwosret III also had

two tombs, a pyramid at Dahshur and a funerary complex at South Abydo s.

1346

In

looking at the remaining Late Middle Kingdom tombs, it is interesting that many of them

occur in sets of two (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid, DA S 2 and DA S 16, and

DAS 17 and Ameny Qem au, North and South Mazghuna, and S9 and S10).

The qu estion arises as to if such a pattern is significant and w hether or not each

set might belong to a single king . In several of

the

cases listed above, the two pyramids

at each site contain similarly constructed elements, while having different sarcophagus

forms (one had Type 1 and the other Type 2). Interestingly, in the "Unfinishe d" Pyram id

at South Sakkara, both sarcophagus structures are housed in a single monument.

Unfortunately, there are also factors, which imply that the dual monument

situation is coinciden ce. First of all, one must be cautious in matching similar

measurements and features within the monuments, since the styles and methods of each

investigator, who often studied monu men ts in close proxim ity, differ. Th us, each set may

1344

See Chapter 7.

1345

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 183.

1346

It is also possible that Amenem het I built two pyram ids, one at Sakkara and another at Lisht (Do.

Arnold, "Am enemhet," p. 20, n. 102; D.P. Silverman, "Non-Royal B urials").

396



appear more uniqu e than it is in reality. Al so, if there are missing funerary structures,

they may appear in clusters along with the already known monum ents as, is the case near

the pyramid of Ameny Qemau (with DA S 2 and 16). Finally, a comparison of the control

notes from the pyramids at South Sakkara reveals no matches in the names of officials

working at the complexes, suggesting that the monuments w ere not constructed

simultaneously.

1347

At this point in time, there is no means of proving or rejecting the possibility that

Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary m onuments occur in pairs. How ever, it is an idea

that should be kept in mind in future studies of these structures and their significance.

Other reasons for the close proximity of two or more monum ents may be family grou ps,

chronological sequence or the decreasing availability of suitable land for large

monum ents in the Mem phite region.

V.D. The Size of the Tombs

One m ethod for determining the relative pow er of the king through time is

through observing the sizes of

the

royal funerary comp lexes.

1348

Also, at any specific

point, the rulers' tombs can be compared to those of private individuals to determine the

status of the king in society. Wh en Am enemhet I reintroduced the pyramid as a royal

tomb at the beginning of Dynasty XII, his monument at Lisht was considerably smaller

that those of the powerful Dynasty IV kings.

1349

Similarly, the other tomb s for this era

1347

F. Arnold,

Control Notes,

pp. 176-183.

Lehner,

Pyramids,

p. 15-17

1349

Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," p. 77. It is also possible that Amenemhet I began the construction of a

pyramid at Sakkara before abandoning it in favor of building another funerary monum ent closer to the new

capital at Itjatawy (Do. Arnold, "Amenemhet I," p. 20, n. 102).

397



(as well as for the rest of the Old Kingdom) were also relatively small for a but the

emphasis turned to the mortuary temp les. Thus, despite the fact that the pyramids were

small and had more economical mudbrick cores, the size of the temples was greatly

expanded, and the overall nature of the pyramid complex became part of the expression

of the king 's power in Dynasty X II.

Some scholars see the diminutive size and small associated structures of Dynasty

XIII monuments as an indication of a decline in royal power.

1350

How ever, it is

important to remem ber, that no Dynasty X III monument seems to have been finished.

The most complete monum ent was that of Khendjer, and his complex certainly w as

smaller than the Dynasty XII predecessors (no valley temple has been found). On the

other hand, the "Unfinished" tom b at South Sakkara would have had a pyramid, which

was comp arable in size to those of the Dynasty XII kings. Though the remainder of the

complex was not yet begun, it is possible that the size of this monum ent wou ld have

rivaled those of the Am enem het's and Senw osret's had it been completed.

Finally, one should keep in min d the relativity of pow er. In a time of econom ic

problems, the power of

a

king cannot be determined, based upon comparisons to eras of

great wealth for the polity. Instead, the pow er of the king must be related to that of the

elite. Unfortunately, that sort of comparison is difficult considering the dire state of

preservation for both the royal and private tombs from this period. How ever, the

exclusive architectural style of the royal tombs, as well as their locations seem to indicate

that the power of the kings continued to be relatively high, well into the Late Middle

1350

For exam ple, see Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," p. 84; Verner,

Great Monuments,

p. 432. For

arguments against using this approach for art and literature, see Quirke, "Visible and Invisible," pp. 63-64.

1351

According to Dodson the monum ent were either unfinished or quarried (Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra

Abu el Naga," p . 27).

398



Kingdom, especially if the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay represents such a structure.

Similarly, Quirke argues that the status of

the

king in Papyrus Bulaq 18 and the Kahun

Papyri suggests that the he was considered on a level similar to that of the great kings

from the Old and Middle K ingdom s.

1352

V.E.

Terracing

Though smaller than the Dynasty XII pyramids, royal tombs of Dynasty X III had

some of the same characteristics as these monu men ts. Uph ill has argued that at least

some Dynasty X II pyramids were built upon platforms, allowing for the pyramid to rise

substantially above the enclosure walls as well as providing the attached temples with a

terraced appearance found at the tomb of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep of Dynasty XL As

a continuation of this practice, the tombs at Hawara and South Sakkara and possibly

others may also have been built upon a platform.

The excavations of S9 revealed a wall to the local south of the tomb, which

contained sand at a level higher than that of the floor to the east and within the

enclosure.

1355

This structure may indicate that this area was terraced. How ever, in this

case, terracing was likely needed to correct for the uneven ground rather than serving

simply as an architectural feature of the tomb . This sort of structure is not found to the

north where the ground is lower and the base for the enclosure wall is constructed

differently than on the southern end.

Like in S9, the other examples of terracing in the Late Middle Kingdom

1352

Quirke, "Visible and Invisible," pp.

63-71.

1353

Uphill,

Gateway,

pp. 11-12,

51,

63-64.

1354

See Chapter 3, section II.A, III.A, and IV.A.

1355

See Chapter 4, section V.A.

399



(Amenemhet IIP pyramid at Hawara and the tomb of Khendjer and the "Unfinished"

pyramid at South Sakkara) may have been a result of the uneven ground up on w hich

many of

the

pyramids were built. Since much of the best areas had already been used by

earlier kings and private individuals, these structures are often in less desirable locations,

which required adjustments before and during the construction of these tombs. Thus,

until further examination of these sites occurs, the reasons for the terrace, whether

religious, visual or structural, cannot be confirmed.

V.F.

The Significance of the Sinusoidal W alls

Excavation has revealed sinusoidal walls in both royal and settlement

environments dating to Dynasties XI through X VIII.

1356

How ever, they are most

prevalen t in and near the funerary co mplexe s of the late Dynasty XII-XIII kings. It

appears that sinusoidal walls served as temporary enclosure walls, dividers between

active areas, retaining walls, and visual screens.

1357

Studies have shown that wavy walls

could be constructed using fewer bricks and resources than equivalently stable

rectangular ones, making them w ell-suited for these temporary purposes.

5

Besides the practical explanations for the appearance of sinusoidal walls, scholars

have also proposed ritual ones. For exam ple, they have stated that the sinu soidal

Di.

Arnold,

Encyclopedia,

p. 63; Kemp, "Soil," p. 88. One example was found at Amarna (H. Frankfort

and J.D.S. Pendlebury,

The City ofAkhenaten II,

Egyptian Exploration Society Memoir 40 (London, 1933),

p. 5, PL 3). Note that sinusoidal walls have also been used in Upper Egypt in modern times as Holscher has

pointed out (U. Holscher,

The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty

(Chicago, 1939), pp. 70-71).

J . Sl iwa, "Z Badan Nad Osa dnichtw em Okresy S redniego Paristwa I II Okresu Przejsc iowegO W Qasr

el-Sagha. TZW. M ur Sinusoidalny,"

Meander

40 (198 5), pp. 176-183; "Qasr el Sagha," p. 206; Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp. 377-378; "A Study of Middle K ingdom State Activity, pp. 383-384; Clarke and

Engelbach,

Ancient Egyptian Construction,

pp. 21 3; Ayrton, et al.,

Abydos III,

pp. 12, 18; Jequier,

Fouilles

a Saqqarah,

p . 39.

1358

Clarke and Engelbach,

Ancient Egyptian Construction,

p. 21 3; J. Vercoutter,

Mirgissa

I (Paris, 1970),

pp . 97-101.

400



enclosure walls in the royal monum ents at South Mazghuna and South Sakkara may

symbolically represent the primordial watery abyss, stone palace facade walls, or reed

fences.

1359

The watery abyss theory is based upon the parallel with later temple enclosure

walls, within which there are often wave p atterns.

1360

It is also possible that more

substantial sinusoidal walls were intended to imitate similar palace facade structures.

Nonetheless, these walls should still be considered to be abbreviated forms of the more

formal ones found in earlier pyramid complexes.

Sliwa suggests that sinusoidal walls in the context of cities may have been ritual

in nature, since he found one in the western settlement at Qasr el-Sagha, which was only

one brick high at the time of excavations.

1361

He insists that this was the final height of

the wall and that it had a ritual function beneath the street under which it was found.

However, the sinusoidal wall was close to the enclosure of the town, possibly indicating

that it was replaced by this structure and originally served as the wall surrounding the

settlement. It is possible that the wa ll was remo ved, and the bricks were reused, leaving

only the base behind. Sinusoidal walls have also been found in the Late Middle K ingdom

levels of Tell el-D ab'a, w here such structures made up a temporary enclosure w all.

1362

Thus, both in residential and tomb contexts, sinusoidal walls appear to have been

temporary structures with the more substantial ones being abbreviated versions of more

ideal forms.

G. Jequier, Ma nuel d'Archeologie Egyptienne (Paris, 1924), pp. 64-65; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 186.

A.R. David, Religious Ritual at Abydos (Guildford, 1973), p. 3.

Sliwa, "Mur Sinusoidalny;" "Qasr el-Sagha,"

p.

206 , Figs. 13, 24.

Bietak, The Capital of the Hyksos, pp. 10, 11 , Fig. 17.

401



VI.

The Destruction of the Tombs

All of the Late Midd le Kingdom roy al funerary m onum ents suffered from

quarrying and plundering . Even the substructures of tombs such as the pyram id of

Ameny Qemau, the Mazghuna tombs, S9, and S10 were heavily damaged.

Unfortunately, there is only a small amount of material, which has been reported from

these sites that migh t shed light upo n the specific date of their destruction. Within

several of the monuments in the M emphite region, there are Dynasty XV III pit graves.

1364

Thus, it is likely that if these monuments were destroyed at the same time, this event

occurred either during the Second Intermediate Period or in the early years of the New

Kingdom.

1365

At tomb S9 at South Ab ydos, there was no evidence of any ceramic m aterial

between D ynasty XIII (or early Dynasty X VI/XV II) and the Roman Period (there are a

number of Late Period or Greco-Roman tom bs nearby).

1366

Thus, there is no indication

of New King dom activity there. In other wo rds, the date of the destruction of the tomb

seems to have been relatively soon after their construction.

Another interesting facet of the material from the excavations of S9 was that the

contents of the tomb appear to have remained at the site. The "rob bers" seemed to have

been more interested in destroying the contents of the tomb rather than taking the items.

Numerous wooden fragments from unrecognizable objects (possibly furniture, the coffin,

1363

See Chapter 3, Sections V.D., VI.A., and VII.E.; Chapter 4, Section V.E.

1364

The pit graves were found at South Sakkara (Khendjer and Unfinished) and South Mazgh una. See

Chapter 3, Sections III.G., IV.F., and VII.E.

13

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qem au," p. 334, n. 379. Ryholt suggests that the royal tombs

were looted and destroyed by the Hyksos, who then took their booty to the Delta with them (Ryholt,

Political Situation, pp. 144-145).

1366

Ayrton, et

al.,

Abydos III, pp. 16-17; Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 369.

402



and etc.), some of which were burned, were found. Also, small fragments of the mumm y

were distributed ov er the site. Every item from w ithin the tomb wa s scattered around the

debris and was in small to tiny fragments. Such objects included pottery, faience, gilded

plaster, and calcite and other stone vessels.

It is also likely that a large force would have been needed in order to remove the

bricks and sand from the top of S9 in order to reach the tomb . The degree of the

destruction must have been extreme due to the problems W eigall had in reconstructing its

plan. Here, there must have been an organized workforce sanctioned by an authority with

sufficient power to demolish this tomb in broad daylight.

1367

It is likely that this activity

occurred during the rival Hyksos or contemporaneous Theban Dynasties (XV or

XV I/XVII) or some time prior to the construction of the pyramid of Ahmose at Abydos.

Literary sources of later times, some of which may have been purely propagan da,

record evidence that the Hyksos sacked temples and other monuments in Egypt.

1368

In

fact, the Hyk sos king Apepi may h ave maintained a policy of taking compo nents from

Middle Kingdom monuments and transferring them to Avaris and abroad. At the site

of the Dynasty X XI/XXII capital (Tanis), excavators found a sphinx of Nubkaure

Am enemhet II (originally from Heliopolis), four sphinxes of Nym aatre Amenem het III, a

sphinx of Khakhaure Senwosret III, two colossal statues of Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw,

1367

The partial excavation of

this

tomb in 2003 was difficult even with a crew of 50-100 men. Sand

continuously po ured into the excavated area from a bove . In order to remove the upper parts (limestone) of

substructure, a similarly sized pit would have had to have been dug by the invaders. Am elineau had

stopped his work at S9 before reaching the tomb because of such issues (Ayrton, et a]., Abydos III, pp. 11,

13). It is likely that the Hyksos invaded the pyram id of Merneferre A y since his pyram idion has been

found in the Delta. See Chapter 3, Section

XI.B. 1

.a.

1368

Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 111. Note that pottery dated to the Hyksos was found in the pyramid of

Am enemh et III at Dahshu r. See Di. Arnold , "Zur Zerstorung sgeschichte der Pyram iden," MDAIKA1

(1991),

p. 23.

1369

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 84, n. 265; 133; 139-140.

403



and monuments of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, which had been taken by this Hyksos

ruler.

1370

Mo st likely, this statuary, wh ich had originated primarily from the Temple of

Ptah at Memphis,

1371

had been recovered from the site of Tell el Dab 'a (Av aris, the

Hyksos capital) by the Third Intermediate Period builders in their search for reusable

stone for their construction projects.

One of the potential clues for the date of the destruction of the Dynasty XIII royal

monuments is the location of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay from Khataana, a site,

which is near Tell el-Dab'a (A varis),

1372

and may represent evidence that the Hyksos

destroyed the tomb of this king. Some scholars, however, have suggested that it marks

the location of a missing D ynasty XIII tomb in the Delta.

1373

Nonetheless, other evidence

(see note 1269) implies that the Hyksos clearly appropriated statuary of Dynasty XIII

kings and, in so doing, may have destroyed their funerary m onum ents. Other possible

evidence for the deliberate pillaging of Middle Kingdom royal mortuary establishments

includes graffiti showing Asiatics within the pyramid of Senwosret III and the relocation

of sphinxes of Amenemhet III to Avaris, possibly originally from this king's funerary

1370

Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 196; Callender, "Renaissance," p. 172. Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p p. 133, n.468; 258, n. 927; Clayton,

Chronicles,

p. 92; Drioton and V andier,

L'Egypte,

p . 285;

Petrie,

History,

p . 215; Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p. 111 . For one of these statues, see Delange,

Statues

Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire,

pp. 17-19. Blocks from Old and Middle Kingdom rulers as well as from

the reign of Sobekhotep III were reused in Osorkon I's Entrance Hall at Bubastis (L. Habachi, "The So-

Called Hyksos Monuments Reconsidered,"

SA K

6 (1979), p. 83; J. Vandier,

Manuel d'Archeologie

Egyptienne: Les Grandes Epoques

II, part 2 (Paris, 1955), pp. 602-603 ). For the inscriptions on the statues

of Imyremeshaw and Sobekhotep IV, see Helck,


pp. 13, 37, 56; nos. 18, 45, 77.

Statues of Sobekhotep IV were also found at Tanis (Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 196;

Callender, "Renaissance ," p . 172). A sphinx of Maak herure Am enem het IV and a s ta tue or sphinx of

Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV, originally from H eliopolis, were recovered in modern times in Beirut (Bietak,

"Hyksos Rule," pp. I l l , 113; Hornung,

History,

p . 68; Ryholt,


p. 76, n. 225). Other

statues, both private and royal, have been found in the Levant and Crete (Bietak, "H yksos," (1999), p. 379).

1371

Ryholt,


p. 138.

1372

Swelim and Dodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," p. 334, n. 379.

1373


404



complex at D ahshur.

The H yksos may have had some help from the Nubians in the destruction and

raiding of some monum ents, especially in the south .

13

'

5

During the wars between the

Hyksos and the Dynasty XV II kings, there were also invasions into Upper Egypt from the

south by a coalition led by the Kushites. For this reason, statues of Sobekhotep IV w ere

found beyo nd the third cataract. Some scholars, how ever, suggest that these statues were

from this region, and the king had control over it,

1376

it is more likely that these objects

were removed either from an Egyptian fort to the north or from a site within Egypt itself,

since there is evidence that the Nubians conducted raids as far north as Karnak.

In 1976, Redford found a destruction layer near the top of the Dynasty XIII strata

in the ancient town at East Karnak.

1377

Here, a small trench showed that House A had

been burnt and was then deserted. Redford sug gests that the destruction at East Karnak

may have occurred during D ynasty XIII due to "restless bands of Nubians (?)" that may

have been taking advantage of the weakened political scene in Egypt as possibly

described in a stela of Sekhemre Sankhtawy (Iykhernofret) Neferhotep . It is during such

raids that certain statues and monum ents may h ave been taken to the south, though

venues such as Elephantine are more likely to have been the sites of such thievery.

Ryholt also notes that Ahmose's Unwetterstele may refer to destruction of monuments by

Ryholt,


pp. 147-148, 165, 167; de Morgan,

Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895,

pp.

92-96 , figs. 138-140.

1375

For the later Dynasty XVII alliance with the Hyksos, see the evidence clearly states in the Kamose

Stela (Habachi,

Second Stela,

p. 49).

1376


1377

Bourriau, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 204; D.B. Redford, "Interim Report on the Excavations at

East Karnak (1979 and 1980 Seasons)," JSSEA 11 (1981), p. 253 ; Redford, Akhenaten, pp. 85, 96, 98-100;

Egypt, C anaan and Israel, pp . 103, 113.

405



raids into the Dynasty XIII territories (mentions pyramids directly).

1378

Also, the stela of

Sobeknakht revealed that the Nub ians (Kushites) attacked Southern Egy pt and proceeded

at least as far as El Ka b.

1379

VII. Tombs of Dynasty XVII .

The royal tombs of Dynasty X VII, located at Dra Abu el-Naga on the west bank

of Thebes, are much different than those of Dynasty XIII, reflecting the influence of local

tradition rather than the continuation of the wsht style. After being discovered by

nearby villagers in 1827, Mariette excavated in this royal necropolis in 1859-1860;

Winlock found a pyramid near Deir el-Bahari in 1913, after which the exact location of

any of the tombs was lost, until Polz recently began to reinvestigate the area.

1381

The

pyramids of the kings of Dynasty X VII may continue a Theban tradition initiated by the

rulers of Dynasty XI including those found at el-Tarif and that of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep

at Deir el Bah ari. Like these structures, the pyram ids of Dyn asty XV II were relatively

steep, providing, in turn, the model for the superstructures of private tombs of

the

New

Kingdom, as well as those for the future Nubian and Meroitic kings.

1383

These Dynasty

XVII royal monu ments included a chapel whether cut into the bricks of the pyramid or

from the limeston e below. The burial chamber itself was reached through a shaft from

1378

Ryholt,


pp. 143-145. The effects of

the

Santorini (Thera) volcanic eruption have

also been suggested as the cause of

this

storm (E.N. Davis, "A Storm D uring the Reign of

Ahmose,"

in

D.A. Hardy and A.C. Renfrew, eds.,

Thera and the Aegean World III,

3 (Londo n, 1990), p. 234; H.

Goedicke , "The Chronology of the Thera /Santorin Explos ion,"

A& L

3 (1992), pp. 60-61).

1379

Davies, "Sobeknacht," pp . 18-19.

1380

Ryholt,


p. 176. See also Dodson,

After the Pyramids,

pp. 16-22; Lehner,

Pyramids,

pp .

188-189; Williams, "Problems," pp. 146-153.

1381

Di. Arnold, "Royal Tombs," p. 427; H.E. Winlock, "Tom bs,"

JEA

10 (1924), pp. 217-277 .

1382

Polz and Seiler,

Pyramidenanlage,

pp. 41-43.

1383

Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 32-33.

406



outside the visible monument. The substructure was simple without all of the turns,

changes of level, and portcullises valued during Dy nasty XIII. The coffins, canopic

boxes, and other items from the tombs were taken by robbers; fortunately some are now

in museums, where they were studied, even though the exact nature of the tombs, from

which they came, remain unknown. The objects of the early Dynasty XV II rulers

followed the style, which developed in the Late Middle Kingdom including the

sarcophagu s with the arched lid with the additional pieces on the ends. Later in the

period, however, a new form known as the rishi coffin emerged.

It is interesting that in Dynasty XX , the tombs of the Dynasty X VII rulers were

still intact as revealed through the papyri recording tomb robberies

{Leopold II and

Amherst P apyrus)}

3

5

Today, Polz finds these monum ents in relatively good condition,

as far as the architecture is concerned. Even mon uments, which have been robbed in

mo dern times, retained coffins, jew elry, and other items. The cond ition of this material is

in stark contrast to wha t excavators have found at Dynasty XIII monum ents. These

earlier structures, along with their belon gings, were completely sm ashed in antiquity. It

is obvious that the reverence for the Dynasty X VII monum ents was not extended to those

of Dynasty X III if they had indeed survived the rule of the Hyksos. However, A hmose,

the first king of Dynasty XVIII did build a cenotaph, including a pyramid, at the site of

Abyd os, connecting him w ith the Late Middle Kingdom rulers buried there and the god

Osiris.

1386

1384

Ikram and Dodson,

Mummy,

pp. 204-205.

1385

For more bibliographic information concerning these texts, see Bellion,

C atalogue des Manuscrits,

pp.

5-6, 174.

1386

S. Harvey, "Monuments of Ahmose at Abydos,"


4 (1991), pp. 3-5; "The Cults of

King Ahm ose at Abydos," dissertation, University of P ennsylvania, 1998.

407



The Dyn asty XVII royal tombs are small and show that the econom ic difficulties

of the D ynasty XIII kings continued in the south, even with the regime chang e in this

region. In fact, no tombs of Theban Dynasty X VI have been found, and they do not

appear in the tomb robbery papy ri.

1387

How ever, Ryholt does believe that the tombs were

in the region of Dra Abu el-Naga and that they were destroyed by the-Hyksos when,

according to his theory, they invaded the Theban region, ending Dynasty XVI. How ever,

it is probable that the tombs of these initial Theban kings are minimal in size and

elaboration.

1388

VIII. Conclusions

The precise chronological order of the Late M iddle Kingdom royal tombs is

uncertain. Suggestions as to the arrangement of the excavated tombs can be made, but

they differ greatly according to each scholar, wh o has analyzed them. M ethods invo lving

the chronological placement of tombs w ithin each location should be dismissed in favor

of those focused upon the architectural features of

the

tombs. Also, caution should be

exercised, since pyramids in close proximity to one another were often excavated by the

same scholar, and the resulting publications can erroneously suggest that they are

concurrent due to the style and interests of the investigator. With so many m issing and

unexcavated royal tombs, it is important that further archaeological research be

conducted into the pyramids of the Dynasty X III kings.

When comparing the tombs of the kings to those of royal wo men or officials, it is

1387


1388

There was a pyramid in the causeway of the funerary temple of Thutmosis III (Ryholt, Political

Situation, p. 176; H.E. Winlock, Excavations at Deir el-Bahari 1 911-1931 (New York, 1942), pp. 7-8, Fig.

)•

408



clear that the main difference in these funerary provision s was the nature of the

architecture. The objects buried with Awibre Ho r are comp arable to those from the

tombs of high status women and court members. Thus, even if the more elaborate tombs

of the kings of this period were equally provisioned, this situation does not necessarily

indicate that the rulers had lost power to the elite. Instead, the impo rtance of the royal

tomb was primarily the form of the substructure. The kings were the only individu als

with access to this tomb form.

The relatively consistent components of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary

monuments suggest that the architectural form of the tombs was ideologically significant,

as they were in early Dyan sty XV III. The core of these pyramids is reminiscent of the

hieroglyphic representation for the word

wsht,

meaning "c ourt." In this context, this

architecturally rendered word likely denotes the court where the throne of Osiris was

believed to be located in the netherworld. The

Book of Going Forth by Day

(the

Book of

the Dead)

places the judg me nt of the dead in a specialized hall of this type

(wsht-m3

c

ty).

However, in this earlier context, the body of the king becomes one with the figure of

Osiris.

