Ecology in the Long View Settlement Histories Agrosystemic Strategies and Ecological

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Ecology in the Long View: Settlement Histories, Agrosystemic Strategies, and Ecological

PerformanceAuthor(s): Karl W. ButzerSource: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Summer, 1996), pp. 141-150Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/530500

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1

Introduction

The recent polemic surrounding he Columbian En-

counter served to underscore hat the most interesting

issues of today are those that cross disciplinary ines.

Whereas theoretical debates within archaeologyremain

ignored by other social scientists, bioarchaeological e-

search n Mesoamerica r the Pacific egion is widelycited

in the national or international iteraturedealing with

human ecological mpact.Archaeologywas highly visible

in earlier cientific xchangesabout agricultural r human

origins, and archaeology oday not only has an opportu-

nity but an obligation o becomeengaged n matters f the

human use and modificationof the environment.This

paper uxtaposesquestionsof Mesoamerican nd Mediter-

ranean and-useand environmental egradation, entered

on a regionalexplication f the complexity nd sophistica-

tion of adaptive trategiesn the Mediterranean orld.The

concludingsection identifiesquestions hat archaeologys

particularlyuited to address.

One of the unfortunate myths broadly disseminated

before and during the Columbian polemic was that of

ecologically-invisible ew World peoples. Living in har-

monywith nature,NativeAmericans upposedly mployed

environmentallyensitiveand sustainable gricultural rac-

tices that preserved he wildernessof the Americaswith

barelyperceptiblehuman disturbance. That claim, le-

gitimized by the Smithsonianvolume, Seedsof Cha

(Shetler 1991: 226), flies in the face of generation

archaeological esearch hat demonstrated arge pop

tions and ntensified griculturen Mesoamerica nd ot

partsof the New World, ncludingurbanism nd comp

social organization n some. Regardlessof an ethos

harmonywith nature, high populationdensitiesmust

providedwith food, and the record romNorth and So

Americaprovidescountlessexamplesof ridgedor ditc

fields, terracedhillsides, destroyed forests, or persis

roadways hat supplied energy for great mound site

monumental ities (Denevan1992; Doolittle 1992; W

more and Turner1992). To deny that New Worldpeop

humanized nd modified he environment, r created h

own cultural andscapes, s to reinforce he metapho

the 17th-centurypreacher,Cotton Mather,who refe

to them as primitiveaborigines,blending nto the fo

like beavers see Zuckerman 987: 144).

A more appropriate uestion o raise s whether he la

populations n centersof New World ivilizationwere a

to grow and persistwithout ecologicaldamage (Willi

1989; Butzer 1992a). Demographicpressuresand fi

resourceswill eventuallycurtail fallow cycles or req

expansionof agriculture nto fragilesoils, and the ac

mulatingevidence reveals hat there was no magical

mula to avoid the ecologicalconsequences.Around T

coco, in the Basin of Mexico, Carlos Cordova(pers

Ecologr in the Long View: Settlement

Histories, Agrosystemic Strategxes,and

Ecological Performance

KarlW. Butzer

The University of Texas at Austin

Austin, Texas

TherecentColumbian olemic ontrasted eneficialNew Worldand usebefore 492

withdestructiveOld Worldand mana,gement.incearchaeolo,gistsre uniquely

equippedo document nd model on,g-termettlement nd land-usehistories,here s

both hallen,gend opportunityo empirically xamine heecolo,gicalmpactofparticu-

lar a,grosystemsithin on,g ime rawes. This aperexamines herisk-minimization

and ecolo,gicalfine-tunin,gf theMediterranean ,grosystem,nd its lon,g-termcolo,gi-

calperformgnce. heMediterranean cosystems theproduct f millenniaof co-evolu-

tion betweenheenvironment nd humanactivities,but traditional and usehasbeen

conservativend ecolo,gicallydaptive,despite poradic isequilibrium. hedeviations

from thenormposea number f testable ypothesesforfurtherxamination,not only n

theMed terranean e,gion utalso n other reas uchas the New World.



142 Ecology

n the

LongView/Butzer

Butzer

1990).

