Early Anglo-Saxon

Cremation in 2013

Knowledge, Understanding and the

EASCREM 13 Database Project

Matt Austin, 0817300

Cardiff University MA Dissertation,

September 2013

1

This project has shown me just how little I know,

and how much archaeology there is out there,

that I may never even get around to reading,

let alone understanding.

New sites are excavated daily,

and reports published in places I‟d never even think to look.

Sometimes the thought of the sheer amount of material out there makes me frantic,

and I feel like I am drowning in a sea of unachievable knowledge.

But then I just relax,

and remember to enjoy each and every moment I can share with the past.

2

Contents

Summary 4

Declaration 5

Acknowledgments 6

A Note on the Counties of England 7

Foreword 10

1. Introduction 12

1.1. Studying Cremation Cemeteries 12

1.1.1. What is Cremation? 12

1.1.2. The Archaeological Context 13

1.1.3. Antiquarian Study 13

1.1.4. Issues of Study 15

1.1.5. The Relationship Between Inhumation and Cremation 16

1.1.6. Chronology (and Chronological Sequence within Cemeteries) 17

1.2. From Pyre to Burial 20

1.2.1. How did they Cremate? 20

1.2.2. The Vessel 22

1.2.3. The Artefacts 26

1.2.4. The Grave 30

1.2.5 The Spatial Significance of Cremation 31

1.2.6. Multiple Cremation Burial 33

1.2.7. The Distribution of Cremation Burials 34

1.2.8. Summary 34

2. The EASCREM 13 Project 37

2.1. Creating the Database 37

2.1.1. Rationale 37

2.1.2. Approach 40

2.2. Using the Database 43

2.2.1. Analysis 43

2.2.2. Project Evaluation 54

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3. Past, Present and Future Studies of Cremation 56

3.1. Studies of Cremation 56

3.1.1. The Nature of Burial Data 56

3.1.2. Myres and the Chronology of Pottery 57

3.1.3. Richards and the Significance of Form and Decoration 59

3.1.4. The Biography of a Cremation Urn 60

3.1.5. Memory and Transformation 61

3.1.6. Spiritual Approaches to Cremation 62

3.1.7. Social Analysis of Cremation in Lincolnshire 66

3.1.8. Cremation Cemeteries as „Central Places‟ 68

3.1.9. Reflections 70

3.2. Towards the Future 71

3.2.1. An Interpretation 71

3.2.2. Archaeology or Archaeologies? 72

3.2.3. Conclusions 75

List of Figures 78

List of Tables 79

List of Maps 79

References 80

Appendix I – Site Gazetteer 103

Cover image: A 6th

century cremation urn of „Buckleurne‟ type from The British Museum‟s

Townley Collection. Its exact find spot is unknown, but it probably originated from

Lincolnshire. Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service.

4

Summary

This dissertation reports on the findings of the Early Anglo-Saxon Cremation in 2013

database project (EASCREM 13); a national survey of the evidence for cremation burial in

early Anglo-Saxon England ca. AD 400-650. The project is part of a structured and extensive

review of our knowledge and understanding of the earliest Anglo-Saxon mortuary custom. As

a whole, this study is intended to inform debate on the direction and future of cremation

studies, and to function as a useful scholarly resource in developing our understanding

further. It is hoped that this research will form the basis for future publications by the author

and that the database will be hosted online, either at personal expense or through a body such

as the Archaeological Data Service. The main text of the dissertation is structured into three

parts, but a 266 site gazetteer is also included as an appendix and the database itself, and

supporting documentation, is provided in CD-ROM format. In the first part, the evidence is

fully introduced and described in its wider historical and archaeological context. Following

on from this, the rationale, approach, results and evaluation of the project are detailed,

including the provision of national statistics and up-to-date distribution maps. The third and

final part is historiographical in nature, and charts the development of our understanding and

treatment of the evidence, as well as offering a general interpretation, recommendations for

future study and some concluding remarks.

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Declaration

CANDIDATE‟S ID NUMBER

CANDIDATE‟S SURNAME

CANDIDATE‟S FULL FORENAMES

This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not

concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree.

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

STATEMENT 1

This dissertation is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MA Archaeology.

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

STATEMENT 2

This dissertation is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where

otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A

Bibliography is appended.

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

STATEMENT 3 – TO BE COMPLETED WHERE THE SECOND COPY OF THE

DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED IN AN APPROVED

ELECTRONIC FORMAT

I confirm that the electronic copy is identical to the bound copy of the dissertation

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

STATEMENT 4

I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and

for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside

organisations.

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

STATEMENT 5 - BAR ON ACCESS APPROVED

I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and

for inter-library loans after expiry of a bar on access approved by the Graduate Development

Committee.

Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………

6

Acknowledgements

Any substantial undertaking of research owes much to the people whose academic and non-

academic support allowed for its completion. Warm thanks are therefore given to Dr Steve

Mills and Dr Andy Seaman for tuition in the use of ArcGIS. The historic county boundaries

and raw map data were kindly provided by Digimaps and The Historic County Borders

Project (Historic Counties Trust). Attendance at the „Digital Resources: Data and Databases‟

graduate workshop as part of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists Biennial

Conference in Dublin (27-28/07/13) greatly aided the construction of the database, and

particular thanks go to Professor Mary Clayton, Dr Peter Stokes, Professor Toni Healey,

Professor Michael Drout and Dr Anthony Harvey. Brief but informative conversations with

Professor Howard Williams and Dr Alan Lane were also welcome contributions to the

research process. My deepest gratitude, however, goes to Professor John Hines for his

patience, encouragement and support, not only during my MA but for the last five years. In

many respects, I would not be writing this dissertation, or indeed preparing for doctoral

research, if it wasn‟t for the encouragement of teachers and tutors past and present, so thanks

are also given more generally to individuals too numerous to list.

It is also hoped that this research will highlight just how indebted we are to learned

individuals past and present, who have laboured, in the field and at the desk, to create a

permanent record of excavations and archaeological findings. A quick perusal through the list

of references shows just how much has been written, and how often it has been penned by

only a handful of prolific scholars. Local archaeological societies that have undertaken the

time and cost of publishing their journals online also deserve particular commendation, and

this research would not have been possible in the given timeframe had these resources not

been so readily available. Because of the time, effort and generosity invested by a few

individuals, everyone in Britain has a historic environment they can enjoy and be proud of.

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A Note on the Counties of England

The counties of England, and indeed the UK, have long been a subject of confusion. In

country pubs across the nation it is not uncommon to overhear heated debates about which

county people actually live in nowadays, or what they are supposed to write when asked for

their postal district. This is largely due to centralised and large-scale reorganisations from the

1970s onwards and the modern county is often difficult to decipher amongst the confusing

and interlocking matrix of metropolitan counties, unitary authorities and shire counties.

In the mid-Saxon period, the Kingdom of Wessex divided the lands under its rule into shires,

which later became known as counties. From this, a dynamic but fairly robust system of

county division became entrenched in English history and remained largely unchanged until

19th

and 20th

century changes. Significant reorganisation occurred in 1974 where large

counties like Yorkshire were divided into several smaller counties, such as the East Riding of

Yorkshire. Revisions have since taken place periodically, with the latest round of changes in

2009 dividing both Cheshire and Bedfordshire into smaller, non-metropolitan counties.

The decision has been taken to use the historic counties of England for this dissertation (Fig.

1). Such a choice was not taken lightly, but it was felt beneficial for a number of reasons.

Firstly, due to the afore mentioned confusion felt by many, and the fact that there will almost

certainly be further reorganisations, it made sense to use a well-defined, pre-existing and

widely understood system. Furthermore, the use of historic counties allows the document to

concur with Audrey Meaney‟s 1964 gazetteer, which is easily still one of the most useful

reference texts we have for early Anglo-Saxon archaeology. Finally, it was felt that the

distribution of 5th

and 6th

century cremation cemeteries would have greater accord with

ancient divisions of land use, which were largely derived from the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms

themselves, than modern, often arbitrary boundaries. Alongside historic counties, modern

unitary authorities have also been recorded for all sites to provide some sense of modern

spatial position. Any inconsistencies or mistakes are, of course, the author‟s own

responsibility.

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Fig.1: The historic counties of the UK (after The Historic Counties Trust 2010, 1)

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ABN Aberdeenshire

AGL Anglesey

ANG Angus

ANM Antrim

ARG Argyllshire

ARH Armagh

AYS Ayrshire

BNF Banffshire

BED Bedfordshire

BER Berkshire

BRW Berwickshire

BRN Brecknockshire

BUC Buckinghamshire

BTE Buteshire

CRN Caernarfonshire

CTN Caithness

CMB Cambridgeshire

CRD Cardiganshire

CRM Carmarthenshire

CHE Cheshire

CLM Clackmannanshire

CNW Cornwall

CRT Cromartyshire

CUM Cumberland

DBH Denbighshire

DRB Derbyshire

DVN Devon

DRS Dorset

DWN Down

DMF Dumfriesshire

DUN Dunbartonshire

DRH Durham

ELT East Lothian

ESE Essex

FRM Fermanagh

FFE Fife

FLT Flintshire

GLM Glamorgan

GLC Gloucestershire

HMP Hampshire

HRF Herefordshire

HTF Hertfordshire

HNT Huntingdonshire

INS Inverness-shire

KNT Kent

KNC Kincardineshire

KNR Kinross-shire

KCB Kirkcudbrightshire

LNK Lanarkshire

LCS Lancashire

LCR Leicestershire

LNC Lincolnshire

LDR Londonderry

MRN Merionethshire

MSX Middlesex

MLT Midlothian

MNM Monmouthshire

MTG Montgomeryshire

MOY Morayshire

NRN Nairnshire

NRF Norfolk

NHP Northamptonshire

NHB Northumberland

NOT Nottinghamshire

ORN Orkney

OXD Oxfordshire

PBS Peeblesshire

PMB Pembrokeshire

PRT Perthshire

RDN Radnorshire

RNF Renfrewshire

RSS Ross-shire

RXB Roxburghshire

RTL Rutland

SKK Selkirkshire

SHT Shetland

SHP Shropshire

SMS Somerset

STF Staffordshire

STL Stirlingshire

SFF Suffolk

SUR Surrey

SUS Sussex

SRL Sutherland

TYN Tyrone

WRW Warwickshire

WLT West Lothian

WML Westmorland

WGT Wigtownshire

WTS Wiltshire

WRC Worcestershire

YRK Yorkshire

10

Foreword

Cremation cemeteries are something of an enigma in early Anglo-Saxon studies. Whilst we

have identified and excavated them for centuries we are only just starting to study them.

Antiquarian scholars were able to describe the urns, often with commendable clarity of mind

and literary eloquence, but their contents were frequently discarded (Wilson 1992, 179).

Indeed, it was not until the 1980s and 1990s that scholars started to realise that cremated

remains could reveal ageing, sexing and pathological data (e.g. McKinley 1994a). More

recent studies are really starting to get to grips with the cremation data – both in terms of

description and explanation. Close analysis and a scientific approach have allowed Gareth

Perry (2011; 2012) to argue convincingly that many urns, at least in his survey area, were

reused domestic wares and not produced specifically for the funeral. Similarly, Kevin Leahy

(2007) and Thomas Green (2008) have been developing interesting social interpretations of

the mortuary rite and its context in Lincolnshire. Howard Williams has also written widely on

the central social and spatial role of cremation cemeteries (2002a), the agency of the deceased

in cremation practice (2004) and even the mnemonic character of funerals themselves (2006a;

2006b). As the earliest funerary rite practised by Anglo-Saxon settlers, and possibly even the

natives they encountered, cremation cemeteries are phenomenally important to our

understanding of the early Anglo-Saxon period. Most notably, they are a major source of 5th

century evidence; a century shrouded in archaeological and historical mystery. They also

have important ramifications for understanding identity – be it ethnic, socio-political or even

spiritual. It is only fitting then that such a crucial body of evidence should finally be getting

the scholarly attention it deserves. Truly, it is an exciting time to be involved in such studies.

This dissertation originally started out as a spiritual analysis of cremation cemeteries titled

„Cremation Cemeteries and Religious Belief in Early England‟. It was quickly realised,

however, that such an endeavour would be hindered by the difficulty in efficiently finding

information. Most recently excavated cremation cemeteries are published with commendable

detail. Unfortunately, this is not the case for the greater number of earlier excavations.

Furthermore, there are very few general, or even specific, synthesises of the cremation

evidence. In order to understand the national and general context a database was maintained

throughout preliminary researches. This endeavour eventually snowballed into a project in its

own right, which has since been titled Early Anglo-Saxon Cremation in 2013 (EASCREM

13). A national database was attempted in order to consider the evidence for cremation in a

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general manner, and to make broad conclusions as a means to characterise the state of

knowledge. From this, the dissertation became more about what we know and how we can

proceed than any original contribution to our understanding of the spirituality of the early

Anglo-Saxons. Despite this, as a resource and general synthesis it is hoped that this

dissertation might help inform the debate on this important body of evidence.

The EASCREM 13 project database has been included in electronic form with this

dissertation, and should be used for more complex searches and interrogations of the data

(see attached CD-ROM). A printout of the database has also been included by way of written

gazetteer, organised alphabetically (Appendix I). Where a site is referenced in the text of the

dissertation a gazetteer number is usually given e.g. EASCREM 213 for Spong Hill, Norfolk.

This number corresponds with the ID number of the site, and its numerical position in the

gazetteer, linking the text with the written gazetteer so that the reader can turn to the relevant

entry for an overview of the site and a list of relevant references.

Matt Austin, September 2013

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1. Introduction

1.1. Studying Cremation Cemeteries

1.1.1. What is Cremation?

Cremation comes from the Latin word cremare („to burn‟) and can be simply understood as

the deliberate act of burning a deceased person‟s body as part of a mortuary rite. In modern

Britain cremation is an attractive idea due to the expense and difficulty often encountered in

finding a grave spot for inhumation, and also provides a tangible end-product which can be

stored in an urn for memorial purposes or scattered at a place of meaning to the deceased.

Such concerns would not have been felt by the inhabitants of early Anglo-Saxon England,

however, where the population was substantially lower and the landscape open and largely

unsettled. This is not to say that cremation was the only mortuary rite available to the early

Anglo-Saxons, however, as at many cemeteries people seemingly practised both cremation

and inhumation concurrently.

Scientifically speaking, cremation is the dehydration and oxidation of the organic

components of the body. It is by no means a swift process, however, and even modern

crematoriums using temperatures of 500-1000°C may take an hour or so for a single

individual (McKinley 1994a, 72-6). The time, temperature, fuel, availability of oxygen and

evenness of heat across the body dictate the success of a cremation. In perfect conditions, the

products of a cremation should be ash and calcined bone, which ranges in colour from black

(charred) to white (fully oxidised). It has been estimated that the products of a successful

cremation are typically 5.7% of the deceased‟s body weight (McKinley 1994b, 339).

Calcined bone is very resistant to environmental degradation and can be incredibly useful for

determining a range of information about an individual such as age, sex and pathology. In

modern cremations the calcined bone is frequently crushed and mixed with the ashes, which

is why modern funerary urns can be quite small (Lucy 2000, 104). In the early Anglo-Saxon

period, however, both the ashes and calcined bones were deposited in reasonably large urns,

typically 15-30cm in height (Richards 1987, 194).

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1.1.2. The Archaeological Context

The mortuary practices of the inhabitants of southern and eastern England in the immediate

Post-Roman period are markedly different to what came before, in the Late Roman period,

and what occurred concurrently in the west and north of Britain. That the Anglo-Saxons

hailed from northern Germany and southern Scandinavia and brought new ideas, technologies

and beliefs to England in the first half of the 5th

century (or very late 4th

century as feoderati

e.g. Hawkes 1961; Welch 1993) is a long-established fact which is supported by

archaeological, historical, linguistic and toponymic evidence (Kemble 1849; Myres 1969;

Hines 1990a; Cleary 1993; Scull 1995; Hills 2003; Brugmann 2011) Whilst there was already

a long tradition of cremation in Britain by the time of the Adventus Saxonum, particularly in

the Bronze Age and Early Roman periods, it had not been practised to any real extent for

hundreds of years. It is interesting, then, that the Anglo-Saxons brought the rite of furnished

cremation to the shores of England in the 5th

century, and proceeded to practise it widespread

across the southern and eastern extents of the landmass. Such migration is part of a wider

phenomenon in north-west Europe, and beyond, called the Migration Period or occasionally

the Post-Roman transition. Between the end of the province of Britannia, which is generally

seen to occur in approximately 410 AD, and the establishment of historically-attested Anglo-

Saxon kingdoms, such as Wessex, Kent and Northumbria in the 7th

century, we can identify a

distinct archaeological shift (Cleary 1993, 58; 2011, 13-14). Accordingly, the 5th

and 6th

centuries – the so-called Dark Ages – are an incredibly potent, dynamic and formative period

for archaeological enquiry, not least in terms of mortuary practice.