The d estruction of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs appears to have occurred with

the fall of Dynasty XIII. At that point, the Hyksos may have ravaged these pyramids

along with other monuments, taking artwork back to their capital at Avaris. The tombs at

Abydos appear also to have suffered similarly during the Second Intermediate Period or

1389

It should be noted that Awibre Hor only had CT 788a and PT 638 on his coffin, and Khendjer had CT

788 on his pyram idion. Private people had these texts plus other Coffin Texts and Pyramid Tex ts as well as

passages from the Book of Two Ways and early chapters from the Book of the Dead. See Lapp, Typologie

derSarge, pp. 272, 282-289, 298-298,

304-311;

Lesko, Spells, pp. 54-55,

62-63,

68, 84, 95, 9-99, 102-103

(Da4c, Da2c, M7c, M8c, M42c, S14c, Sq2Sq, SqlSq , TIB e, T2Be, T7c, T13c, T3Be, TlOc. King

Sewedjare Montuhotep

409



early New Kingdom.

Interestingly, the form of the Dy nasty XV II tombs was drastically m ore simple

than those of the Late Middle Kingdom. These rulers wished to follow the m odels of the

Dynasty XI kings, with whom they identified due to their situation of being Theban

rulers, who wanted to reestablish the single Egy ptian state. Thu s, the tradition of the

wshttomb likely ended with the death of Me rneferre Ay.

1390

1390

At the same time that the use of the wshttomb type likely ends, the use of royal seals also becom es

rare,

indicating either a change in the structure of the government or the collapse of the administration

(Ryholt, Political Situation, 298-299; personal com munication).

410



Chapter 6

Administration, Officials, and Operation of Kingship

I. Introduction

The pinnacle of the regular hierarchy of the .state under the king included the

vizier, treasurer, general, royal scribe, and the chief lector-priest. The local

administration also served the king and, in, fact, these small governments appeared to be

set up in a fashion similar to that of the state but with less pow er and o n a smaller scale.

M ayors, local officials who answe red directly to the vizier (the most powerful office

beneath the king), collected taxes and drafted persons for corvee service.

1391

This chapter will explore the backgrounds and status of the top officials of the

state, including the king. Symptom s of the loss of pow er of kings will also be evaluated.

Relationships between kings and the methods of indicating filiation will be explored as

the nature of succession changed from the beginning to the middle of Dynasty X III.

9

II .

The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom G overnmental Structure

The increased use of titles during the Late Middle Kingdom provides substantial

information as to the operation of the government and the progression of the careers of

the officials. Acc ording to Quirk e, titles from the Late M iddle Kingd om are related to

four spheres including national/court administration, local government on behalf of the

king, temple positions, and those related to wealthy estates.

1393

In some cases, the

1391

Pardey, "Administration," p. 18.

1392

See Chapter 6, Section IV.B.

1393

Quirke, Titles and Bureau, p. 16.

411



mo num ents of these officials or their associates allows for the precise dating of their

careers. Unfortunately, after the reign of Sobekhotep IV, it is difficult to place the

officials into specific reigns.

1394

The following sections will evaluate the offices an d

know n careers of the kings, viziers and treasurers of Dyn asty XIII. The relationsh ips

between these offices as well as that of their counterparts in the Second Intermediate

Period will be addressed in order to come to a greater understanding of the nature of

kingship during D ynasty XIII.

II.A. The King

II.A.1.

The Role of the King

The role of Middle Kingdom rulers in domestic and foreign contexts w as

described in the Hymns to Senwosret

III,

1395

as well as in Merikare, Teaching of

Amenemhet,

and the

Stela of Sehotepibre

at Abydos.

1396

According to these textual

sources, the ruler was at the apex of the administrative bureaucracy, the military, the

judicial system, the treasury, and the religious sphere.

1397

Though the king was

responsible for all the facets of the operation of the state, in reality, he distributed power

amongst court and local elite.

1398

Throug h these delega tes, many state activities were

undertaken such as tax collection, monum ental construction, mining, quarrying, military

1 94

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 261; Two Treasurers, p. 37.

1395

Franke, "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt," p. 743.


1397

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 273; Lorton, "Legal and Social," p. 354; O'Connor and Silverman,

"Kingship," p. XIX; Robins, "Legitimation," p . 286; Teeter, "Kingship," pp. 412-4 13; Hornung, "Ancient

Egyptian Religious Iconography," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near E ast 3, (Peabody,

MA, 1995), p. 1725; Quirke, Religion, p . 81.

1398

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 27 3; te Velde, "Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt," in

J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 3 (Peabody, MA, 1995), p. 1731.

412



campaigns, dom estic policing, judicial proceedings, and religious rituals.

1399

The identity and nature of the power of these officials varied through time.

Important players could include segments of the Egyptian bureaucratic system such as

royal family members, the vizier and other state officials, the military, religious estates,

local mayors, and the adm inistrative units w ithin Nub ia.

1400

The shifts in the power

between such groups and the ruler define the status of the institution of kingship through

time. Ho wev er, for the period whe n this sort of analysis wo uld be the most useful, such

as during the majority of the Late Middle Kingdom /Second Intermediate Period, the

information is so inconclusive that major mistakes are easily made, and the complexity of

the problem results in few studies to corroborate or disprove previous examinations.

II.A.2.

The Background of Kings

Dynasty XIII appears to have been composed of many groups of kings or

individual rulers who may or may not have been related to one another. When the office

of kingship was passed from father to son, the traditional ideology of the position would

have embraced the line of succession. How ever, as outlined in Chapter 2, new m ethods

for achieving royal legitimacy were developed to attempt to overcome this turbulent

period for kingship. With the prospect of having multiple non-royal kings within

Dynasty XIII, it is interesting to pursue the backgrounds of these men in order to

determine which branches of the government may have profited from the loss in power of

kingship, allowing mem bers of their order to become rulers.

1399

Baines, "Practical Religion," p. 80; "Definition," p. 13; Bonheme and Forgeau,

Les Secrets,

p. 131;

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 278; B.E. Schafer, "T emples, Priests, and Rituals: an Overview," in B.E.

Schafer, ed.,

Temples of Ancient Egypt

(Ithaca, 1997), p. 9; Tobin,

Theological Principles,

p . 99.

1400

Cruz-Uribe, "Model for the Political Structure," pp. 107-112.

413



For the few kings for whom information concerning their non-royal origins are

available, the evidence points primarily toward military offices. For examp le, Franke has

suggested that W egaf was previously the senior commander

(imy-rms

c

wf)

of the same

name found in a seal.

1401

It is also possible that this king was of foreign descent, m aking

it even more probable that he ascended to the throne from a military background since his

name m ay be derived from a foreign w ord, based upon Semitic

wkf,

a military title.

1402

How ever, it may also be that case that the name is Egyptian: wglf, "May he chew."

It has also been suggested that Woserkare Khendjer m ay have been another

foreigner, w hose rise to power came through the m ilitary.

1404

Ward points to Ugaritic

and Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that it means " swin e" in Semitic tongues

(hnzr).

1405

There is no evidence linking Khendjer to the military.

Another king, wh o may have risen to power through the military is Imyremeshaw

Semenkhkare. Imyremeshaw

(imy-r ms

c

)

can be translated as "overseer of the

troops/gang" or "the general."

1406

How ever, Quirke suggests that this name may

represent a "family tradition" rather than a connection to the military.

1407

Alternatively,

he suggests that the name imy-r

c

ms

c

, which is also the name of a private individual,

1401

Franke, "Zur Ch ronologie," p. 249; Martin,

Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals,

p. 39, no.

439; PI. XIX, num ber 3 6; C.R. Lep sius,

Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien

IV (Leipzig, 1901), p. 54;

Ryholt,


p. 341.

1402

Qu irke, "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396; "Investigation," p. 232 ; "Royal Power," pp. 131-132.

1403

Ryholt,


pp. 219-220.

1404

Q uirke, "Thirteenth D ynasty," p. 396; "Investigation," p. 23 2; "Royal Power," pp. 131-132.

1405

Ward, "Com parative Studies," pp. 34-35. See also Ryholt,


p p.

220-221.

1406

Bie tak, "Overview," p . 54; Drioton and Vandier ,

L'Egypte,

p . 285 ; Petr ie ,

History,

p . 209; Stock,

13. his

17. Dynastie Agyptens,

p p. 50,

5 1;

Weigall,

Pharaohs,

pp. 151-152; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 231, n .

272. This name has lead some scholars to believe that military usurpations occurred during Dynasty XIII

(von Beckerath, "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," p. 1443). Von Beckerath has also suggested that Imyremeshaw

may have been referred to by his former title because he was of foreign origin, and his name could not be

pronounced by E gyptians (von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 52).

1407


414



"need not be considered literally."

1408

No neth eless, it is likely that this name links this

king or his family with the m ilitary, and it is likely significant that this term is used as his

nomen at this point in Dynasty XIII.

Before achieving the office of kingship, a native Egyptian ruler, Sobekhotep III

may have been the w

c

rtwntthkl ("officer of the rule r's crew") Sobekh otep, son of

Montuho tep with the same titles.

1409

Though Sobekhotep Ill's family was of common

back groun d as indicated by the title of his maternal grandfather (

c

nhw-n-nwt),

Dedusobek, though his first wife, Senebhenas may have been the daughter of the vizier

Senebhenaf.

1410

Thus, this king with a potential military background m ay have m arried

into a family w ith direct connections to the office of the vizier. It is possible that suppo rt

from his reign was derived from both departments of the government.

Like that of Sobekhotep III, the grandfather of Neferhotep I, Sahathor and

Sobekhotep IV was a common er,

c

nh n niwt,

with possible military links.

1411

However,

there is no evidence that the brother kings themselves or their father ever held a position

in the military.

1412

No nethe less, it is interesting that these kings may have come from a

family sim ilar to that of the predecessor, Sobekhotep III. A final king, Wahibre Ibiaw

may have also had a military backg round . Several scholars have linked Ibiaw with an

imy-rms

c

wof the same name.

1413

1408

S. Quirke, "Review of

P .

Vernus Le Surnom au Moyen Empire,"

DE

8 (1987), p. 109.

1409

Ryholt,


p. 222. This relationship is visible on seals as indicated in Martin,

Egyptian

Administrative and Private-Name Seals,

pp. 49-50, numbers 575-588.

1410

Franke,

Personendaten,

p. 439, Doss. 761 . For the ranking of this title, see Quirke, "Investigation," p.

69.

1411

Berlev, "Les Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 23-48; W ard,

Essays,

p. 48 ; Ryholt,


pp. 225-

226;

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246; Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p. 30; Quirke, "Royal Pow er," p. 130;

"Thirteenth Dy nasty," p. 396;

Titles and Bureau,

p. 100.

1412

1413

Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 131; Ryholt,


p. 282.

Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 126.

415



Perhaps the possible military kings occur from the reign of Wegaf to that of

Wahibre Ibiaw. A time period that expanded between the blood decedents of the

Dynasty XII kings and the localized rulers of late Dynasty XIII rulers when their

kingdom broke apart with the emergence of Dynasties XIV and XV I. It should be noted

that the title imy-r ms

c

in combination with htmw-bity, which some of the future kings

may have held, is a high-ranking title in the national government (highest position of

military).

1414

Such a title suggests a high position in the court. Thu s, this situation may

indicate that these officials were usurpers in a time when internal and external factors

threatened th e state, making their claim to pow er attractive to those in the other offices.

In at least one case, the alliance betw een a military king and the office of vizier may have

been sealed through m arriage.

H.B. The Vizier

The composition,

Duties of the Vizier,

which was found in the Dy nasty XV III

tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes (Tomb 100), may have o riginally dated to Dynasty XIII. It

allows for a direct understanding of the role of this official in the ancient Eg yptian state

during the Late Middle Kingdom.

1415

The vizier was to meet with the king and the

Quirke, "Investigation," p p.

41,

49. Unfortunately, there is no direct evidence connecting any Dynasty

XIII king with the combination of

these

two titles.

1415

Doxey,

Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets,

p. 175; Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 38; Helck,

Zur

Verwaltung,

pp . 2, n. 1, 29-43; Kem p, "Social History," p. 84; E. Martin-Pardey, "Administrative

Bureaucracy," in K.A. Bard, ed.,


(New Y ork, 1999), p.

116;

Quirke, "Texts," p. 28;

Titles and Bureau,

pp . 18, 23 , 85; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 95.

Berlev cites Dynasty X II as the earliest possible date of

this

story due to the use of

the

title "chief steward"

(O.D. Berlev, "The Date of the 'Eloquent Peasant,'" in J. Osing and G. Dreyer, eds.,

Form und Mass

(Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 82-83). O'Connor presents the date of

the

text as "uncertain" (O'Connor, "Hyksos

Period," p. 60). Quirke notes that though the original text must have dated to the Late Middle Kingdom , it

cannot be certain whether or not parts of

the

document w ere amended (Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 6, 183-

184). The terms

Itwntthkl, knbtyn w ,

and

hurt

wronly occur in the Late Middle Kingdom, suggesting

416



treasurer to discuss matters of the state. He received reports concerning the open ing and

sealing of strongholds, the condition of fortresses, items entering and departing the

Dom ain of the King as well as the Reside nce, disputes, and districts. The vizier acted as

jud ge and arbitrator of disputes and petition s, and he enforced the corvee system. He also

sent envoys, district councilors, and expeditions and issued decrees. The vizier appointed

officials in Upper and Lower Egypt, the Head of the South and the Abydos district and

heard reports concerning these areas every four months. He sent military expeditions and

was in charge of paym ents. He also received a ccounting information in order to establish

and collect taxes. Thu s, the office of the vizier handled administrative actions on beha lf

of the king.

1416

Taking the analysis of viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom by Grajetzki and the

discussion of bureaus and offices by Quirke, some information concerning the

backgrounds of the occupants can be discerned (Table 6.1).

1417

It wou ld seem that the

that this document is from that era (Quirke,

Titles and Bureau,

p. 23). It should be noted that van den

Boom had argued for the placement of this document in the reign of

Ahmose,

though he clearly was b iased

against the Late Middle Kingdom era, referring to it as the "royal misery of

the

13

th

Dynasty" (Van den

Boom,

Duties of the

Vizier,

pp. 334-376). He presented a more convincing argument as to the New

Kingdom date of

this

text in an earlier article based upon language markers, absence of any signs of the

waret system, as well as the archaism practiced at this time (G .P.F. van den B oom, "On the Date of the

'Duties of the Vizier,"'

Orientalia

51 (1982), pp. 369-381).

1416

Helck,

Zur Verwaltung,

pp. 5 1-64; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 187;

Titles and Bureau.

For a list of

viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom and information on the office, see Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 9-

42 . See also von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

pp. 97-100.

1417

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 9-42; Quirke,

Titles and Bureau.

Viziers of Dynasty XIII and

possibly Dynasty XVII included: Khenmes, Father of

Ankhu,

Ankhu, Iymeru Son of

Ankhu,

Iymeru

Neferkare, Ay, Aym eru son of Ay, Resusene b, Samont Resuseneb, Dedumont Senebtyfy, Ibia, Minhotep,

Hori, Sobekaa Bebi, Djedptah Dedutseneb, Amenemhet, Iuy, and

Senebhenaf.

Quirke, "Investigation," pp.

189-196; "Royal Power," pp. 132-133 . For sea ls of Djedptah D edutseneb and Ay, see Mart in , Egyptian

Administrative and Private-Name Seals,?.

136, nos. 1775 ,1778 , PI 1716.1772, 1720.1733; New berry,

Scarabs,

p. 125, PI. 111.121-122; Franke,

Personendaten,

p p. 19, 286, Doss. 461 (Khenme s); p. 137 , Doss.

173 (Ankhu); p. 254, Doss. 398 (Resseneb), p. 54, Doss. 24 (Aymeru); p. 55, Doss. 26 (Ay-

Meru/Neferkara); p . 66, Doss. 46 (Ay); p. 339, Doss. 565 (Aymeru); pp. 74, 387-388 , Doss. 62, 660, 661

(Ibiaw); pp. 387-388, Doss. 660, 661 (Senebhenaf); p. 31 9, Doss. 526 (Samont), p. 431, Doss. 745

(Dedumont Senebtify); p. 83, Doss. 80 (Amenem het).

417



Name

iy

iy-mrw

ib-i

c

w

imnw-m-

mnw-htp

rsw-snb

sbk-

c

ibbi

snb-hn

c

.f

dd-pth

(dd.tw-snb)

Titles

imy-rgs-pr, hlty-

c

hity-

c

imy-rhnrt ox hrp

wsht

smswhiyt, wr

md(w) sm

c

w

hrp wsht

ss wrn pty

imy-rhnrt

imy-rhnrt

wr md(w) sm

c

w

Translation of

Titles

overseer of the half

dominion, governor

governor

(son of

iy

above)

overseer of the

hnrt,

director of the broad

court

elder of the portal,

chief of the tens of

Upper Egypt

director of the broad

court

secretary to the

vizier

overseer of the

hnrt

overseer of the hnrt

chief of the tens of

Upper Egypt

Sector of

Government

local (ties to

central), local

local

bureau for

workforce issue,

outer palace

outer palace,

bureau of the

vizier

outer palace

bureau of the

vizier

bureau for

workforce issue

bureau for

workforce issue

bureau of the

vizier

Table 6.1.

The known and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous

positions have been discovered.

viziers were chosen from the lower ranks of offices under the authority of this position.

The viziers, whose previous positions are known, occupied offices related to the outer

palace (where business w as conducted w ithin the court), the bureau of the vizier, the

bureau for workforce issue (also under the vizier), or local administration (which reported

t o t he v i z i e r ) . T h us , i t mi gh t be a s s um e d tha t a t l e a s t som e o f t he oc c up i e r s o f th i s h i gh

office had shown exceptional ability as they performed their jobs within the jurisdiction

of the office of the vizier. Even when a son became vizier after his father, he seems to

418



have first occ upied a lowe r office. From this an alysis, it is clear that the vizier was either

chosen after serving some other capacity within the lower ranks of this office or was

placed w ithin this structure in order to gain essential experience. Three of the viziers

held offices with the designation htmw-bity (Vo-iasx, Sobekaabebi, and Senebhenaf),

indicating a close relationship to the court.

1418

The vizier with known family background which definitely did not include any

holders of

this

office is Aym eru, son of the director of

the

broad court

{hrp wsht)

by the

same name. In contrast, Aym eru and Resuseneb were the sons of the vizier Ankhu.

The precise careers of Ankhu and Aymeru are not known though it is possible that

An khu 's father, Simontu, may also have been a vizier.

1420

Provincial backg round s for

viziers are present in late Dynasty XHI/early D ynasty XV I when the state system was at

its weakest (Ay and A ymeru).

1421

It should be noted that Ay and his son Aym eru were governors of El-Kab, prior to

becoming viziers. According to Ben nett's chronology, Aymeru belongs to Dynasty

XVI.

1422

How ever, it may be the case that he was the last southern vizier of Dynasty

XIII. Later, a mem ber of his family sold the office of governor to another gro up .

1423

II.C.

The Treasurer

The bureau of the treasury was concerned with the economic activity of the king

1418

For the ranking of officials within Papyrus Bulaq 18 and other sources, see Quirke, "Investigation," pp.

41-71.

1419

Franke, Personendaten, p. 254, Doss. 398; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 132, 133.

1420

Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," pp. 122-123; Quirke, "Investigation," p. 192.

1 x

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, p. 42.

1422

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 128-129.

1423


419



both inside and outside the palace. According to the Duties of the Vizier, the treasurer

was to report to the king and to confer w ith the vizier concerning that w hich has been

relayed to him. The office of the treasury was in charge of food produ ction at the palace

(sn

c

w)

and possibly also with expeditions.

1425

It was also represented at the sites of

* monum ental construction comm issioned by the king. It seems that the treasury was also

involved in the maintenance of the cult of the kings as evidence from the temple of

Senwosret III at Abydos suggests.

1426

There appear to have been three or four levels of

officials under the treasurer within this bureau, including the rh-nswt, the imy-r st, and

the

iry-

c

twdpw.

Name

imny

snb-sw-m-

c

(i)

snb

snbi

Titles

hry-sst? h wt-ntr

smiw

imy-rpr-wr

ssnpr-hd

rh-nswt

Translation of

Titles

master of the

secrets of the

temple of Upper

Egypt

high steward

secretary of the

treasury

one who is known

to the king

Sector of

Government

temple

treasury

treasury

treasury

Table 6.2. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty X III whose

previous positions have been discovered.

Analyzing the titles of the treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom is less

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers;

Helck,

Zur Verwaltung,

pp. 77-88; Quirke,

Titles and Bureau,

pp. 19, 48-

60.

Dated treasurers include: Imenw-Hetep (after Sobekhotep IV), Ib-iaw (Wahibre Ibiaw), Ay

(Merhetepre Ini), Ay-Meru (son of

Iy ,

13

th

or 17

th

) (Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 261). Quirke has

suggested that the pr hd (treasury) as well as the p r

c

3 (the residence) were aspects of the Inner Palace

(Quirke,


p . 68, n. 16).

1425

For a study of

the prsn

c

of the

Old Kingdom temples, see Papazian, "Domain of

Pharaoh,"

pp. 119-

189.

1426

Wegner,

Mortuary Temple,

pp . 343-351, 35 3, 359.

1427

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

pp. 75-76, 78. For the use of

rh-nswt

as a rank title, see Frank e,

"Probleme," pp. 106-107.

420



productive than that of the viziers due to the lack of information concerning the previous

positions of these officials (Table 6.2).

1428

No nethe less, three of the four treasurers with

known backgrounds came from the bureau of the treasury, while one had w orked in the

sphere of temple administration.

Senebsumai

(snb-sw-m-

c

(i)),

who d ates prior to the reign of Neferhotep I, was a

high steward (imy-rpr wr) before he became treasurer.

1429

This office was high-ranking

(associated with hono rific title

htmw-bity)

and was associated with the administration of

non-royal estates.

1430

Senebsum ai's parents were not of high status but had ties to the

military.

1

An official named Titi

{titi),

who was roughly contemp orary with the

treasurer Senebsu mai, also has a clearly defined ca reer. He began as a wdpw of relatively

low rank and eventually reached the high status position of an overseer of sealers and

high steward.

1432

Though this man did not become a treasurer, his career is another

example of promotion under the authority of the treasurer.

Senebi (snbi) held the rank title, rh-nswt, "one w ho is known to the king ," prior to

becoming a treasurer.

1 33

This title wa s connected to the bureau of the treasury.

1434

The

father of a treasurer Senebi, named Nebpew ptah h ad previously held the same title as

king Neferhotep's grandfather (

c

nh-n-niwt).

5

Senebi was included in the rock

1428

For a list of

the

treasurers and discussion of their titles, see Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 43-78;

Two Treasurers; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, pp. 48-84.

1429

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p p. 57-59, a, b, f-n;

Two Treasurers,

pp. 5,

21, 41;

Wegner,

Mortuary

Temple,

p. 343.

Quirke,

Titles and Bureau,

p. 61. For the ranking of

this

title, see Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 47, 149.

1431

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 260.

1432

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

pp. 46, 78.

1433

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

p. 26; Franke, "Problem e," pp. 106-107.

1434

Quirke,

Titles and Bureau,

p. 60.

1435

This title reflects a low-lev el local position with possible ties to the military. See Berlev, "Le s

Pretendus 'Citadins,'" pp. 2 3-48; "Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 78, 233;

Two Treasurers,

pp. 6, 30;

421



inscription show ing Neferhotep I's family at Sehel. Like a similar inscription at Wadi el-

Hudi show ing Sobekhotep IV and his family, this one also had the name of

the rh-nswt,

nb-

c

nh,

who likely com missioned both monum ents as well as his own statue in the shrine

of Heqaib at Elephantine.

1436

Sealings of this official were also found in the m ayo r's

house at Abydos.

1437

II.D.

The Relationships between the Three Most Powerful Offices

The use of honorific titles provides some insight into the ranking of the highest

officials of the Egyptian governm ent of the Late M iddle Kingdo m. The king held the

highest office followed by the vizier. Other high officials, including the treasurer, had

the title "seal bearer of the king "

(htmw-bity),

indicating that they were in the national

government.

1438

Treasures represented the state when they had this title and "sole

companion"

(swr-w

c

ti)

which differentiated them from their local counterparts as well as

other officials in their seals.

1439

The treasurer was the third most powerful pe rson in the

administration at this time.

1440

Some scholars have suggested that the treasurer may have sometimes held as

much po wer as the vizier during the Late Middle Kingdom .

1441

How ever, the designating

titles of the treasurer suggest that he was considered to be the highest official of those

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246; Quirke, "Royal Power," p . 130; "Thirteenth Dynasty," p. 396; Titles and

Bureau, p. 100; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 225-226; Ward, Essays, p . 48.

1436

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

p. 260;

Tw o Treasurers,

pp. 29-30.

Graje tzki , Two Treasurers, pp. 30, 41 ; Wcg ner, "Ex cavat ions a t the Town," pp. 37, no. 24, Fig. 19.38.

1438

G rajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 1-2, 220, 224, 256; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 34,

39-43;

Titles and

Bureau, pp. 12, 16.

1439

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp . 67, 224-225; Quirke, "Investigation," pp. 40, 149; Titles and Bureau,

pp . 48-49; Franke, "Probleme," p. 108.