Biologists

arecertainly

no

better qualif

than archaeologists

o

deal systematically

ith the hum

side

of that

interrelationship.

ike

most larger

proble

confronting

human

society

today,

ecological

issues a

sufficiently

complex

to demand

a new and

greatly

e

pandedmediumof interdisciplinarynteractionand c

laboration.

Archaeology

hould,

indeed

must,

be a ma

player. t

has unique

capabilities,

ot only to generate

indispensable

rchaeological

atabase,

but

also to und

stand ong-term

and

use

and ts implications.

The Mediterranean

grosystem:

Fine-tuning

and Risk-minimization

The

Columbian

polemic

serves

o highlight

some cr

cal issues

of

ecology in

the long

view,specifically

he

my

of the devastated

Colonial

andscape

Butzer

1992b).

D

early European

settlers

indeed introduce

agricult

methods, livestock,and technologiesthat promptlyd

graded

New

World cosystems?

s

a categorical

ssertio

is the

Mediterranean

grosystem,

with its cattle,

sheep,a

plow

technology

that

continuesto

be singled

out as

p

ticularly

destructive

(Klein

1920; Simpson

1952; S

1990;

Melville

1990). In

realitythere

are two

differ

issues

here,

one whether

this agrosystem

nd its comp

nents

are inherently

destructive,

he other

whether

t

transfer

f this agrosystem

o the

New

World utomatic

had a negative

ecological

mpact.The

firstof these

qu

tions

will here

be considered

n

some detail,

while

t

second is reviewed

n

the final

discussion.

The basicMediterraneangrosystemhat canbe do

mented

from

Greek

and Roman

sources,

or verified

ethnographic

nd

archival

work,

was remarkably

ophi

cated (White

1970;

Dimen

and Friedl

1976; Spurr

198

Delaigue

1988;

Butzer1993b,1994;Wells

1992: 87-10

also

Burford

1993).

It had

four basic components

outfield

cultivation

of a selection

of grains

and

legum

suited for

local

soils and climate;

b)

infield tending

various

green vegetables

and condiments,

n

kitchen

market

ardens;

) orchard

rops,

not only

grapevines

olive groves,

but also

an array

f other

fruit trees;

and

livestock,

amongwhich

sheep,

goats,

or pigs

were m

commonlykept than cattle,with the exceptionof dr

oxen.

But specific

plants

and animals

are

less informative

characterizing

nagrosystem

han

their

systematicnteg

tion in terms

of ecology,

scheduling

and

managemen

cuisine

(Butzer

1988b).

Each of the

components

w

carefully

djusted

o the local

environmental

mosaic, a

included

winteras well

assummer

rops

hatwere

plan

tended,

and harvested

according

o an

elaborate

easo

schedule.

Their

micro-management

ncluded

complica

instructions

or

plowing,

spading,

ransplanting,

raft

communication,

1994) has

recently

dentifieda

seriesof

late

Aztec siteswithin

massive

heets

of alluvium,

derived

from soil

erosion

in the

foothills. Similar

implications

follow from

the limnological

work of

O'Hara,Street-Per-

rott, and

Burt (1993)

in the

Tarascan

eartland

of Lake

Patzcuaro,whereindigenous anduse provokedepisodes

of soil erosion

as

early as

1900 B.C.,

and soil destruction

peaked

during the three

centuries

prior

to the

Spanish

intrusion.

In

the Mixteca

Alta of

Oaxaca,

several

pro-

tracted

episodes

of pre-Conquest

soil erosion

have

been

identified.

Large-scale

eforestation

s even

verified

n Late

Formative

or Classic

contexts

in the

Basin of

Mexico

(Gonzalez,

Fuentes,

andFuentes

1980)

and coastalVera-

cruz

(Byrneand

Horn 1989)

.

Such evidence

raises

questions

whether

ndigenous

agri-

culture

was indeed

sustainable,

question

reconsidered

below.

It would

also seem

to urge

caution

againstwhole-

heartedly mbracing ontemporary,raditional griculture

as a system,

ather

hanas a

sourceof

information

o be

drawnupon

in selecting

more

beneficial

gricultural

rac-

tices and

strains f

crops(Butzer

1992a,1993a).