1.1.3. Antiquarian Study

As a key component in this striking shift in funerary practice, cremation burials have been

observed and studied by learned individuals for centuries, possibly even as early as the 16th

century if John Leland‟s c.1540 account of “Yerthen Pottes yn order cum cineribus

mortuorum” found at Kenninghall by John Dicons is to be interpreted as Anglo-Saxon urns

(Smith 1964, 120; Meaney 1964, 177; EASCREM 132). The scholarly collection, recording

and study of early Anglo-Saxon cremations began in earnest in the 17th

century, although

whether the cremated deceased were Roman, British or Anglo-Saxon was not determined

until the late 18th

century (e.g. Camden 1607; Browne 1658; Salmon 1736; Douglas 1793;

Lucy 2000, 10-11). This idea was well refined in Kemble‟s seminal paper „Burial and

14

Cremation‟ (1855), in which he identified similarities between urns found in eastern England

and in northern Germany. Indeed, the 19th

century was a crucial time in the establishment of

Anglo-Saxon archaeology more generally, with the founding of county archaeological

societies and the writings of such prolific scholars as John Yonge Akerman, Charles Roach

Smith and John Kemble (Akerman 1855; Smith 1850-68; Kemble 1849; 1855; Hines et al

2013, 14). This is not to say that cremation has been the traditional focus of scholarly interest,

however. In fact, substantially more attention has been lavished on furnished inhumations,

and cremations are seldom afforded comparable levels of detailed study. As alluded to in the

foreword, frustrations with such an imbalanced treatment of the mortuary evidence are a key

reason for the undertaking of this study.

Despite the early recognition of Anglo-Saxon cremations, the main problem that has

seriously harmed their study has been the attitude in which the evidence has been

approached. Many early scholars had little interest in the contents of the urns and often threw

them away (Hills 1980, 197). Cremated bone was seen as worthless and there seemed little

point dwelling on burnt artefacts when unburnt versions existed in the inhumation burials.

This is not to say that such behaviour was not to be expected for the time, though, as even

unburnt bone was frequently ignored and the standards of recording and publication across

the field of archaeology were incredibly variable. Simply put, it was a different time with

different priorities, as was well summarised by David Raoul Wilson:

“So often in the past it has simply been the urns that have been considered worthy of

examination and discussion and their contents, apart from obvious artefacts, have

been ignored or thrown away, and it is only recently that we have become aware of

the range of information that the cremated bones can provide”

(Wilson 1992, 179)

The attitude articulated here has unfortunately been the common approach towards cremation

for most of Anglo-Saxon archaeology‟s existence. Indeed, Howard Williams (2002b, 62) has

gone as far as to describe the historiography of Anglo-Saxon cremation studies as a

systematic incomplete treatment of the data. Despite this, modern approaches and new

osteological and other techniques now allow us to extract a plethora of important information

from cremated bone, including age, sex, pathology, diet, provenance, date, MNI (minimum

number of individuals) and there is now even the possibility of extracting genetic material

(McKinley 1994a; 1994b; 2000; Lanting et al 2001; Williams et al 2004; Ye et al 2004; Olsen

et al 2008; Schurr et al 2008; Gonçalves 2012. 36; Harrison 2013; also see 1.2.6.). In addition

15

to this, the typological classification of burnt artefacts is more refined than ever and recent

work has shown how much information can be obtained from the study of accompanying

animal remains (Bond 1996; Hines et al 2013). The significant scope for analysing cremated

remains is only just being realised, and the detailed study of the populations who practised it

is an exciting and productive area to be working in. Indeed, the potential for cremation

studies is truly vast.

1.1.4. Issues of Study

Richards (1987, 112) has detailed four key problems associated with the study of cremated

human remains:

Cremated remains were seldom kept in early excavations

Environmental preservation levels vary, as does the extent of cremation the remains

have undergone

The useful osteological study of cremated remains is a young discipline, and lacks the

refinement of studies of unburnt bone

There is a lack of agreed criteria and age range categories in the reporting of

demographic data.

It has been over twenty five years since Richards penned that list, but all four are still relevant

concerns when considering cremation burials. The analysis of cremated remains is

developing at a rapid pace, however, and some of the research in recent years is significantly

changing our understanding of cremation (e.g. Squires et al 2011; Gonçalves 2012). That

there is a lack of agreement on age ranges and other demographic data is an issue not

exclusive to cremation studies, though, and it is common to read two different cemetery

reports with two different systems (e.g. compare Patrick et al 2007, 213-15 with Gibson

2007, 250). There are also difficulties faced in terms of preservation, with some sites being

able to produce ageing data with a high level of precision, whilst in others, particularly older

accounts, it is sometimes only possible to differentiate between adults and children.

Perhaps the biggest problem has been the fact that cremation urns are generally placed in

very shallow pits, therefore making them very susceptible to damage by wildlife and human

activities such as ploughing. Many of the large cemeteries found in the 18th

, 19th

and early

16

20th

centuries were partially destroyed by industrial means such as gravel extraction and

quarrying. Identifying a cremation from scattered remains and pot sherds is also a difficult

task. A good example of the harsh reality of cremation cemetery survival is the case of

Markshall and Caistor-by-Norwich, both in Norfolk and situated about 500m apart from each

other (EASCREM 53 and 153). Although Caistor-by-Norwich had been excavated with little

publication prior to F.R. Mann‟s excavations of 1932-1937, he was able to salvage a good

number of burials and get a feel for the extent of the cemetery, meaning that Myres and

Green (1973) were therefore able to publish a useful and scholarly account. The cemetery at

Markshall, however, was so badly destroyed and the accounts so confused that Myres and

Green (1973) were unable to publish it to any comparable standard. It goes without saying

that the full excavation of a cemetery is desirable and allows us to analyse the data in its

entirety. Few cemeteries have been completely excavated, though, and much of the data we

have to work with is a sample, which may or may not be representative of the wider

cemetery, locality, region, etc. Elsham Wold, Yorkshire (EASCREM 88), Mucking, Essex

(EASCREM 160) and Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) have all been totally excavated,

and provide incredibly useful datasets, but many other sites, particularly older excavations,

are incomplete.

1.1.5. The Relationship between Inhumation and Cremation

Cremation burials are found singularly, such as at Folkestone, Kent (EASCREM 102), in

small groups, as found at Sutton Bonnington, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 228), as a

contingent of burials in a mixed rite cemetery, at Apple Down, Hampshire (EASCREM 10)

for example, or in vast numbers at „pure‟ cremation cemeteries, like Lackford, Suffolk

(EASCREM 140). Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) has the largest number of

cremations ever found at one site, with a minimum number of 2484. Conversely, small

numbers of cremations can be found in cemeteries with hundreds of inhumations, such as the

c.35 cremations and c.200-300 inhumations found at Highdown Hill, Sussex (EASCREM

122). Where inhumation and cremation are practised concurrently, the relative frequencies of

each rite in a cemetery are an interesting avenue of enquiry. Sometimes a small group of

cremations are found in a large inhumation cemetery but other cemeteries might have

inhumations as the minority, or in roughly equal numbers. Accordingly, the term „mixed rite

cemetery‟, which is found frequently in the literature, is perhaps a little misleading; it is a

17

term that encompasses a vast range of cemetery types and has no strict definition. In her

classic gazetteer of early Anglo-Saxon burial sites, Audrey Meaney (1964, 29) simply used

the term to describe a site where both rites were observable. However, such an approach

therefore considers an inhumation cemetery with a handful of cremations to be the same as a

cemetery where both rites were practised equally. Kevin Leahy has instead suggested:

“It might perhaps be better to divide the cemeteries into large (regional), and small

(local), rather than cremation and inhumation.”

(Leahy 2007, 10-11)

Whilst the size of a cemetery is important it seems such a system of classification suffers

from being overly simplified. Cremation was practised by a small minority at Eriswell,

Suffolk (EASCREM 91), with only 17 cremations to 426 inhumations. To say that this

cemetery is the same general classification (e.g. large) as Mucking II, Essex (EASCREM

160), which had 468 cremations and 282 inhumations, fails to acknowledge the very different

compositions of the two cemeteries. Accordingly, a classification system was developed for

the EASCREM 13 project based on the ratios of cremations and inhumations in a cemetery

(2.1.2.). Such a system allows for a distinction between sites where cremation was the only,

minority, majority or equal rite, and the minimum and maximum numbers of burials have

also been recorded to give an indication of size.

1.1.6. Chronology (and Chronological Sequence within Cemeteries)

That furnished cremation was the dominant funerary rite in Iron Age northern Germany and

southern Scandinavia has long been recognised (Ravn 2003, 22-35). Such burial practice is

markedly different to the unfurnished inhumation, primarily oriented W-E, that was

commonplace in Late Roman southern and eastern Britain (O‟Brien 1999, 1-26; 85). It is not;

therefore, a massive leap of interpretation to see the emergence of furnished inhumation in 5th

century eastern England as at least being partially influenced by the meeting of these two

cultures. Cremation consequently occupies an interesting position within the wider transition

from Late Roman Britain to Anglo-Saxon England. The funerary rite is by no means

standardised, however. For example, it was continuously practised throughout the 5th

and 6th

centuries at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) but was quickly abandoned and replaced

by inhumation at Croydon, Surrey (EASCREM 76). It was not always restricted to the 5th

and

18

6th

centuries, though, and high status cremations are known from the 7th

century at Sutton

Hoo, Suffolk (EASCREM 229) and Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (Leeds 1933; Dickinson and

Speake 1992; EASCREM 12). On the chronological sequence of cremation, E.T. Leeds

suggested that:

“Cremation was quickly replaced by inhumation due to practical difficulties and

cultural interactions with native groups”.

(Leeds 1933, 234)

And it is true that, chronologically speaking, cremation is less common towards the end of

the 6th

century, and quite rare indeed in the 7th

century, but Leeds‟ view does not account for

the variation observable on a site by site basis (Williams 2011, 242; Hines et al 2013, 524).

There presumably must have been a plethora of practical, socio-political and perhaps even

spiritual factors influencing the choice to cremate, which led to an early decline of the rite at

some sites whilst aiding its continuation for over a hundred years at others. It has been

suggested that the ending of cremation burial is linked to the Christian conversion, with such

scholars as Martin Carver (1998, 136) interpreting the elite cremations at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk

(EASCREM 229) as an overtly defiant reaction to Christendom. However, whilst we can be

confident in arguing that, by and large, cremation was an Anglo-Saxon phenomenon which

was brought with the Adventus Saxonum¸ we are less certain of the date and means in which

is ceased to be practised. Indeed, Rik Hoggett has commented that:

“Despite the enormous quantity of curated and published material, the precise dating

of cremation remains problematic and its chronological cut-off point is rarely

discussed in the literature.”

(Hoggett 2007, 31)

There are very few incidences of cremation that can be confidently dated to the 7th

century,

and a complete absence of cremations can often be seen as an indication of later date (Leahy

2007, 10). The most noteworthy exception to this is the single cremation burial discovered at

Kidderminster Foreign, Worcestershire (EASCREM 137) with a calibrated radiocarbon date

range of AD 663-773 at 1 sigma (Jackson et al 1994, 13-15). This case exemplifies just how

underdeveloped the chronology of early Anglo-Saxon cremation truly is. Very few

cremations have ever been radiocarbon dated, burnt artefacts are harder to identify and date

typologically than their unburnt cousins and even Myres (1969; 1977) himself gave few

absolute dates for the urns. In fact, his dates were generally only accurate to the century. Such

19

a situation is in binary opposition to studies of inhumation burials, where chronologies are

very developed – perhaps best evidenced by the recent publication of a major report which

drastically refines the chronology of 6th

and 7th

century inhumation burials and their artefacts

(Hines et al 2013). It would be difficult to even know where to begin if such a report was

commissioned for cremation burials!

Taking this strand of thought further, although few cremation burials can be confidently dated

to the 7th

century, it is also the case that the majority can neither be confidently dated to either

the 5th

or 6th

centuries. The lack of a refined chronological basis for cremation allows for

speculation for it continuing into the 7th

century, particularly in cases where cremations are

found in hanging-bowls, which are often viewed as a 7th

century „final phase‟ phenomenon

(Geake 1999, 1; 5; 17-18). The dating of cremated remains is now at an acceptable standard if

Accelerator Mass Spectrometry is used (Langting et al 2001), and there are also interesting

results from the use of Infrared Spectrometry paired with carbon stable isotope analysis

(Olsen et al 2008). However, it is possible that the cremation process can influence the

carbon content of bones, therefore disrupting accurate radiocarbon dating (Snoeck 2013).

Outdoor experiments with animal cremations found that the cremated remains exchanged

large amounts of carbon; in one example this meant that modern cremated remains were 4000

years old in radiocarbon terms. Whilst this research is preliminary and limited in scale, it is

an important consideration to bear in mind when considering the very few radiocarbon dated

cremations we have.

Dating cremations through pottery chronologies is also possible, and Myres (1969; 1977)

used continental chronologies to create the first systematic chronology for the ceramic

material. The final volume of the Spong Hill report series presents a chronology for the

cemetery which is informed by the form and decoration of urns and which dates the majority

of the cremations to the 5th

century, with some significantly earlier than AD 450 (Hills and

Lucy, forthcoming; Hines et al 2013, 518). In many respects, the timing of this paper is

unfortunate, for the full publication of said volume will likely change our understanding quite

dramatically, and provide a widely-applicable chronological framework for considering

cremation in eastern England.

20

1.2. From Pyre to Burial

1.2.1. How did they Cremate?

There is quite some debate as to the nature of early Anglo-Saxon cremation processes. Of

significance to this is the growing body of evidence for possible remains of pyres, and

examples have been found at Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (EASCREM 12), Chavenage,

Gloucestershire (EASCREM 62), Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire (EASCREM 146) and

Snape, Suffolk (EASCREM 204). One of the first serious attempts to explain the Anglo-

Saxon approach to cremation was by Wells (1960). His study of the cremations at Illington,

Norfolk (EASCREM 130) concluded that individuals had been laid out and the pyre created

on top of them, leading to incomplete cremation and causing disturbance when the pyre

collapsed. McKinley (1994a; Fig.2) has presented an alternative case in which pyres were

made from overlapping timbers to create a roughly square structure. The gaps between the

timbers would be filled with brushwood and easily combustible materials, whilst the need for

ventilation (something that Well‟s model doesn‟t properly account for) would be fulfilled by

a small pit underneath. The individual would then be laid out on top of the pyre, creating a

centre of heat around the body and possibly explaining why extremities like hands and feet

are often found incompletely cremated. It is estimated that a cremation could take up to ten

hours to finish and could reach temperatures of 1200°C (McKinley 1994a, 84; Williams

2004, 271-2). Julie Bond (1996, 80; Fig.3) has thrown an interesting point into the debate,

however. She notes the sheer quantity of animal bone present in many cremations,

occasionally including whole animals, making the required size of certain pyres much larger

than perhaps Wells or McKinley envisioned (1.2.3. and 1.2.6.).

The conditions of a pyre have traditionally been determined from macroscopic study of

cremated remains. The most common examination is based on colour, which reflects the

temperature range and oxidising conditions of the cremation process. Where oxygen is in

abundance, known as oxidising conditions, cremated bone is buff or white in colour, but if

there is a lack of oxygen the process is incomplete and remains appear charred, blue or grey

(McKinley 2000, 405). Shipman et al (1984, 312-313) have suggested a classification of five

types of burnt bone, based on colour, which is summarised in Fig.4.