1440

Grajetzki, Hochsten Beamten, pp. 42-78, 265; Two Treasurers, p. 2; Helck, Zur Verwaltung, pp. 77-88.

Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, p . 5 1; Martin-Pardey, "Bureaucracy," p. 118.

422



benea th the level of the vizier. No nethe less, the treasurer was in an office functionally

parallel to the vizier and not under his authority.

It may be the case that instances in which treasurers appear to outrank viziers may

simply reflect the nature of these positions and the preservation of their names within

archaeological contexts. For example, the treasurer's name and those of his officials

often appear at sites related to expeditions and royal mortuary establishments (in the

construction pha se), which were unde r his authority. Thou gh rare, these sites are often

the best preserved and most significant evidence for the nature of the government in

Dyn asty XIII. Therefore, conclusion s of ranking between the vizier and the treasurer

must be derived from an overall understanding of the office as well as the provenience of

the evidence, which is likely too sporadic to provide anything more convincing than that

from the titles discussed above. Unfortun ately, like in the case of the king, some cau tion

must be exercised as titles can often mask the reality of the situation.

It should be noted that no direct evidence exists to prove that Dynasty XIII kings

served as treasurers or viziers prior to taking the throne. Instead non-roy al rulers were

from m ilitary background s or lower offices. It may be the case that viziers and treasurers

were too close to the previous king to be involved in usurpations. Though some of the

viziers appear to have served during multiple reigns, it is unclear what happened to the

others.

423



II.E.

Viziers and Treasurers of the Second Intermediate Period

Only a few viziers are known for Dynasty X VII.

1442

Grajetzki has noted that no

monum ents of treasurers can be dated between the reign of Sobekhotep IV and that of the

Dynasty XVII king Kam ose, though some names are known through sealings.

1 4

Since

the treasurer represented the economic wing of the office of kingship, Grajetzki surmises

that, with the downfall in the financial power of the ruler, this office disappears from the

record. He also that monum ents of other major officials are only known from T hebes and

areas to the south, with only a few exceptions.

1444

Thu s, one must consider such factors

in the distribution of the power of late Dynasty XIII and the possibly contemporary

Dynasty XVI rulers while recognizing that there is a substantial gap in the records from

Itjatawy, the administrative capital that may never be recovered archaeologically, since

the site is likely covered by substantial alluvium, as well as modern settlement.

Treasurers rather than viziers are known for D ynasties XIV and X V.

1445

The use of this

title may have little connection to the actual role of this office holder in the Middle

Kingdom Egyptian state, and it may only be the word used for an administrative title in

the language of these Asiatic rulers.

1446

II.F.

Marriage between the Royal Fam ily and Officials

At least during some parts of Dynasty XIII, kings arranged for marriages between

4 2

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 262, 263.

1443

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp . 66, 262;

Two Treasurers,

pp. 36-38.

1444

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

pp. 36-38.

1445

von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,p.

150.

1446

Grajetzki,

Hochsten Beamten,

pp. 61-63, 66-67, 263-264;

Tw o Treasurers,

p. 37.

424



their daughters and important officials of the land.

1447

In fact, towards the end of the

dynasty, powerful families were located in Edfu, El Kab and Thebes, the region where a

new dynasty would soon emerge.

1448

It is likely that the kings between S obekho tep III

and Merneferre Ay strengthened their hold on the state by incorporating important local

families into the-national government through appointment and marriage.

1449

Interestingly, just like in Dynasty X III, the Dynasty X VI kings w ere connected to the

families of El Kab and Edfu through marriage.

1450

Some scholars believe that the Dynasty XIII king, Wahibre Ibiaw (or some king

between Sobekhotep IV and Merneferre A y) was married to Nebkhas, who se father

(Dedusobek) and uncle (Nubankh) were important officials during the reign of

Sobekhotep IV.

1451

In turn, Nebkhas bore a princess, Khonsu, w ho married the vizier Ay.

The eldest likely son of Ay, Sobekmose, succeeded his father to the office of Governor of

El-Kab. How ever, this son died before his father, who then had children with a second

wife, Reditenes, whose father was likely the king, Merneferre Ay.

1452

At this point, Ay

filed

a

junction shifting the office to his eldest son by Reditenes, during the reign of

Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI, showing favor to her children possibly due to her connection

1447

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 246.

1448


1449

For examples of officials from other areas who may have been m arried to Dynasty XIII princesses, see

Ryholt,


pp. 2 49, 250; J. Wegner, "Social and Historical Im plications of Sealings of the

King's Daughter Reniseneb and other Women at the Town of

Wah-Sut"

in M. Bietak and E. Czem y, eds.,

Scarabs of the Second Millennium BC from Egypt, Nubia, Crete and the Levant: Chronological and

Historical Implications

(Vienna, 2001), pp. 221-240.

1450


1451

Bennett, "King's Daughter;" pp. 19-22; "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 134-139; Spalinger,

"Remarks;" Troy,


p. 160. For the dating and lineage of Nubk has, see Spalinger,

"Remarks." For other options, see Franke, "Review of W ard, Essays," p. 230. Kem p, "Social History," p.

112.

1452

Bennett, "King's Daughter," pp. 21-22; "G enealogical Chronology," p. 138; Ward,

Essays,

p . 53.

425



to the contem porary royal family. Benn ett propo ses that this king was the son of

Merneferre Ay, whereas W ahibre Ibiaw had likely been a single king or the end of a

different group. After Ay the Younger died, his father Ay shifted the office of governor

of El Kab to his younger brother, Aym eru, who may have served as a vizier during the

reign of the Dynasty XV I king Djehuty. The office of governor remained in the family

through mu ch of the rest of the dynasty.

Here, where there is some indication that the royal family changed, it is

interesting to contemplate the fact that the new king (Merneferre Ay) married his

daughter (Reditenes) to a presumed widower (Ay) of the princess (Khonsu) of an earlier

ruler (Wahibre Ibiaw). The beneficial relationship of such marital arrangements would

have affected both the king and his subject, maintaining important ties, creating support

for the ruler, as well as occupational security for the local families.

1454

However, there

are no exam ples of any of these families produ cing a king on the throne. Wh ere these

rulers came from is still a mystery.

Countering reconstructions similar to the one cited above, Ryholt argues that Ay

the vizier and Ay the governor of El Kab noted above are not the same p erson.

1455

However, his alternative reconstruction does not deny that a princess married an official

at El-Kab. The connection between the courts of Dynasties XIII and XV I/XVII to this

town existed regardless of the specific relationships between the various groups.

Interestingly, Djeh uty's (Dynasty XVI/XV II) wife, Mentuhotep w as the daughter

of the vizier Senebhenaf, the likely son of

Ibiaw,

who held the same office under the king

1453

Bennett, "G enealogical Chronology," pp . 124-125.

1454

Spalinger, "Remark s," pp . 112-115. Other marriages between officials and princesses are known, see

Bourriau, Pharaohs a nd Mortals, p. 66.

1455


426



Wahibre Ibiaw.

1456

Thu s, in this case, the status of a family remained high through the

formation of

a

new grou p of kings at a new c apital. Interestingly, the family, which had

previou sly been g ranted a princess for one of its sons, later provid ed a queen to a ruler. It

is not known if the marriage of such w omen to rulers was also practiced in Dyn asty XIII.

Another example of a princess marrying a local official has been found through

excavations of the town associated with the funerary complex of Senwosret III at South

Abydos.

1457

Here, in the ma yor's hou se, sealings of a Dynasty XIII princess were found.

It is likely that similar arrangements were made with officials throughout the

country,

1458

and, in some cases that such links may have led to centers of power, which

broke away from the co re. In fact, it has been noted that many of the El-Kab officials

with conne ctions to the royal family, had military titles,

1459

adding another dimension to

their importance. Franke sugg ests that these powerful officials of Dy nasty XIII may hav e

come to disagree with the policies of the kings, establishing their ow n rule based upo n

these differences.

1460

III. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings

In the sections above, the non-royal backgrounds and relative status of kings,

viziers, treasurers and other officials was outlined. Thou gh little information is know n

1456

Bennett, "Genealogical Chronology," pp. 126-128; Franke, Das Heiligtium, pp. 79-80; Habachi, "Vizier

Ibi',"

pp. 119, 125; Macadam, "Royal Family," pp. 24-25; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 77 , 259, 306;

Franke,

Personendaten,

pp. 387, Doss. 660; 388 , Doss. 661.

It may be the case that this princess was the daughter of Merneferre Ay, whose sealings were found in

large num bers in the mayoral residence. For the sealings, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp.

41-43,

313-

315.

1458

For example, the High Steward Nebank h's (Sobekhotep IV) niece married a successor of Sobekhotep

IV (Dodson, Monarchs, p. 69).

1459

Spalinger, "Remarks," p. 103.

1460

D. Franke, "Erste und Zweite Zwischenzeit - Ein Vergleich," Z AS 117 (1990), p. 121.

427



concern ing most of the occupiers of the top position s, some patterns did emerge. Kings

of non-royal origin appear to have had military backgrou nds, while those in the other two

offices seem to have worked within the bureaus that they ultimately headed. Though

father-to-son inheritance of offices is sometimes apparent, it was not necessarily always

' present. Here, an analysis of the ways in which kings may h ave linked themselves to one

another through filiation or name structure will be presented. The latter will then be used

to determine if there are relationships between the kings of the Second Intermediate

Period dynasties.

III.

A. Chronological Methods of Filiation

During the Late Midd le Kingdom , the terms used for filiation evo lved. This

section outlines the chronological development of the phrases and discusses R yho lt's

interpretation of double nam es. Finally, a possible political reason for the reversal of the

names of fathers and sons will be suggested.

In general, father/son relationships could be expressed, using the following: N sS¥

(N, son of F , where N is the name of the offspring; F is the name of the father;); N

ir.n

F

(N, whom F beg ot); and

it.f

F (his father F).

1461

The mother/son relationship is

expressed, N ir.n/ms.n M (N, whom M m ade/bore, where M is the name of the mother; N

is the name of

the

offspring) or mwt.fM. (his mother M ).

1462

Obsomer sets a chronological sequence for the terms mentioned above (See Table

Robins, "The Relationships Specified by E gyptian Kinship Terms of

the

Middle and New Kingdoms,"

C'dE

54, pp. 198-200.

1462

Robins, "Relationships," pp. 198, 200.

428



6.3).

1463

He shows that N ms.n M preceded a form N ir.n M (both sdmw.n.f relatives),

the latter being used from year 32 in the reign of Senwosret I, extending into Dynasty

XIII.

1464

These forms both correspond with F si N (displaying honorific transposition

out of respect for the father), well-known as being a Middle Kingdom construction,

presumably originating from the Old Kingdom F s/./N.

1465

At some point in Dynasty X III, the term N

ms(t)

M returned along with the new

term N ir(t)¥ (where the place of moth er is replaced by the name of the father).

Obsomer hypothesizes that the emergence of this term corresponds to the change from F

siN to N

siF,

the latter being a pattern know n in the New Kingdom. Thus, Obsom er

claims that the N ir(t) F would not be compatible with F si N , replacing F &?N, ms(t).n M

and F s/N ,

ir(t).n

M w ith N

ms.n

M,

irn

F and N

ir.n

F,

ms.n

M , where the name of the

individual alway s precedes that of both paren ts. In the latter case, the form *N siF,

ir(t).n

M, is not possible because the relative does not follow the referent and the

construction is awkward (sugg esting the mother refers to the father). He does note,

however, that it is unclear whether or not double names represent N

(si) F

or an

abbreviation of the pattern N

(m.fnir)~N2,

where both names refer to the same person.

1466

1463

C. Obsomer,"

' di.fprt-hrw

et la Filiation

ms(t).n/ir(t).n

comme Criteres de Datation dans les Textes du

Moyen Empire," in C. Cannuyer and J.-M. Kruchten, eds.,

Individu, societe et spiritualite dans I'Egypte

pharaonique et copte.

Melanges egyptologiques au Professeur Aristide Theodorides (Brux elles, 1993), pp.

163-200). See also H. Ranke,

Die Agyptischen Personennamen II

(New York, 1952), pp. 9-10; Rosati,

"Note," p. 276; W. Schenkel,

Fruhmittelagyptischen Studien

(Bonn, 1962), p. 75.

1 64

For an example of

the

formula N

ir.n

M in a stela dated to late Dynasty XII (stela

oiNj-swhwj)

using

other criteria, see Franke, Personendaten, p . 187, Doss . 268 ; D.P. Si lverman, "The Cham berla in NJ-SW

HWJ," Serapis

3 (1975-1976), Plate I, beginning with the end of line 2, for the dating of

the

stela, 35-40.

1465

For filiation in the early M iddle Kingdom, see W .K. Simpson,

Papyrus Reisner

I (Boston, 1963), pp.

86-88.

Obsomer notes that it is uncertain whether the Middle Kingdom form indicates just the son or the

son and the father (Obsomer, "Filiation," p. 171).

1466

Obsomer, "Filiation," p. 171. See also M. Malaise, "Les monum ents prives du Moyen Em pire, leur

classement, un corpus, une histoire des institutions," in W .F. Reineke, ed.,

Acts. First International

429



Obsomer believes that the earlier form F f&^N was used with royal names in the Nesou-

Montou stela of Senwosret I, son of Amenemhet I (many interpret this as a double dated

stela), used in part to justify w hat may ha ve been a difficult succession of the you nger

Table 6.3.

The chronology of the filiative markers for the Late Middle Kingdom.

Robins notes that the Instruction of Any (D ynasty XVIII) describes it as a wo ma n's du ty,

"to make sons" (with the verb ir) for her husba nd {iry stn.k sJw.Jc).

1 6

Though she

relates this statement to fertility in ancient Egyptian art, it is interesting to find this verb

used in this manner, showing that the phrase

ir

could also refer to the "mak ing"

(conceiving or growing) of a baby by the mo ther.

Obsomer's chronological outline of the filiative terms has great ramifications for

Ry holt's reconstruction of the chronology of Dynasty XIII. In Obsom er's study, the

Congress of Egyptology (Cairo, 1979), p.

451;

Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, p. 50; H.G. Fischer,

Varia: Egyptian Studies I

(New Y ork, 1976), p. 76; Ward,

Index,

p. 99;

Essays,

p. 8.

1467

Obsomer, "Nesou-Montou," pp. 117, 127, 133, 140. The owner of this stela also has a block statue

carrying his name (D. Wildung, "Ein Wiirfelhocker des Generals Nes-Month," MDAIK 37 (1981), pp. 503-

507; R. Schulz, Die Entwicklung undBedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus, I, (Hildesheim, 1992), PL

111.)

1468

G. Robins, "Problems in Interpreting Egyptian Art," D E 17 (1990), p. 47; E. Suys, La Sagesse d'Ani,

Analecta Orientalia 11 (Rome, 1935), p. 24, Maxime

VI.21.

For further bibliographic information

concerning this text, see Bellion, C atalogue des Manuscrits, pp. 332-333.

430



exact point at which the shift in the order of the filiation formula occu rs is unkn own. If

this shift did occur some time during Dynasty XIII, obviously, one could interpret the

double nam es as indicators of filiation. It is imperative to keep this in mind when

deciding who is the son of wh om . M isinterpreting these names could theoretically result

in a reversed chronology.

In Ryholt's interpretation of double (and triple) names in royal examples of

Dynasty XIII, the order of the names of the king and his father reflects the standard

Middle Kingdom form F (sJ) N .

1469

All of the examples of supposedly filiative no men s

are relatively early in Dynasty XIII and may indicate a common practice at that time.

This system was used, according to Ryholt, to distinguish the "illegitimate" kings of his

contem porary Dynasty XIV from those of rightful decent in Dyn asty XIII. Me anw hile,

those Dynasty XIII kings without filiative nomens are considered by him to be

1470

usurpers.

Ryh olt's chronology of Dynasty XIII depends in part on his interpretation of these

names. He identifies nine potential instances of such double naming: Sekhemrekhutawy

Amenemhet Sobekhotep I; Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef; ... Ameny Qemau;

Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef; Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet; Amenemhet

Reniseneb, Hor .. .i Djedkheperew; Seb Kay; and Sedjefakare Kay Am enemhet, some

being m ore certain than others.

1471

Those without filiation in the relevant period

included: Sekhemkare Amenemhet, Semenkhkare Nebnun, Khaankhre Sobekhotep II,

Khutawyre

Wegaf,

Woserkare Khendjer, Sehotepkare Intef V and Semenkhkare

1469

Ryholt, "Royal Nam es," p. 105.

1470

Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 101;


pp. 207-209.

1471

Ryholt,


p. 208 , Table 246.

431



Imyremeshaw.

1472

Though Ryholt has argued that royal double names indicate father-to-son

succession and, thus, legitimacy,

1473

h is theory requires the double names to indicate both

kinship and royal identifications, the former being used in some (but certainly not all)

private examples and the latter being unproven for any cases.

Vermis studied the use of double names as indicating filiation, analyzing

primarily private exam ples. Interestingly, in a significant num ber of cases where the

names of the father and mother were known, neither the first nor the second name

matched that of a parent. Thus, Vermis concluded that double names can represent

nicknames, family names, dual identification, or honorific names, especially to

differentiate pe ople of the same name, rather than indicating lineag e. An exam ple of the

use of double names to identify like-named relatives is that of a vizier Aymeru, who

could be referred to interchangeably as Aymeru Neferkare or Neferkare Aymeru

(nfr-k3-

r

c

iy-mrw). His father's name w as also (the director of the broad court) Aymeru (hrp-

wsht i'y-wrw)}

47 5

Also, Haankhef Iykhernofret was a son of Sobekhotep IV and was

named after his grandfather Haankhef.

7

In periods through Dynasty XII, double nam es were often expressed with the use

of the term

rn.fnfr

("his good name" ), which Vermis interprets as a common name,

1472


1473

Ryholt, "Royal Names," p.

101; Political Situation,

pp. 207-209, 284.

P . Vemus , "Nonis Propres Juxtaposes au Moyen Empire , "

Rd'E

23 (1971), pp. 193-199;

Le Surnom.

1475

Delange, Statues Egyptiennes du M oyen Empire, p . 68; Franke, Personendaten, p . 55, Doss. 25-26;

Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," pp. 261-278; Quirke, Titles and Bureau, p. 31; Vermis, Le Surnom, p. 4. Note

that Habachi suggests that some people carried a double name reflecting the reign in which they were born

(Habachi, "Vizier Iymeru," p. 266).

1476

Franke, Personendaten, p. 353, Doss. 592; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 229-230; Simpson, "Dynasty

XIII Stela," pp. 157-158.

432



obtained by the person during life and pertaining to some identifiable characteristic

(whether direct, expression of parental relationship, vocation, or religion).

77

In Dynasty

XIII, this expression was replaced by ddwn.f. At times, the phrase could be omitted,

leaving juxtaposed names instead, which can sometimes lead to confusion with the rare

occurrence of expressed filiation (A

(sJ)B).

According to Hayes, the phrase,

ddwn.f

was used in Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 to denote the Egyptian name of Asiatic workers,

showing that this was their common nam e.

1478

In private examples, double names can refer to a specific person, especially if it is

popu lar, as well as indicating a family nam e. Filiation could sometimes be false,

referring to a worker's relationship to his superior.

1479

Two names could also appear as

alternatives for one another. Often the first name in those juxta pose d e xpresses

something about the person, while the second is something outside [endophoric (himself

or family) versus exophoric(king or god)].

1480

Thus, Vermis' studies seem to reveal a

very com plicated situation in which the interpretation of juxtaposed names cannot be

taken for granted.

Interestingly, Quirke notes that the double names occur far more often in the Late

Middle K ingdom than previously, suggesting that this phenomenon was due to the desire

to be more specific, as evident in the titles of this time.

1481

Grajetzki points out that it is

difficult to distinguish whether one or more individuals is the same person in different

This phrase emerged in the Old Kingdom (Vermis,

Le Surnom ,

pp. 78-81).

Hayes,

A Papyrus,

p. 100. See also Vermis,

Le Surnom,

p. 84.

Vermis,

Le Surnom,

p. 116.

Vermis,

Le Surnom,

p. 131.

Quirke,


pp. 109-110; "In the Name of

the

King," p. 263.

433



monuments, especially when the name is common.

1482

One must compare the titles that

accompany the name in the different contexts to determine how many individuals are

represented. Thus, it may be the case that double names became common in this period

because of the popularity of names in order to differentiate one person from another.

In light of the use of double names by private individuals, it is important to again

consider the royal cases. Besides filiation, these royal double names could also possibly

denote alternative names, the nomen and prenomen, differentiation for kings with the

same or similar names, non-royal relatives, grandfathers, ancestors, or even unrelated

predecessors to the throne.

1483

In all likelihood, some royal double names in Dynasty XIII do indicate filiation.

For exam ple, Qem au S aharnedjeritef seems to indicate that, at least in this case, filiation

is clear from the translation of the elements of the name: "Qem au's son

Harnedjeritef."

1484

How ever, Ryho lt argues that Saharnedjeritef is probably the full name

without the

si

being separate. He argues it wo uld be strange for this component to be

within the cartouche especially since

sir

c

is

not written in this way.

1 5

Quirke argues

that, for the most part, royal double names do not indicate that Ryholt's theory is

valid.

4

He cautions against creating "gh ost" reigns based upo n this principle (such as

Ryh olt's inclusion of kings Seb and Kay). He suggests that the only certain way to

Grajetzki,

Two Treasurers,

pp. 5-6.

483

For some of

these

options, see von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 46. For doubt concerning filiation

and royal double nam es , see Quirke , "Royal Pow er," pp. 129-130.

1484

J.P. Allen, "Turin," p. 50. For an inscription with this king's name , see A. Kamal, "Rapport sur le

necropole d'Arabe-el-Borg,"

ASAE 3

(1902), p. 80.

1485

Quirke, "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109; Ryholt, "Royal Names," p. 101. For the possible occurrence

of

s ir

c

within the cartouch e of

Teti

in the name of

one

of

his

pyramids in the tombs of lhy and Hetep, see

(Silverman, "N on-Royal To mbs," n. 4).

1486

Quirke, "In the Name of

the

King," p. 264.

434



identify royal parentage is the use of king's mother and king's wife for a queen, but there

1487

are only two examples of this at this time (Nebhotepti and Aahotepti).

Von Beckerath and Quirke have suggested that Seb Kay, which appears on a

magic wand from Abydos, is short for Sedjefakare (Amenemhet), but Ryholt rejects this

idea.

1489

Quirke later suggests that Seb Kay is a double name and that it may have been a

child ruler due to his name being on a birth wan d. It is also possib le that the object

found here is an example of propaganda, in which the names of the father and grandfather

of Sedjefakare Amenemhet have been placed in cartouches to claim father-to-son

succession to the throne.

1491

Also , the quality of the inscription on this object is poor and

may n ot be as significant as it wou ld first seem .

It is likely that double nam es used by kings had varying m eanings, as they did in

the private sphere. Interestingly, only one king, Sekhemkare Am enemhet Senebef, is

referred to by a double nomens in the Turin King-List

U9 2

Mean while, though double

names are not listed as such in this document, Ryholt notes that inscriptions of

Sobekhotep I and Reniseneb always contain both. However, the evidence is skewed.

Many of Sobekhotep I's m onuments used double nam es, perhaps denoting a relationship

to an Amenem het of Dynasty XII, while a double name w ith Reniseneb is attested by his

only preserved inscribed object, a bead . This difference m ay be an accident of

preservations, or it may suggest that some inscriptions may not have included the double

1487

Ryho l t ,


p. 40.

1488

Quirke, "Royal Power," p . 130; von Beckerath,

Untersuchungen,

p. 46.

1489

Ryholt, "Royal Names," pp. 101, 103;


p. 208. Later, Quirke agrees with Ryholt that

this is not the case (Quirke, "In the Name of

the

King," p. 263).

1490

Quirke, "In the Name of

the

King," p. 263.

1491

J.P.Allen, "Turin," p. 51.

1492

Ryholt,


p. 209, n. 714.

435



name as in the case with the other kings.

Quirke has suggested that several kings in Dynasty XIII may be condensed into

one ruler if a double name is assumed. Candidates for such a move include M ersekhemre

Ined (8.6) and Mersekhemre Neferhotep (unplaced) and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI and

•Merhotepre Ini (entry for prenomen in 8.4).

1493

In both of these cases, only one king is

identified in the T urin King-List, and it is likely that these were alternative nomens for

these rulers. Thu s, in these cases, such double names are definitely not filiative.

Quirke also proposes that Amenemh et Senebef and Amenemhet (Ryholt 7.6; 7.7)

may denote the same king, since they both have Sekhemkare as their prenomen. Quirke

posits that it would be unusual for two kings to have same prenomen in one dynasty,

especially when they are so close in chronological sequence.

1494

In the

Turin King-List,

Sekhemkare only appears in the first entry, while Amenemhetre (a nomen rather than a

prenom en) is in the second position. On a statue, the inscription of Sekhem kare

Am enemh et is the only attestation of this nam e combina tion. If one were to interpret the

name Amenemhet Senebef

as

a double nam e w ithout filiation, there may h ave been a

king with the name Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef, in which Amenemhet and Senebef

were alternative names for the same person.