As repug-

nant as high-investment

echnodevelopment

s to most

of

us, it

would

be irresponsible

o

recommend

traditional

land

management

practices

imply

on emotional

or ideo-

logical grounds,

withoutpragmatic

esting

and

compara-

.

.

tlve eva.

uatlon.

Prehispanic

nvironmental

modification

s quite

perti-

nent

for conservation

rguments

r

issuessuch

as biodiver-

sity.

The early

Spaniards

encountered

deforested

land-

scapes from Mexico to Panama(Sauer 1966: 265-88;

Butzerand

Butzer

1993), some

of which

had been

recon-

stituted

by acentury

ago,

while earlier

phasesof

deforesta-

tion

are amply

attestedbypalynology

Rue

1989; Abrams

and

Rue 1988;

McDade

1994;

Piperno,Bush,

and

Colin-

vaux 1991).

Largeswaths

of

the Peten

rainforest

were

completelycleared

2000

years

ago, but

have sincerecov-

ered sufficiently

o be

citedas reservoirs

f primeval

iodi-

versity(Rice,

Rice,

and

Deevey 1985;

Vaughan,

Deevey,

and

Garrett-Jones

985).

That not

only challenges

ome

popular

assumptions

but,

more constructively,

ould be

used to

estimaterates

or the reconstitution

f forests

and

. . . .

thelr

specles dlverslty.

These

area few

examples

of archaeology

nterdigitating

with

problems

of ecology,

in both

the past

and present.

Much

of the

primary

work

on environmental

hange,

ecological

degradation,

r

sustainability

as

been monop-

olized by

biologists

or earth

scientists,

who

admittedly

have he specialized

kills

requisite

or certain

categories

f

analytical esearch.

But

contemporary

cosystems

are the

product

of

millenniaof

co-evolution

between

environ-

mental

componentsand

human

activities,

specially

ince

the establishment

f agricultural

ifeways

Birks t al.1988;



Journcll

f Field

Archcleology/Vol.

3, 1996

1

pruning,

selectionor

application

of fertilizers,

watering,

and pest

control.

Intercropping

was the

norm for

fruit

trees

and outfield

crops,with

a growing

appreciation

hat

grass

allow,nitrogen-binding

egumes,

and crop

rotation

allhelped

to maintain

r restore

ertility.

Stockraisingncludedanucleusof householdanimals, s

well asherds

of sheep

and goats

moved under

closesuper-

vision

within the municipal

ommonage

or in a seasonal,

transhumant

ycle

between

lowlands

and adjacent

high-

lands

(Vassberg

1984; Halstead

1987;

VVhittaker

988;

Butzer 1988a;

Boyazoglu

andFlamant

1992).

Goats and

sheep provided

dairy

products

or wool,

with selective

culling

of young

male animals

and occasional

laughter

of

an adult

female n times

of food

shortage.

Animalgrazing

on stubble

after

he harvestprovided

ndispensable

manure

foroutfield

crops.

Herdsof

pigs were

restrictedo environ-

ments

with oak

woodlands hat

allowedseasonal

attening

on acorns.Finally, attlewerecommonlyraisedon prime

pastures

and bred

to produce

draft animals.

Only

at the

peak

of Roman

urbanism

was cattle-raising

racticed

with

improved

breeds,

to supply

meat and

dairy

products to

urban markets

(White

1970;

Garnsey 1988;

Butzer

1992b).

This

Mediterranean

grosystem

emphasized

risk-mini-

mization,by a

sequence

of autumn,

winter,

spring, and

early

summerplantings

hat

anticipated poradic,

early

or

late,

killing frosts.

The

mix of outfield

agriculture,

or-

chards,

and infield

gardenswith

micro-irrigation

ll re-

ducedthe

risksof prolonged

summer

drought.

Livestock,

less vulnerableo climaticperturbations y virtue of their

mobility,offered

another

bufferagainst

ubsistence

tress.

Animals also

suppliedmanure

or fuel,

fiber,

and animal

proteinthat

further

reduced subsistence

risk.