In addition to macroscopic methods, microscopic analyses have been employed in recent

studies to derive more refined results. Thin-section analysis and Fourier Transform Infrared

21

Fig.2: S. Mallard‟s artistic impression of an early Anglo-Saxon funeral pyre, drawing

on the idea of the interlocking timbers and hazel brushwood put forward by McKinley

(1994a). The sheer number of burnt beads, brooches and buckles we find in cinerary

urns confirms that many people would have been buried clothed. Similarly, evidence

of refired sherds indicates the inclusion of accessory vessels on the pyre. In contrast to

this depiction, however, is the rarity of spearheads and shield bosses found with

cremations (after Glasswell 2002, 49)

Spectroscopy (FTIR) have recently been applied to cremated remains at Elsham Wold,

Lincolnshire (EASCREM 88) to more closely consider the pyre conditions and the influence

of cremation on the microstructure of bone (Squires et al 2011). The results of twenty-four

samples determined that the temperature of the pyres at Elsham ranged from 600°C-900°C

and that differential cremation occurred between upper and lower limbs at both a micro and

macroscopic level. We can therefore build up a picture of a supine individual, possibly with

22

Fig.3: The quantity of animal bone found in certain cremation cemeteries, like Spong

Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) where

whole or almost-whole animal carcasses are found, must indicate that these pyres

could, on occasion, be huge (after Bond 1996, 80)

Reducing conditions Oxidising conditions

Yellowish-White Brownish-Grey Black/Blue Blueish-Grey White

Lower temperature Higher temperature

Fig.4: A summary of Shipman et al‟s 1984 study of the five types of burnt bone

their extremities positioned away from the torso, perhaps placed at the sides, being cremated

on a substantial timber pyre, accompanied with some of their worldly goods and animals.

1.2.2. The Vessel

After the cremation, the burnt remains appear to have been carefully transferred from the

pyre, with any burnt objects, to a ceramic urn. Cremations are also found deposited unurned

23

as evidenced by the single example at Wallingford, Berkshire (EASCREM 244) or the two

instances at Alwalton, Huntingdonshire (Gibson 2007, 238; EASCREM 7). Such burial can

be understood as representing an in-situ pyre, or more likely as the transmission of the

remains of the pyre to the grave via an unknown medium, perhaps a bucket or similar vessel.

Burnt remains have also be found placed in bronze bowls, like those from Sutton Hoo,

Suffolk (EASCREM 229), Coombe, Kent (EASCREM 72) and Illington, Norfolk

(EASCREM 130), but they can also be found in glass vessels and hanging-bowls. For

example, the largest hanging-bowl found at Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 151)

contained a cremation and was associated with a belt mount, firesteel and possibly with an

accessory vessel. The deposition of cremations in hanging-bowls is interesting because the

artefact class is so unique and poorly understood that E.T. Leeds famously stated:

“They are the one thing found in Anglo-Saxon graves that neither date themselves nor

the objects associated with them.”

(Leeds 1935, 112)

The vast majority of cremations are found in cinerary urns, which can vary in terms of fabric,

form and decoration, and there is no consensus on whether they were reused domestic wares

or purpose made vessels (Laing and Laing 1979, 77; Richards 1987, 206-7; Leahy 2007, 54;

Hirst and Clarke 2009, 610; Williams 2011, 245; Perry 2011, 9; also see 3.1.4.). Early Anglo-

Saxon pottery was generally handmade, utilising readily available clays and using a variety of

tempers such as grog, mineral and vegetable (Richards 1987, 21). The vessels were fired at

relatively low temperatures, occasionally being burnished, and are mostly red, grey or black

in colour. Of particular interest for scholars studying the chronology and social-spiritual

significance of cremation is the decoration applied to these vessels. Such decoration ranges

from crudely-incised lines to elaborate systems of bosses and stamped motifs (Fig.5). At the

apex of this decorative scheme are the rare examples of figural depictions and scenes (3.1.6.).

Whilst many cinerary urns are undecorated, and difficult to date accurately, it is estimated

that about 80% of Anglo-Saxon urns have at least some form of decoration, with the most

popular forms being incised lines and dots (Williams 2005, 20; 2011, 243). Although they are

rare, urns lids have occasionally been found at a handful of sites, including Baston,

Lincolnshire (EASCREM 18), Drayton, Norfolk (EASCREM 82) and Newark,

Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166). The most prominent example, although unfortunately

found unstratified, is known as the „Spong Man‟ or „Spong Hill Chairperson‟ (Hills et al

24

Fig.5: A reenactor decorates an early Anglo-Saxon style pot with an antler tool.

Photograph by A. Kemp, courtesy of Jewry Wall Museum Leicester (after Glasswell

2002, pl.21)

1987, 162; pl.IX; Nugent and Williams 2012, 199-201; Fig.6). The urn lid is 14cm high, of

brownish-grey fabric and is a completely unique and fascinating object. The figure, which is

presumably but not necessarily male, is seated on a small chair, with his hands cupping the

side of his face as if hearing or looking at something (Nugent and Williams 2012, 201-3). His

expression is neutral, and he appears to be wearing a rounded flat hat. This is not the only

remarkable decorated urn lid, though, and another interesting example with bird decoration

was found at Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) in 1836, although it is now lost

(Milner 1853; Fig.6). Flint and stone were also used to cover cremation urns, with good

25

examples being found at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56). Taking the evidence as a

whole, Richards (1987, 99) suggested that most urns probably had some form of covering,

with perishable textiles and leathers accounting for the majority of urns that had no surviving

or observable cover upon excavation.

Window urns are another interesting phenomenon worthy of exploration. They are vessels

with a small segment of glass inserted, perhaps functioning as a means to release the spirit

(Meaney 1964, 16) or allow for the deceased to see into the world of the living (Nugent and

Williams 2012). Window urns have been found from at least twelve sites, including Castle

Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56), Girton, Cambridgeshire (EASCREM 106), Westbere, Kent

(Jessup 1946, 21; EASCREM 254), Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 151) and

Elsham Wold, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 88).

Fig.6: The „Spong Man‟ urn lid (left), found in 1979 at Spong Hill, Norfolk

(EASCREM 213) (after Hills et al 1987, pl.IX) and the urn lid with bird decoration

(right) from Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) (after Milner 1853)

26

1.2.3. The Artefacts

Once the cremation was placed in the grave, with or without a container, further objects could

be added to it, perhaps to complement the burnt objects (Fig.7). Combs, tweezers and other

toilet items, including miniature replica objects not fit for adult use but presumably of a

symbolic function, are commonly found unburnt whereas beads (Fig.8) and brooches (Fig.9)

are often found burnt. This distinction between burnt and unburnt object types may be due to

the fact that certain objects were part of an individual‟s costume, and therefore accompanied

them as they went to the flames fully dressed. The burnt and unburnt objects found with

cremations play a role in the mortuary process just as important, although in many ways

different, as the objects found with inhumations. The key issue, though, is that earlier

excavations might not have recorded them. This is for three reasons:

They threw away the contents of the urn without looking for artefacts

They could not identify the artefacts in the urn, many of which would be badly burnt

or even made from a similar material (e.g. bone, horn and antler)

They could have identified such objects but thought little can be gleaned from a burnt

or damaged artefact

Fig.7: An impression of the most common artefact types in cremation burials (after

Williams 2003, 101)

27

Fig.8: Burnt beads from urns at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) (after Leahy

2007, pl.36)

Fig.9: A burnt small-long brooch (left) and from burial 3095 and a burnt wrist-clasp

(right) from burial 2765 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) (adapted from Lucy

2000, 109)

28

For one, or all, of these reasons earlier accounts seldom record artefacts the way a modern

excavation report would. For example, grave goods were found in 67% of cinerary urns at

Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213), c.50% at Illington, Norfolk (EASCREM 13) and 21%

at Lackford, Suffolk (EASCREM 140) whereas many earlier accounts make no mention

whatsoever of objects accompanying cremated remains. The artefacts which are typically

found with cremations can be divided into three groups:

Objects commonly found burnt: beads, brooches, rings, buckles, wrist-claps, gaming

pieces, animal remains

Objects commonly found unburnt: toilet objects, girdle-hangers, keys, spindle-whorls,

knives, animal remains

Uncommon objects: shield bosses, spearheads, swords, buckles, strap-ends, pins,

needles, nails, coins, accessory vessels, buckets, armlets, pebbles, pendants

The number of artefacts that accompany cremation burials is, in general, significantly less

than inhumation burials, and they are also much more difficult to identify when they are

burnt. Despite this, the same sorts of artefacts are found in both inhumations and cremations

although there are some notable and interesting differences. Weaponry is rarely found with

cremations whilst gaming pieces, animal remains and cosmetic items, particularly toilet

objects (often miniature versions) and combs are found significantly more frequently than

they are with inhumations (Meaney 1964, 16; Wilson 1992, 132; Williams 2003, 101). On

such abundances Audrey Meaney wrote:

“But why, so often, miniature combs, shears, tweezers and knives were made for the

funeral (when it would have been so much easier to use an old, ordinary-sized knife

or the like) and deposited in the urns after the bones had cooled we have no basis on

which to surmise… Nor is there any obvious reason why so often playing-pieces were

burnt with the corpse, while weapons are almost entirely lacking.”

(Meaney 1964, 16)

The toilet objects found in cremation cemeteries are usually copper-alloy or iron and are

generally suspended on a metal ring. Tweezers, the most common toilet objects, but also

shears, razors, picks and earscoops are often found with cremation burials in a range of sizes,

with some incredibly small forms presumably having a symbolic rather than practical

function. Toilet objects are also found in inhumation burials, but are uncommon and usually

associated with females (Williams 2007, 72-3). In contrast, they appear to be found, usually

29

unburnt, more with male cremations, and there is a particularly interesting correlation

between age and length of utensil (Williams 2997, 79-82). It certainly seems interesting that

there is some connection with the technology of cremation and attitudes towards the care and

presentation of the body (Williams 2003; 2007, 83). Perhaps:

“The use of toilet implements as grave goods was a mnemonic act by the family

members or ritual specialists controlling the cremation cemetery. It articulated the

return of the mourners to society with their memories of the deceased, and enabled

the dead to inhabit a new identity.”

(Williams 2007, 88)

That there is a high frequency of animal bones is particularly striking, however, as it is

apparent that animals sometimes accompanied the individual on the pyre during the

cremation rite. Jacqueline McKinley (1994a, 96-7) has suggested three categories of animal

remains in cremation cemeteries, on the basis of the 43.7% of urns containing animal remains

at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213). and other important sites:

Dogs and horses placed on the pyre whole as status markers

Sheep, cattle and pigs deposited in the urn/grave as food offerings, perhaps part of

a graveside feast

Wild animals such as deer accompanying the deceased as „amulets‟ or „trophies‟

Julie Bond (1996) has produced the best study of animal remains in recent years, and found

that horses and dogs were seen more as personal possessions – objects of status – Whereas

sheep, cattle and pig were food offerings to the deceased, but not objects worthy enough to

accompany the deceased on the pyre. There are differences between the frequencies of

animals found at cemeteries, however, with horse the most common at Spong Hill, Norfolk

(EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) whilst sheep predominated at

Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) and Illington, Norfolk (EASCREM 130). A very

peculiar phenomenon has been identified at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) which

shows the close relationship between individual and animal. One urn would contain the

majority of the deceased with a little animal bone whilst the other urn would contain the

majority of the animal and the rest of the human remains. Surprisingly, osteological analysis

allows for the identification of a single human and animal in each case. Such burial is found

is less than 50 of the 2484 cremations at Spong Hill and in most cases contained horse

remains.

30

Weaponry, although rare in cremation cemeteries, is occasionally found. An unurned

cremation with a shield boss and spearhead was found at Thurmaston, Leicestershire

(Williams 1983, 16; EASCREM 236) whilst a sword was found alongside one the cremations

contained in a hanging-bowl at Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (Fennell 1964, 120-30;

EASCREM 151). A further example can be found from the cremation urn covered by a shield

boss at the East Gate of Leicester, Leicestershire (EASCREM 142). Perhaps one obvious, and

purely practical, reason for the lack of weaponry in cremation burials is that urns and the

graves they are placed in are often quite small, making the placing of a spear or large shield

difficult.

A further point of note regarding the artefact assemblages which accompany cremation

burials is that there is little evidence for the sex divide found so readily in inhumations. Why

this is so is quite an understudied and difficult topic, however. Richards (1987, 114; 124)

found a significant imbalance of sexed cremations at several sites, including a 5:1

male:female ratio at Mucking II, Essex (EASCREM 160). His list of possible explanations

included differential sexing techniques, accidental sampling bias or a genuine desire to

cremate men over women. Whether there really is an imbalance, and how we might begin to

understand the very different gender roles of objects in inhumations and cremations, are

significant research agendas that are in need of attention.

1.2.4. The Grave

There is some variation in the cut of graves, in terms of depth and size, but they are generally

simple oval, shallow pits. A few notable examples exist, however, such as the two cremations

in cist burials found at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56). A cremation grave also appears

to have been occasionally ornamented with an above ground feature such as an earthwork,

cairn of stones, post-and-timber structure or possibly even a wooden grave marker. Although

no firm stratigraphic relationship was established, a possible example of this is the system of

earthworks recently found at The Chalet Site, Essex (EASCREM 232) which consisted of

ring-ditches, circular enclosures and linear ditches. The excavators found that these features

were arranged as part of a planned landscape and interpreted them as markers for the

cremation graves which appeared to be spatially arranged around them (Newton 2009, 20).

Similarly, several of the cremations at Andover, Hampshire (EASCREM 9) had ring-ditches

around them, possibly as markers of position. At Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213)

31

several burials may have been marked by low cairns of flint boulders. There have also been

several incidences of post-and-timber structures at various sites such as the four-post

structures associated with certain cremations at Apple down, Sussex (EASCREM 10; Fig.10),

Highdown Hill, Sussex (EASCREM 122) or Cremation 7 at Alton, Hampshire (EASCREM

5). Some of the best evidence for this phenomenon can be found at Lechlade, Gloucestershire

(EASCREM 141) where two cremations had four-post structures and rectangular ditches. The

most recently excavated example of such constructions were found at The Chalet Site, Essex

(EASCREM 232) where a six-post structure, of peculiar hexagonal form, was found

overlying Cremation C1633 (Newton 2009, 33-4). It seems that with the evidence for grave

marking and the fact that cremation grave pits seldom intercut each other we can conclude

that the early Anglo-Saxons took great care in the placement of their cremations, and

respected their position as much as they could.

Usually only the richest cremations received barrow burial, but there are many accounts of

secondary interment of a cremation into pre-existing barrows, usually Bronze Age. The best

example we have for primary interment of cremations in barrows is from Sutton Hoo, Suffolk

(EASCREM 229) where 9 cremations were found in barrows with some of the richest objects

ever found with cremation burials, but Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (EASCREM 12) is also

an important, richly furnished cremation barrow burial. Although the finds were limited,

good evidence of secondary interment can be found at Burn Ground, Gloucestershire

(EASCREM 50) where four Anglo-Saxon cremations and ten inhumations were placed

within a Neolithic or Bronze Age barrow cemetery.

1.2.5 The Spatial Significance of Cremation

Cremations are often found interspersed between inhumation burials or in a seemingly

random distribution across a cemetery. Significant spatial relationships such as clusters or

rows of urns are occasionally observed, however (Lee 2007, 60). A very good example of this

is the mixed rite cemetery at Andover, Hampshire (EASCREM 9) which had 87 cremations

and 67 inhumations. Although both rites were contemporary, there was a clear spatial

difference with cremations predominant in the west of the cemetery whilst most of the

inhumations were to the east. Urns are also occasionally found in rows, such as at Castle

Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56) and King‟s Newton, Derbyshire (EASCREM 138). A

particularly interesting example of rows of cremations was found at Wold Newton,

32

Fig.10: Two possible reconstructions of the four-post structure found at Apple Down,

Sussex (EASCREM 10) (after Down and Welch 1990, pl.53)

33

Lincolnshire (EASCREM 258) in the early 19th

century where a long barrow was found to

contain over twenty urns, apparently arranged in a single line (Gunner 1849). Whether such a

phenomenon reflected a large, single interment of urns in an ordered row, or multiple,

sequential depositions forming a line over time, either organically or by design, we will likely

never know. However, it is safe to say from the example at Wold Newton, and others cited

here, that significant spatial relationships can be identified from the placement of cremation

burials within the landscape, although it is acknowledged that this is a subject ripe for further

study.