With the coalescence of Sekhemkare Senebef Amenemhet and Sekhemkare

Am enemhet, the identity of Amenem hetre in the T urin King-List m ust be addressed.

Perhaps it refers to Ameny Qemau, known through objects in his funerary monument at

Quirke, "Investigation," p. 214; "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109.

Quirke, "Review Surnom," pp. 108-109.

436



Dahshur, as well as on an unprovenienced plaqu ette.'

49 5

Ryholt, however, argues that

this name represents two kings, Ameny and his son Qemau, the former being

Sekhemkare Am enemhet, w hile the latter is not preserved.

14 9

How ever, it may also be

the case that Ameny Qemau fits into 7/7 and has been written more formally by the

authors of the sources for the

T urin King-List.

U9 1

This nam e may still show filiation with

Senebef (possibly making Nerikare his prenomen or his brother, if this position is

correct).

If Ryholt's theory of filiative nomens is correct, then the method of identifying a

father changes in the middle of Dynasty X III, when kings were not of royal b lood.

Ryholt defines three types of Dynasty XIII royal seals for the period between Sobekhotep

III and Merneferre Ay.

1498

The most frequent type , belon ging to kings from Sobekh otep

III through Sobekh otep V, display filiation. In these seals and sealings, the formula

revealing the mother is sir

c

N ms.n mwt-nswM "Son of Re, N (nomen) whom the

Kin g's W ife, M , bore" and the father:

ntrnfrFN ir.n itntrF

,"Good God, PN (prenomen),

who m the go d's father, F beg ot." Obv iously, the use of the designation of father and

mother with the verbs /rand

ms

respectively, would indicate, according to Obso mer's

theory discussed previously, that the reversal between the order of the juxtaposed names

of father and son o ccurred in or before the reign of Sob ekhotep III. It is interesting to

contem plate the origin of this change and its purpose. At this point, there is no mean s of

1495

Swelim andDodson, "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau," pp. 325-328; Fischer,

"ArchaeologicalAspects,

" p .

49 , Fig. 5.

1496

Ryholt,


p. 70.

1497

J.P. Allen, "Turin," pp.

50-51.

1498

Ryholt,


pp. 34-37, Figs. 31-35. See also, Hornung and Staehelin,

Skarabaen und

andere Siegelamulette,

p. 50.

1499

Note that Sobekhotep III has both names in each seal (maternal and paternal) (Ryholt,

Political

Situation,

p. 35, Figs. 31, 37).

437



determining whether the new wording developed in the royal or the private sector first.

However, here one might note the fact that Sobekhotep III and the brother kings appear to

have had no direct connection with the royal family/ies of precedin g king s. Thu s, it is

possible that the change in order of the formula F si N may have been prescribed by these

kings in order to show their elevated'status above that of their non-royal fathers by

placing their names in the first position.

1500

It is uncertain as to why Sobekhotep III and the following three or more kings

rejected practices of traditional legitimization and disassociated themselves from the

previou s rulers. Ryho lt has suggested that Seth and possibly some of his predecessors

had taken unfavorable actions, to which the later kings reacted.

1501

He states that

Sobekhotep III and Neferhotep I may have deliberately usurped monuments of Seth from

Medamud and possibly Abydos.

It is not clear when the change in filiative formulae occurred in the private sector,

since stelae rarely have a king's name. How ever, there are some datable examples.

Aymeru-Neferkare of the reign of Sobekhotep IV used the form N

ir.n

F and N s iF to

identify his father, Aymeru, controller of the hall.

1502

The inscriptions of the sons of the

vizier Ibiaw contain the later forms of filiation in the reign of Ibiaw or Merneferre Ay

whe n this official served. In one stela

(MM A 22.3.307),

the form u sed to denote filiation

i sS5*F .

1503

By D ynasty XV I/XVII, it would seem that the change in the formulae for the

1500

For stelae dating to the period of

the

brother kings and displaying the formula N Jr.nF, see Habac hi, "A

Score of Important Officials," pp. 47-56.

1501

Ryholt,


pp. 285-286, nn. 1032-1033; 297.

1502

Habachi, "A Score of Important Officials," pp. 262, 266-269 Figs. 261, 26 3b, 264, 265, 266.

1503

Habach i, "Vizier Ibi'," PI. 4.A. For other exam ples, see Habachi, "Vizier Ibi'," p. 115, PI. IV. B; H. de

Meulenaere, "La statue d'un contemporain de Sobekhotep IV,"

BIFAO

69 (197 1), pp. 61-64.

438



expression of filiation had been completed. For example, in the Stela of Ho remkh auef

(son of Herikhat, Ho ri; wife S obeknofru), th e later form of the offering formula is used

along with the

Nir. n

F construction for filiation.

1504

This private stela dates to Dynasty

XVI during its overlap with Dynasty X III.

III.B. Analysis of Nomens and Prenom ens

An interesting method for identifying family lines within dynasties appears in

Ben nett's study of fratrilineal succession in Dynasty XV II. Here, the prenomen and

nomen of each king will be compared with those of other rulers to indicate familial

relationships

1506

or to determine if there are definable groups of kings, including the ones

that might be expected in a system of circulating succession . An other relevant issue is

that of how dy nasties XII, XIII, and XVII are related. Thus, a comparison with these

dynasties has also been performed, including R yholt's A bydos D ynasty, even though it is

likely a part of Dynasty XVI.

Table 6.4 shows the matches grouped according to nomen and prenomen,

arranged according to Ryh olt's ch ronology . As one can see, there are three main

potential family groups show n here. The first is that of Am enem het, which is made up of

three members with the same nomen, one of which shares the prenomen, Sekhemkare

with Senebef. Thu s, this group of nam es, which seem to refer to a relationship w ith the

1504

R. Engelbach, "Two Steles of

the

Late Middle Kingdom from Tell Edfu,"

ASAE

23 (1923), pp. 185-

186,

Fig. 182.

1505

Bennett, "Structure," p. 29. Note, however, that this suggestion is made regarding names that appear

together indicating the appearance of brothers, within family gro upings. Weill attempted to identify family

groups based upon the structure of names in his early study (Weill, La Fin du Moyen Empire, pp . 267-519).

See also Quirke, "In the Name of the King," p. 265.

1506

Berlev states that it was customary for grandchildren to be named after their grandparents. See Berlev,

"Eleventh D ynasty," p. 37 5, n. 325.

439



Family Nomen

imn-m-htt

nfr-htp

sbk-htp

(sbk-htp)

i-n.i

ind

{nfr-htp)

hrw.i

imn-m-hJt

—

(sbk-htp)

snb.f

(imn-m-hit)

Prenomen

shm-k3-r

c

s.

c

nh-ib-r

c

s.dB-k -r

c

h

c

-shm-r

c

mr-shm-r

c

shm-r

c

-h w-Gwy

h

c

-

c

nh-r

c

shm-r

c

-s. w?d-tiwy

h

c

-nfr-r

c

mr-htp-r

c

h

c

-htp-r

c

mr-kiw-r

c

mr-htp-r

c

mr-shm-r

c

s.

wld-ki-r

c

s.htp-ib-r

c

shm-r

c

-hw-tiwv

shm-ki-r

c

Reign Number

(Rvholt/Franke)

4/4

8/7

20/15

27/22 •

. . / . .

1/16

13/12

26/21

29/24

30/28

31/25

38/32

30/28

34/28

36/30

__/--

11/10

37/31

Dyn. 12

10/9

1/16

16/?

2/2

4/4

Table 6.4. Co rrelations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of

Dyn asty XIII. Transliterated names are taken from Ryh olt. Reign order

numbers are from Ryholt and Franke (see Appendices I-II).

Dynasty XII Amen emhets, a possible clue to the specific lineage of the members. One

king with an unknown nomen shares his prenomen, Sehotepibre, with the Dynasty XII

440



king, Amenem het I. Ryholt believes that the name was actually Hotepibre and was

confused w ith that of Am enemhet I.

15 7

The second possible family g roup is that of

Neferhotep. Here, two mem bers have this nomen while one additional member, Ined

Mersekhem re, shares his prenomen with Neferhotep Mersekhemre. How ever, these

names may refer to a single king as mentioned before.

The third set of kings is the largest and is centered around the nomen,

Sobekhotep. Seven rulers of Dynasty X III share this name , while an additional two kings

can be linked to it through their preno me ns. These monarchs are Merhotep re Ini (sharing

with M erhotepre Sobekhotep V I; these names m ay belong to a single ruler as shown in

Fig. 6.5) and a king with unknown prenomen, Sekhemrekhutawy (identical to

Sekhem rekhutawy Sobekho tep I). Thu s, there are nine Dynasty XIII rulers in this group.

If the nomen and prenomen matches do indeed represent familial links, then it is

quite simple to take another step. Since it is well-kno wn that Khasek hem re Neferhotep I

and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV are brothers and that at least one of the following

Sobekhotep was a member of the next generation of this family, then it is possible

to

join

these two groups together, making Neferhotep/Sobekhotep a group of thirteen.

As an exercise, one can take Ryh olt's filiation occurrences, which m ay be

problematic in reality, and bring additional kings into this family group (See Fig. 6.5).

Three kings, Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep, Sekhemkare

Senebef,

and Reniseneb, all

display filiation with Am enem het. As one might notice, the first of these exam ples

brings the Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family together with that of A menemh et.

For Ameny Qemau, the former name is likely short for Amenemhet, and Qemau

1507

Ryholt,


p. 16; "Hotepibre," p. 3.

441



also becomes affiliated with the Am enemhet family. Another king, Hotepibre

Saham edjeritef claims filiation w ith Qemau directly and can, then, also be placed in this

group. Finally, Sankhibre Amenem het shows filiation with Ameny, and as has already

been done before, he too is placed with the Am enemhet.

Filiation

imn-m-h3t

imny

(grandfather)

in-it.f

hrw

sb

kmlw

Jdy

Prenom en

shm-r

c

-hw-tiwy

shm-ki-r

c

s.

c

nh-ib-r

c

s.

c

nh-ib-r

c

... -£l-r

c

—

htp-ib-r

c

s.d8-kl-r

c

N om en

sbk-htp

snb.f

rn.i-snb

kmSw

imn-m-hlt

imn-m-h3t

...i

kiy

si-hrw-nd-hr-it. f

imn-m-htt

reian

1/16

2/2

1 4 / -

51-

8/7

8/7

1 7 / -

13/19

61-

20/15

Table 6.5.

Dyn asty XIII kings showing filiation according to

Ryholt.

The next patrilineal name association is that of Intef, who is proclaimed to be the

father of Sankhibre Amen emhet, seen above to be the son of Am eny. The name of Intef

appears again later in Dynasty XIII with the reign of Sehotepkare Intef (24/19). During

Dynasty X I, four kings used the nomen

Intef.

1508

' Von Beckerath, Handbuch, pp. 76-78, 90-81.

442



According to R yho lt's chronology, another family line also can also be linked to

the Amenemhet's through filiation. Sedjefakare Amenemhet claims that his father is

Kay. Mean while, the king, Kay shows his father to be Seb. Thus, these kings can be

added to the total for the Am enem het/Neferho tep/Sobek hotep family.

Group

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

Subgroup(s)

A/S

A

A

A

A

A

A

H

S

A

H

S

A

A

A

A

S

N/S

N/S

N/S

N/S

S

N/S

N

H

S

H

Name

Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I

Sekhemkare Senebef

Sekhemkare Amenemhet

Qemau

Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef

Sankhibre Amenemhet

Sehotepibre

Sewadjkare

Khaankhre Sobekhotep II

Reniseneb

Awibre Hor

S ekhemrekhutawy

Seb

Kay

Sedjefakare Amenemhet

Sehotepkare Intef

Reign

1/16

2/2

4/4

5/~

61-

8/7

10/9

11/10

13/12

1 4 / -

15/14

1 6 / -

1 8 / -

1 9 / -

20/15

24/19

Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep 11126/21

Khasekhemre Neferhotep

Menwadjre Sahathor


Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI

Khahotepre Sobekhotep V

Merhotepre Ini

Mersekhemre Ined

Sewadjkare Hori

Merkawre Sobekhotep VII

...webenre Hor

27/22

28/23

29/24

30/28

31/25

34/28

36/30

37/31

38/32

5 3 / -

Table 6.6..

List of kings with family links in the order of Ry ho lt's list.

Abbreviations are as follows: A. Amenem het, S. Sobekhotep, N. Neferhotep,

and H. Hor. Reign numbers are listed as Ryholt/Franke.

443



Finally, a king with an incom plete name ...kare shows filiation with a Hor. This name

matches perhaps that of Awibre Hor (15/14) and possibly Sewadjkare H ori (37/31) and

...webenre Hor... (53/--). Sewadjkare H ori, in turn, shares the same nomen as a king with

an unkno wn prenomen (11/10). However, there is no evidence of a link with the larger

Amenemhet/Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family at this time.

When the subfamily groups are plotted according to either Ryholt or Franke's

chronology, there is an interesting pattern w ith the Amenem het/Sobekhotep/Neferhotep

group (Fig. 6.6). No t surprisingly, the Am enem het line appears in the first half of the

dynasty and phases out by Ry holt's twenty-four and Frank e's king number nineteen,

since this is the part, which follows D ynasty XII most closely. Me anw hile, the

Sobekhotep group occupies positions within the middle third of the dynasty (Ryholt 1,

sporadically within 13-38 and Franke periodically between 12 and 32). The Neferhotep

family appears to be a subgroup within the larger Sobekhotep line (appearing between

Ryholt 27-36 and Franke 2 2-30).

At this point in the analysis, it is beneficial to modify Ryholt's chronology,

according to suggestions that have been made by various scholars. Also, the names of

kings, whose groupings cannot be determined, are shown in order to bring the chart

closer to the Turin King-List, as it was written. The results of this more-conden sed list

are found in Figure 6 .7. These lines are drawn to separate trends in the nam es of the

kings. The Amenemhet group extends from Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep

I to Sehotepibre (six kings with three unca tegorized ). Me anw hile, from Sewadjkare to

Sekhem resewadjtawy Sobekh otep III, the groups are mixed or unidentified. The next

block includes the Neferhotep family from Khasekhemre N eferhotep through Khahotepre

444



Group

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

A/S/N

H

A/S/N

A/S/N

Subgroup(s)

A/S

A

A

A

A

A

H

S*

A

H

A

A

S*

N/S*

N/S*

N/S*

S

S*

N

H

S

H

Name

Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I

Sekhemkare Amenemhet/Senebef

Unknown King

... Ameny Qemau

Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef

... Jewefni


Semenkare Nebnun

Sehotepibre ...

Sewadjkare ...

... Nedjemibre

Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (Neni)

... Amenemhet Reniseneb

Awibre Hor

Sedjefakare Amenemhet

Khutawyre Wegaf

Woserkare Khendjer

Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw

Sehotepkare Intef

Meribre Seth

Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III

(Montuhotep)

Khasekhemre Neferhotep (Haankhef)

Menwadjre Sahathor


Khahotepre Sobekhotep V

Wahibre Ibiaw

Merneferre Ay

Merhotepre Sobekhotep Vl/Ini (father?)

Sankhenre Sewadjtew

Mersekhemre Neferhotep/Ined

Sewadjkare Hori

Merkawre Sobekhotep VII

(14 kings)

...webenre Hor

(4 kings?)

Table 6.7. List of kings with modifications to Ry hol t's list. Possible familial

links shown. Abbreviations are as follows: A. Amenem het, S. Sobekhotep, N.

Neferhotep, H. H or, * non-royal parents.

445



Sobekhotep V. The remainder of the kings, beginning with Aw ibre Ibiaw, are once again

mixed.

In Figure 6.8, one can clearly see that the most stable times are characterized by

the occupation of the office of kingship by a family. As stability breaks do wn, patterns in

names becom e more random , though continuing in the practice of the times (possibly

fashion).

It is likely that the Amenemh et group (group one) was related to the kings of

Dyn asty XII. Ryh olt believes that the first kings of Dyn asty XIII were sons of

Amenem het IV, whom he thinks married into the Dynasty XI family.

1509

How ever, it

may m ake m ore sense, if there were heirs with different royal fathers in the line of

succession in group one. It wou ld seem that after the reign of Nefrusobek, kingship

became available to a wide range of relatives, who had short, unstable reigns. There is no

evidence from this study that there were any defined family groups within this line,

which ev olves into the Sobekhotep family (including those of Neferho tep). In sum, until

the point where the names of

the

kings become too fragmentary to reconstruct in the

Turin King-List, the fringe elements of the Dynasty XII family appears to continue and

flourish in Dynasty XIII. This conclusion parallels those of Bell, who has noted that the

names of Dynasty XIII kings may imply a Theban origin along with a relationship to the

Dynasty X II rulers.

1510

Another interesting trend is that of the seven kings with Sobekhotep as part of

their nam es, three are know n to have had non-royal fathers. The only other kings in this

1509

Ryholt,


pp. 75, 209-212, 214-215.

1510

Bell, "Climate," pp. 262-263.

446



category are the brothers of Sobekhotep IV . Thu s, this group ing, overall (outside of

N/S), must be considered to be fragmentary and does not represent a single family. The

fact that non-royal pa rents as well as a non-roy al grandfathers are known for several

kings of Dynasty XIII presents a problem for reconstructing family groups with the use of

nam es. It is difficult to comprehend h ow both familial origins could be true. Thu s, it is

possible that, at least, this group of kings was attaching itself to certain "family" groups

symb olically. This conclusion is especially interesting since the use of non-royal filiation

seems to function with the oppo site messa ge, i.e. some rulers were not affiliated directly

with the royal line.

One interesting omission in Dynasty XIII is the name Senwosret from Dynasty

XII,

1511

especially since Am enem het is so comm on. It is probable that the kings of

Dynasty XIII traced their origins back to either Amenemhet III or Amenemhet IV.

One king with an unknown n omen (10/9) shares his prenomen (Sehotepibre) w ith

Amenemhet I of Dynasty XII, but this Dynasty XIII use of Sehotepibre is likely an

example of honorific acknowledgement rather than a statement of familial origins.

1513

Nonetheless, here, the continuation of the Am enemhet line, which others have n oted,

1514

can be quantified, if the use of nom en and preno men in this way is a viable meth od. It

should be noted that Wegaf links himself to a Senwosret in an inscription {Palette

1511

There is an unplaced Senwosret, which scholars assign to either Dynasty XIII or XV I. Here, this king

is placed in Dynasty XV I with uncertainty. See Bennett, "Structure," p. 26; von Beckerath, "Theban," p.

23.

1512

Bell suggests that the Dynasty XIII kings were from the extended family of Amenem het III as well as

the kings prior to his reign (Bell, "Climate," p. 260).

1513

For the use of this prenomen, see Postel,

Protocole,

p . 287, n. 1273.

1514

Ryholt,


p. 214; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 260; "Thirteenth D ynasty,"

p. 39 4; Bell, "Climate," p. 260.

447



Rubensohri).

1515

Also, on Sehel island, Neferhotep I carved inscriptions similar to those

of Senwosret III and sometimes even incorporated his nam e.

151

III.C.

Connections Between the Nomen and Prenomen across Dynasties

The last section concentrated on the connections between DynastieS'XII and XIII.

This part will focus on the matches in nomens and prenomens between Dynasty X III

kings and others in the Second Intermediate Period.

1517

Also , this section will rely on

Ry holt's labels for Dynasties XIV and Abydos and Ryholt and Franke for Dynasties XIII

and XV, and Franke and Bennett for Dynasty XV I/XVII.

1518

Ryholt's Dynasty XIV has two matches within the prenomens, which may link

these names to the Am enemhet and Hor families. A Sankhibre (14.24) with an unknow n

nomen shares his prenomen with the Am enemhet, w ho possessed filiation to Intef and

Ameny . Also, Sewadjkare appears with kings of unknow n nomen in Dynasties XIII

(13.11/10) and XVII (14.11) as well as one member of the family of Hor (13.37/31).

The next correlation in prenomen probably serves as a reminder to the danger in

performing such an academic exercise as this. The Dynasty XV king Khamu di (15.6/6)

has the same prenomen, Hotepibre, as Saharnedjeritef (13 .6 /-), possibly of the

Amenem het group. How ever, it is unlikely that this match is in any way associated w ith

1515

Legrain, "Notes," p. 251, Fig. 251. Drioton and Vandier suggest that the Senwosret referred to here is

Seneferibre Senwosret, making them close in time (Drioton and Vandier, L'Egypte, p. 285). However, now

this king is considered to have been a member of Theban Dynasty XVI (Ryholt,


p . 202,

Table 242).

1516

Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," p. 77.

1517

See N. Dautzenberg, "Die Wahl des Konigsnamens in der Hyksoszeit. Das En tstehen einer eigenen

Tradition, Beziige zu den thebanischen Herrschern und Schlussfolgerungen fur die Chronologie," GM159

(1997), pp. 43-51.

1518


448



a familial relationship.

Ryholt's Abydos Dynasty (likely part of Dynasty XVI) is full of fragmentary

nam es. How ever, there is a prenomen, Sekhemrekhutawy, which may link one of the

Sob ekh otep 's (13.1/16) to Pantjeny. Unfortuna tely, this king is not placed within this

group of local rulers? Ryho lt argues that there are three Sekh em rekh utaw y's. He basis

the Khabaw conclusion on the architrave with the name Hor also to connect the two

(318).

Dynasty XV I is a group of Theban kings. Several matched nomens in this group

might indicate links to Dynasty XIII, though earlier, this thesis has suggested that this

dynasty has no direct association with D ynasty XIII.

1519

Name preference and distant

familial relationships could also be playing a part here. Nonetheless, it is interesting that

these names appear only in Dynasty XV I and not XVII. How ever, it might be possible to

see these links as a Theban branch of Dynasty XIII, as this group of kings continued to

hold the seat of kingship at Memp his, while this branch of the family ruled from Thebes.

In sum, the Dynasty XV I nomen s, which are familiar to those seen above, include

those of Sekhemresewwo sertawy Sobekhotep (16.3/17.2), Sekhemresankhtawy

Neferhotep (16.4/17 .3), and a later match with the Intefs (17.14-16/12 -14). As was

shown above, the Intef group may be associated with the Am enemhet family. Perhaps

more relevant is the fact that this last name also hearkens back to that of the leaders of

Theban Dynasty XL In support of this suggestion may be another Dynasty XV I example

matching that of Dynasty XIII—M entuhotep (13 .5 / - , 16 . - / - , 16.5/17.4)—the name of

Chapter 1, Section III.A.4.

449



the last king of Dynasty XI. The use of this name certainly must relate to Theban

Dyn asty XI rather than to a family in Dyn asty XIII. The final interesting nom en is that of

a Seneferibre Senwosret of Dynasty XV I, a name that does not appear in Dynasty XIII.

Bennett suggests that Merneferre Ay and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI are related due to

the similarity in the construction of their prenomen.

5

In the meantim e, Weill had noted

connections in the constructions of names within the Second Intermediate Period in

general.

1522

III.D.

Patterns in the Royal Titulary

Horus names of the Dynasty XIII kings are not well-preserved. How ever, of the

fourteen kings with preserved names (2 being partially preserved), nine contain the

formula X tJwy, with four having

X-i'b

#w^7(Senebef (2)

mh-ib-Gwy,

Amenemhet VI (8)

shr-ttwyls.

c

nh-ib-Uwy, Sehotepibre (10) swsh-tiwy, Sobekhotep II (13) sm3-tiwy, Aw ibre

Hor (15)

htp-ib-tiwy,

Amenemhet VII (20)

hry-tp tiwy,

Sobekhotep III (26)

hw-tJwy,

Neferhotep I (27)

grg-ttwy,

Sobekhotep IV (29)

cnh-ib ttwy).

All of these occurred

within the first twen ty-nine king s. An apparent earlier occurrence of this formula oc curs

with Senwosret II

(ssm-tSwy).

There is also one king in Dynasty XVI/XV II (Nebiriau I

(6) swid-Gwy). These nam es are likely a style preference, but it may be the case that

there were many m ore. For the most part, they convey messages of keeping the land and

appeased, but some of the initial verbs are more "p roactive." For example, Sehotepibre

r e f e r s t o e xp a nd ing t he bor d e r s ( Byb los? ) , w h i l e Sob e kh o te p I I no t e s un i t i ng t he tw o

This name was popular w ith kings throughout Dynasty XI (J. von Beckerath, Hcmd buch der

Agyptischesn Konigsnamen, (Mainz, 1999), pp. 76-81).

1521

Bennett, "King's Daughter," p. 2 1.

1522

Weill, "Les Successeurs," pp. 153-154, 156.

450



lands, and Sobek hotep III states his will to protect the two lands. This latter expression

appears earlier as well in the Nebty names of Amenemhet I

(shtp-tJwy),

Amenemhet III

(it-iw

c

t-8wy),

Am enemhet IV

(shb-tiwy),

and Nefrusobek

(st-shm-nbt-tiwy).

Two

Dynasty X VI kings have Nebty names built on this formula.

Of the 9 kings with Horus names

X-tiwy,

four had Nebty names X -ifw .