Finally, he

production

of

grains, freshvegetables,

preserved

fruits,

cheeses

and hams, eather

or wool,

and above

all, wine

and

olive oil, represented

viablebutflexible

commercial

om-

ponent. That

in turn

favored ntra-

and

interregional x-

change networks

(Renfrew

and Wagstaff

1982;

Osborne

1987; Garnsey

nd VVhittaker

983; Garnsey

1988). Dur-

ing periods

of population

growth

and regional

ntegration,

such

networks

provided ncentives

or

optimizing

market

opportunities,mitigating he dangersof periodicsubsis-

tencestress

hrough

nterregional

averaging.

In

view of the

deep-seated

North European

and

North

American

biasesand

misconceptions

bout

the traditional

Mediterranean

grosystem,

t is ironic

that it was

one of

the world's

most diversified

ural

economies,

its stability

predicated

n highly

complex

management.

The interlock-

ing, risk-minimizing

trategies

were so effective

n

antici-

pating

periodic

shortfalls

hat disastrous

amines

on the

scale

experienced

n NWEurope

during

medieval

and early

modern times

had no counterpart

n the Mediterranean

Basin. Furthermore,

ts

commercial

components

cou

readilybe

scaled back

duringperiods

of declining

urb

ism, lower

population

evels,and

reduced

regional nteg

tion, but

expanding

again duringtimes

of economic

a

demographic

rowth.

Thusrural

populations

ould

adj

theirallocation f laborandsurpluseso changingdema

across

he centuries,

or compensate

or local

crop

failu

in some years

by greater

market

eturnsduring

others.

Extensive

pastoralism

was integral

to

the flexibility

that

agrosystem,

s a means

o utilize

extensivemounta

ous landscapes

nsuitable

or agriculture,

without

comp

ing for arable

and.

It also servedas

a pioneer

orm

land use in the

resettlement

of depopulated

areaswh

could only

gradually

be converted

to agriculture.

Rec

experimental

tudies

of pasture

management,

roductiv

and

nutrient

cycles have yielded

unexpected

resu

(Bernaldez

1995)

Traditional

management

created

parklandegetationof open treesthroughregularprun

and the

controlled

use of fire

(Trabaud

1991). Wild

a

semi-domesticated

legumes

were

naturally disper

through ivestock

movements,

enriching

unimproved

p

tureswith

nitrogen

as well as phosphates.

The

tree cano

favors

microclimatic

sheltering,

and liveoak

litter

s

nificantly

mproves

soil nutrient

levels.

Even bushy

shrubby

matorral vegetation

protects

against

erosion a

enhances

nfiltration,while

its leaves

provide

browse a

its woody

partscan

be converted

o charcoal.

In other

words, the ecology

of supposedly

unimpro

pasture land

in the

Mediterranean

Basin is

larg

beneficial,ts structureanddominant ormsreflecting

evolution

n response o

summer

water stress

and hum

manipulation

Bernaldez

1991, 1995).

Such

managed

vironments

represent

a controlled

subclimax

format

and

are known

by the

Spanish term

dehesa.From

t

perspective,

ranshumance

anbe seen

as an effective

co

plement to

agriculture

as well

as a sustainable

orm

utilization or

marginal ands.

Mediterranean

gropast

systems

were not

only tightly ntegrated

but carefully

m

aged.The

demiseof

pastoralism

uring he

last 50 year

part

undergovernment

pressure,has

led to expansio

unproductive,

thorny and

bushy

matorral

(Toma

1977; MontoyaOliver1983; Bernaldez1991). Much l

the

analogouschaparral

f

southern

California,

t i

potential

tinderbox,

waiting

to explode

in wildfires

also destroy

nterfingering

oodland

Le Houerou

198

The Bottom

Line:

Long-term

Performance

of the

Mediterranean

grosystem

This ecological

analysis

of the

Mediterranean

gro

tem serves

o explicate

he complex

web of strategies

are designed

to minimize

vulnerability

and risk. Th

reflectnot

only the

cumulative xperience

f

10 millen



144 Ecologyn theLongView/Butzer

of agriculturalrial-and-errorn

a summer-dry,ubtropical

climate? ut also local and external

nnovations hat were

tested, adapted,

and disseminated.This historical

rajec-

tory can be amply

econstructed y archaeologynd docu-

mentary ources.It can also be independentlymonitored

from geoarchaeological

ecordsof alluviation n

response

to soil erosion, or from bioarchaeological

ata on chang-

ing vegetation.There now are

over three dozen, detailed

and dated pollen

cores from all around the

Basin that

record ocal

land use and ecological modification

over at

least the last six to eight millennia.