1.2.6. Multiple Cremation Burial

The vast majority of cremations are found singularly in a small pit. However, there are

frequent incidences of the association of two or more cremations, usually urned, in the same

grave pit. The most striking example of this burial rite is at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM

213) where 14 vessels were found in the same pit. Similarly, at Lackford, Suffolk

(EASCREM 140), urns were frequently found placed on top of each other, side by side, or

potentially even contained in the same bag (Lethbridge 1951, 3). One likely interpretation for

this phenomenon is that such burials represent kin or family groups, and it is true that there is

evidence for the reopening of grave pits to redeposit further urns at Spong Hill (Hills 1977,

11). However, such an argument is difficult to prove because of the condition of cremated

remains, rendering the identification of osteological similarities incredibly difficult. Although

the high heat of the cremation process greatly affects the preservation of ancient DNA,

largely due to the denaturation of protein strands, there has been some recent success in

extracting genetic material from cremated remains and, whilst such cases have been fraught

with problems, there is at least some hope that such techniques could be used for

archaeological means (Williams et al 2004; Ye et al 2004; Gonçalves 2012. 36). The truly

outstanding genetic research on the inhumation remains from Eriswell, Suffolk (EASCREM

91) currently taking place at Cranfield University should be able to identify familial

relationships based on similar strands of non-coding genetic material (Harrison 2013). It does

not seem unreasonable to suggest that in the next ten years or so such an approach could be

used to identify relationships in cremation cemeteries.

An albeit different but similar practice is the burial of the remains of more than one

individual in the same urn, often an adult and infant. There were around 90 cases of this at

34

Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) including about 60 incidences of child-adult burial.

The 7 cases of double burial that occur at Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) are

also child-adult (Kinsley 1989, 23). Other examples include the 3 double burials at Risely,

Kent (EASCREM 187) or C1686, the double burial of an adult and child, found at recent

excavations at The Chalet Site, Essex (EASCREM 232). Presumably such burial indicates the

death of both individuals within a limited timescale, unless burials are reopened and

subsequent cremated remains placed in existing urns (which must be seen as an unlikely and

cumbersome event).

1.2.7. The Distribution of Cremation Burials

Cremation has traditionally been seen as an Anglian phenomenon with a distribution

primarily in northern and eastern England. This is broadly true, and certainly the largest

numbers of both sites and burials are found in East Anglia, but more recent excavations have

found considerable material in the southern counties. The topic of distribution will be dealt

with more fully in the analysis section (2.2.1), but it is appropriate to provide a distribution

map at this introductory stage (Map 1). It should also be noted here that early Anglo-Saxon

cremations occur throughout lowland England in a manner much more widespread than many

traditional accounts have put forward.

1.2.8. Summary

The variability of wealth found in inhumations is more immediately obvious than in

cremations, and it is hard not to interpret an inhumed individual with extravagant objects as

high status and a person with only a knife as low status. However, whilst the rite of cremation

may have helped to foster a community identity, it is not an „identity equaliser‟ and more

nuanced approaches can identify several areas in which variation occurs (Williams 2011,

248). To argue that both the wealthy warlord and poor peasant are reduced to similar piles of

uncharacteristic ashes ignores the variability found in grave construction (depth, shape,

furniture) as well as the differences in pre- and post-funeral rites. Furthermore, variability is

found in both the contents of the urn (e.g. pyre goods, grave goods, animal bone) and its

appearance (form, decoration, windows, lids). Despite what we might argue about the broad

and general significance of cremation we must remember that there are degrees of variability

35

Map 1: A distribution map of all recorded geographically unique sites that contain

cremation.

36

on local and individual levels. Indeed, an unfurnished, unurned cremation does not have

equal status with that of the richly furnished barrow cremations at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk

(EASCREM 229).

From the above discussions we can begin to build up a picture of the cremation of an

individual in full dress, with associated objects of importance and possibly even animal

remains, on a structure at least large enough for a body, but probably also large enough to

accommodate a range of associated objects. After the cremation process, which could take a

long time, the remains were transferred to the ground, either unurned or placed in a ceramic,

glass or metal vessel. Such display requires a serious investment of time, and is substantially

more costly, in terms of time, effort and resources, than inhumation. Whilst it is relatively

easy to dig a grave and place a body in it, maybe an hour or so of work with a small group

and adequate tools, a cremation required skill and a serious investment of resources and time;

perhaps indicating a settled community (Kirk 1956, 126-7; McKinley 2006).

37

2. The EASCREM 13 Project

2.1. Creating the Database

2.1.1. Rationale

Studies of early Anglo-Saxon cremation tend to consider a few sites in detail instead of make

generalisations from the national dataset. This can range from Richard‟s (1987) detailed

study of 18 sites to Williams‟s (2002a) regional analysis of 4. The sites employed in

academic discourse are generally the more recent and well-published cemeteries. This is to be

expected, though, and there is often little we can say from some of the older excavations

where stratigraphic understanding, meticulous record-keeping and the publication of a grave

catalogue were not priorities. Accordingly, we reach a point where older, unpublished or less

well-known sites often do not factor into our analysis. This point alone warrants the creation

of a national database, but it is not the only reason it was decided to create one.

A frustration felt by many students of archaeology, and perhaps even veteran archaeologists,

is the difficulty in finding out information. The simple task of finding useful and relevant

information can be one of the most difficult in archaeology. In most other disciplines,

particularly the natural sciences and the more 'popular' humanities, when one searches the

internet for something they are likely to find at least some relevant information. This is

unfortunately seldom the case with specialist lines of archaeological enquiry. Archaeology is

published in a sporadic and piecemeal fashion: a site is found, excavated, deposited (ideally

in a museum or place of research) and (hopefully) published as a monograph, journal article

or grey literature publication. Such a process has a long history, and it is heartening for the

student to peruse the books and journals of the 17th

, 18th

and 19th

centuries and find reports

that are both incredibly detailed and beautifully illustrated (Fig.11). However, archaeological

reporting is particularly behind other disciplines in terms of information communication. This

is starting to change, however, and most journals are available online although often are not

accessible for free, like most scientific journals. Similarly the ADS (Archaeological Data

Service) is an useful resource for publishing open-source datasets and information pertaining

to archaeological sites. Research Gate links most (but not all) county HERs (Historic

Environment Records) and allows for one to query any aspect of British archaeology in an

(almost) national manner. Furthermore, Academia-Edu provides similarly free and online

38

Fig.11: Beautifully illustrated cremation urns from Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire

(EASCREM 146) (after Smith 1852, pl.28)

39

access to research. It is still the unfortunate case, however, that when the undergraduate

student searches for something relating to Anglo-Saxon archaeology on the internet, they

may not find a website with information worth reading. Similarly, the lack of citation indexes

and readily accessible online journals means that one must often rely on specialist „insider‟

knowledge of the literature.

As an undergraduate first starting out in archaeology, the fact that there was no central

repository of sites completely surprised and mystified the author. It was felt that it wasn‟t too

much to expect to go to, let‟s say, www.archaeology.gov.uk, search for a site and find a

concise summary of important information, such as the excavation dates, prominent finds,

number of graves, primary site report etc. It seems that such sentiment has been expressed by

others:

“A national, computerised database for this type of site, indeed for all early medieval

cemeteries, could be an invaluable research tool”

(Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 7)

If we have the time and money to begin new excavations, then it is argued we have the

resources available to compile all of our previous data into a useful format. The theme of

bringing past data up to a usable and modern standard will be expanded upon in the

conclusion (3.2.3.), but the frustrations felt with the state of UK archaeology are noteworthy

due to their influence on the project‟s inception. It is for two reasons, the want and need for

accessible information, that this database was created. To the author‟s knowledge it is the

first time this has been done for the rite of cremation since Audrey Meaney‟s (1964)

gazetteer.

The EASCREM 13 project database is included in the attached CD-ROM, where it can be

found in two formats; as a Microsoft Access database (.accdb) and as a Microsoft Excel

spread sheet (.xlsx). The project metadata can also be found with these documents, which is a

fulfilment of the Archaeological Data Service‟s guidelines for the presentation of databases

(Archaeological Data Service 2011). A reference list is also included in Microsoft Word

(.docx) format. A printout of the database can be found in Appendix I.

40

2.1.2. Approach

All incidences of early Anglo-Saxon cremation that were available to the author at the time of

writing have been compiled into a database of 266 geographically unique sites. The definition

of incidence used is:

Any record of, or extant archaeological material attesting to, at least one early

Anglo-Saxon cremation burial, or any distinctive vessel in which one would expect to

be found, in a geographically unique location.

In light of recent researches by such scholars as Gareth Perry (2011), it appears that the

previously-held belief that cremation urns were created especially for a deceased individual is

not always the case, and there are instances of reused domestic vessels housing cremations

(3.1.4.). Accordingly, only the presence of cremated remains qualified a certain incidence of

cremation. As a consequence, accounts of the finding of a lone or small group of urns with no

explicit mention of cremated remains have been classified as uncertain incidences. This is not

to undermine the judgment of previous scholars but it allows the reader and user of the

database to have a better grasp of the available evidence and its integrity. Incidences of

cremation are classified using the system detailed in Table 1. A „Cemetery‟ can be further

divided, based on the ratio of cremations to inhumations, as outlined in Table 2.

Description Classification

Lone cremation (with no inhumations) Single Cremation Burial

2-3 cremations (with no inhumations) Cremation Burials

1-3 burials (cremation and inhumation) Mixed Rite Burials

4+ cremations (with or without inhumations) Cemetery

Table 1: The classification of sites based on the number of burials present

Description Classification

A cemetery where cremation is the only rite practised Pure Cremation Cemetery

A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≥75% of the

total burials

Majority Cremation Cemetery

A cemetery where cremation accounts for <75% but >25%

of the total burials OR a cemetery where both rites are

present but the ratio is completely unknown

Mixed Rite Cemetery

A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≤25% of the

total burials

Minority Cremation Cemetery

Table 2: The classification of cemeteries based on the ratio of cremations and

inhumations, if the latter are present

41

Where there is uncertainty about a site, such as confused accounts or no record of cremated

remains, a site can be classified as uncertain using the parameters outlined in Table 3:

Description Classification

An uncertain account of a single cremation burial, such as the finding

of an urn without cremated remains

?Single Cremation Burial

An uncertain account of multiple cremations ?Cremation Burials

An uncertain account of c.2-3 burials where both cremation and

inhumation may be involved

?Mixed Rite Burials

An uncertain account of a cemetery where both inhumation and

cremation is practised

?Mixed Rite Cemetery

An uncertain account of a cemetery where only cremation is

practised

?Pure Cremation Cemetery

Table 3: The classification of uncertain sites, based on the number of burials and the

ratio of cremations and inhumations, if the latter are present

In summary, then, a site can be classified as 1 of 12 categories detailed in Table 4:

Classification Description

Single Cremation Burial Lone cremation (with no inhumations)

?Single Cremation Burial An uncertain account of a single cremation burial

Cremation Burials 2-3 cremations (with no inhumations)

?Cremation Burials An uncertain account of c.2-3 cremations

Mixed Rite Burials 2-3 burials (cremation and inhumation)

?Mixed Rite Burials An uncertain account of c.2-3 burials where both cremation and

inhumation may be involved

Mixed Rite Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for <75% but >25% of the

total burials OR a cemetery where both rites are present but the

ratio is completely unknown.

?Mixed Rite Cemetery An uncertain account of a cemetery where both inhumation and

cremation is practised

Pure Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation is the only rite practised

?Pure Cremation Cemetery An uncertain account of a cemetery where only cremation is

practised

Minority Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≤25% of the total burials

Majority Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≥75% of the total burials

Table 4: The 12 possible classifications of site

This research has relied heavily on previous gazetteers (e.g. Meaney‟s 1964 national

gazetteer and Myres and Green‟s 1973 East Anglian gazetteer), Medieval Archaeology‟s

annual survey of sites (from 1956 to present), English Heritage‟s PastScape website (English

Heritage 2013) and the Archaeological Data Service‟s Grey Literature Library

42

(Archaeological Data Service 2013). It is fully acknowledged that, in all probability, sites

have been missed. The data collection was undertaken periodically over a period of 3 months,

taking an estimated 300 man hours. Even still, this is not long enough to read every report

and scan every county journal in detail for mentions of sites. The author therefore takes full

responsibility for any omissions or inaccuracies.

Table 5 shows the information recorded for each site in the database:

Field Name Description

ID The unique identification number of the site

Site Name The name of the site (e.g. Spong Hill)

Site Name II The secondary name of the site (e.g. North Elmham)

Historic County The historic country in which the site is situated

Unitary Authority The modern unitary authority in which the site is situated

NGR The National Grid Reference of the site, given to 6 figures where possible but

only 4 where there is uncertainty

Cemetery Type The type of cemetery (see Table 4)

Minimum Number

of Cremations

The minimum number of cremations present at the site. Where the minimum

and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference

between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.

Where it is certain that there is more than one cremation, but numbers are

unknown, then number 2 has been used

Maximum Number

of Cremations

The maximum number of cremations present at the site. Where the minimum

and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference

between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.

Where it is certain that there is more than one cremation, but numbers are

unknown, the term „Unknown‟ has been used

Minimum Number

of Inhumations

The minimum number of inhumations present at the site. Where the minimum

and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference

between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.

Where it is certain that there is more than one inhumation, but numbers are

unknown, then number 2 has been used

Maximum Number

of Inhumations

The maximum number of inhumations present at the site. Where the minimum

and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference

between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.

Where it is certain that there is more than one inhumation, but numbers are

unknown, the term „Unknown‟ has been used

Prominent Burials Any burials of particular interest, such as a cremation with weaponry or an

associated timber structure

Date Range

The date range for the site as suggested in its publication(s). Where a specific

date is unknown, however, „5th-6

th‟ has been used as a general date. All dates

should be seen as indicative, not explicit, due to the issues associated with

dating cremations, particularly in older accounts (see 1.1.6.)

Artefact Types A list of the artefact types found at the site, or at least those that were recorded.

Entries for mixed rite sites have, where possible, the artefacts associated with

43

cremations listed first

Prominent Finds Any finds of particular interest, such as window urns or urn lids

Museum The museum(s) where the material is kept. The use of „Unknown‟ indicates that

the place of archive could not be ascertained or the material is no longer extant

Description

A brief description of the site, including the circumstances of excavation, key

findings and local, regional or national importance. Where records are

confused, a simplified summary is provided

Reference(s)

The reference(s) associated with the site. Priority is given to published site

reports but often older sites are only known from later surveys and synthesises.

Sites that are completely unpublished are labelled as such, but extra effort has

been taken to provide a Meaney reference, or a website listing

Meaney (1964)

Reference The page number(s) for Meaney‟s entry of the site, if applicable

'Medieval

Britain/Medieval

Britain and Ireland'

Reference(s)

The edition(s) and page number(s) of any reference to the site in Medieval

Archaeology‟s annual survey of sites

Website I Any website containing information about the site, most commonly the

webpage for the site on PastScape, where there is one

Website II Any website containing information about the site (II)

Excavation Date(s)

and Director(s)

A chronological account of the site‟s excavation(s) and director(s). Date is

given first, although occasionally there is uncertainty so „c.x‟ or „?x‟ is used.

Where known, director(s) or involved persons are listed according to year(s),

but „?‟ is used if it is not known who undertook the excavations e.g. various

workmen

Table 5: The information recorded for each site

2.2. Using the Database

2.2.1. Analysis

What follows here is a quantitative and statistical analysis of the database, with the primary

aim of producing national statistics for early Anglo-Saxon cremation burial. To the author‟s

knowledge this is the first time an analysis of the burial rite has been undertaken on a national

scale in almost fifty years (Meaney 1964). The various issues with the data will be

commented on, statistics calculated, distribution maps created, their meanings considered and

conclusions offered.