(Amenemhet VI (8)

shm-h

c

w,

Sobekhotep II (13)

dd-h

c

w,

Awibre Hor (15)

n£rh

c

w,

Sobekhotep IV (29) widh

c

w). Three Dynasty XV I kings have this pattern in their

Golden Horus names. The pattern

dd-X

is found in two cases: Sobekhotep II (13)

dd -

h

c

w

and Djedkheperew (17)

dd-msw.

The last also has this pattern in the Horus name

dd-hprw. Another pattern X-shm.fis found in two cases, Senebef (2) it-shm.f'and h

c

-

shm.f. Khendjer (22) uses a different form, X-mswt, i.e. wJh-mswt, like the

Horus/Nebty nam e of Amenem het I and the pattern of the Nebty nam es of Senwosret I

c

nh-mswt (also Horus and Golden) and Senwosret III ntr-mswt. Several Horus names

match those from Dynasty X I kings including shr-tiwy (Intef

I);

s

c

nh-ib-tlwy and sm3-

Gwy

(Montuhotep II); and g/g-^ wy Îjib cha ntre) while Mentuhotep III has the same

Horus name pattern (s

c

nh-tJwy.^ as those of the Dynasty XIII kings.

1523

The Golden H orus names of three kings are

X-ntrw.

Sobekhotep 1(1)

c

nh-ntrw,

Sobekhotep II 13 kiw-ntrw and Awibre Hor (15) nfr-ntrw. Dynasty XII kings with this

pattern are Senwsoret II M p-nfrwand Amenemhet IV shm-ntrw. Two kings have X-mi

c

t

hk-ml

e

t

Amenemhet VI (8) and

htp-hr-ml

c

t

Sobekhotep III (26). Dynasty XII kings with

this pattern are Nebty and H orus of Sobekhotep II

sh

c

ms

c

tan. Nebty

hkn mi

c

t for

Am enemhet II (also Horus). The next pattern is cnh-X with

c

nh-ntrwabove and

c

nh

1523

Postel,

Protocole,

pp . 60, 191, 196, 255, 384.

451



tnptwwith

parallels

c

nh-mswtoi

Senwosret I and

whm-mswtoi

Amenemhet I.

Using R yho lt's list, there are thirteen kings with the prenomen pattern X-iJ-r

c

(2,

3, 4, 9, 11, 17, 20, 22, 23 , 24, 37, 48, 54) and seven with

X-ib-r

c

(6,

8, 10, 12, 15, 25 , 32).

Three have X

-hp-r

e

(30,

3 1, 34) and two

X-nfr-r

c

(29,

33). X-/2-r'

is

5 (35 , 55, 57, ?, ?)

and X

shm-r

c

is

3 (27, 36, ?) and

shm-r

c

-X-tlwy\s

3 (1 , 16, 26).

The most pop ular pattern X-k3-r

c

is also used for Senwosret I and Nefrusobek, with plural

k

c

wfox Senwosret III and Amenem het II. X-ib-r

c

was used by Amenemhet. I. The

components that appear most frequently are

mr(9), shm

(7),

h

c

(A), htp(A), swld(3), ttwy

(3), shtp(2), s

c

nh (2), and nfr(2). Of these, A

r

and shtpwere used in Dynasty XII.

The most common nomen was Sobekhotep, occurring seven times, Amenemhet

three and Neferhotep two . Am enemhet was juxtaposed w ith a second nomen five times,

two of these with Ameny. The name Seneb was used in three names (Reniseneb (14),

Senebef (2), and Senebmiew (?). The link with Amenem het of Dynasty XII is obvious.

III.E.

Results of the Study of Royal

Names

The above study of Dynasty XIII nomen and prenomen correlations w ould seem

to indicate that Dynasty XIII was made up of one primary family, evolving over time

(though this may be deliberate misinform ation). Unfortunately, the exact familial ties are

uncertain, and some evidence indicates that some kings did not have a royal mother or

father. In many cases, it is likely that these relationships were sym bolic, tying king s

together wh en they who had no familial links to one another. Add itionally, there is no

sense of distinct groupings expected in such theories as circulating succession.

Relationships in nomens and prenomens b etween dynasties show that there may

452



have been some actual or symbolic connections with families, who were able to assume

the throne in their various localities, once fragmentation of the country occurred, to

whatev er degree that may have been. In the first part of Dy nasty XV I there are three

kings with the name Sekhemre, a nam e, which seems to be derived from the Sobekhoteps

of Dynasty XIII.

1524

Meanw hile, the later part of Dynasty X VII seems to have had little

connections with the names of the rulers of Dynasty XIII, indicating that the division of

traditional Dynasty XVII into two distinct units (XVI and XVII) is warranted.

III.F. Nam e Divisions and Changes in Royal Ideology

Though there may have been some royal connections between the kings of

Dynasty XIII, the fact remains that several steps were taken to distinguish some kings

from the families of their predec essors. Some of the kings named their parents, stating

clearly that they were non-royal. Also , these kings may have intensified their use of

divine marriage to compensate for their non-royal origins. As has been discussed in

previous sections,

The Westcar Papyrus

is the first textual source, in which this event

occurs overtly.

1525

This text states that the god Re came to the non-royal wife of

a

priest

of the sun god to produce the future regen ts. Thu s, the fact that the mother of the three

brothers was not royal was insignificant because Re, their actual father, determined their

destiny. Thu s, through this concept, the traditional rules of heredity were byp assed,

resulting in a series of unrelated kings.

1526


The use of

& -R

c

during Dynasty IV implies the same concept. See Chapter 2, Section II.B.

Redford, "Concept," pp. 157-158.

453



IV. Conclusions

The analysis of titles and names of kings and officials reveals that the political

nature of Dynasty XIII changed over time. In the beginning, kings were actually or

symbolically connected to their predecessors, while viziers and treasurers were prom oted

within their offices. Some of the viziers may have-inherited their ultimate positions from

their fathers after having served within the office. How ever, it is currently uncertain ,

whether or not they served in succession. Later on, some of the kings may have had

military background s with no conn ection to the royal blood line. Likewise, viziers began

to come from local offices tha t reported to the bureau of the vizier rather than from

within.

At the same time that shifts occurred with royal succession and the selection of

viziers, kings began to form alliances by marrying their daughters to local officials

through out Eg ypt. Some of these families, such as that at El-Kab with its military

connections, became particularly powerful during the reigns of the last successful kings

of Dynasty XIII. After the reign of Merneferre Ay, they appear to have broken aw ay

from the north and formed their own Dynasty X VI. Interestingly, howev er, it is unclear

as to the origin of this new royal family in the south.

The nomens of the kings of Dynasty XIII may suggest that the rulers wished to

link themselves to Dynasties XI and XII and to one another despite the overt terms used

by Sob ekhotep III and the brother kings to dem onstrate their non-roy al origins. These

sometimes artificial links, however, do not support the existence of

a

system such as

circulating succession. The situation of having many unrelated kings after the beginning

of the dynasty resulted in the development of many new forms of legitimization,

454



including the use of common names.

455



Chapter 7

Conclusions: The Fall of Dynasty X III

I. Introduction

Chapter 6 examined kingship and its power relative to the elite of Dynasty XIII.

In general, evidence suggests that the traditional succession of kings and the background

of the vizier shifted du ring the part of Dynasty X III for which data is available. This

information refines the phases of Dynasty XIII outlined in Chapter 1, Section IV.C.

(Table 7.1). Phase 1 includes the kings from Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep

I through Sedjefakare Kay Am enemhet w hile the second includes Khutawyre W egaf

through Merneferre Ay . The remain der of the rulers compose the third group. In the

following sections, the development of each phase will be outlined in order to create a

possible model for the fall of Dynasty XIII.

1527

II.

Phase 1

The nature of the administration in Dynasty XIII is similar to that of late Dynasty

XII,

except that, in the former, the reigns o f the kings are significantly shorter. It is

unclear exactly why the former is divided from the latter in the

Turin King-List.

How ever, the reign of Nefrusobek may indicate that there were no appropriate heirs upon

the death of Amenem het IV. After the que en's reign of four years, there may have been

1527

Gundlach also created a less-detailed model for the fall of Dyansty XIII within a greater expanse of

Egyp tian history. This model focuses on the political situation alone and includes the division between

Wegaf and the preceding kings. He believes that the viziers had actual control while the kings were

symbolic rulers during the middle of Dynasty XIII. Neferhotep I then revitalized the power of kingship,

which eventually fell due to the Hyksos (Gundlach, "G rundgegebe nheiten," pp. 84-85, 86, 90).

456



Prenomen:

1. Sekhemrekhutawy

2. Sekhemkare

3. Nerikare

4,

6. Hotepibre

8. Sankhibre

9. Semenkare

10. Sehotepibre

11. Sewadjkare

12.

Nedjemibre

13. Khaankhre

14.

15.

Awibre

20. Sediefakare

21.Khutawyre

22. Woserkare

23 .

Semenkhkare

24.

Sehotepkare

25 .

Meribre

26. Sekhemresewadjtawy

27.

Khasekhemre

28.

Menwadjre

29.

Khaneferre

31 . K hahotepre

32 . Wahibre

33 .

Merneferre

34 . Merhotepre

35 . Sankhenre

36 .

Mersekhemre

37. Sewadjkare

38 . Merkawre

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46 .

M er[. . . ]re

47 .

M erkheperre

48. Merkare

49.

50 . Sewedjare

51 . [...]mosre

52. [...Jmaatre

53 . [...Jwebenre

54. Se[...]kare

55. Sehekenre

56 . [ ]re

57.

Se[...]enre

Nomen

Amenemhet Sobekhotep I

Amenemhet Sonbef

Amenemhet/Ameny Qemau

Qemau's Son Harnedjeritef

Jewefni

Ameny Intef Amenemhet

Nebnun

Seweskekhtawy

1

Sobekhotep II

Amenemhet Reniseneb

Hor

Kav Amenemhet

Wegaf

Khendjer

Imyremeshaw

Tntef

Seth

Sobekhotep III

Neferhotep I

Sahathor

Sobekhotep IV

Sobekhotep V

Ibiaw

_Ay

2

Ini Sobekhotep VI

Sewadjtew

Ined

Hori

Sobekhotep VII

3

Montuhotep

Ibi

Hor (..?)

Sankhptahi

T a b l e 7 . 1 . T h e p h a s es o f Dy n a s ty X I I I u s i n g R y h o l t ' s l i s t o f k ings as mod i f ied in

Chapter 1. The numbers to the left reflect Ry ho lt's order. Missing num bers indicate that

one or more kings, have been com bined or eliminated.

457



several lines of potential rulers descended from Amenemhet III and/or Amenemhet IV.

II.A. Legitimization

Interestingly, all of the kings with double names except for Merhotepre

Ini Sobekhotep VI are in phase I. Of these, all but Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef, who se

name likely expresses filiation, include the comp onent "Amen emh et." Thu s, it is likely

that these names either designate an actual descent from one or more of the D ynasty X II

rulers by this name or serve as a legitimization tool to link these kings with that

successful group or figure. Thu s, this phase of Dynasty XIII valued the ideal of father-to-

son succession and expressed it through either literal or symbolic links to this illustrious

earlier period.

II.B. Internal C onditions

The operation of the state structure appears to have continued from late Dynasty

XII.

Prior to taking their ultimate position s, high officials such as viziers worked in

lower offices within their departments in order to gain experien ce. At least some kings

were buried in pyramids with substructures modeled after that of Amenemhet III,

suggesting the continuing royal ideology of the afterlife. Ho weve r, these pyramids were

significantly smaller than those at the prime o f Dynasty XII. In fact, all forms of royal

expression through funerary monuments decreased in number and size. The afterlife

preparations of the elite seem to have followed suit at this time as they too have fewer

and smaller mo num ents. These phenom ena may suggest an econom ic crisis that affected

all of Egyptian society at this time.

458



II.B .l. C hanges in the Annual Inundation of the Nile

From the beginning of the Late Middle Kingdom into Dynasty X III, there are

records of Nile flood levels in Nu bia. Taking into consideration o ther inscriptions

through the Second Intermediate Period, it has been suggested that instability in the

annual floods m ay have disrupted the econom ic system according to which the ancient

Egyp tians lived. Unfortunately, like most of the sources addressed in this study, the

records are limited. The Egyptians did not comm ent upon regular floods, and the small

number of inscriptions related to the subject are not necessarily representative of the era.

For now, however, this data can provide the basis for a tentative model for the problems

faced by Dynasty XIII kings, though other possibilities exist.

Environmental factors such as flood and drought can cause severe pressure to be

applied to a political infrastructure.

1528

In ancient Egyp t, part of a kin g's role was to

ensure that order remained in the world by appeasing the gods and ruling fairly over his

land. In return, the gods wo uld grant an annual inundation ad equate for plentiful crops

and a comfortable existence.

1529

Ho wev er, the Nile system was fragile, and floods, which

were too high or too low, were catastrophic, resulting in too little food from poor

harvests.

1530

Lorton sugge sts that one-in-five floods were unfavorable, an d, thus, the king

Richards, "Modified Order," pp. 36, 38; S.J. Seidelmayer, "The First Intermediate Period," in I. Shaw,

ed., The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000), pp. 129-130.

Berlev notes that the administration was expected to provide for the people regardless of the level of the

inundation (O. Berlev, "Bureaucrats," in S. Donadoni, ed., Th e Egyptians (Chicago, 1997), pp. 88-89).

Note that Habachi states that "high floods were welcomed" (L. Habachi, "A High Inundation in the Temple

of Amenre at Karnak in the Thirteenth Dynasty,"

S AK 1

(1974), p. 213). How ever, this statement is not

true as too much w ater could also cause crop failure. For the negative effects o f high and low floods, see

Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology, (Chicago, 1976), pp. 43-56.

1529

Butzer stresses the connection between the inundations and the perpetual reenactment of creation

(Butzer, "Long-term Nile Flood," p. 103). For the Heliopolitan Cosmogony, see, Lesko, "Cosm ogonies

and Cosmo logy," p. 92.

K.W. Butzer, "Nile, Flood History," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient

459



and the administration had to collect and store grain surpluses in order to provide for

people when the harvest was insufficient.

1531

Ho weve r, more frequent disruptions in this

cycle resulted in substantial econom ic hardship. Eventually such pressures could lead to

the destabilization of the political leadership.

1532

• Acc ording to Bell, in her study of the Nile flood records in Nu bia, the annual

inundation levels became significantly higher in Dynasty XII (especially in the reign of

Amenemhet III).

1533

Also, the Fayum lake reached substantially high levels at least three

times in the Middle Kingdo m.

1534

The Egyptian authorities seem to have adjusted to this

situation by developing m ethods to prosper with the higher N ile floods (including w ater-

related constructions in the Fayum area). Leprohon adds that the higher Nile level may

have instigated a population increase both through a higher native birth rate and the

Egypt (New York, 1999), pp. 568-56 9. Butzer describes the ill effects on the fishing industry due to

unfavorable (high or low) inundation s. This factor would also have an enormous impact upon the

economic vitality of

the

country. This notion is also discussed by Bell ("Climate," p. 258). Butzer

discusses the impact of increased salt levels during low floods and the problems (Butzer, "Long

term Nile Flood," p. 105).

of insects, disease, and loss of stored items due to high inundation s. For a possible reference to the effects

of a low flood in Hekanakht, see Interrogative Constructions with JN and JN/JW in Old and Middle

Egyptian, Malibu, 1980, p. 39, Ex. 7, n. 214.

1531

Lorton, "Legal and Social," p. 354.

1532

O'Connor and Silverman, "Kingship," p. XX.

1533

Bell, "Climate," pp. 224, 2 65; K. Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, pp. 29, 33, 41 , 52 ; Peden, Graffiti, p.

41; Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, p. 155; B.G. Trigger, Nubia Under the Pharaohs (London, 1976),

pp .

82-84. Note that Trigger believes that the high floods ended early in Dynasty X III, due to the fact that

no more Nile records occur in Nubia later in the period. For comm entary on Bell's study, see Quirke,

"Investigation," pp . 236-237. Note that the rise in the inundation level is also supported by evidence from

Lake Rudolf on the Ethiopia/Kenya bo rder. See K. Butzer, "Environmen tal Change in the Near East and

Human Impact on the Land," in J.M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1 (Peabody, MA,

1995),

p. 136. The increase in water level in late Dynasty X II-XIII averaged 7.3 m above those of modern

records (Peden,

Graffiti,

pp. 40,

5 1;

Kemp, "Social History," pp. 160, 180). For Nile level records of

Amenemhet III, Amenemhet IV, Nefrusobek, Amenemhet Sobekhotep I, Nerikare, and Senebef (?), see

Dunham and Janssen, Semna Kumma, pp. 131-133, 135,

139-141,

145, Pis. 193, 195-196, 198. See also F.

Hintze, "Preliminary Note on the Epigraphic Expedition to Sudanese Nubia," Kush 13 (1965), p. 14;

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 320. J. Leclant, "Fouilles et Traveaux en Egypte et au Sudan, 19 62-196 3,"

Orientalia 33 (196 4), p. 382.

1534

Butzer, "Flood H istory," p. 570.

460



attraction of foreigners to Egypt.

1535

Unfortunately, according to Be ll's theory, the

inundations returned to a more normal heigh t at the end of Dyn asty XII. She

hypothesizes that, in Dynasty XIII, the breakdown in the line of succession may have

come at a terrible time, causing the Eg yptians to be unable to shift the ir infrastructure

back to its original form to accom mod ate the environm ental change . Thu s, political

problems and environmental factors may have prevented the office of kingship from

stabilizing

itself,

and the normalization of the Nile levels without the ability to prosper

under them, may have resulted in dissatisfaction with the king, according to her theory.

A ruler, who could not provide enough food and wealth for his people m ay have either

been killed or replaced.

Unfortunately, there are some problems with Be ll's argument. Some of the kings

ruled for only days or mo nths. Thu s, there wou ld have been no time to test to see if the

new king w ould be able to correct the environmental problems through his relationship

with the gods. Also , other kings ruled for longer periods , indicating , either that the floods

would have had to return to their elevated heights or that the infrastructure had been

sufficiently changed to accom mod ate the return of the regular inundatio ns. How ever,

these possibilities do not explain the vacillations in the stability of kingship, as indicated

through the lengths of reigns over the course of the period. Likewise, multiple changes in

the trend of Nile heights within the 150 or more years of Dynasty XIII would completely

undermine Bell's theory concerning the overall nature of the floods during this time

period. Finally, the inscriptions related to the Nile inundations o nly exist for the first

Leprohon, "Amenemhet III," pp. 187-188.

461



seven or so years of Dynasty XIII, leaving the levels of the remaining years unknown.

Butzer believes that the level of the Nile would not hav e dropped drastically

between the end of Dynasty X II and the bulk of Dynasty XIII, as Bell has propo sed.

1537

Instead, while he acknowledges the scarcity of the evidence, he suggests that the level of

the Nile may have vacillated wildly between low and high within its general trend. In

other words, rather than being a result of the "normal" Nile floods after having

constructed an infrastructure to manage high inundations, the problems faced by Dynasty

XIII kings may have occurred due to the effects of unpredictable water levels over a

relatively long period of time.

The unpredictable nature of the Nile can be illustrated through an event in the

reign of Senwosret III. During Senw osret Ill' s military camp aign to Nubia in regnal year

19, the Nile level became so low that the expedition members had difficulties returning to

Egypt.

5

Though this event could have been associated with catastrophic harvest yields,

the Egyptians were able to sustain themselves through occasional unfavorable y ears.

Thus, this particular prob lematic drop in the level of the Nile may not hav e affected the

econom ic power of the Dynasty XIII kings directly. How ever, it does illustrate that the

level of the Nile could vacillate in unexpected w ays.

Alternatively, Vercoutter believes that the Nile levels at Semna recorded the

height of the water at a man-made dam, created late in Dynasty XII in order to allow

easier N ile travel further sou th, upriver, during m ore of the year and fell out of use after

the beginning of Dynasty XIII, due to the fact that transport further south down the Nile

15


1537

Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, p. 52; "Long-term Nile Flood," p. 109.

1538

Bell, "Climate," pp. 238, 244-245; Peden, Graffiti, pp.

40-41;

Callender, "Renaissance," p. 166; Delia,

"Study," pp. 77-79.

462



was no longer needed. Much debate has ensued over the merits of Ve rcoute r's

improbable theory.

1540

It is likely that lower inundations at the beginning of Dynasty XIII may have

provided one more pressures in a series of events, which prolonged the instability of the

institution of kingship at this time. It is unfortunate that the records of the Nile levels

only exist through the first few reigns of Dyn asty XIII. How ever, there are some mino r

lines of evidence such as the stela of Sekhemresewwosertawy Sobekhotep,

1541

wherein

the king claims to have w aded in the hall of the Temple at Karnak as part of a festival

during a particularly late inundation, suggesting that the level of the Nile was higher than

norm al. Thoug h the publications of the inscription attributes it to Dyn asty XIII, this king

is assigned to Theban Dynasty XV I by Ryholt and is only known through the Turin and

Karnak King-Lists,

in addition to this stela. Nonetheless, the exact nature of the event

recorded in this stela is unclear, though it has been suggested that it presents a sacred

ceremony, which m ay have included blocking the water, and was related to the divinity

of the king.

1542

In a stela of Sekhemre Sankhtawy N eferhotep III (JE 59635, Dynasty X VI), the

iiiV

Vercou tter, "Semna South," pp. 125-164; "Roi

Ougaf,

pp. 224, 229, 23 3-234; "Les Barrages

Pharaoniques. Leur Raison d'Etre," Les Problemes Institutionnels de

l'Eau,

Bibliotheque d'Etude 110

(Cairo, 1994), pp. 316-326; "Les Inscriptions Rupestres de Semna et Kumm a. Une M ise au Point," SAK21

(1994),

p. 23.

1540

L. Zabkar and J. Zabkar have supported Vercoutter's theory with little evidence (Zabkar and Zabkar,

"Semna South: A Preliminary Report on the 1966-68 Excavations of the University of Chicago Oriental

Institute Expedition to Sudanese Nubia" JARCE 19 (1982 ), pp. 13-16)). Scholars such as Bell ("Climate,"

pp . 234, 237 ; Peden, Graffiti, p. 41) argue against the theory that there was a dam at Semna South, causing

the high levels of silting in this area.

Helck, Historische-Biographische, p p. 46-47, no. 63. See also J. Bain es, "The Inundation Stela of

Sebekhotpe VIII," AcOr 36 (1974), pp. 39-54; "The Sebekhotpe VIII Inundation Stela: An Additional

Fragment," AcOr 37 (1976), pp. 11-20; Bell, "Climate," p. 245; Butzer, Hydraulic Civilization, p. 51; L.

Habachi, "High Inundation," pp. 207-214; D.M.A.-Q. Muhammad, "Recent Finds," ASAE 59 (1966), pp.

146-149; Redford, "The Hyk sos," p. 3. This stela was found within the Third Pylon of

the

Karnak Temp le.

1542

Baines, "Inundation Stela," pp.

42-53;

"The Sebekhotpe VIII Inundation Stela: An Additional

Fragment," pp. 14-18.

463



king claims that he has saved Thebes from its needs, implying that there was a famine

and possible foreign raids.

1543

He also changed his cartouche to Iykhernofret, meaning

"he who com es bearing good thing s." This text may present another small fragment of

evidence that the Nile floods were unpredictable at this time, causing much potential

instability in the land and its territories, including a lack of food. Ano ther stela of a

Mentuhotep (Dynasty XIII) also records famine and incursions in a more formulaic

tone.

1544

It should be noted that the environmental changes discussed here wo uld not have

been com parable to the 300 year drought proposed for the end of the Old Kingdom and

the collapse of other early states.

5

In contrast to this era, ice coring at Mo unt

Kilimanjaro has not resulted in any anomalies for the Late Middle Kingdom /Second

Intermediate Period. Thus, there was no widespread catastrophic environmental event

lasting the duration of this period. Instead, it is likely that there was a short period of

anomalous floods at the end of Dynasty XII and the beginning of Dynasty XIII. This

event may have contributed to the destabilization of kingship in phase 1. From that point

on, the strength of the state during the prime of the Middle Kingdom could not be

recovered . Occasional irregular floods during the Late Mid dle Kingdom and Second

Intermediate Period m ay have added to the problems faced by the kings due to their

inability to prepare for these natural phenomena.

1543

Helck,


p. 45, no. 62; Mioso,

A Reading Book,

pp. 15-16, lines 14-15;

Redford,

Akhenaten,

pp. 99-100; "The Hykso s," p. 3; Ryholt,


p. 306.

1544

Redford, "The Hyksos," p. 2 1.

1545

For the 300 year drought, see L.G. Thom pson, et al., "Kilimanjaro Ice Core R ecords: Evidence of

Holocene Climate Change in Tropical Africa,"

Science

298 (2002), pp. 592-593. Butzer notes that there is

textual evidence for low inundations during the First Intermediate Period, but it is unclear how often they

occurred (Butzer, Environment, p . 136).

464





Egyptian kings selected some of these foreigners to act as local mayors and to control

trade and expeditions in areas, such as Syria, the Sinai, the Aegean, and elsewhere, for

the benefit of the state.

1550

Bietak has found a large dwelling at this site,

1551

which parallels the large ma yo r's

house at South Abydos in the Senwosret III funerary complex.

1552

Objects from the Tell

el-Dab 'a residence indicate that the occupant was Asiatic rather than Egyptian. Though

the foreign official may have held an Egyptian administrative office and had lived in

standard, government-supplied housing, his statuary, with its characteristic "mushroom"

hairstyle, indicates that he held on to his own cultural identity as well.

1553

Likewise, the

overall composition of the population shifted from native to being primarily Asiatic over

Bronze IIC/Late Bronze IA Transition': A R ejoinder,"

Levant

23 (1991), pp. 117-122; Kem p, "Social

History," p. 137; Redford,


p. 100; J.W. Weinstein, "Egyptian Relations with

Palestine in the Middle Kingdom,"

BASOR

217 (1975), pp. 1-16; "The Chronology of Palestein in the Early

Second Millennium B.C.,"

BASOR

288 (199 2), pp. 27-46; "Egypt and the Middle Bronze IIC/Late Bron ze

IA Transition in Palestine,"

Levant

23 (1991), pp. 105-111; "Reflections on the Chronology of Tell el-

Dab'a," in W.V. D avies and L. Schofield, eds.,

Egypt, the Aegean and the Levant

(Lond on, 1995), pp. 84-

90.

Occupation of

the

site may have begun during the First Intermediate Period in the reign of King K hety

(Bietak, "H yksos Rule," p. 97; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," p. 779; Kemp,

Anatomy,

p .

166). Activity of Am enemhet I is also noted nearby at Ezbet Rushdi (S . Adam, "Report on the Excavations

of

the

Department of Antiquities at Ezbet Ru shdi,"

ASAE

56 (1959), pp. 208-218, 221-225).

1550

Bietak, "Connections," p. 19; "Hyksos," p. 377; "Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Period," p. 779;

"Hyksos," (1999), p. 351; Holladay, "Eastern Nile Delta," p. 209; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p.

261; S.T. Smith, "People," p. 30. Note that Ryholt believes that this process was completed at an earlier

date Ryholt,


p . 293.

1551

Bietak and his associates have claimed that this building is a palace, possibly of H otepibre Qem au

Saharnedjeritef (Bietak, "Canaanites," p. 50; "Der Friedhof, p. 57; "Egypt and Canaan," p. 34;

"Connections," p. 19;

The Capital of the Hyksos,

pp. 21-30; "Raumprogramm," p. 30; "Hyksos Rule," pp.

100-105;

"Tell ed-Dab'a, Second Intermediate Pe riod," p. 779; Eigner, "Palace," pp. 73-80). See also

Kemp,

Anatomy,

p. 166; Schneider,


p. 128. Howe ver, with the excavation of the

mayor's house at Abydos, the identification of this structure as a royal dwelling is unlikely (Wegner,

"Excavations at the Town ," pp. 4, 24-25). Others have also noted problems with the "palace" label of this

structure (O 'Connor, "Hyksos Period," pp. 53, 64, n. 15). F. Arnold used the phrase, "so-called 'palace'"

(Arnold, "Settlement," p. 15). Ryholt suggested that this palace belonged to Dynasty XIV kings. Howe ver,

it is unclear why Canaanite kings would have constructed a completely Egyptian architectural structure as a

palace. Ryholt uses this "palace" as evidence that Dynasty XIV began in late Dynasty XII. See also van

Seters,

A N ew Investigation,

pp. 87-96.

1352

Chapter 7, Section I.

1553

Bietak, "Der Friedhof, p. Fig. 10;

The Capital of the Hyksos,

pp . 20-21, 18, Fig. 17; "Hyksos Rule,"

pp .

101,

Fig. 104.114; "Dab'a, Tell Ed-," in D.B. Redford, ed.,


1 (Oxford, 200 1), p. 351 ; S.T. Smith, "Model for Imperialism," p. 155.

466



time.

1554

With a distinct culture, it is no wond er that these areas eventually separated

from Dynasty X III as it became w eaker.

II.C.

Foreign Affairs and Territorial Extent

Foreign affairs proceeded during the first part of Dynasty XIII as they had in the

previous time period. Relations with Byblos, Palestine, and Nub ia continued as indicated

by the discovery of

seals,

sealings, and other inscribed objects carrying kings' and

officials' names.

1555

In phase 1, the Nile records sugg est activity continued at Semna,

Kum ma, and Askut, while a cylinder seal with the prenomen of Seweskekhtawy was

found at Byblos.

1556

Other objects from the S yro-Palestinian region, such as an often-

cited vase with a very rudimentary inscription, which may hav e the name H otepibre,

cannot be certainly associated with Dynasty X III kingship,

1557

though seals of

Nedjemibre and Hotepibre have been found in Canaan.

1558

It is uncle ar whether or not

activity in Nubia and Syro-Palestine continued during this entire era or whether there

were ebbs and flows, depending o n the strength of the king. Egyp t itself remained

unified throughout phase 1.

1554


Callender, "Renaissance," p.

171;

Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 19-20, nos. 28, 30; von

Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp . 101-108 . Ben-To r believes that private seals found in Palestine were

amulets and arrived there via the Asiatics living at Tell el-Dab'a (D. Ben-Tor, "The Historical Implications

of Middle Kingdom Scarabs Found in Palestine Bearing Private Names and Titles of Officials,"

BASOR

294 (1994), p. 11).

1556

See Chapter 7, Section

II.B.

for references for the Nile Records. For bibliography related to the activity

of Seweskekhtawy, see Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 338-339.

1557

Dever, "A Rejoinder to Manfred Bietak," pp. 77, n. 73; "Chronology of Syria-Palestine," p. 44.

1558

Giveon, "The Impact of Egypt on Canaan in the Middle Bronze Age," in A.F. Rainey, ed., Egypt,

Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (Jerusalem, 1987), p. 32.

467



III. Phase 2

There are some indications that the kings of phase 2 came from military

background s. Thus, at this point in Dynasty XIII, the damage of the likely abnormal

floods to the office of kingsh ip resulted in opp ortunities for usurpers to take the throne.

Once this initially occurred, the office appears to have changed families within this group

at least at some poin ts. Despite the fact that these kings came to the throne due to some

wea kness in the office of kingship, they were ab le to preserve the status of this office and

sometime s even flourished. At least some of these kings continued to construct pyram ids

with

wsM-type

substructures.

III.A. Legitimacy

Four of the kings in phase 2 emphasized that their fathers were not royal. Thu s,

by the middle of this period, there must have been some acceptance of a non-traditional

backg round for king s. Also , it is at this time, that the concept of divine marriage may

have become further elaborated in literary texts to allow for rulers of non-royal blood

through the will of the sun god. Interestingly, none of the kings outside of phase

1

used

the nomen Am enemhet. This step may suggest that direct connections with this name

was no longer desirable for kings, possibly due to its association with the phase 1 rulers.

III.B.

Internal Conditions

In the beginning, the kings of phase 2 continued to utilize the administrative

system of the earlier rulers. Ho wev er, by the end of the period, they offered their

daugh ters as wive s to important local officials in the land. Also , viziers began to come

468



from loca l offices w ithin the bureau s controlled through this position . Some of these

kings had relatively long reigns, including M erneferre Ay, who may have ruled for 23

years.

Desp ite the fact that some of these kings were successful, the apparent loss of

power in the office of kingship to local families would prove catastrophic in phase 3.

As noted for phase 1, Asiatics were active within Egypt as a contributing element

of the state 's econom y. For phase 2, there is additional evidence that these foreigners

worked in royal estates and the domains of the highest officials.

1559

In a section of the

verso of the

Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446,

dated to the second year of the reign of

Sobekhotep III, a list indicates that forty-eight of seventy-seven (56%) servants had

Asiatic names and were, thus, of Near Eastern descent. Though these foreigners, most

of which were women, are often regarded as slaves, possibly captured during warfare,

1561

this conclusion is not necessarily correct as they seem to have been textile specialists

working on a royal estate.

1562

The way in which they came to work in this institution is

unclear, and, thus, one should be cautious in determining their status or their impact on

greater Egypt. Interestingly, titles from docu men ts at Kah un also indicate that there were

Asiatics in that town. One of these officials was the "scribe of the Asia tics" while a

1559

Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p. 26 1. Hayes argues that this household might be

representative of all of those in Egypt and that a large number of Asiatics lived throughout the country

(Hayes, A Papyrus, pp. 148-149; Oren, "Enigma," p. xxii).

1560

Hayes, A Papyrus; K emp, "Social History," p. 155; Lesko, "Textual Sources," p. 797; Mumford,

"Syria-Palestine," pp. 338-339; G. Posener, "Les Asiatiques en Egypte sous les Xlle et Xllle Dynasties (a

Propos d'un Livre Recent)," Syria 34 (1957), pp. 146-156; Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, pp. 147-

149; W.K. Simpson, "New Light on the God

Reshef,

JAOS 73 (1953), pp. 86-89; S.T. Smith, "People," p.

30; van Seters, A N ew Investigation, p . 78.

1561

Hayes, A Papyrus; Helck, Die B eziehungen Agyptens, p. 77; Kemp, "Social History," p. 155; A.

Loprieno, "Slaves," in S. Donadoni, ed., The Egyptians (Chicago, 1997), pp. 196-200; Posener, "Les

Asiatiques," pp. 146-156; Simpson, "New Light."; van Seters, A New Investigation, p . 78.

1562

Hayes, A Papyrus; K emp, "Social History," p. 155; Posener, "Les Asiatiques," pp. 146-156; Simpson,

"New Light," pp. 86-89; van Seters, A New Investigation, p . 78; W.A. Ward, "Non-Royal Women and their

Occupations in the Middle Kingdom," in B. Lesko, ed., Women's Earliest Records from Ancient Egypt and

Western Asia (Atlanta, 1989), p. 39.

469



second was "officer in charge of the Asiatic troops."

1563

Unfortunately, the exact nature

of these positions is unclear. It is interesting to note that, even Asiatics, who worked

outside of the eastern Delta, maintained their foreign identity through their names, which

are easily distinguished from those of native Egyptians.

III.C.

Foreign Affairs and Territorial E xtent

There is significantly more evidence for the activity of kings of phase 2 in both

Nu bia and Syro-Palestine. It is clear through the increased num ber of attestations of

kings such as Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV that these rulers in

particular were relatively successful. Thu s, the decline of Dyn asty XIII was not

necessarily steady and progressive.

Some of the forts of the Secon d C ataract in Nub ia still functioned in the reign of

Sobekhotep IV (Semna/Kumma),

1564

and archaeologists found a plaque of Neferhotep I at

Buhen, showing that this important fort was still active.

1565

Beyond the Third Cataract at

Argo, investigators found a statue of Sobekhotep IV with a strange wreath around the top

of the Lower Egyptian section of the double crown. Some scholars have suggested that

this statue was taken to this location during Dynasty XX V w hen Nubian kings ruled over

Egypt.

1566

How ever, Petrie suggested that these statues were carved out of local

1563

Kemp notes that the titles "scribe of Asiatics" and "officer in charge of Asiatic troops" are found in

documents from Kahun indicating that Asiatics lived in that town (K emp, "Social History," p. 155).

However, Quirke argues that the oversee r's title is actually

iry-

c

t n kmiw,

making him the "keeper of

a

center used by w innowers and housing their tools" (Quirke, Administration, p. 186). See also W ard,

Index,

pp .

2 9,

6 1,

72 , nos. 206, 492, 589.

1564

Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf, p. 229.

1565

Kem p, "Social History," p. 160; Save-Soderbergh,

Agypten undNubien,

p. 119; Trigger,

Under the

Pharaohs,

p. 84; Bourriau, "Relations," p. 130.

1566

Bourriau, "Relations," p. 130; Drioton and Vandier,

L'Egypte,

p . 286; Trigger,

Under the Pharaohs,

p.

84.

470



stone. Non etheless, other Egyptian objects made their way south during the Second

Intermediate Period when statues and other items w ere taken through raids into Nubia

and Egypt. For example, tombs at Kerma contained the statues of Dynasty XIII kings

and officials.

1568

Smith has proposed that the forts of the Second Cataract mark the border between

Egypt and Kush.

1569

These forts had been designed to conduct trade and expeditions and

launch military campaigns. He suggests that trade routes with Kerma may have needed

to be protected from other Nubian groups while the size of these structures served as

political propaganda for the surrounding C-group settlements, which did not adopt any

part of Egyptian culture. How ever, it might seem that the Egyptians had retreated, by the

reign of Merneferre Ay especially since no seals or inscribed objects from this king's

relatively long reign have been found in Nubia.

1570

Thus, it may be the case that the

rulers of Kerma applied pressure to the Egyptian forts, which lacked the resources to

stand up to the threat.

Seals of kings and officials found in the Syro-Palestinian region , primarily dated

to Sobekhotep III, Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, have been noted by many authors,

1567

Lepsius, Denkmaler Blatt (1897), p. PI. 120; Petrie, History, pp . 216, Fig. 127; Weigall, Pharaohs, p .

162.

1568

Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 77; S.T. Smith, Askut in Nubia, p . 86; Trigger, Under the Pharaohs, pp.

91-92;

von B eckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 105-106; Vercoutter thought objects found at Kerma were

from abandoned forts of the second cataract region (Vercoutter, "Roi

Ougaf,

pp. 233-234). However, it is

now known that Nubians ventured into Egypt, eventually making it close to Thebes

itself.

One of the

statues may have belonged to Dedumose (W.S. Smith, Art and Architecture, p . 216). A stone jar with an

inscription of one of the Sobeknakhts from El-Kab was also found during excavations at Kerma (Bietak,

"Avaris and Piramesse," p. 2 34).

1569

S.T. Smith, "Askut and the Role of

the

Second Cataract Forts,"

JARCE

28 (1991), pp. 111, 125-128; "A

Model for Egyptian Imperialism in Nubia," GM122 (1991), pp. 83-84. For updated information on

Imperialism in the New Kingdom, see E. Morris, The Architecture of Imperialism (Boston, 2005).

1570

Trigger suggests that Kush may have gained control over Lower Nubia (C-Group) through peaceful

agreements due to trade interests (Trigger, Under the Pharaohs, pp. 97-98). Ryholt does not believe that

Kush caused the withdrawal of

the

Egyptian state from N ubia, since there is no evidence of direct conflict

(Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 92).

471



C-71

though such portable objects could easily have reached the region through trade. A

scarab of Sobekhotep III was found at Jericho while those of Sobekhotep IV have been

found at Wadi Tumilat and a tomb at Tell el-Maskhuta.

1572

Seals of king Neferhotep I

have also been discovered at Tell el-Ajjul and Fassuta.

1573

Private Dyn asty XIII seals,

dating primarily to the reigns of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV, have been found at Tell

el Ajjul, Lachish, Jericho, Meg iddo, and Byb los.

1574

Named officials include treasurers

1

CHZ

such as Sonbi (Neferhotep I) and Senebsum ai (Sobekh otep IV). Seals also reveal that

people with military titles and priests were also in the region at this time.

Trading relations w ith Asiatic peoples are most apparent at Byblos w hile Avaris

in the Delta may hav e served as a gateway to trade beyond.

1576

Relations with Byblos

continued well into Dynasty XIII as there is evidence that Neferhotep I had substantial

CHH

contact with this land. The exact nature of the relationship betw een the kings of

Egypt and those of Byblos is not perfectly clear, but the princes of the latter openly used

the Egyptian title

htty-

c

,

"governor" upon Egyptian-style scarab seals already in Dyn asty

XII,

while later rulers used traditional kingship titles in their seals and monuments.

1571

See the list in R.A. Giveon, "The XIII Dynasty in Asia,"

Rd'E

30 (1978), pp. 163-167. Note that some

of these "royal" seals appear not to bear the names of kings, being decorative or com memorative of deities

instead. Decorative seals have also been incorrectly assigned to Dynasty XIII kings (Hornung and

Staehelin,

Skarabaen und andere Siegelamulette,

p p. 217, no. 133, PI. 212).

1572

Dever, "A Rejoinder to Manfred B ietak," p. 76; Weinstein, "Chronology of Tell el-Dab'a," p. 87.

1573

Ryholt,


pp. 85-86.

1574

Klengel,

Syria, 3000 to 300

B.

C: A H andbook of Political History

(Berlin, 1992), p. 79; Ryholt,

Political Situation, p. 85.

1575

Franke, Personendaten, p p. 374, Doss. 634; 391 , Doss. 667.

1576

Bietak, "Zum Ko nigsreich," p. 60; Klengel,

Syria,

pp . 45, 79; S.T. Sm ith, "Model for Imperialism," p.

155.

1577

Bietak, "Overview," p. 54; Hallo and Simpson, Ancient Near East, p. 249; Kem p, "Social History," pp.

145-146; Save-Soderbergh,

Agypten undNubien,

p. 119. W.A. Ward, "Egypt and the East Mediterranean

in the Early Second Millennium B.C.,"

Orientalia

30 (1961), p. 135. For the chronological correlation

between the rulers of

Egypt,

Byblos, and Mesopotamia, see W .M.F. Albright and T.O. Lambdin,

"Synchronism," pp. 9-18; Kitchen, "Byblos," pp. 39-54.

1578

Ryholt,


pp. 86-90.

472



The last Dynasty XIII king, whose name appears at Byblos, is Ibiaw.

1579

One prince, named Inten (contemporary with Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep

III, Khasekhemre Neferhotep I, and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV ), comm issioned an

offering prayer to the Egyptian god Re-Horakhty, in which the cartouche of Neferhotep I

appears.

1580

Inten also possessed a seal, which had the same back type as those in Egypt

between the reigns of Sobekhotep III and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. Relationships

with other A siatic lands, some being quite distant, have also been claimed for areas wh ere

statues of Dyn asty XIII kings have been found. How ever, it is likely, that these statues

were taken from their temples and monum ents by the Hyksos king Khayan and given or

traded to these Asiatic lands.

1582

Non etheless, hints at some direct Late Middle K ingdom

contact with western Asia still remains, including the use of the title mayor

(htty-

c

)

by

Kumidi in the Beqaa valley in Lebanon.

1583

Also, some Dynasty XIII kings were still

able to obtain lapis lazuli, indicating that some sort of indirect trade relationship existed

between Egypt and the source of this material in modern A fghanistan.

1584

Once Dynasty

XIV beg an, relations w ith these areas were lost until the New Kingdom.

1579

Ryholt,


pp. 85 -86, 353.

1580

Redford,


p. 97; Stock,

13. bis

17.

D ynastie Agyptens,

p. 59; Grimal,

History,

p. 184; Weill, "Com plements," p. 25; M. Dunand,

Fouilles de Byblos

(Paris, 1926-1932), p .

198.

1581

This type includes schematically hatched legs, a single line denoting the prothorax from the elytra; two

lines denoting the elytra, and one line forming the bottom of the elytra. Another seal, belonging to Ka-in,

also displayed these features (minus a scroll border), placing it into the same period. Mean while, he moves

Ilima-yapi (?) to Dynasty XII based on the com ponents of his seal (Martin,

Egyptian Administrative and

Private-Name Seals,

pp. 25-26, nos. 261-26 3; "A Late Middle Kingdom Prince of Byblos," in P. Der

Manuelian, ed., Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, 2 (Boston, 1996), pp. 595-598). For a study of

the development and chronology of

the

physical features of scarabs seals, see O'Connor, "Chronology."

1582

Bietak, "H yksos," (1999), p. 378.

1583

Bietak, "O verview," p. 54.

1584


473



IV .

Phase 3

Very little is know n about the kings and officials of phase 3 . These rulers appear

to have had little economic power, and their tombs remain unknown. They also lacked

much of the status of traditional Egyptian kingship and eventually lost much of the

territory of the state except the region around the capital at Itjatawy.

IV.A. Legitimacy

The means of succession and legitimacy for the phase 3 kings is unknow n. There

is currently no evidence that can be used to address these issues.

IV.B.

Internal Conditions

The problems encountered during phase 3 were not necessarily the result of the

incomp etence of the kings of this period . Instead, the'reactions o f the rulers to the

conditions of the previous phases had weakened kingship considerably. When the

relatively long reign of Merneferre Ay ended, some amount of political chaos may have

ensued. Most of the kings of this period likely had short reigns. After M erkawre

Sobekhotep VII, these kings are only known through the

Turin King-List.

IV.C.

Foreign Affairs and

Terr itor ial Extent

There is no evidence that the kings from phase 3 were active outside of

Egypt.

It

is likely that the eastern Delta was lost with the formation of Dynasty XIV shortly after

the death of Merneferre A y. Mean while, the kings, Merhotepre through M erkawre

Sobekhotep VII are known through the

Offering-List

and other monuments at Karnak.

474



Thus, after the reign of the latter king, it is likely that Dynasty XVI seceded from the

Dynasty XIII rulers, leaving them with the area around Itjatawy and possibly some

section of Middle Egypt.

It should be noted that the remaining kings of Dynasty X III were able

to

survive

for

at

least

a few

decades along side Dynasties XIV and XV I. 'How ever, when the

Dynasty X V kings began to raid the M emphite region, the Dynasty X III kings folded. At

this point, Dynasties XVII and XV b egan a war w hich wo uld eventually result in the

emergence of the New Kingdom and a return to a strong Egyptian state.

At some point after the reign of Merneferre Ay, the forts in Nubia were been

abandoned.

1585

Interestingly, when the Egyptian state pulled out of Nubia, some

residents of the forts remained behind, identifying themselves more with that region than

their hom eland. Eventu ally, these Egyp tians pledge d their loyalty to the Kushite

kings.

1586

The Egyptianized Nubians remained under the Kushites until the war with

Kamo se recovered these areas

for

Egypt

in

the late Second Intermediate Period.

1587

Many of these structures were destroyed and burned, but

it

appears that this occurred well

1585

Bietak, Overview, p. 54; Murnane, Overview, p. 701; Quirke, Second Intermediate Period, p.

263; State Administration, in D.B. Redford, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 1, (Oxford, 2001)

p. 16; S.T. Smith, Askut in Nubia, pp. 78-79, 81-90, 107-136; Model for Imperialism, p. 156.

1586 O 'C on no r,

Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa

( Ph i l a de l ph i a , 1993 ) ,

p . 3 9 ;

B i e ta k , " O v e r v i e w , "

p p .

5 4 - 5 5 ;

Bour r i a u , "Re l a t i ons , "

p . 1 3 0 ;

L a c o v a r a , " E g y p t

a n d

N u b i a d u r i n g

t h e

Se c o nd I n t e r me d i a t e Pe r i od , "

i n E . D . Or e n ,

ed . , The

Hyksos:

New

Historical and Archaeological Perspectives ( Ph i l a de l ph i a , 1997 ) ,

p.

72 ; H . S . S m i t h , Buhen, p . 79 ; S . T . S m i t h , Askut in Nubia, p p . 5 1 - 5 3 , 6 9 , 8 0 ; "S t a t e a n d E m p i r e in the

M i d d l e

a n d N e w

K i n g d o m s , "

in J.

Lus t i g , e d . ,

Anthropology and Egyptology.

M o n o g r a p h s

in

M e d i t e r r a n e a n A r c h a e o l o g y

8.

She f f i e ld , Eng l a nd , 1997 ,

p . 7 6 ;

" M o d e l

fo r

I m p e r i a l i s m , "

p .

155 ; W i l l i a ms ,

" P r o b l e m s , "

p p . 6 2 6 ,

63 1 , 634 - 635 . O ' C onno r be l i e ve s tha t

t h e

a d m i n i s t r a t o r s

at th e

Nu b i a n f o r ts

e ve n t ua l l y be c a m e Egyp t i a n k i ng l e t s be f o r e be i ng a bso r b e d i n to Kus h . ( O ' Con nor , "Hyk sos Pe r i od , " p .

48) .

1587

Bourriau, Second Intermediate Period, p. 207; S.T. Smith, State and Empire, pp. 72, 74, 74, 82.

475



after Dynasty XIII,

1588

suggesting that they may have fallen victim to the struggles

between the E gyptians and the Nubians in late Dynasty XV II/early Dynasty X VIII.

As implied above, once the Egyptians abandoned or lost Lower Nubia, K ushite

kings, with their capital at Kerma, moved in. These kings, when they were buried, had

Egyptian material within their tombs, including royal statuary just outside their burial

chambers.

1589

These statues originated from forts at Low er Nu bia as well as from E gypt

itself. Though some scholars such as O'Co nnor and Trigger have suggested that the

appearance of these items were possibly the result of trade, it is also likely that Nubian

raids into Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period provided for such objects from

temples.

V. Conclusions

In the past, scholars believed that the kings of Dynasty X III were unable to handle

the problems, resulting from the demise of the political and economic power of the king

and the arrival of

the

Second Intermediate Period. Ho weve r, it is now clear that there

were many factors that contributed to this situation. As Franke states:

(Dynasty XIII) is no longer viewed as a period of decline, but as a period that had

to accommodate many problem s: more than a single royal family, foreign

intrusions, cultural diversity, a large bureaucratic apparatus, and growing, martial

and military influence.

1590

B. W illiams, "Nubian F orts," in K. A. Bard, e<±, Encyclopedia of the Archaeology o f Ancient Egypt

(New York, 1999), p. 578.