Of the 266 sites in the project database, 220 sites are certain, i.e. cremated human remains

were found in association with urns of Anglo-Saxon date, and 46 are uncertain, i.e. an urn

remains in a museum but there is no account of its finding or contents. Statistically, this

44

means that 17.29% of sites in the database are uncertain (Table 6). The degree of uncertainty

varies from case to case, however. For example, records of the finding of a decorated urn of

clearly Anglo-Saxon date at Flixborough, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 101) do not mention it

containing cremated remains so it cannot be considered a certain incidence of cremation,

although the fact that small-long brooches have been found in vicinity makes it highly likely.

On the other hand, the cremation cemetery attested from a note in 1728 at Addington Park,

Surrey (EASCREM 2) has no extant material and it is not even known if the urns were

Roman or Anglo-Saxon. To account for the difficulty of the uncertain sites, all of the

following statistical analyses will use both sets of data; calculations for all sites and

calculations for only the certain sites.

Type of Site Number Percentage

Certain 220 82.71%

Uncertain 46 17.29%

Table 6: The number of certain and uncertain sites.

Before the serious statistical analysis it first seems apt to list all of the cemetery types and

their relative frequencies, by way of introduction to the database (Table 7):

All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220)

Classification No. of

sites % (2.d.p.) No. of sites % (2.d.p.) Difference

Single Cremation Burial 26 9.77% 26 11.82% 2.05%

?Single Cremation Burial 17 6.39% N/A N/A N/A

Cremation Burials 20 7.52% 20 9.09% 1.57%

?Cremation Burials 10 3.76% N/A N/A N/A

Mixed Rite Burials 4 1.50% 4 1.82% 0.32%

?Mixed Rite Burials 3 1.13% N/A N/A N/A

Mixed Rite Cemetery 57 21.43% 57 25.91% 4.48%

?Mixed Rite Cemetery 6 2.26% N/A N/A N/A

Pure Cremation Cemetery 47 17.67% 47 21.36% 3.69%

?Pure Cremation Cemetery 10 3.76% N/A N/A N/A

Minority Cremation Cemetery 50 18.80% 50 22.73% 3.93%

Majority Cremation Cemetery 16 6.02% 16 7.27% 1.25%

Table 7: The relative frequencies of site types, using both sets of data

Cremations are found in cemeteries more commonly than they are singularly or part of a

small group, but the distribution of small-scale sites is relatively even, with the only

noticeable cluster being in the Midlands (Table 8; Map 2). When using the total database

45

(n=266), 69.92% of sites were classed as cemeteries (n=4+), with only 13.91% being found

in groups (n=2-3) and 16.17% as singular burials (n=1). If one negates the uncertain sites

(n=220), the figures become 77.27% for cemeteries, 10.91% for groups and 11.82% singular.

That cemetery sites are drastically more numerous that singular or group burial sites is

perhaps unsurprising, but there are many avenues of possible explanation. A purely

archaeological explanation for this is that investigative projects and rescue archaeology are

much more likely to find cemeteries because they are larger and harder to miss. A single

cremation burial in a highly fragmented state could be missed by a careless individual or

machine but to knowingly or unknowingly destroy a whole cemetery seems very unlikely.

Although many antiquarian accounts note the destruction of hundreds of urns before a local

person of importance was notified, the fact that these sites were too large and too ethically

important to destroy without any form of recording attests this. Even if we factor in that

singular and group burials are less likely to be found by chance and are more likely to be

accidently destroyed without adequate recording, it seems the majority of cremation burial

took place at cemeteries. Even so, the numbers of singular and group sites are not

insignificant, and a detailed study into these stray pockets of burial would be welcomed.

Classification All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220) Difference

Cemetery 69.92% 77.27% 7.35%

Group 13.91% 10.91% 3.00%

Singular 16.17% 11.82% 4.35%

Table 8: The relative frequencies of broad site types, based on the number of burials

present and using both sets of data

If we look at the classifications present within cemetery sites the picture gets even more

interesting (Table 9; Map 3). Minority, Mixed and Pure Cemeteries have similar figures at

about the 30% mark. That this result is found with Minority Cremation Cemeteries is

particularly striking in the all cemeteries category (26.88%) because Minority and Majority

are not available classifications for uncertain sites – an uncertain cemetery is either ?Pure or

?Mixed as the ratios of inhumations and cremations are, by definition, unknown. On the back

of this, it is therefore unsurprising that Pure and Mixed cemeteries are the most frequent in

the all cemeteries category. Accordingly, we can begin to identify a very interesting trend of

a small contingent of cremations present in many otherwise inhumation cemeteries, even

when statistical classifications would not necessarily work in the favour of their

identification.

46

Map 2: A distribution map of small-scale cremation burial, including certain and

uncertain instances of Single Cremation Burials (n=1), Cremation Burials (n=2-3) and

Mixed Rite Burials (n=2-3)

47

Map 3: A distribution map of cemeteries (n=4+), including certain and uncertain

instances of Pure Cremation Cemeteries, Mixed Rite Cemeteries, Minority Cremation

Cemeteries and Majority Cremation Cemeteries

48

Classification All cemeteries

(n=186)

Certain cemeteries

(n=170) Difference

Minority Cremation Cemetery 26.88% 29.41% 2.53%

Mixed Rite Cemetery 33.87% 33.53% 0.34%

Majority Cremation Cemetery 8.60% 9.41% 0.81%

Pure Cremation Cemetery 30.65% 27.65% 3.00%

Table 9: The relative frequencies of cemetery types, using both sets of data

Another noteworthy point when one looks at Map 3 is how Pure Cremation Cemeteries,

although clustering in East Anglia, particularly Norfolk, are also found throughout lowland

Britain, with a single instance on the south coast. Conversely, it is also noteworthy that all of

the cemeteries at the southwestern extreme of the distribution, say Hampshire to Worcester,

are all Minority Cremation Cemeteries or Mixed Rite Cemeteries. On the back of this, we can

perhaps postulate zones of differential uptake of cremation burial – with the large, pure

cemeteries of East Anglia at the apex and the minority, mixed cemeteries of the West County

being the least influenced. Despite these regional differences, however, there is a general

picture of a widely used burial rite, practised by significant numbers of people across lowland

England.

Another analytical consideration is the relative frequency of sites based on county. This is

particularly interesting because the distribution of sites might not be what one would expect,

given the traditional view that it was a predominantly „Anglian‟ rite (Map 4; Table 10). From

this analysis we can make a few important statements:

Norfolk has the most sites and occupies about 14% of the distribution

Suffolk and Northamptonshire follow, occupying about 9% of the distribution each

Lincolnshire, Sussex and Yorkshire have slightly less and occupy about 8%, 6% and

5% of the distribution respectively

There are a surprising number of sites south of the Thames, with notable distributions

along the southern coastal counties

If uncertain sites are omitted, Lancashire ceases to have any representation

The difference between calculations using all sites and certain sites exceeds 1% in

only two cases, Norfolk and Yorkshire, demonstrating that analysis using either

dataset is broadly representative

49

Map 4: A distribution map of all sites, with the historic county borders overlaid (see A

Note on the Counties of England and Fig.1 for a key to the counties)

50

All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220)

County No. of sites % (2.d.p.) No. of sites % (2.d.p.) Difference

Bedfordshire 11 4.14% 11 5.00% 0.86%

Berkshire 8 3.01% 8 3.64% 0.63%

Buckinghamshire 2 0.75% 2 0.91% 0.16%

Cambridgeshire 11 4.14% 8 3.64% 0.50%

Derbyshire 5 1.88% 5 2.27% 0.45%

Durham 2 0.38% 1 0.45% 0.07%

Essex 7 2.63% 6 2.73% 0.10%

Gloucestershire 5 1.88% 3 1.36% 0.52%

Hampshire 7 2.63% 7 3.18% 0.55%

Huntingdonshire 6 2.26% 5 2.27% 0.01%

Isle of Wight 3 1.13% 2 0.91% 0.22%

Kent 10 3.76% 9 4.09% 0.33%

Lancashire 2 0.75% 0 0.00% 0.75%

Leicestershire 6 2.26% 6 2.73% 0.47%

Lincolnshire 21 7.89% 18 8.18% 0.29%

Middlesex 3 1.13% 3 1.36% 0.23%

Norfolk 39 14.66% 30 13.64% 1.02%

Northamptonshire 24 9.02% 21 9.55% 0.53%

Nottinghamshire 6 2.26% 5 2.27% 0.01%

Oxfordshire 6 2.26% 4 1.82% 0.44%

Rutland 2 0.75% 1 0.45% 0.30%

Staffordshire 4 1.50% 3 1.36% 0.14%

Suffolk 25 9.40% 19 8.64% 0.76%

Surrey 9 3.38% 6 2.73% 0.65%

Sussex 16 6.02% 15 6.82% 0.80%

Warwickshire 8 3.01% 8 3.64% 0.63%

Wiltshire 3 1.13% 3 1.36% 0.23%

Worcestershire 2 0.75% 2 0.91% 0.16%

Yorkshire 14 5.26% 9 4.09% 1.17%

Table 10: The relative frequency of sites by historic county, using both sets of data

The traditional view of the distribution of early Anglo-Saxon cremation burials is that it is

predominantly an ‟Anglian‟ phenomenon of eastern and northern England, and that:

“The only „pure cremation‟ cemeteries – that is, those with no inhumations at all, or

only a few of late date – are in the Anglian areas, and particularly in East Anglia”

(Meaney 1964, 15)

51

In this statement, Meaney is absolutely correct. The only exception to this rule is West Stoke,

Sussex (EASCREM 251), which is a small barrow cemetery of c.5-15 cremations. As this is

not a large cemetery in the East Anglian sense, though, we can be fully supportive of

Meaney‟s claims that the large, „pure‟ cremation cemeteries are an eastern and northern

phenomena, with a very notable concentration in East Anglia. What is clearly not the case,

however, is the claim that cremations do not occur in any serious number south of the

Thames. For example, 55 sites are noted from the southern counties of Surrey, Kent,

Berkshire, Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight, and Wiltshire. Some of these sites have

substantial numbers of cremations, too, such as Apple Down, Sussex (EASCREM 10) which

has 138. It is true we do not see the likes of Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and

Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68), and it is also true that most of these cemeteries are

mixed rite, but it still needs to be stressed that cremation does occur in the south, and that it

occurs at quite a number of sites. That there is a regional difference between the traditional

Anglian lands, and those settled in the Saxon-Jutish south, is very interesting, however.

Another interesting opportunity for statistical investigation is in terms of the number of

cremations found at sites. Table 11 details the ranking of the largest sites, based on the

figures for maximum number of cremations:

Site County Database ID No. of Cremations

Spong Hill Norfolk EASCREM 213 2484-2600

Loveden Hill Lincolnshire EASCREM 151 c.1790-2000

Cleatham Lincolnshire EASCREM 68 c.1206-1466

Lackford Suffolk EASCREM 140 c.500-1000

Caistor-by-Norwich Norfolk EASCREM 53 c.379-1000

Elsham Wold Yorkshire EASCREM 88 630

Snape Suffolk EASCREM 204 c.575-625

Sancton Yorkshire EASCREM 194 c.500-600

Newark Nottinghamshire EASCREM 166 c.400-500

Mucking II Essex EASCREM 160 468

Table 11: The 10 sites with the highest numbers of cremations

This is a difficult task to undertake, though, and it must be stated that there are many sites

where there is no record of the number of burials beyond the fact that urns were found in the

plural. Accordingly, these sites have been recorded with minimum and maximum numbers of

cremations at „2‟ and „Unknown‟ respectively. Despite this, we can still make some broad

statements about the data:

52

There are 74 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 10 or greater.

There are 31 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 50 or greater.

There are 24 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 100 or greater.

There are 12 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 200 or greater.

There are 7 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 500 or greater.

There are 3 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 1000 or greater,

but there is 5 where the maximum number is.

There is only 1 site where the known minimum number of cremations is over 2000,

but there are 2 where the maximum number of cremations is.

Another analysis, and perhaps one of the most striking, is the determination of the total

minimum and maximum number of cremations in early Anglo-Saxon England. These figures

are presented in Table 12, both as county and national measurements (Table 12). The main

point we can draw from this data is that cremation burials were significantly more numerous

than have perhaps been previously realised. Heinrich Härke has estimated that there are:

“some 30,000 graves from sites with diagnostically Anglo-Saxon material culture of

the fifth to seventh centuries.”

(Härke 2007, 58)

If we are to take this estimation as a reference point, this would mean that cremation accounts

for a minimum of 43.2% and a maximum of 54.9% of all Anglo-Saxon burials of the 5th

to 7th

centuries. Whilst these are impressive figures in their own right, the fact that the vast majority

of cremations are found in the 5th

and 6th

centuries, with a particular concentration in the 5th

century, whilst inhumation continues deep into the 7th

century, suggests that cremation may

have even been the dominant funerary rite in the earliest Anglo-Saxon period. Such a figure

lends itself well to further investigation as to the nature of Anglo-Saxon settlement and the

demography of post-Roman Britain. It should be noted that sites and details will have

invariably been missed during the research process, so the actual figures are probably higher.

Furthermore, the minimum number of cremations for uncertain sites was often recorded as 0

for obvious reasons, and where the maximum number of cremations would be impossible to

predict, or completely unknowable, the minimum number was used instead. The implications

of these two points on the national estimates mean that both minimum and maximum

numbers of cremations are, in fact, probably underestimations themselves. It appears, then,

that cremation was practised during the 5th

and 6th

centuries on a previously unrealised scale.

53

County Min. No. of

Cremations

%

(2.d.p.)

Max. No. of

Cremations

%

(2.d.p.) Difference

Bedfordshire 184 1.42% 284 1.72% 0.30%

Berkshire 157 1.21% 158 0.96% 0.25%

Buckinghamshire 6 0.05% 8 0.05% 0.00%

Cambridgeshire 395 3.05% 796 4.83% 1.78%

Derbyshire 38 0.29% 39 0.24% 0.05%

Durham 3 0.02% 3 0.02% 0.00%

Essex 819 6.32% 920 5.58% 0.74%

Gloucestershire 41 0.32% 41 0.25% 0.07%

Hampshire 188 1.45% 189 1.15% 0.30%

Huntingdonshire 36 0.28% 37 0.22% 0.06%

Isle of Wight 13 0.10% 13 0.08% 0.02%

Kent 64 0.49% 137 0.83% 0.34%

Lancashire 0 0.00% 3 0.02% 0.02%

Leicestershire 116 0.89% 118 0.72% 0.17%

Lincolnshire 4036 31.14% 4779 28.98% 2.16%

Middlesex 7 0.05% 7 0.04% 0.01%

Norfolk 3654 28.19% 4645 28.17% 0.02%

Northamptonshire 190 1.47% 316 1.92% 0.45%

Nottinghamshire 633 4.88% 869 5.27% 0.39%

Oxfordshire 19 0.15% 22 0.13% 0.02%

Rutland 25 0.19% 26 0.16% 0.03%

Staffordshire 8 0.06% 9 0.05% 0.01%

Suffolk 1301 10.04% 1884 11.42% 1.38%

Surrey 25 0.19% 27 0.16% 0.03%

Sussex 200 1.54% 214 1.30% 0.24%

Warwickshire 140 1.08% 166 1.01% 0.07%

Wiltshire 17 0.13% 17 0.10% 0.03%

Worcestershire 5 0.04% 5 0.03% 0.01%

Yorkshire 641 4.95% 759 4.60% 0.35%

Total 12,961 16,491

Table 12: The minimum and maximum number of cremations by county, with totals,

and using both sets of data

We can also revisit the distribution of cremation burial in light of these figures (Map 4). For

example, Norfolk has the highest number of sites (c.14%) but only the second highest number

of burials (c.28%). On the other hand, Lincolnshire reverses the trend as it is only has the 4th

highest number of sites (c.8%) but by far the highest concentration of cremation burials

54

(c.31%). Similarly, it was noted previously that, in terms of sites, cremation is actually more

abundant in southern England than previously thought, but this remark cannot be claimed

with the same confidence in terms of the number of cremations. For example, the southern

counties (Surrey, Kent, Berkshire, Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight, and Wiltshire) only

account for c.5% of the total minimum and maximum number of cremations respectively;

about ⅙ of the number for Lincolnshire alone.

These analyses are just a brief sample of how we can use the data collected as part of the

EASCREM 13 project, and it is with regret that limitations of space do not allow for a more

detailed study.

2.2.2. Project Evaluation

The attendance of the author at the „Digital Resources: Data and Databases‟ Graduate

Workshop (27/08/13-28/08/13), organised by the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists as

part of their Biennial Conference (Dublin, 29/07/13-02/08/13), was hugely beneficial to the

project. Expert supervision allowed for a greater understanding of relational databases and

their construction. If not for this programme, the EASCREM 13 database would have been

vastly inferior and much less useful for academic enquiry. Despite this, there are numerous

changes that, with hindsight, could have improved the project.

The first is that a database should have been constructed from the outset, and data entered

using a well-designed form with dropdown menus and specific parameters. Not only would

this have saved time but it would have ensured that data were entered into discrete categories,

and the author would not have had to manually go through the datasheet checking spelling

mistakes or misuses of capital letters. Data was collected on a Microsoft Excel spread sheet

and migrated to a pre-constructed database, but the time spent syncing the two documents

could have been better spent. Furthermore, fields such as the „Excavation Date(s) and

Director(s)‟ are in memo format, when ideally should have been deconstructed into multiple

fields with more coherent categories that could be linked to specific references.

The core of the dataset was created from a close study of Meaney‟s (1964) gazetteer, and

there would have been no way to speed up this process. However, the subsequent research

would have been more efficient had the advanced search function been properly employed on

English Heritage‟s PastScape website (English Heritage 2013) and if the existence of the

55

Archaeological Data Service‟s Grey Literature Library (Archaeological Data Service 2013)

had been made known to the author earlier. As a consequence, much time was spent chasing

written references and scanning local journals which could have been used more productively

had the electronic resources been properly interrogated. Because the primary aim of the

database was to produce statistics, maps and a written gazetteer, it is essentially a datasheet

with some of the functions of a database. This is not necessarily a weakness; however, as this

was how the project was planned with the given timeframe, but a greater understanding of

relational databases and their effective construction from the outset would have enabled

increased functionality.

Taking everything into account, though, the EASCREM 13 database project was a huge

success and has produced two very useful resources. The first is a printable gazetteer of all

sites with instances of early Anglo-Saxon cremation that can be used as reference material

much in the same way Meaney‟s (1964) gazetteer can. The second is a database which

supports many different avenues of enquiry such as data reporting and manipulation on a site

by site, county by county, cemetery type by cemetery type etc. basis.

56

3. Past, Present and Future Studies of Cremations

3.1. Studies of Cremation

3.1.1. The Nature of Burial Data

Before we begin a consideration of past and present studies of cremation, and look towards

possibilities for future study, it seems apt to contemplate the nature of the evidence. Prior to

this, the reader is encouraged to review some of the issues of study previously noted (1.1.4.).

Mortuary evidence is fragmentary, incomplete, partial, conceptual and selective (Härke 1994;

Härke 1997, 21-3; Williams and Sayer 2009, 21; Chapman 2009, 28). Such a polemical

statement might seem dramatic, but it is essential to acknowledge the issues of the data under

study. In the context of cremation burials, we can understand the evidence as fragmentary in

terms of preservation and pre- and post-burial collection, incomplete as a picture of life, death

and ritual, unrepresentative of burial in general, a reflection of aspects of human thought and

consciousness and selective in terms of variables e.g. grave goods included, grave structure,

vessel etc. Burial data can also be considered as material (formed of complex relationships

between social groups and practices) and static (reflecting biological populations) (Chapman

2009, 28). As an example, cremation cemeteries excavated in the past were often incomplete

due to discovery and partial destruction by campaigns of railway, motorway and housing

construction (Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 5). In theory, this should no longer happen with the

introduction of „PPG15‟ and „PPG16‟ in 1990, and the more recent „Planning Policy

Statement 5: Planning and the Historic Environment‟ of 2010. Developer-funded archaeology

is subject to its own set of issues, however, such as the tendering process leading to

overstretched budgets and often little allocation for detailed post-excavation analysis and

publication. There is, however, normally more allocation of resources for sites with human

remains, and two very encouraging examples of commercially excavated cremation

cemeteries published to a detailed and modern standard, albeit as grey literature, are Beetley

Quarry, Norfolk (Unger 2008; EASCREM 22) and The Chalet Site, Essex (Newton 2009;

EASCREM 232). The publication of academic excavations is not without its own issues,

either, and it is still not uncommon for publication to occur over a decade after excavation, if

not longer. For example, although Kenneth Fennell‟s (1964) doctoral thesis is widely cited,

Loveden Hill remains almost completely unpublished. Similarly, the final volume of the

57

Spong Hill report series is expected this year, 32 years after the excavations ended (Hills and

Lucy, forthcoming). In many respects, the high standards expected in academic publishing

are increasing this time lag even further, and may make the publication of older, unpublished

excavations very difficult indeed (Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 7).

Mortuary data is a key facet of the evidence for past societies, but, unlike other data such as

settlement evidence, is fraught with issues of interpretation and requires ethical

considerations. When one finds an early Anglo-Saxon timber building, one can be sure that

someone either lived in it or used it for a specific function(s). Burial evidence is more

complicated, however, and the excavated remains cannot even be considered the end point of

burial, for there were rituals before it and most likely after it:

“It is not even the end product of the rituals, but somewhere in the middle.”

(Härke 1997, 22)

Two broad approaches to the interpretation of early Anglo-Saxon mortuary remains have

been identified on different sides of the North Sea; a continental approach which views

burials as direct reflections of social status (i.e. „mirrors of life‟), and the approach of scholars

from the UK who see graves and their artefacts as more symbolic of certain aspects of the

social order (Härke 1997, 19; 25; Nielsen 1997b, 103). Noting the pitfalls associated with

both approaches, Heinrich Härke (1997, 25), a scholar well-versed in both perspectives,

viewed burials more as „halls of mirrors of life‟, presenting distorted reflections of the past.

What is therefore required when studying mortuary remains is an awareness that the evidence

is difficult, and understanding can only be found at the point where reflection and distortion

meet (Williams and Sayer 2009, 21). We must therefore be careful in the extent to which we

extrapolate burials into an understanding of the societies which created them:

“Society reflects itself in its burials, but it is not possible to reconstruct the society

directly and deductively from the burials alone.”

(Nielsen 1997b, 110)

3.1.2. Myres and the Chronology of Pottery

As the antiquarian approach to early Anglo-Saxon cremation burials has already been

considered (1.1.3.), we will begin our review of the historiography of early Anglo-Saxon

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cremation burial by looking at the man who was in many ways the father of Anglo-Saxon

pottery studies. When asked to contribute a summary on the earliest period of Anglo-Saxon

archaeology for the first volume of The Oxford History of England, John Nowell Linton

Myres realised the considerable quantity of Anglo-Saxon pottery and how poorly it was

understood (Myres 1936; 1969, 1; 1986, xx-xxi). This became his primary research interest,

and his appointment at the Bodleian Library in 1948 allowed him to compile and catalogue

the material, with his Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (1969) serving as a

synthesis of early settlement from the ceramic material and his Corpus of Anglo-Saxon

Pottery of the Pagan Period (1977) being intended as a research aid for future study.

The fundamental basis for Myres‟ chronological scheme for the ceramic material was a

reliance on Germanic typologies, and an appreciation of the historical sources, from which

the difficulty of extracting accurate dates needs no rehearsal. However, he fully

acknowledged the difficulty of the evidence:

“There is no other group of primitive hand-made pottery in Europe which displays

anything approaching the imagination, variety, and spontaneity of the ornamental

designs devised by Anglo-Saxon potters during the first two centuries of the settlement

in Britain.”

(Myres 1969, 23)

As noted by Richards (1987, 24-5; 27), whilst his contribution to the field was impressive,

there are several issues to be raised with his treatment of the material. For example, it has

been noted that Myres provided few absolute dates, assumed of a unilinear stylistic

progression over time, largely ignored the chronological significance or form and was

hesitant to date a pot without an artefact association (Hurst 1976, 294-9; Hills 1979, 324-6;

Richards 1987, 24-5; Nielsen 1997a, 72; Hoggett 2007, 31). A further criticism to level at

Myres is how he drew the pot he imagined the potter had envisioned, not what was actually

created. This meant that Myres completely misrepresented the evidence, and, in fact,

seriously damaged the usefulness of his corpus to subsequent scholars (Richards 1987, 27).

Despite this, if it wasn‟t for Myres the ceramic material might never have been organised,

recorded and studied to such an extent, and in many respects much of it might have been no

longer extant if it wasn‟t for his careful efforts of preservation after the horrors of World War

II. His contribution is well summarised by Paul Blinkhorn:

“There is no doubt that Myres‟ work was of immense value in identifying the

continental parallels for the earliest decorated English pottery of the period, but it is

59

unfortunate that his analytical methodology was deeply flawed. The art-historical

approach of his time was simply not appropriate to the character of the material.

Consequently, analyses of Anglo-Saxon pottery generally start from the assumption

that the undecorated pottery was functional, and thus, as with the industrially-

produced „coarsewares‟ of other periods, it should be possible to identify

chronological development.”

(Blinkhorn 1997, 113)

3.1.3. Richards and the Significance of Form and Decoration

The publication of Julian D Richards‟ (1987) doctoral thesis on the significance of urn form

and decoration was a landmark in the study of cremation. It was the first serious and

empirical attempt to understand the social identity of the people inside the urns. In this sense,

the work was in contrast to previous studies that had focused on chronology and the ethnicity

of a decorative scheme (e.g. Myres 1936; 1969). His large-scale study of 2440 urns from 18

cemeteries across eastern and southern England, which primarily used Principal Component

Analysis, found that the sex and age of the deceased were in some way related to the size,

shape and decoration of the urn, and the artefacts and animal remains included with it:

“In summary, it appears that aspects of the form and decoration of Anglo-Saxon

cremation vessels, can, with a limited degree of confidence, be used to predict details

of the social identity of the occupant(s), just as a more recent gravestone can tell us

about the person(s) interred beneath”

(Richards 1987, 201)

In many respects Richards‟ approach was highly empirical, even processual, and relied upon

a great many statistical analyses, in many cases using computer programmes he wrote

himself, but was informed by the post-processual fascination with decoding and

understanding symbolism. The results of his study were the identification of a series of

relationships between urn form and decoration and the age, sex and social identity of the

individual, such as the correlation of adult males with decorative standing arches, the

identification of female remains more commonly in wider vessels with standing arches and

the association of smaller vessels with infants (Richards 1987, 136-9; 184-201). That the

correlation between age of the deceased and vessel size has recently been corroborated

(Squires, forthcoming) perhaps suggests that Richards was not overconfident when he wrote:

60

“The relationship between age and height of pot is so direct that it should be possible

to estimate the age of the deceased within a known range of error simply from the

height of the cremation urn, and with no knowledge of its contents”.

(Richards 1987, 136)

Other conclusions included a very slight but interesting difference in the height between urns

from sites in the traditional Anglian and Saxon zones, and the significant imbalance found

between the sexes at certain cemeteries that was previously mentioned (Richards 1987, 96;

114; 124; 1.2.3.). One of the key issues with Richards‟ study, however, is that ageing and

sexing cremated remains was incredibly difficult in the 1980s, and in many respects still is

today. Accordingly, many of his findings were preliminary, and no such similar study has

ever been undertaken at a comparable scale to build upon them. Where it was available, a

summary of ageing and sexing data has been recorded in the EASCREM 13 database, which

could be expanded upon in the future as a basis for a study similar to Richards. All things

considered, the study holds an important position in the historiography of early Anglo-Saxon

cremation studies.

3.1.4. The Biography of a Cremation Urn

Studies such as Richards (1987) suggest that, because there is at least some correlation

between the form and decoration of a vessel and the age and sex of the deceased it contains,

that cinerary urns were made especially for the funeral. Beyond the quantitative, then, it

follows that urns might also reflect aspects of identity – be it social, spiritual or other. This

has been the traditional approach, mainly out of a desire to deliminate ethnic, cultural and

individual identities, but also due to the fact that cremation urns are found decorated

considerably more frequently than ceramics found at settlement sites (Myres 1969, 4; Laing

and Laing 1979, 77-8; Richards 1987, 206-7; Blinkhorn 1997, 117; Leahy 2007, 54-5;

Williams 2011, 245). Despite this widely-held opinion, there have been few studies which

consider the issue in any depth. For example, all that Lloyd and Jennifer Laing had to say on

the matter was:

“The pots used for cremations were usually made specially for the occasion”

(Laing and Laing 1979, 77)

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In recent years, however, an alternative perspective has been put forward that argues for at

least some use of domestic wares as cremation urns (Hirst and Clark 2009, 590; Perry 2011).

A good example of this is the similarity between the fabrics used and motifs deployed on

ceramics found at the settlement and cemeteries at Mucking, Essex (Hirst and Clark 2009,

590; 603; 610; EASCREM 160). Furthermore, the identification of sooting, repairs and use-

alteration patterns (chemical or physical changes to the surface) attest a pre-burial origin for

any given vessel (Perry 2011, 10). Gareth Perry‟s (2011, 12-17) study of 958 urns from

Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) found a number of use-alteration characteristics

such as internal pitting (28%), basal abrasion (25%), sooting (7%) and leaching (4%). Most

significantly, out of the 116 urns which had the best preservation, 71% showed some

evidence of use prior to burial. Whilst these results are interesting, it must be remembered

that this is an analysis of one site, and is not necessarily representative of the rest of early

Anglo-Saxon England. Indeed, the future of this debate surely lies in a large scale

comparative study of the ceramics from settlements and burial sites across early Anglo-Saxon

England. Obviously the data required for this is beyond the limits of the EASCREM 13

database, but it could serve to point potential researchers in the direction of sites with large

numbers of urns and their relevant publications. For now, it serves to preliminarily conclude

that both approaches have merits, and there is no reason why some urns were not created with

the deceased specifically in mind, whilst at the same time others were reused from the

domestic sphere. It may even be the case that vessels were created for both life and death.

3.1.5. Memory and Transformation

Many studies have looked at the rites employed before the cremation, such as the washing

and dressing of the body and the agency of mourners, but Williams (2004, 263-5) has

critiqued the lack of attention levelled at the agency of the deceased themselves. By this he

means that archaeologists tend to reduce the deceased to a form of material culture which is

manipulated by the agency of the living. In fact, cadavers bridge the gap between agents and

objects, and occupy something of a unique position in society. They can have a symbolic and

mnemonic significance which is articulated in their ability to affect the actions of mourners

and evoke memories (Williams 2004, 265-6). The deceased may have given individuals

instructions in life about how they wished to be treated in death, and bonds of kinship or

social hierarchies may have ensured the enactment of said wishes. Furthermore, the cadaver

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itself can be viewed as a vehicle for remembrance; a focal point for shared experience and the

construction of memories of the deceased (Hallam and Hockey 2001; Williams 2004, 266-7;

Williams 2006b, 217). Accordingly, one interpretation of cremation is that it was a

technology of remembrance which transformed the body; constructing memories and

constituting identities (Williams 2003; Williams 2006b, 217; Williams 2011, 238; 249).

A scale above individual memories, social memory can be seen as collective notions of the

past that are relevant to the present – a kind of memory bank from which a collective or

group can draw upon (Coser 1992; Devlin 2007, 38). This phenomenon is particularly

pertinent to mortuary studies, as funerary practice can be seen as an arena for the

construction, manipulation and transmission of memories, particularly in the choice of which

objects should accompany the deceased (Williams 2004, 265-7; 2011, 238; 249; Williams

and Sayer 2009, 4; Devlin 2007, 38; 42-3). The placing of cremation urns in existing

prehistoric barrows can be seen as a good example of the creation of social memory, perhaps

functioning to tie a community to the land or extend a lineage deep into the past. Therefore,

collective understanding of the world and a culture‟s position within it is partially influenced

from this complex process of interaction and negotiation with memories. There are around

fifteen examples of secondary interment of early Anglo-Saxon cremations in the database,

although there are likely more, especially when one considers how frequently Bronze Age,

Roman and Anglo-Saxon cremations were confused in earlier accounts (1.2.4.). Confident

examples such as the small community interred into Bronze Age barrows at Hollingbourne,

Kent (Grove 1952; EASCREM 126) attest a conscious decision being made to bury the dead

with existing remains. Despite being difficult to glean any serious, quantitative conclusions,

such an approach to the study of cremation, not merely looking at the end product – the grave

and artefacts – but at the whole process with all of its social and symbolic complexities, has

many benefits.