1589

For examples of Egyptian royal statuary found at Kerma, see Reisner, Excavations at Kerma, IV-V, pp.

29-33.

1590

Franke, "Middle Kingdom," p . 399. See also Franke, "Zur Chronologie," p. 247; Grajetzki, Middle

Kingdom, 74-75.

476





other models are possible; this diagram represents the best current understanding of the

end of the Late Middle Kingdo m.

Here, the initial problem was an onset of fluctuating inundations as indicated

through the Nile records and geologic evidence. Such instability would have resulted in

increasingly harsh econ omic proble ms. These difficult financial issues are visible in the

small size and low frequency of royal Dynasty XIII monuments, as well as in the lack of

private, rock-cut tombs. Initially, the kings of this period reacted to this problem by

emphasizing their relationships to their Dyn asty XI and X II predecessor(s) by using the

names M entuhotep and Amenem het as part of their nomen s. Their Horus and Nebty

names also tie them to these rulers. Though the Dynasty XIII kings decreased their

expenditures for monum ents, at least some of them continued to construct pyram ids,

though sm all, with a substructure similar to that of Amenemhet III at Hawara. These

monuments are significantly more elaborate than those of private individuals at this time.

Another problem for the kings of the Late Middle Kingdom was the ability of

foreigners to immerse themselves into the economic and administrative system of Egypt,

especially in the Eastern De lta. Here, an important port (Avaris) for both land and sea-

based trade was increasingly left to the authority of Egyptianized Asiatics, who still had

considerab le cultural connections to the Nea r East. In essence, the king eventually lost

control of this important trade center, increasing his economic hardsh ip. In the end, this

group also became an independent state (Dynasty XIV).

At the same time that Asiatics gained control in the Delta, some Egyptian families

began to acquire considerable power through links to the office of vizier, as well as

marriages to princesses. It would appear that the kings of phase 2 of Dynasty X III

478



consciously granted more power to influential local families in order to stabilize the state.

However, this decision eventually resulted in the loss of Upper Egypt, with the creation

of Dynasty XV I at Thebes.

The final portion of the diagram illustrates the progression of the kings' loss of

power in relationship to foreign lands. In both Asia and Nubia, economic conditions may

have caused Dynasty XIII kings to pull back their support of outposts and forts. Thu s,

power voids in these areas allowed for new and local groups to prosper from direct trade,

resulting yet again in further econom ic hardships for Egy pt. As the pow er of the Asiatics

and Nubians grew, they began to invade Egypt

itself.

Thus, the Hyksos took over the

Dynasty X IV state at Avaris while the Ku shites increasingly pressured the Theban kings

(Dynasties X VI/XV II).

In sum, the economic crisis caused by abnormal annual Nile floods resulted in

internal and external problem s for Egyptian rulers. In the end, kingsh ip became so we ak

that the state split into separate polities. Even tually, Dynasty XIII succum bed to the

Hyksos, and M iddle Kingdom culture came to an end.

479



Appendix I : King Lists

1 Ryh olt's List of Dynasty XIII K ings

1591

Nomen:

1. Sobekhotep I

2. Sonbef

3.

4.

AmenemhetV

5 Qemau

6. Siharnedjheritef

7 Jewefni

8. Ameiiemhet VI

9. Nebnun

10 . (H) Sewesekhtawy

11.

12.

13 . Sobekhotep II

14 .

Renisonb

15. Horl

16 .

(H) Khabaw

17. (H) Djedkheperew

18 . Seb

19.

Kay

20 . Amenemhet VII

21 Wegaf

22 . Khendjer

23 Imyremeshaw

24.AntefV

25 Seth

26 .

Sobekhotep III

27 .

Neferhotep

I

28 .

Sihathor

29

Sobekhotep IV

30 . Sobekhotep V

31 Sobekhotep VI

32 . Ibiaw

33

Aya

34 . Ini

35 Sewadjtew

36 . Ined

37 . Hori II

38 . Sobekhotep VII

39.

40.

4 1

42

43

44

Prenomen

Sekhemrekhutawy

Sekhemkare

Nerikare

Sekhemkare

Hotepibre

Sankhibre

Semenkare

Sehtepibre

Sewadjkare

Nedjemibre

Khaankhre

Awibre

Sekhemrekhutawy

kare(?)

Sedjefkare

Khutawyre

Woserkare

Semenkhkare

Sehetepkare

Meribre

Sekhemresew adj tawy

Khasekhemre

Menwadj re

Khaneferre

Merhotepre

Khahotepre

Wahibre

Mernerfere

Merhotepre

Sankhenre

Mersekhemre

Sewadjkare

Merkawre

vears

1803-1800

1800-1797

1796

1796-1783

1793-1791

1791-1788

1788

1788-1785

1785-1783

1783-1781

1781

1780

1780-1777

1777

1777-1775

1755-1772

1722-1770

1770

1770-1769

1769-1766

1766-1764

1764-1759

length

c. 3

c. 3.5

c. 1 ,

c.3

est. 2

est. 3

est. 0

est. 3

est. 2

est. 2

est. 0.5

est. 0.5

est. 3

4mth

est. 1.5

est. 3

est.

2

est. 0

est. 1

est.

3

2.25

4.25

175 9 part of 10)

part of 10)

174 9 part of 10

1749-1742 4.25

1742-1731

1733

1732-1720

1720-1717

1717-1712

1712-1701

1701-1677

1677-1675

1675-1672

1672-1669

1669-1664

1664-1663

1663

11.25

0

c.

1 2

est. 3

4.75

10.75

23.75

2.25

3.25

5

2.25


480



45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50 . Monthhotep V

51.

52 .

Ibi

53 .

Hor (..?)

54.

55 . Sankhptahi

56.

57.

Mer[...]re

Merkheperre

Merkare

Sewedjare

[...Jmosre

[...jmaatre

[...Jwebenre

Se[...]kare

SeTieqenre

[

]re

Se[...]enre

1649

Unplaced

1592

:

a.

Ini

b.

Neferhotep II

c. Sonbmijew

d. [ ]s

e.

Abvdos:

1593

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12 . [ ]

13.

[ ]

14.1 ]

15. [...]hebre(?)

16. [...Jwebenre

Unplaced:

1594

a. Wepwawemsaf

b. Pantjeny

c. Snaaib

Mershepsesre

Mersekhemre

Sewahenre

Sekhaenre

Hotepkare

Woser[...]re

Woser[...]re

[...]hebre

2

2

4

3-4

3-4

S ekhemreneferkhaw

Sekhemrekhutawy

Menkhawre


1594


Ryholt,


p. 165.

481



2. Fran ke 's List of Kings

,1595

Prenomen:

1. Chutowire

2. Sechemkare

3. (Sechemre)

4. Amenemhetre (V)

5. Sehetepibre

6. Iuefeni

7. Seanchibre

8. Semenkare

9.

(Se)hetepibre

10.

Sewadjkare

ll.Nedjemibre

12. Chaianchre

13. Rensenb

14. Auibre

15. Sedjefakare

16. Sechemre Chutowi

17. Userkare

18.

Semenechkare

19. Sehetepkare

20 ibre

Nomen:

Wegaf

Amenemhetsenbef

(Chutowi)

Amenemhet VI

Nebnun

Harendotef

Sobekhotep(re) I

Hor

Amenemhet VII

Sobekhotep II

Chendjer

Emramescha

AnteflV

Seth

21 .

Sechemre Sedwadjtowi Sobekhotep III

22 . Chaisechemre

23 . Menwadjre

24 . Chaineferre

25 . Chaihetepre

26.

W achibre

27 . Merineferre

Neferhotep I

Sahathor

Sobekhotep IV

Sobekhotep V

Iauib

Aja

28 .

Merihetepre Ani (Sobekhotep VI

?)

29 . Seanchenre

30 .

Merisechemre Ined

31 .

Sewadjkare

32 . M erikaure

33.

34.

35.

36.

37 . Djedneferre(?)

38 Maatre

39 ubenre

40 . S c . k a r e

41 .

(? Sewachenre)

42.

43.

44 . (Sechaienre)

Sewadjtu

Neferhotep II

Hori

Sobekhotep VII

numbers 33-36

Dedumose

Ibi

numbers 38-47

(Senebmiu)

**

45 .

...r..re (?=Merischepsesre) (Ini?) **

(Nerukare?)

46. Mericheperre

47 . Merikare

Krauss

1759-1757

1757-1752

1752-1746

1746-1743

1743-1742

ca. 1741

ca. 1740

ca. 1739

ca. 1738

ca. 1737

ca. 1736

ca .

1735

ca. 1733

ca. 1732

1731-1724

1724-1718

1718-1712

ca. 171 le a .

ca. 1710 ca.

ca. 1709 ca.

1708-1705

1705-1694

ca. 1694

1694-1685

1685-1680

1680-1670

1669-1656

1656-1654

1654-1651

1651-1648

ca. 1647

1646-1644

ca. 1640

**

**

**

**

from 1640

**

**

**

**

**

Barta

1804-1802

1802-1797

1797-1791

1791-1788

1788-1787

ca. 1786

ca.

1785

ca. 1784

ca. 1783

ca. 1782

ca. 1781

ca .

1780

ca. 1778

ca. 1777

1776-1769

1769-1763

1763-1757

1756?

1755 ?

1754?

1753-1750

1750-1739

ca. 1739

1739-1730

1730-1725

1725-1715

1714-1701

1701-1699

1699-1696

1696-1693

ca.

1692

1691-1689

ca. 1685

ca. 1640

from 1685

length

2y3m24d

(4-5y?)

(6y)

3-4y

1+xy

?

?

?y?m4d

?y?m3d

?y?m6d

?

?y?ml2d

0y4m

?y?m7d

ca. 7y

(5-6y?)

(ca. 5-6y)

3y2m

n y

?m3d

(8-9y)

4y8m29d

10y8m28d

13y

(?)

2y2m9d

3y2m

3ylm

l?y?m8d

2y?m4d

ca. 1685 ?

?

?

•y

?

9

7

?

1595

Franke, "Zur Chronologie," pp. 267-269.

482



48 .

(?Seneferibre) (Sesostris IV?) numbers 48-50 (1+ xy )

49 .

(?Sechem re Seanchtowi Neferhotep III ?) ca. 1630 ca. 1675 (1+x y)

50 .

(?Sechemre Seusertowi Sobekhotep VIII?) ** (4+x y)

3. Von Beckerath's List

1596

G.

H.

I.

37.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

A.

B.

C.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

F .

Prenomen and Nomen

Chutowire Wegaf

Sechemkare A menemhetsonbef

Sechemkare-chutowi (Pentini?)

Sechemkare Amenemhet V

Sehetepibre= Sehetepibre A ... ?

Efni

Seanchibre Am enemhet VI (Son of

Anjotef/

Uncle of Ameni)

Semenkare

Sehetepibre=Hetepibre Harendherjotef (Son of Qemau)

Sewadjkare

Nedjemibre

Abai

Ameni Qemau

Chuioqre

Chaanchre Sebekhotpe I

Ranisonbe

Awibre Hor

I

Sedjefakare Amenemhet VII (son of Kai)

Sechemre-chutowi Sebekhotpe II (son of Amenemhet)

Userkare (and Niramaat ?) Chendjer

Semenchkare Emramescha

....kare Anjotef IV

. . . ibreSeth(=Eoqn?)

Sechemre-sewadjtowi Sebekhotpe III

Chasechemre Neferhotep I

(Chakare?) Sihathor

Chaneferre Sebekhotpe IV

Chahetepre Sebekhotpe V

Wahibre Ibijae

Merneferre Ay

Merhetepre Sebekhotpe VI

Seanchenre Sewadjtu

Mersechemre Ined (=Neferhotep II ?)

Sewadjkare Hori

Merkawre Sebekhotpe

VII

Seneferibre Senwosret IV

Meranchre Mentehotpe V

Djedanchre Mentemsaf

Djedhetepre Dedumose (I.?)

.

Dejdneferre Dedumose (II?)

years

1785-1783

1783-

-1787

1775-1774

1775-1774

1774-

-1764

1764-

-1744

1744-1741

1741-1730

1730

1730-1720

1720-1715

1715-1704

1704-1690

1690-1688

1688-

-1683

5

von Beckerath, Untersuchungen, pp. 222-223; "Zwischenzeit, Zweite," pp. 1445-1446. For a similar list

with variations at the end where the Turin King-List is least preserved, see J. von Beckerath, Chronologie

despharaonischen Agypten, Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 46 (Mainz, 1997); Handbuch, pp. 284-285.

483



38 maatre Ibi

39 .

.. .Ubenre Hor II

40 . S c . k a re

41 . ...enre (=Sewahenre Senebmiu)

J. Seche mre-se anchtow i Ijchernofret (=Neferho tep III)

K. Sechemre-sewe sertowi Sebekhotpre VIII

44 enre (=Sechaenre?)

45 .

Mer...re (=Merschepesre)

46 .

Mercheperre

47 .

Merkare

L. Usermont (= 40, 44, 46,

Or

47)

M. Menchaure Senaib

N.

Sechemre-neferchau Upwaw eremsaf

484



Appendix II: Measurements from Late Middle Kingdom Tombs

The purpose of this appendix is to provide researchers with a means of comparing

the Dy nasty XIII royal tomb s. Since the excavators rarely supply the actual

measurements of architectural features, estimates taken from plans have been italicized.

Note that the estimates for the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer are likely to be more

inaccurate than the others since the scale of the detailed plan of this area had to be

extrapolated based on m easurements from the plan of the complex (though these num bers

were compared to the plan with scale found in Janosi). All measurements are in meters.

1. Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara

pyramid

enclosure

pyramid bricks

house bricks

mortuary temple

north chapel

substructure pit

staircase 1

short corridor 1

chamber

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis 1 room

Change in level

short corridor 2

southwest turning

chamber

south corridor

door niche within

south corridor

south corridor

continued

Length

101.75

384.96

0.45

0.375

—

—

—

axis 24.42

1.52

1.70

2.64

1.55

—

1.81

2.67

0.53

1.08

0.85

width

101.75

157.89

0.225

0.18

—

—

—

0.96

0.85

3.77/3.72

1.78

2.27

—

0.74

2.18

0.99

—

0.98

height

58.01

—

0.13

0.125

—

—

—

1.79

—

—

1.82

—

—

—

1.88

—

—

1.93

Notes

102-105 per side; angle at

48°45 '±3

with variation up to

52°25'

labyrinth, measurements

uncertain

uncertain measurements

only around sarcophagus

chamber

width at base; ramp of 0.24

per side; slope of 19° 37.5'

uneven chamber

from right; closed

up

sockets for a single wooden

door in southwest corner

485



south corridor, slope

short corridor 3

southeast turning

chamber

portcullis 2

change in level

east corridor

east corridor, slope

short corridor 4

northeast turning

chamber

portcullis 3

northern corridor

Antechamber

passage to

sarcophagus

sarcophagus

chamber base

interior

sarcophagus

chamber lid southern

fixe

sarcophagus

chamber lid middle

fixe

sarcophagus

chamber lid south

mobile

sarcophagus exterior

sarcophagus interior

26.44

1.73

3.59

3.45

—

2.42

11.28

1.63

4.22

3.51

8.54

7.85

1.82

6.79

2.69

2.25

0.97

0.79

2.25

1.59

—

0.97

0.9-7

—

2.29

1.55

0.90

2.28

0.92

2.39

1.23

0.79

1.83

—

2.28

0.76

—

—

1.81-

1.59

2.18

1.12

1.84

2.32

—

2.35

1.22

1.22

1.22

1.41

1.06

length is horizontal; slopes

downward

Northern and eastern sides of

room filled with masonry

from left; open

Above previous floor

flat, 0.41 at start with lower

roof

length is horizontal

measurement; across

downward slope 11.44 for

decrease of 1.93

Some masonry within corridor

Partly filled with masonry

from right; open

0.44 with lower roof

northern area filled with

masonry

in floor of antecham ber; filled

with masonry

foot is an addition 0.23 with a

height of 0.39; facade

decoration

486



2. Pyram id Complex of Wo serkare K hendjer (minus the subsidiary p yramid)

pyramid

pyramidion

pyramid br icks

encasement trench

inner enclosure

outer enclosure

mortuary temple

temple courtyard

north chapel

substructure pit

s taircase 1 (room)

staircase 1

short corridor 1

portcullis 1 stone

portcul l is 1 receiving

niche

portcul l is 1 room

change in level

short corridor 2

staircase 2 (room)

staircase 2

short, flat corridor 3

wooden door niche

portcullis 2 stone

portcul l is 2 receiving

niche

portcul l is 2 room

change in level

long corridor 1

turning room 1

long corridor 2

antechamber

corridor to burial

Length

52.5

1.40

0.42

55.00

77.00x78.00

122.65x125.90

26.25

25.00

8.00

13.00

5.00

6.00

1.00

2.90

1.95

1.75

—

0.50

13.50

14.5

1.80

0.50

2.90

1.80

1.50

—

6.75

2.25

11.00

9.90

3.75

width

52.5

1.40

0.21

6.00-7.00

3.00

2.60

27.50

15.00

6.38

13.00

0.90

0.90

0.90

1.90

0.40-0.50

0.90

—

0.90

0.90

0.90

0.90

1.10

1.75

0.40

0.90

—

0.90

2.25

1.00

2.25

1.00

Height

37.49

1.30

0.11

—

—

—

—

—

—

11.00

1.20

3.30

1.25

1.90

—

1.10

1.50

1.25

1.60

5.29

—

—

7.75

—

1.10

1.20

1.50-1.75

2.20

1.00

2.00

1.25

Notes

Angle a t 55° (e xcavato r 's

es t imated length used and

height correc t)

Angle at 55°-56°

with a 0.02 variable in

each

Stone

Mudbr ick

within temple

platform 0.56 high

entrance in west

14 steps (length across

steps)

From the r ight ; open

measurements when s tone

in final position; height at

lowes t point

Above previous f loor


steps)

includes wooden door

niche; height variable

height variable ; width of

hal lway plus 2 nich es

from left; open

measurements when s tone

in final position; height at

lowes t point

Above previous f loor

for the last m of length,

height is 1.25

next passage hidden

beneath the floor

antechamber above

ceiling at end

corridor to buria l ch amber

and wes tern hydraul ic

tunnel hidden in floor

487



chamber

eastern access tunnel

western access tunnel

1

room at end of tunnel

1


2

sarcophagus base

exterior


above niches

coffin niche

canopic niche

sarcophagus lid fixed

sarcophagus lid

mobile

sarcophagus

chamber

lid supports

2.75

2.50

2.00

2.75

4.50

3.50

2.40

0.75

2.25

2.25

3.25

1.20

0.80

0.80

1.50

0.80

2.25

1.25

0.80

0.75

3.00

3.00

3.10

0.40

0.90

—

—

0.90

>2.50

1.00

1.00

0.70

1.50

1.50

5.20/3.70

1.00

entrance hidden in floor

of long corridor 2

from antechamber

tunnel 2 in ceiling

tunnel to burial chamber

*

measurement does not

account for arching on

interior

lid closed

height from top of base to

apex/from top of lid to

apex

Granite

488



3. Subsidiary Pyramid of W oserkare Khendjer

pyramid

staircase (room)

staircase

short corridor 1

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis 1 room

portcullis 1 niche

change in level

short corridor 2

portcullis 2 stone

portcullis 2 room

portcullis 2 niche

change in level

short corridor 3

antechamber

corridor to northern

burial chamber

sarcophagus 1 base

sarcophagus 1

interior

sarcophagus 1 lid

lid supports 1

canopic box 1

canopic box 1

interior

corridor to southern

burial chamber

sarcophagus 2 base

sarcophagus 2

interior

sarcophagus 2 lid

lid supports 2

canopic box 2

canopic box 2

interior

canopic box 2 lid

Length

25.5

6.70

7.70

1.40

2.70

1.2-5

1.45

—

1.30

2.80

1.40

1.45

—

1.30

2.20

0.90

2.80

2.25

2.80

—

1.20

0.60

3.00

3.00

2.25

3.00

—

1.25

0.60

1.10

width

25.5

0.90

0.90

0.90

1.40

0.90

0.55

—

0.90

1.60

0.90

0.55

—

0.90

2.10

0.80

1.75

0.90

1.75

0.25

1.20

0.60

0.80

1.75

0.85

1.75

0.25

1.25

0.60

1.10

height

—

1.70

3.75

1.75

1.70

0.90

—

1.20

1.20

1.60

1.10

—

1.20

1.25

1.25

1.25

1.50

1.00

0.35

1.40

—

—

1.00

1.50

1.00

0.50

1.05

1.00

0.60

0.25

Notes

Entrance in east


steps),

33°

from the left; closed

measurements with stone

in place

Above previous floor

from the right; closed

up from previous level

Northern sarcophagus

Open

5 pillars

at lower level from

antechamber; 0.8 of

corridor beyond

antechamber

6 pillars

489



4. The Southern Pyramid a t South Sakk ara

pyramid

pyramid bricks

encasement trench

Enclosure

staircase 1 (entrance)

short corridor 1

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis 1 receiving

niche

portcullis 1 room

change in level

short corridor 2

turning room 1

long corridor 1

turning room 2

change in level

staircase 2

long corridor 2

antechamber to

galleries

gallery 1 passage a

gallery 1 passage b

gallery 1

gallery 2 passage a

gallery 2 passage b

gallery 2, staircase

room

staircase 3

short corridor 3

gallery 2, 2

nd

room

staircase 4

short corridor 4

portcullis 2 stone


niche

portcullis 2 room

change in level

short corridor 5

portcullis 3 stone


niche

portcullis 3 room

change in level

short passage 5

Length

91.00

0.44

123.50

16.50

2.00

3.40

1.00

1.50

—

2.00

3.60

12.00

3.70

1.00

1.00

9.50

5.60

0.50

1.00

15.10

0.50

1.00

4.70

3.50

2.40

8.60

0.70

2.00

3.30

1.00

1.50

—

2.00

3.30

1.00

1.50

—

1.50

width

91.00

0.21-0.23

5.50

0.65

0.80

0.80

2.00

2.10

1.50

—

0.80

2.00

0.80

2.00

—

0.80

0.80

2.20

0.80

1.10

1.80

0.80

1.10

2.10

0.8

0.80

2.10

0.80

0.80

2.00

2.00

1.50

—

0.80

2.00

2.20

1.50

—

0.80

height

0.12-0.13

1.80

—

1.70

—

1.80

1.70

1.80

1.80

2.50

1.90

2.50

1.30

—

1.90

2.60

—

—

—

—

—

1.70

2.00

—

—

1.20

2.00

2.00

—

7.70

2.00

1.80

—

—

1.70

1.80

1.70/1.90

Notes

Preserved to a height of

3

m

Mudbrick sinusoidal wall;

preserved to a height of

2

m

in one area

44 steps

from the right; open

measurements if portcullis

were in place

above previous floor

down; beneath turning room

5 steps; below turning room

13 steps beneath previous

room

Beneath previous room

from the left; closed

height from top of base to

apex/from top of lid to apex


from the right, open


490



antechamber 1

northern access tunnel

southern access tunnel

small corridor 5

sarcophagus 1 base

coffin 1 niche

canopic 1 niche

sarcophagus 1 interior

above and beside

niches

sarcophagus 1 lid fixed

1

sarcophagus 1 lid fixed

2

sarcophagus 1 lid

mobile

sarcophagus 1

chamber

granite lid supports

limestone supports

long corridor 3

sarcophagus 2

chamber

sarcophagus 2 base

coffin 2 niche

canopic 2 niche

sarcophagus 2 lid

sarcophagus chamber

portcullis 4


niche

antechamber 2

1.70

4.30

4.20

1.90

6.20

2.30

0.80

1.00/1.20/

1.00/1.30

1.90

1.90

2.50

6.30

2.20

0.70

4.40

3.50

3.50

2.30

0.60

3.50

3.50

2.40

0.40

2.60

6.00

0.70

0.70

0.80

2.80

0.70

0.80

1.50

7.30

7.30

7.30

7.30

0.70

0.70

0.70

1.80

1.80

0.70

0.60

1.80

1.80

0.60

0.70

1.80

—

1.30

1.30

1.40

4.20

0.80

0.50

1.80/1.20/

1.00/1.00

1.50

1.50

1.50

7.20

2.00

1.40

1.30

1.80

2.30

0.80

0.70

0.40/0.50

2.2

1.70

2.00

1.40

8.20 wider for 0.70

height from top pf

sarcophagus base to apex of

roof

one on each side of the

sarcophagus (2 total)

4 total

height of middle/ends

height from top of

sarcophagus base to apex of

roof

from the left; open

491



5. Pyramid of Ameny Qemau

pyramid

encasement trench

north chapel

substructure pit

ramp

entrance corridor

short corridor 1

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis 1 room

change in level

short corridor 2

portcullis 2 stone


niche

portcullis 2 room

change in level

short corridor 3

turning room 1

staircase 1

short corridor 4

turning chamber 2

staircase 2

short corridor 5

antechamber

portcullis 3

portcullis 3 niche

sarcophagus

chamber

coffin niche

canopic niche

sarcophagus lid

Length

52.4

57.55-57.65

3.00+

24.35

—

1.80+

2.90

—

1.83

—

1.60

2.15

0.50

1.30

—

—

—

—

—

3.60

2.00

1.74

3.25

2.60

0.40

4.50

2.35

0.66

4.50

width

52.4

5.85-6.50

8.00+

3.60-2200

—

—

0.90

—

2.20

—

1.00+

1.60

1.81

1.40

—

—

—

—

—

2.14

0.90

0.90

2.20

0.80

0.86-0.88

2.18

0.89

0.63

2.18

Height

—

—

—

—

—

1.30

1.30

—

1.30+

1.30?