3.1.6. Spiritual Approaches to Cremation

The Gregorian Mission brought Christianity to the Kingdom of Kent in AD 596 but that was

only the beginning of a long process of conversion and Christianisation, which eventually

saw all of England be considered as Christian many centuries later. The primary issue

encountered by individuals studying past religion is that it is so very difficult to ever know

what people truly thought. Indeed in the modern period many of us do not even know what

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we believe ourselves. In truth, there is a tremendous amount of debate about what religion

even is. Were we to take the writings of Karl Marx (e.g. 1843), for example, we might be

tempted to claim that an Anglo-Saxon chieftain might have used religion as means to control

their warband; maintaining order and martial prowess by the promise of honour and spiritual

rewards in the next life. Alternatively, a Durkheimian (e.g. Swain 1915) approach might

emphasise the collective solidarity and reinforcement of social norms that pre-Christian

religion might have fostered in early Anglo-Saxon communities; creating authority figures,

stabilising a system of spiritual hierarchy and functioning for the benefit of society. Such an

introduction highlights how difficult it is to study belief and the plethora of possible

interpretations and theoretical approaches one could take. How best to approach the rite of

cremation in a spiritual context, then?

As is often the case in early Anglo-Saxon archaeology, a good starting point is to revisit

Audrey Meaney:

“It is difficult to assess the ritual significance of cremation; on the whole, the idea

behind it seems to be to release the spirit; to dismiss it from the body primarily in

order that it shall no longer trouble the living.”

(Meaney 1964, 16)

The fact that Meaney saw the dismissal of the soul on the grounds that it might otherwise

bother the living is an interesting angle, and was perhaps informed by later Anglo-Saxon

literature and poetry where ghosts and revenants played a role in troubling the living. Taking

a more pragmatic approach, David Mackenzie Wilson claimed that:

“From the archaeological material it is impossible to name the religion practised, the

Gods worshipped or the ritual which preceded burial”

(Wilson 1976, 3)

Whilst it is true that there are very limited references to the cremation rites of the early

medieval cultures of the North Sea, this is not to say that the references we do have cannot be

used at all. One of the most obvious literary depictions of the cremation rite is the funeral of

Beowulf, where he was burnt with the dragon‟s treasure, martial offerings of shields and mail

coats, and his own worldly possessions both as a mark of respect to a great leader, but also

presumably to accompany him into the next world, be it the Valhalla of the later Old Norse

sources or otherwise. In terms of archaeological evidence, decorated cinerary urns can be

seen as an important body of evidence with some of the greatest potential for elucidating pre-

64

Christian spiritual belief in early Anglo-Saxon England. One of the most widely cited and

frequently found motifs is the swastika (Fig.12), which David Raoul Wilson argues:

"undoubtedly had special importance for the Anglo-Saxons, either magical or

religious, or both. It seems very likely that it was the symbol of the thunder god

Thunor"

(Wilson 1992, 115)

Thunor appears to be the same as the Old Norse Þórr (Thor); son of Óðinn (Odin) and

wielder of the mighty hammer Mjölnir, of which amulets can be found in several graves

across the Viking world (Blinkenberg 2012, 58-63). On the basis of Þórr‟s apparent

association with Thunor, the Anglo-Saxon swastika, which is so frequently on decorated

urns, has been interpreted by Hilda Ellis Davidson (1965, 83) as a symbol of Mjölnir, or

whatever the Anglo-Saxon equivalent was, which in turn was perhaps derived from Bronze

Age sun crosses. It seems that there is relatively compelling evidence for a spiritual function

associated with the swastika symbol on early Anglo-Saxon cinerary urns, but we are not

currently in a position to take such an interpretation any further than it might have been

magical or protective.

Another decorative phenomenon in the repertoire of early Anglo-Saxon potters that could

potentially be seen as a spiritual in nature is the ᛏ-rune, which represented the letter T and

which, it has been argued, was associated with the god Tiw, who may be the same deity as

the Old Norse Týr (Wilson 1992, 116-17; 146-9; Fig.13). ᛏ-runes occur less frequently on

cremation urns than swastikas do, and perhaps can be even more confidently ascribed a

spiritual significance:

“There can be little doubt that the use of this particular rune by itself on pottery is due

to the fact that it stands for the god Tiw or Tig, the popularity of whose cult in the

early Anglo-Saxon period is shown not only by his name appearing in a number of

place-names, but by the allocation of a weekday, Tuesday, to his special protection. It

is therefore safe to assume that a devotion to the cult of Tiw is indicated by these T

rune pots”

(Myres and Green 1973, 66)

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Fig.12: An urn employing swastika decoration from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM

213). Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service

Fig.13: A good example of an urn with raised ᛏ-runes from Spong Hill, Norfolk

(EASCREM 213) (after Wilson 1992, 147)

66

The so-called wyrm motif has been likened to a serpent-like creature, perhaps a dragon or

depiction of Jörmungandr, the world serpent, and is also found on a significant number of

cremation urns. This serpentine motif may have invoked protection on a cremation urn, as

dragons are frequently depicted in heroic legend and mythology as the guardians of hoards,

perhaps even the dead (Wilson 1992, 150-1):

a fierce and naked dragon, who flies by night

in a pillar of fire; people on earth

fear him greatly. It is his nature to find

a hoard in the earth, where ancient and proud,

he guards heathen gold, though it does him no good.

(Beowulf: 2273-2277, translated by R.M. Liuzza 2000, 122-3).

It is hoped that this, and the other examples in this section, demonstrate just how difficult it is

to say anything with certainty when discussing the pre-Christian spiritual beliefs of the early

Anglo-Saxons. We are not as privileged as Scandinavian scholars, who can draw upon the

rich texts of Snorri and others in the formulation of spiritual interpretations of their

archaeology. Even when they do this, there is still considerable difficulty in equating later

Christian accounts of the pre-Christian religion with archaeological artefacts that precede

them by several centuries. When studying Anglo-Saxon England, however, we have very

limited sources, and our understanding of spiritual belief is poor. This is perhaps best

evidenced by cremation urn R9/10 from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk (EASCREM 53),

which has freestyle decoration of a ship and wolf-like figure and which has been interpreted

as a scene from Ragnarök, the doom of the gods, with the wolf Fenrir travelling in the boat

Naglfar (Myres and Green 1973, 118; Wilson 1992, 153-4; Fig.14). Whilst this is a

fascinating interpretation, it highlights the difficulty faced by scholars studying religion – we

simply do not know, and currently have no means in which to prove any hypothesis on the

pre-Christian spiritual belief of early Anglo-Saxon England.

3.1.7. Social Analysis of Cremation in Lincolnshire

The link between cremation cemeteries, a seemingly British post-Roman town and the later

Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Lindsey might seem tenuous at first, but recent research in the

county of Lincolnshire is yielding interesting insights and provides a useful case study in

which to consider how one might actually use cremation cemetery data. Lindsey is a

historically attested Anglo-Saxon kingdom of the 7th

century with probable British origins

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Fig.14: The „wolf and ship‟ decorated urn from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk

(EASCREM 53) (after Wilson 1992, 153)

(Green 2008, 1). In the latter half of the 5th

century, a series of cremation cemeteries emerge

in the Lincoln area which are large and reasonably distanced from each other, perhaps acting

as a central foci for burial (Green 2008, 16-17). Reflecting on large cemeteries, Myres wrote:

“Cremation, wherever it occurs in massive numbers, is a clear sign of Anglo-Saxon

settlement in sufficient density, or so well organised, as to be uninfluenced by the

native culture of Romano-British society”

(Myres 1986, 112)

However, the fact that the large cremation cemeteries of this region make a ring, with a radius

of at least 15-20 miles (25-30km), around Lincoln might suggest a controlling British force

preventing the Anglo-Saxons from encroaching too close to the city and is markedly different

to the post-Roman situation at other Roman towns in the north (Green 2008, 17-18). What is

most interesting is that the smaller inhumation cemeteries that emerge in the mid-late 6th

century do not seem to honour this apparently British zone of influence, some being situated

as close as a few miles, and have been interpreted as a sign that British influence is waning

and Anglo-Saxon power growing (Green 2008, 18). Evidence of a degree of urban

continuation has been observed, notably the late 4th

century Romano-British church being

built in Lincoln, with a suggested sequence of continuation into the 6th

century (Steane 1990-

1; Jones 1993; Green 2008, 19-22). Moreover, four of the urns from Cleatham (EASCREM

68

68) appear to have been wheel made, in a Roman fashion, but have distinct form and fabric,

thus suggesting a post-Roman British ceramic industry at some level (Leahy 2007, 126-7;

2008, 52-3; 86; Green 2008, 24). Accordingly, using the cremation burial data and other

archaeological evidence as indications of early Anglo-Saxon settlement, and noting spatial

and geographical positioning, Thomas Green has been able to draw upon historical evidence

to construct a compelling interpretation for post-Roman Lincoln:

“These immigrant groups seem to have been controlled by the Britons and prevented

– at least into the early-sixth century – from significantly encroaching upon the

Briton‟s chief settlement of Lincoln, judging from the distribution of the large

cremation cemeteries and their implied territories. The Historia Brittonum suggests

that military action c. 500 may well have played a role in this containment; indeed, it

is not beyond the realms of possibility that such action was led by Ambrosium

Aurelianus and that famous Battle of Badon could have been fought in Lindsey,

although this must remain speculative”.

(Green 2008, 33)

It is only from detailed, interdisciplinary study utilising all of the available evidence that we

are able to arrive at such nuanced conclusions. This case study has been a good example of a

scholar with a command of several different types of evidence.

3.1.8. Cremation Cemeteries as ‘Central Places’

Howard Williams (2002a) has recently put forward an interesting idea – that the large

northern and eastern cremation cemeteries can be viewed as central places. When one thinks

of central places, one‟s mind is immediately drawn to the monumental settlement complexes

with archaeologically attested socio-political, economic and spiritual dimensions, such as

Lejre, Denmark (Christensen 1991; 2007; Niles and Osborn 2007), Uppåkra, Sweden

(Larsson 2001; 2002) or Skiringssalr, Norway (Skrae 2007). Central place theory was

developed by the German geographer Walter Christaller (1933) to explain the number, size

and location of human settlements in an urban system. In the context of early medieval

archaeology, however, central place theory has allowed us to identify rich sites of socio-

political, economic and spiritual importance which were integrated into local, regional and

supra-regional networks. In this context, identifying early Anglo-Saxon cremation cemeteries

as central places might seem peculiar, but there is no reason why these sites cannot have had

central functions as well; creating communities of both the dead and the living. Indeed, it is

69

not until the later 6th

and 7th

centuries that we find elite burial grounds, such as Sutton Hoo,

Suffolk (EASCREM 229) or Snape, Suffolk (EASCREM 204), and high status elite

settlements, like the Bernician royal centre at Yeavering. Similarly, whilst the recent

excavations (particularly 2012 and 2013) at Lyminge, Kent have uncovered a complex of

large timber halls dating to the 6th

and 7th

centuries, one of the earliest elite settlements

uncovered in Anglo-Saxon England, it is not unreasonable to cast the field of enquiry wider

and look at unconventional sites-types in the search for 5th

and early 6th

century sites with

central functions (Williams 2002a, 342-3; 358; Gabor Thomas, pers. comm.). In fact, such

investigation yields interesting conclusions and throws the door open to further questioning

of the nature of social identity in the earliest years of the early Anglo-Saxon period. This is

particularly relevant when one considers that the forthcoming chronological synthesis of

Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) views the cemetery as largely 5th

century in date (Hills

and Lucy, forthcoming).

Williams (2002a, 344-5) sees the large cremation cemeteries of northern and eastern England

as different to other sites because of their large size, early date and their „pure‟ adoption of

cremation. These are cemeteries that would have served multiple communities; bringing

people together and reinforcing a shared (?ethnic) identity. Using a detailed analysis of

excavation data, field walking survey, aerial photography, metal detector and find data,

Williams considers four cemeteries in Lincolnshire at a local level, emphasising their

geographical and spatial significance. These sites were not central places in the usual

archaeological sense, but they were places where:

“concepts of the person and community were performed, created and inscribed”

(Williams 2002a, 359)

And where:

“a distinctive mortuary ideology was developed that forged powerful relationships

between place, identity, myths and memories.”

(Williams 2002a, 341)

In many respects William‟s (2002a, 358) argument can be reduced to a relatively simple one;

that the monumental scale of certain cremation cemeteries meant that they must have been

centrally planned, served central social functions and were underpinned by an impressively

efficient exploitation of resources and a scale of social cooperation not found in any other site

type. To take this line of enquiry a little to the south, the elite cremations and wider burial

70

ground dating to the first quarter of the 7th

century at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk (EASCREM 229)

demonstrates that even at this late date cremation was still practised by those at the apex of

the social hierarchy, possibly even as an overt sign of defiance against rising Christendom

(Carver 1998; 136). It should also be noted that life, death and memory are not mutually

exclusive in the Scandinavian central places, either. The funerary landscape at Lejre,

consisted of a cemetery, barrow and stone ship settings, which were separated from the living

settlement by a river, and which can be seen as a direct link between past and present; always

in sight but separate, distinct and different (Austin 2011, 39). Accordingly, William‟s paper is

an important step forward in the study of cremation burials and as more detailed datasets are

published, we should be able to consider other cremation cemeteries in the same way. Indeed,

the application of central place theory to early Anglo-Saxon material more generally is

certainly overdue, which is something the author intends to pursue at a doctoral level.

3.1.9. Reflections

In the last 30 years or so, a plethora of encouraging and interesting approaches to the study of

cremation burials have emerged. In our embrace of the multiplicity of approaches, we have

rightly gone away from Myres and the culture-historical approach, but we must always

acknowledge, respect and build upon his work. The list of questions asked of the cremation

evidence is considerably longer now, but the important and fundamental questions of

ethnicity and chronology should retain their importance. That the cremation evidence is being

used more frequently, and studied to a better standard, means that our understanding should

increase at an exponential rate in the coming years, and it is encouraging to see questions of

cremation occupy the minds of many prolific scholars of the current generation. It should be

clear by now that the most nuanced conclusions come from detailed studies of a local or

regional context that utilise all of the available evidence, be it archaeological, historical or

other. Whilst this study offers national statistics and broad generalisations, there is variation

observable at every level of Anglo-Saxon England and there really is no substitute for the

thorough analysis of a geographic locality. Despite this, a grasp of the macro level is essential

to contextualise the study of locale, and it is hoped that this dissertation can influence the

research agendas of both types of study.

71

3.2. Towards the Future

3.2.1. An Interpretation

It seems apparent that social and even spiritual considerations played a significant role in the

funerary rite of cremation and perhaps we can understand the difference between inhumation

and cremation as a dichotomy, with inhumation being an attempt at maintaining the social

personhood of the deceased and cremation seeking to destructively accelerate decay,

transform the deceased and foster a greater sense of social identity (Williams 2002a; Hines

2011, 978-9). Such a concept can be understood in the context of a people to whom

inhumation had no precedent migrating to lands where it predominated. This clash of

funerary custom would surely have led to new ways of expressing identity in death, and

perhaps we can see furnished inhumation as something of a compromise between old and

new. It is certainly true that the rite is significantly different to inhumation, and one really

does get a sense of collective identity being expressed. Inhumation burials are more variable

and status is a lot easier to detect archaeologically. On the other hand, cremation appears a

more normalised rite – status is reflected in terms of artefacts, urn decoration and grave

architecture, but much more subtly. Such a view is well presented by John Hines:

“It is entirely valid, then, to hypothesise that cremation positively embodied a more

aesthetic sense of general human nature than the particular sense of human identity

implicit in inhumation.”

(Hines 2011, 979)

This sense of a broad community identity is reinforced by Richards‟ (1987) study of 2440

urns from 18 different cemeteries around England which found that whilst there was notable

difference at an inter-site level, the “overall impression is one of a high degree of conformity

between sites” (Richards 1987, 100). We can therefore build up a picture of the widespread

practise of a mortuary rite which served to reinforce a sense of collective, cultural and ethnic

identity within the confines of a social ideology, possibly with cosmological and spiritual

aspects. Perhaps cremation was expected, or even legally required, in order for the deceased

to ascend to the next world. Their worldly possessions, or perhaps symbolic artefacts which

represented them, would accompany individuals on this spiritual transformation. The funeral

itself served to bring the community together and honour the dead in displays of agency, both

in terms of the mourners and the deceased. To apply the well-known Structuration theory of

Anthony Giddens (e.g. 1984), cremation burial can be seen as a two-way process between

72

structures (social, cultural and spiritual paradigms) and agents (including both the deceased

and the mourners). Eventually, however, as times changed and society became more

complex, new ideas emerged which questioned these beliefs and the practice of cremation

declined towards the 6th

and 7th

centuries. The social, cultural and possibly even spiritual

basis for cremation was replaced by new ways of thinking, and chieftains and kings could no

longer cling so firmly to the old ways if they were to embrace Christendom and the ever

changing geopolitical landscape of Anglo-Saxon England (Wilson 1992, 175). In conclusion,

and although there are major issues with using a later, Christian historical source, perhaps we

can turn to the works of Snorri Sturluson, the famous Icelandic historian, poet and politician,

for an impression of what the mythological context for cremation might have been for the

early Anglo-Saxons. From the first book, Heimskringla, of his Ynglinga Saga of c.1225 we

are told that:

“Odin established the same law in his land that had been in force in Asaland. Thus

he established by law that all dead men should be burned, and their belongings laid

with them upon the pile, and the ashes be cast into the sea or buried in the earth.

Thus, said he, every one will come to Valhalla with the riches he had with him upon

the pile; and he would also enjoy whatever he himself had buried in the earth. For

men of consequence a mound should be raised to their memory, and for all other

warriors who had been distinguished for manhood a standing stone; which custom

remained long after Odin's time.”

(OMACL 2013)

3.2.2. Archaeology or Archaeologies?

Most scholarly and scientific discourses aim to be as objective as possible. Indeed, many

refuse to even admit that there is subjectivity in any account. Quantitative and empirical

methodologies are by definition objective, but the mental processes that select and analyse

them are human and subjective. In the context of British and American archaeology there was

a paradigm shift to the objective and empirical in the 1960s and 1970s. This processual

approach utilised scientific and rigorous methodologies to explain the past, not merely

describe it from a cultural perspective. Archaeologists began to change tact once again in the

1980s, though, and there was in many cases an outright rejection of reducing the human to

points of data. Instead, subjectivity was to be embraced as part of the great human story.

Many modern approaches to archaeology embrace this, arguing that there is no privileged

73

account, only a multitude of competing but equally correct interpretations (Hodder and

Hutson 2003). In this theoretical context, is it perhaps misguided to attempt to construct an

archaeology, or archaeologies, of early Anglo-Saxon cremation burial? Should we even

aspire to define one?

In order to contextualise this discussion, and to develop the theme of centrality previously

discussed (3.1.8.), let us look at Scandinavian central places and, in particular, the timber

halls which characterise them. An excavated timber hall can be approached from a number of

angles;

From a social perspective (e.g. how a space facilitated social interaction)

From a political perspective (e.g. control of space and access by elites)

From an economic perspective (e.g. the control of metalwork and privileged access to

objects)

From a religious perspective (e.g. the ritual function of the building)

From a legal perspective (e.g. how was justice administered)

From an architectural perspective (e.g. the construction and development),

From a domestic perspective (e.g. private and personal space),

From a feminist perspective (e.g. the visibility of female zones and food preparation

areas),

From a corporeal perspective (e.g. how did people present themselves at the hall)

Each of these approaches is valid, and the synthesis of a plethora approaches lends to a

deeper, more nuanced interpretation. The archaeology of Scandinavian timber halls is

developed to the extent that there are multiple archaeologies of timber halls, utilising these

complex datasets to their full extent. These theories are, in turn, part of a wider study and

approach known as central place theory, which has been developed by Scandinavian

archaeologists particularly in the last 20-30 years. The situation with the study of early

Anglo-Saxon cremation burials is markedly different, however, and it would be difficult to

even identify one approach which has a detailed methodology underpinned by a developed

theoretical perspective. Whilst it would be ideal if we could develop a series of approaches to

cremation and construct the kind of complex interpretations that central place theorists can,

the complete lack of any developed approach to the study of cremation demonstrates the

need, at least as an interim measure, for a single archaeology of cremation.

74

Howard Williams (2008, 240) has called for an archaeology of cremation which has detailed

methodologies and a developed theoretical basis for understanding the variability of

cremation. Whilst this might seem a little obvious, it is certainly true that there are very few

books that deal specifically with cremation, but several which deal explicitly with unburnt

remains, or present an imbalanced synthesis from both. Cremation is a good example of a

funerary rite where we can make broad generalisations at a macro level, but observe quite

marked variation at a micro level. Accordingly, it has been argued that the main problem that

cremation studies face is that there is a lack of explicit theoretical approaches which can

adequately account for both the general similarities and specific variations which are found in

cremation burials (Williams 2008, 239). Indeed, there was no single Anglo-Saxon society just

as there was no single Anglo-Saxon way of death and just as there was no single Anglo-

Saxon cremation rite (Williams 2011, 259). Perhaps we can use a comparison of cremation

burial in eastern and southern England to contextualise some of the issues encountered when

studying cremations.

Both regions practised cremation to varying degrees from the 5th

to the 6th

or 7th

centuries.

The cremations were frequently placed in urns, often with associated artefacts, and were most

commonly deposited in shallow graves. The reuse of existing prehistoric barrows was also

practised by both south and east, with examples at Hollingbourne, Kent (EASCREM 126)

and Brightwell-Martlesham, Suffolk (EASCREM 37). Similarly, cremations deposited in

bronze bowls have been found from both regions, such as at Coombe, Kent (EASCREM 72)

and Sutton Hoo, Suffolk (EASREM 229). The phenomenon of window urns is also found

across this regional divide, with instances at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56) and

Westbere, Kent (EASCREM 254). Away from these generalisations, though, we can look

more closely at local variations in practice. East Anglia and the East Midlands are

characterised by high numbers of large cemeteries where cremation in the dominant funerary

practice. In the southern region, particularly the south coast and the Thames Valley, the

distribution is different, with sites containing cremation being less frequent and smaller in

scale. The fact that Norfolk has more cremation sites than Kent, Sussex, Hampshire and the

Isle of Wight combined supports these broad regional differences. Likewise, a comparison of

the 2484 cremations at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) with the 138 at Apple Down,

Sussex (EASCREM 10) – the largest cremation site from the southern region – demonstrates

the different character of funerary practice between these areas.

75

This brief case study highlights the difficulties of a rigid theoretical and methodological

approach to cremation studies. Broad similarities at the macro level must be paired with

localised variation at the micro level. It is clear that cremations and inhumations are markedly

different, and the imposition of traditional inhumation-centric approaches can seriously harm

an accurate interpretation of the cremation evidence. Methodological and theoretical

refinement is needed if a more nuanced interpretation of cremation is to be sought. It is also

apparent that constructing an archaeology of cremation will take many years, numerous

theoretical debates and is an endeavour too large for a masters dissertation (Williams 2012,

264). What is achievable in this dissertation, however, is the provision of the tools in which

to develop such an approach. That being, a quantitative and qualititative summary of the

current state of knowledge, and some remarks about possible directions the discipline could

head.

3.2.3. Conclusions

It is a daunting task to summarise a study of over 250 sites and several centuries‟ worth of

scholarship. The first and most obvious conclusion is that there is certainly a huge amount of

work needed to bring cremation studies in line with the scholarship of inhumation burials.

This is well evidenced by the fact that we have major reports, detailed chronologies and an

extensive series of databases for the study of inhumation burials whilst this humble

postgraduate undertaking is probably the closest we have to a national database for cremation

burials. This is in no way saying that this dissertation is anything more than a mere

postgraduate attempt to tackle a difficult body of evidence, but it highlights just how

underdeveloped the study of cremation truly is.

This essential body of evidence deserves further study if we are to elucidate the earliest

chapters of Anglo-Saxon history, and the author can make wholehearted recommendations

for a number of potential research projects. It is clear that this attempt at piecing together the

evidence has been generalist and superficial, and a thorough review is greatly needed. Such

an endeavour would make a fine piece of doctoral or post-doctoral research, or even form the

basis of a much larger project bringing together many different specialists. Extended work

with the evidence we already have is also highly recommended, such as the publication of

older excavations where material is still extant, or thorough analysis of more recent

excavations where the datasets are more detailed. Particular recommendation can be made for

76

detailed studies of specific localities or regions, and one only needs to read Thomas Green‟s

(2008) study of Lincoln to gauge the tremendous possibilities of thorough and geographically

focused interdisciplinary analysis. Finally, the long-overdue publication of Kenneth Fennell‟s

1964 PhD thesis on Loveden Hill, surely one of the most widely-cited but unpublished works

on an early Anglo-Saxon cemetery, would be a welcome addition to studies of cremation.

It is encouraging to see cremation studies having a higher profile in recent publications,

however, and Gareth Perry, Howard Williams, Kevin Leahy, Tom Green and others should

be well respected for their very different but equally interesting approaches to the material.

Moreover, the chronological future of cremation looks promising and both the publication of

the final report on Spong Hill (Hills and Lucy, forthcoming) and the major chronological

report on the inhumation burials of the 6th

and 7th

centuries (Hines et al 2013) will be vital

tools in the establishment of a sequence for the early Anglo-Saxon period in general, and a

developed chronology for cremation burials more specifically, which utilises artefact

typologies, radiocarbon dated human remains and the form and function of urns. The

particular need for a refined chronology of cremations is due to the fact that the evidence

appears so concentrated to the 5th

and early 6th

centuries; the most difficult period of early

Anglo-Saxon England there is to study. In many respects the chronological prospects for

cremation are exceedingly good for two principle reasons. Firstly, all three components of the

classic cremation burial (human remains, artefacts, urns) should be closely datable both on

their own and as part of a tripartite dating suite. Particularly relevant to this is the developing

field of rehydroxylation dating, which measures the concentration of hydroxyl groups in

ceramic material, which accumulate at a constant rate after firing and which can be measured

to determine age (Wilson et al 2003; 2012). Whilst it is not commercially available at the

time of writing, such a technique has the potential to revolutionise the dating of pottery in the

coming years, and by proxy, our understanding of the chronology of cremations. Secondly,

envisioned improvements to the techniques for dating bone and the refinement of the

radiocarbon calibration curve to AD 395 should also aid this endeavour (Hines et al 2013,

518). Taken together then, the future looks incredibly promising for the construction of a

robust chronological framework.

The research undertaken for this dissertation will hopefully form the basis of future

publications by the author and it is hoped that the database, in an updated and refined form,

can be hosted online by the likes of the ADS. But, most importantly, it is hoped that this

study has demonstrated just how much information can be obtained from the mortuary rite of

77

cremation and how essential the evidence is in our understanding of the early Anglo-Saxon

period. The future of early Anglo-Saxon cremation studies is full of potential, and for the first

time we have high quality data, the techniques in which to interrogate it and a developing

awareness of the need for more explicit theory. And at a time of economic uncertainty and

diminishing academic funding, perhaps now is finally the time to take stock of the evidence

we already have and truly grasp its worth in furthering our understanding of the period.

78

List of Figures

Fig.1: The historic counties of the UK (after The Historic Counties Trust 2010, 1)

Fig.2: S. Mallard‟s artistic impression of an early Anglo-Saxon funeral pyre, drawing on the

idea of the interlocking timbers and hazel brushwood put forward by McKinley (1994a). The

sheer number of burnt beads, brooches and buckles we find in cinerary urns confirms that

many people would have been buried clothed. Similarly, evidence of refired sherds indicates

the inclusion of accessory vessels on the pyre. In contrast to this depiction, however, is the

rarity of spearheads and shield bosses found with cremations (after Glasswell 2002, 49).

Fig.3: The quantity of animal bone found in certain cremation cemeteries, like Spong Hill,

Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) where whole or almost-

whole animal carcasses are found, must indicate that these pyres could, on occasion, be huge

(after Bond 1996, 80)

Fig.4: A summary of Shipman et al‟s 1984 study of the five types of burnt bone

Fig.5: A reenactor decorates an early Anglo-Saxon style pot with an antler tool. Photograph

by A. Kemp, courtesy of Jewry Wall Museum Leicester (after Glasswell 2002, pl.21)

Fig.6: The „Spong Man‟ urn lid (left), found in 1979 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213)

(after Hills et al 1987, pl.IX) and the urn lid with bird decoration (right) from Newark,

Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) (after Milner 1853)

Fig.7: An impression of the most common artefact types in cremation burials (after Williams

2003, 101)

Fig.8: Burnt beads from urns at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) (after Leahy 2007,

pl.36)

Fig.9: A burnt small-long brooch (left) and from burial 3095 and a burnt wrist-clasp (right)

from burial 2765 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) (after Lucy 2000, 109)

Fig.10: Two possible reconstructions of the four-post structure found at Apple Down, Sussex

(EASCREM 10) (after Down and Welch 1990, pl.53)

Fig.11: Beautifully illustrated cremation urns from Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire

(EASCREM 146) (after Smith 1852, pl.28)

Fig.12: An urn employing swastika decoration from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213).

Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service

Fig.13: A good example of an urn with raised ᛏ-runes from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM

213) (after Wilson 1992, 147)

Fig.14: The „wolf and ship‟ decorated urn from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk (EASCREM

53) (after Wilson 1992, 153)

79

List of Maps

Map 1: A distribution map of all recorded geographically unique sites that contain cremation.

Map 2: A distribution map of small-scale cremation burial, including certain and uncertain

instances of Single Cremation Burials (n=1), Cremation Burials (n=2-3) and Mixed Rite

Burials (n=2-3)

Map 3: A distribution map of cemeteries (n=4+), including certain and uncertain instances of

Pure Cremation Cemeteries, Mixed Rite Cemeteries, Minority Cremation Cemeteries and

Majority Cremation Cemeteries

Map 4: A distribution map of all sites, with the historic county borders overlaid (see A Note

on the Counties of England and fig.1 for a key to the counties)

List of Tables

Table 1: The classification of sites based on the number of burials present

Table 2: The classification of cemeteries based on the ratio of cremations and inhumations, if

the latter are present

Table 3: The classification of uncertain sites, based on the number of burials and the ratio of

cremations and inhumations, if the latter are present

Table 4: The 12 possible classifications of site

Table 5: The information recorded for each site

Table 6: The number of certain and uncertain sites.

Table 7: The relative frequencies of site types, using both sets of data

Table 8: The relative frequencies of broad site types, based on the number of burials present

and using both sets of data

Table 9: The relative frequencies of cemetery types, using both sets of data

Table 10: The relative frequency of sites by historic county, using both sets of data

Table 11: The 10 sites with the highest numbers of cremations

Table 12: The minimum and maximum number of cremations by county, with totals, and

using both sets of data

80

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Wyatt, J. 1857. „Remarkable Saxon Urn, discovered at Kepston, Beds.‟. Collectanea Antiqua,

4. pp.159-61.

Wyatt, J. 1870. [Note in] „Thursday, December 1st, 1870‟. Proceedings of the Society of

Antiquaries of London, 5. pp.33-5.

Wylie, W.M. 1856. [Note in] „Thursday, June 1st, 1854‟. Proceedings of the Society of

Antiquaries, 3. pp.105-6.

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efficient method for extracting DNA from old and burned bone‟. Journal of Forensic

Sciences, 49 (4). pp.754-759.

Yerburgh, R. 1825. Sketches Illustrative of the Topography and History of New and Old

Sleaford. Sleaford: anonymously published by James Creasey.

103

Appendix I – Site Gazetteer

A site gazetteer is provided here for the benefit of the reader. It was created from running a

report on the EASCREM 13 project database, and includes the following information about

each of the 266 sites:

- ID

- Site Name

- Site Name II

- Historic County

- Unitary Authority

- NGR

- Data Range

- Meaney Reference

- Excavations Date(s) and Director(s)

- Min No. Crem

- Max No. Crem

- Min No. Inhum

- Max No. Inhum

- Cemetery Type

- Artefact Types

- Description

- Reference(s)

- Museum(s)

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