1.10+

1.40

—

—

1.35

—

—

1.20?

—

1.04+

1.45

1.75

2.20+

2.60

—

2.50+

1.07

0.59

0.60

Notes

Could also be up to 57.5

on each side.

The interior lines were

44.20 to 45.30 m.

slopes downward

drops from above from a

shaft

Up

closed from the south

only the floor was

preserved

poorly preserved

poorly preserved

poorly preserved

poorly preserved

6 steps; down

Quartzite roof block 0.75

m thick

closed from the west

4.88 in length from the

back of

the

portcullis

the lid was broken off at

the northern end;

measurement based upon

reconstruction

492



6. North Mazghuna

pyramid

causeway

staircase 1 (entrance)

turning platform

staircase 2

short corridor 1

door niche in corridor

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis niche


niche

portcullis 1 room

change in level

short corridor 2

turning room 1

short corridor 3

portcullis 2 stone

portcullis niche


portcullis 2 room

change in level

short corridor 3

turning room 2

staircase 3

long corridor

turning chamber 3

short corridor 4

antechamber

portcullis 3

portcullis 3 niche


niche

sarcophagus

coffin niche

canopic niche

sarcophagus lid

sarcophagus chamber

short corridor 5

chamber

Length

—

116.43

4.56

2.61

11.28

1.41

1.04

4.50?

2.97?

0.64

1.97

—

1.58

2.38-2.41

1.47

2.96

2.97

0.76

1.76

—

1.59

4.93

1.90

8.33

3.30

2.06

4.41

3.21

3.37

0.51

4.75

2.38-2.39

0.68

4.23

4.51

1.17

1.48-1.49

width

—

43.74

0.96

2.60

0.97-0.98

1.02-1.14

0.10

2.01

2.13

2.16

1.61

—

0.96

2.95

0.97

1.69

1.94

2.16

1.52

—

0.98

2:51

0.86

0.97-0.99

2.69

0.97

2.67

0.61

0.66

0.89

2.63

0.94-0.96

0.66-0.67

2.60

2.67

0.70

4.69-4.70

height

—

—

1.90-1.93

—

1.90-1.94

1.98

1.98

1.79

2.16

—

3.80

1.64

1.40-1.59

2.37-2.38

2.11

1.79

2.30

—

3.75

1.43

1.36-1.47

2.13

0.89

1.69-1.70

2.38

1.59

2.46

2.62

2.98

—

1.83

1.17-1.18

0.76-0.77

0.77

3.40

0.66

2.14-2.16

Notes

10 steps, 0.53x0.43x0.09

with 0.22 wide ramp ; 27°

down 0.16

ramp for 3.78, 31 steps at

0.53x0.38x0.09 with ramps

of

0.22,

end ramp for 1.06;

13°30'

closed from the north

Up

slopes downward 0.19;

quartzite block ceiling

slopes downward

24°, 5 steps at

0.41x0.41x0.16, ramps at

0.22

493



7. South M azghuna

pyramid

pyramid bricks

encasement trench

enclosure

enclosure entrance

enclosure bricks

chapel

chapel bricks

entrance staircase

short corridor 1

portcullis 1 stone

portcullis 1 room

change in level

staircase 2

short corridor 2

portcullis 2 stone

portcullis 2 room

unpreserved corridor

unpreserved room

long corridor 1

antechamber

corridor to burial

chamber

eastern access tunnel


1


2

sarcophagus base

exterior


above niches

coffin niche

canopic niche

sarcophagus lid fixed

sarcophagus lid

length

55.40

0.46

55.40/55.67

77.72/76.40/

76.61/76.63

3.71

0.30/0.32

12.74

0.30/0.31/

0.34/0.38

4.88

0.83

2.63

1.40

—

2.79

0.84

2.65

1.40

2.03

10.16

10.29

9.00-9.04

2.09

3.44

3.65

3.15

—

3.34

2.40-2.43

0.73

2.23

2.59

width

55.67

0.23

5.13

1.05

—

0.16$. 17

6.22

0.15/0.16/

0.15/0.20

0.90

0.90

1.49

1.14

—

0.93

0.90

1.59

1.14

0.90

3.05

1.07-1.09

2.11-2.15

1.06

0.70-0.74

0.80-0.86

0.76

2.13

1.16

0.90-0.92

0.72

2.11

2.01

Height

0.13

0.99

1.52+

—

0.09/0.11

—

0.10/0.11/

0.11/0.09

—

—

1.45

—

1.19

—

—

1.45

—

—

—

1.41-1.63

1.62-1.66

0.85

0.91-0.92

1.08-1.10

0.92-0.96

—

0.43-0.44

1.04-1.06

0.70-0.71

1.40

0.99-1.51

Notes

100 cubits

mudbrick, sinusoidal wall,

crest to crest 3.71

Blocked

continues an additional

4.20 to the west for 1.66

descent 22°30'; steps 0.11

by 0.37; ramps

0.25/0.28

drop of 0.13 from steps

granite ramp 2.54 by 0.74;

4°15'

Up

descent 18"; 8 steps; 0.39

by

0.11;

ramps 0.27

drop of

0.13

from steps

change in level up, 2

uneven steps

change in level down 1.04

roof 0.14-0.19 higher for

4.13

change in level up 0.89

with 3 uneven places

steps

3 steps down, 2 cut in

(0.32x0.34x0.13) and 1

placed

4.00 from north of eastern

corridor; 0.56 into

passage

entrance-0.86xO.85xO.91

entrance-0.76-0.80

base 0.13 lower than

494

http://entrance-0.86xo.85xo.91/

http://entrance-0.86xo.85xo.91/



mobile

sarcophagus

chamber

lid supports

4.09

0.89

2.88

0.34

4.15

0.95/1.05

pavement

1.08 above sarcophagus

lid

495



Appendix III: Ch arts Showing the Level Changes Representing the

Twelve Hours of the Night

The substructures of Late Middle Kingd om royal mortuary corpus m ay provide an

architectural model of the idea of the twelve hours of the night in the netherworld through

six sections divided by changes in level. This method of representing the underworld

began in the reign of Amen emhet III in Dynasty X II. At times, judgm ents must be made

concerning how to count the hours, and other combinations are possible. How ever, here,

the entrance staircases are counted as "hou rs" while others represent transitions b etween

sections. For each mon umen t, the divisions are shown schem atically (not to scale) in a

diagram with numbers while the changes in level are shown using letters. See Chapter 5,

Section IV.

2 /B

c ' 1

r

E i i— I 1 i

I

^

i C

1. Staircase (down)

2.

Corridor

3. Corridor (slopes down)

4. Corridor (slopes up)

5.

A n t e c h a m b e r

6. Sarcophagus (used)

k

N

A. Portcullis (up/closed)

B.

Wooden door

C. Portcullis (up/open)

D. Portcullis (up/open)

E . F lo or pa s s age (do wn )

1. The Pyramid of Amenemhet III a t Hawara.

496



D

k

N

t

1. Entrance stairway (down)


3.

Corridor (downward slope)

4. Corridor

5.

Antechamber

6. Sarcophagus (unused)

B

A. Portcullis (up/open)

B. Portcullis (up/open)

C. Floor passage (down)

D.

Ceiling passage (up)

E. Floor passage (down)

2 . T h e P y r a m i d o f K h e n d j e r a t S o u t h S a k k a r a .

L

N


2.

Entrance stairway (down)

3. Corridor

4. Corridor

5. Antechamber


i

i

D

- >

B

A


B .

Portcullis (up/open)

C. Floor passage with steps (down)

D.

Ceiling passage with steps (up)

E. Floor passage (down)

3 . T h e P y r a m i d a t S o u t h M a z g h u n a .

4 9 7



• > E

D

t

L

N

C 2 B 1 A

1. Corridor

2. Corridor

3. Corridor

4.

Corridor

5. Antechamber



B. Portcullis (up/closed)

C. Staircase (down)

D. Staircase (down)

E. Portcullis (closed)

4.

The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau.

• » D

C 3 B

1. Shaft base

2.

Corridor

3. Corridor

4.

Corridors

5. Corridor


A

k

N

A 1

A. Threshold

B. Portcullis (up)

C. Floor Passage (down)

D . Portcullis (down)

5. Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 1).

498



->c

B 2 A

1. Corridor

2.

Corridor

3. Corridor

4.

Corridor

5.

Corridor


t

w

N


B.

Floor Passage (down)

C. Portcullis (down/closed)

6. Ma staba S9 at South Abydo s (Op t ion 2).

4 C

5

i 1

i E i

i I — — I

i

i i

L

— 6

D?

L

N

B A 1

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Shaft base

Corridor

Stairs (down)/corridor

Corridors

Antechamber

Sarcophagus

A.

B.

C.

D.

E.

Threshold

Floor passage (down)

Portcullis (up)

Floor passage? (down?)


7. The Tomb Model from Dahshur.

499



4 C

t

L

N

1. Shaft base

2.

Corridor

3.

Stairs (down)/corridor

4.

Corridor

+

A. Threshold

B.


C. Portcullis (up/closed)

8. S10 at South Abydos.

4/C

3 B 2 A

1. Staircase (down)

2.

Corridor

3.

Corridor

4. Antechamber

5. Corridor

6. Sarcophagus

A. Portcullis (up)

B.

Portcullis (up)

C. Floor Passage (down—south only)

9. The Subsidiary Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara.

500



D

C

2 A

B

<-

1. Staircases (down)

2.

Corridors

3.

Corridors

4. Corridors

5.

Antechamber

6. Sarcophagus (unused)

A. Portcullis (up/open)

B.

Portcullis (up/open)

C. Staircase (down)

D. Portcullis (open)

10. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Opt ion 1).

->

D

V

B

<r

C

1-6. Corridors

A-F.

Corners

k

N

11 .

The Pyramid at No rth Maz ghun a (Opt ion 2).

501



1.

Staircase (down)

2. Corridor

3. Corridor

4.

Corridors

5.

Corridor

6. Sarcophagus

4

2 A

A. Portcullis (up)

B. Staircase (down)

C. Portcullis (up)

D.

Portcullis (up)

L

N

12 . The "Unfinished" P yramid (Option 1).

1-5. Corridors

6. Sarcophagus

A

"

D

- Corners

*

k

N

13 . The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 2).

502



I

7 F 6

1. Staircase (dow n)

2. Corridors

3. Corridors

4.

Corridor

5.

Corridor

6. Corridor

7. Corridor

8. Sarcophagus

E 5D

4

T

A. Portcullis (up)

B. Staircase (down)

C. Staircase (dow n)

D. Staircase (down)

E. Portcullis (up)

F. Portcullis (up)

I

2 A

k

N

14 .

The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 3).

503



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543



Index

Abu G hurob , 270,

271,

272

Abu

Roash,

270

Aby dos, 2, 3 , 17, 21, 23, 29, 35, 38, 39,

40 , 50 , 51 , 76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 91 , 103,

107 ,109 ,111 ,112 ,120 ,125 ,130 ,

136 ,137 , 155, 156, 160, 164, 168,

193,

2 35, 240, 256, 290, 292, 295,

296,

297 , 299, 300, 301 , 302, 303,

304, 305, 306, 307, 309, 310, 3 11,

312 ,313 ,314 ,315 ,317 ,318 ,319 ,

325, 332, 337, 338, 340, 341 , 342,

351,

3 52, 357, 358, 359, 360, 36 1,

362, 363 , 364, 365, 367, 375, 388,

389,

392, 394, 396, 400, 401, 402,

403,

407 , 409, 412, 417, 420, 422,

427, 43 5, 438, 439, 448, 449, 466, 481

Africanus, 31 , 61

Ahm ose, 22, 23, 29, 36, 59, 361, 40 3,

405, 406, 407, 417

Amenemhet I (Sehotepibre), 2, 10, 11,

12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18 ,1 9,2 0, 21 ,2 2,

65,

68, 70, 74, 97, 104, 108, 110, 114,

120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,

128, 129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,

156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,

166, 170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,

202,

208, 215, 225, 235, 240, 241 ,

242, 249, 250, 25 1, 252, 254, 259,

263,

266 , 276, 277, 284, 285, 286,

292,

29 3, 299, 314, 319, 331, 337,

355, 35 8, 360, 362, 363, 364, 365,

368, 369, 37 3, 375, 376, 378, 380,

382,

38 3, 384, 387, 389, 392, 393,

396, 397, 400, 403, 404, 430, 441 ,

446, 447,

451,

452, 456, 458, 460,

461,465,466,478,485,496

Amenemhet II (N ub kau re), 2, 11, 12,

13,14, 15, 17, 18, 19,20,21,65,68,

70, 74, 97, 110, 114, 120, 124, 125,

126, 129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,

156,

157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,

166,

170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,

202, 20 8,21 5, 225, 235, 241, 242,

249, 250,

251,

2 52, 254, 259, 263,

266,

276 ,277,28 5, 286,293, 299,

314 ,331 ,337 ,355 ,358 ,360 ,362 ,

*

363,

364, 365, 368, 369, 373 , 375,

376, 378, 380, 382, 384, 387 , 389,

392,

393, 396, 400, 403, 404, 447,

451,

4 52, 458, 460,

461,

47 8, 485, 496

Amenemhet

III (N ym aatre), 2, 11 , 12,

1 3 , 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 2 0 , 2 1 , 6 5 , 6 8 ,

70 , 74, 97, 110, 114, 120, 124, 125,

126,

129, 134, 145, 152, 154, 155,

156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165,

166,

170, 173, 180, 181, 189, 196,

202,

208 ,215,2 25, 235,2 41, 242,

249, 250,

251,

252, 254, 259, 263 ,

266 ,276 ,285 ,286 ,293 ,299 ,314 ,

331, 3 37, 355, 358, 360, 362, 363 ,

364, 365 , 373, 375, 376, 378, 382,

384,

387 , 389, 392, 393, 396, 400,

403, 404, 447, 451 , 458, 460, 46 1,

478, 48 5, 496

Amenemhet

IV (Maakherure) ,

11,

20,

22 ,65 ,68 ,115 ,125 ,152 , 166 ,173 ,

225, 240 , 277, 286, 299, 368, 369,

404,

446, 447, 451, 45 6, 458, 460

Amenemhet VIII (Sankhibre Ameny

Intef), 71, 119, 216, 369, 431, 445,

457

Ameny Qemau ,

2, 64, 69, 70, 71, 73,

110 ,115 ,119 ,208 ,211 ,213 ,215 ,

216,

217, 225, 226, 244, 249, 253,

260,

261 , 262, 263, 264, 267, 276,

278, 279, 280,

281,

282, 283, 293,

309, 310, 351 , 368, 369, 370, 371 ,

373, 376, 396, 397, 402, 431 , 436,

441,

44 5, 457, 492

Ankhu ,

66, 79, 80, 81 , 84, 130, 131,

132,

134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 189,

417,419

544



Ap epi, 25, 29, 30, 58, 59, 60, 66 ,403

Ath ribis , 289

Av aris (Tell el-D ab'a), 6, 24, 25, 26,

27 , 28, 29, 3 1, 34, 35, 39, 40, 56, 57,

59 , 60, 102, 286, 287, 346, 364, 40 1,

403,

404, 409, 465, 466, 467, 47 1,

472,

478 , 479

Aw ibre H or, 2, 55, 66, 74, 75, 76, 115,

125, 174, 215, 223, 24 1, 242, 244,

249,

250,

251,

25 4, 265, 266, 276,

292, 299, 309, 3 51, 355, 364, 369,

370,

3 71 , 376, 378, 380, 381, 384,

386, 393, 409, 443 , 444, 445, 450,

451,483

Ay (M ernefe rre), 9, 17, 18, 24, 37, 47,

48, 50, 91 , 92, 95, 97, 119, 257, 287,

288,

29 1, 293, 363, 372, 376, 399,

403,

40 4, 410, 425, 426, 427, 437,

438, 445 , 450, 454, 456, 469, 471 ,

474,

475 , 483

Aymeru, 48, 49, 84, 89, 131, 136, 138,

139,

361,

4 17, 419, 426, 432, 438

Beni H asa n, 11, 13, 14, 15, 70, 392

Bersha, 13, 15,388

circulating succession, 141, 142, 143,

144 ,145 ,146 ,147 ,148 ,150 ,439 ,

452,

454

corege ncy, 20, 75, 87, 119, 120, 121,

122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 249

DAS 16, 279, 280, 368, 396

DAS 17, 280, 369, 370, 396

DA S 2, 278, 279, 280, 368, 369, 370,

396,

397

DAS 46, 282

DAS 53, 284

Ded um ose, 27, 50, 58, 60, 66, 471, 482,

483

divine birth (divine marriage), 2, 100,

101 ,102 ,103 ,104 ,149 ,453 ,468

Djehuty (Sekhemresementawy), 47,

48 ,51 ,426

doub le nam e, 2 3, 64, 67, 70, 71 , 74, 77,

89, 95, 98, 110, 115, 126, 139, 249,

428, 429,

431,

432, 433, 434, 435,

436,

458

D ra Abu el-Naga, 34, 45, 81 , 372, 406,

408

Edfu, 32, 38, 58, 425

El Kab , 38,

41,

42, 43 , 45, 48, 60, 139,

406,

425 , 426

elective kingship, 128, 129

Ele pha ntine , 15, 35, 57, 68, 88, 126,

139 ,270 ,290 ,361 ,405 ,422

El-L ahu n, 65, 68, 154, 285

Ezbet Rush di, 288, 465, 466

filiation, 23 , 64, 71 , 72, 74, 77, 98, 139,

143,

144 ,411 ,428 ,429 ,431 ,432 ,

433,

434, 436, 437, 438, 439, 44 1,

442,

44 3, 444, 447, 448, 458

Geb elein, 29 , 30, 35, 38, 58

Ha tshe psu t, 28, 45, 59, 101

Hawara, 2, 17, 18, 21, 154, 155, 156,

157,

158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163,

164, 165, 166, 167, 173, 178, 180,

196,

202, 2 15, 219, 225, 235, 238,

239, 251 , 252, 256, 259, 260, 263,

265, 266, 285, 286, 293, 310, 331 ,

355, 36 0, 364, 373, 374, 375, 377,

385, 38 9, 390, 392, 396, 399, 400,

478, 485

Horemkhauef, 2 , 4 1 , 42 ,43 , 49, 439

H ori (S ewa djkare), 93, 443, 444, 445,

483

Ho rus, 59, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,

74 , 75 , 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 85, 86, 88,

90 , 9 1, 92, 93, 94, 96, 100, 113, 114,

116, 119, 122, 125, 149,189,206,

247 ,295 ,450 ,451 ,478

Hy ksos , 1, 6, 17, 24, 25 , 26, 27, 28, 29,

30 , 3 1, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,

40,

4 1,

4 4, 49, 50, 5 1, 52, 56, 57, 58,

59, 60, 62 , 72, 88, 94, 96, 97, 102,

122, 128, 129, 134, 135, 148, 191,

287, 288 , 359, 364, 394,

401,

402,

403,

4 04, 405, 407, 408, 409, 416,

456, 463, 464, 465, 466, 4 73, 475, 479

Ibiaw (W ahib re), 47, 91, 363, 415, 416,

420,

425, 426, 427



Imyremeshaw (Semenkhkare) , 80, 81,

82, 9 1, 131, 136, 140, 205 , 372, 403 ,

404, 414, 432, 445 , 457, 480

Ined (Mersekh emre) , 9 3, 436, 443

Intef

(Sehotepkare) , 81 , 82, 131, 205,

431,442,443,445

I t jatawy,

2, 10, 13, 23 , 34, 37,

41,

42,

43, 44 , 45, 49, 56, 94, 97, 269, 284,

299, 397 , 424, 474, 475

Iwefni, 71, 119

Kam ose, 26, 28, 30, 35, 36, 48, 58, 59,

66 , 164, 405 , 424, 475

Karnak

King-List,

87 , 463

Kay (Sedjefakare Amenemhet) , 76, 81,

126,369,431,456

Keb si, 47, 48, 49

Keminebu, 38 0, 383, 384

Khayan ,

2 5, 29, 30, 59, 60, 473

Khendjer

(W oserk are), 2, 58, 66, 67,

69 ,7 6 ,78 ,79 ,80 ,8 1 , 110 ,130 , 131 ,

135, 136, 139, 166, 167, 168, 172,

173 ,174 ,175 ,180 ,181 ,182 ,183 ,

185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194,

196,

197, 198, 199, 20 1, 203 , 205 ,

206,

207, 210, 225, 230, 231 , 240,

241,

24 2, 257, 258, 260,

261,

262,

264,

2 65, 268, 273, 274, 278, 279,

2 8 1 , 2 8 8 , 2 9 2 , 2 9 3 , 3 1 4 , 3 1 9 , 3 6 1 ,

369, 370, 37 1, 376, 385, 390, 396,

398, 400, 402, 409, 414, 431, 445,

451,457,480,485,487,489

Khenmet, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384

Khnumhotep

III, 11, 13, 14, 15

Kom

el-Hisn,

290, 372, 394

Lepsius I, 270

Lepsius L IV, 277, 368

Lepsius LIX , 281

Lepsius LV , 278

Lepsius XLV, 191,274

Lepsius

XVI ,

272,273

Lepsius X XV III, 271, 272, 273

Lisht,

10, 56, 86, 164, 174, 247, 284,

293, 337, 346, 377, 381 , 385, 393,

396, 397

M anetho , 7, 21 ,25 ,26 , 27, 28, 32, 35,

44,

5 3, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 88, 122

Mazghuna (No rth), 217, 218, 224, 225,

239,

240, 260, 263, 264, 267, 28 1,

292, 369, 370, 374, 375 , 376, 389, 493

Mazghuna (South), 2, 225, 226, 227,

235,

238, 239, 240, 260, 262, 264,

265, 28 2, 300, 321 , 324, 327, 328,

331,

357, 360, 365, 369, 370, 3 71,

374,375,396,401,402,494

M em phis, 10, 27, 32, 41 , 44, 51 , 56, 58,

5 9 , 6 0 , 9 4 , 112,273,404,449

Mentuhotep (Queen), 45, 47

Mentuhotep (Sankhenre) , 41

mutilated hieroglyp hs, 164, 246, 309,

351,380,383,384

Nebiriau (Sewad jenre), 4 8, 76, 363,

450

Ned jemib re, 73, 74, 445, 457, 467, 480,

482, 483

Neferhotep I (Kha sekhem re) , 38, 57,

64 , 74, 84, 8 5, 86, 87, 89, 91 , 96, 102,

103,104, 109, 118, 120, 127,134,

146,

207, 284, 293, 319, 361, 362,

363, 369, 372, 384, 415, 421, 422,

438,

441,

448, 450, 456, 457, 463,

470,

47 1, 472, 473, 480, 481 , 482,

483,

484

Neferuptah,

162, 164, 165, 215, 246,

247, 355 , 377, 384

Nefrusobek (Sobekkare) ,

11,

20, 21,

23,

39, 65, 114, 124, 152, 166, 225,

239,

286, 287, 299, 369, 446, 45 1,

452,

456, 460

Nehesy, 24 , 25, 37, 72

Ne rika re, 68, 69, 70, 97, 437, 457, 460,

480

nomarch, 14, 15

Nubheteptikhered, 378, 380, 381, 382,

383,384

Osiris, 76, 107, 109, 113, 114, 116, 149,

155, 292, 29 5, 296, 297, 318, 363,

365, 387, 392, 394, 407, 409

Papyrus Bulaq

18, 7, 80, 95, 130, 135,

136, 137, 139, 189, 205 , 391 , 399, 419

546



pyramidion, 96,167, 170,173, 182,

196 ,206 ,210 ,287 ,288 ,289 ,291 ,

372, 376, 399, 403, 404, 409, 487

Qau

el-Kebir,

15

Reniseneb (Am enemh et), 67, 74, 83,

425, 4 31, 435, 441, 443, 445, 452, 457

S10, 256, 299, 300, 30 1, 305, 306, 309,

312 ,313 ,314 ,317 ,318 ,321 ,334 ,

341,

342 , 351 , 358, 359, 360, 36 1,

363,

365 , 375, 384, 387, 389, 392,

393,

396, 403,404,412, 420,427,

429, 430, 448, 450, 45 1, 452, 462,

466, 483

Senwosret I I (Khakhep er re) ,

3,9,10,

1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 6 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 7 6 ,

8 3 , 9 7 , 1 0 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 1 , 1 2 0 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 ,

133,

154, 155, 156, 160, 168, 170,

173,

250, 25 1, 276, 285 , 297, 299,

308, 318, 319, 32 3, 324, 334, 337,