Without elaborating

n thatinvestigation nd

its meth-

odological underpinnings

here, these palynologicaldata

allow a) qualifieddistinction

of pastoraland agricultural

indicators , ) identification

f basicagriculturalmodes,

and c) semiquantitativessessment

of vegetation distur-

bance, deforestation, r secondary egeneration f wood-

land (Bottema,Entjes-Nieborg,

nd van Zeist 1990).

Such resultsdiverge rom charcoal

r seed identification

from site flotationstudies, because

hey representa com-

posite picture

for a larger area, much of it unutilized,

rather han the disturbed nvirons

of a site. Pollen spectra

of the same

age from a lake or swampcore andfrom an

archaeological ite within the

same watershed also are

radically ifferent

van Zeist and Bottema 1991: fig. 41a

versus 41b). Long pollen cores

tend to be limited in

resolutionby sampling ntervals,

and dating must all too

often be interpolatedbetween

widely spacedradiocarbon

dates. Yet the advantagesare obvious, with a relatively

continuous trace of compositeecological change,

some-

times punctuatedby strong regional

perturbations, om-

paredwith the

discontinuous ecordsand much

sparser r

secondaryarborealrecord typical

of charcoaland seeds

from an archaeological

ite (see Vernet, Badal,

and Grau

1983; Vernet,Thiebault,and Heinz 1987; Miller

1991).

This is primarily

matterof scale, but it is more

than that,

because survival

of more distant woodlandswithin the

samewatershed

acilitates cologicalrecovery s the

degree

of disturbance

s reduced. n that sensethe multiplewater-

shedsof complex

environments uch as those of

the Medi-

terraneanBasin also differ fundamentallyrom mid-oce-

anic, slandecosystems, he ecology

of which can be more

rapidlyand

perhaps rretrievably egraded Flenley

et al.

1991; Kirch

et al. 1992).

Equally o

there areproblems n reconcilingpollen

core

data with episodes of destructive

and use inferred rom

soil erosion as recorded n dated

colluviumor alluvial ills.

Such geomorphological riteria

normallyare discontinu-

ous, documenting

rupturesof soil and slope equilibrium

(vanAndel,

Zangger,and Demitrack1990; vanAndel and

Runnels 1987). Yet the nature

of cause-and-effectn the

crossingof such a threshold

s open to interpretation

part

becausechannel ills,overbankdeposits,

debris lo

and

colluvial spreads reflect different

processes, and

remainsdifficult o exclude extreme

weather events a

their recurrence ntervalfrom a complementary ole

erosion

or deposition.Equallydifficults exact datinga

accurate

orrelationwith a particulartage

of a local set

ment

history (e.g., Wells, Runnels, and Zangger 199

Bell

and Boardman1992: Section C).

For example,do

initial

clearance,ong-termpressure, r

the constructio

partial versus otal)

abandonment f agriculturalerra

push disturbance or

degradation beyond that crit

threshold

hat promotes soil erosion in a particular r

Last

but not least, a pollen core will

sample a uniq

column of sediment,

whereas oil erosiondataarespati

distributedn a complex

andscape, r must be linked

difficult ateral correlations.Not surprisinglyhe res

may

diverge,as evidentfrom comparison

f two interp

tations of Lake Lerna

in the Greek Argive Plain (Ja

1993

versusZangger1991). Ideally, alynological

eco

should be supplemented

by measurements f magn

susceptibilityhat give

a continuous,quantitative rac

mineralsediment accretion,

potentiallysensitive to s

erosion

n the catchment.

For

our purposes,episodesof soil erosion

give a sig

for disequilibrium hat

complements the palynolog

data

nterpreted ere. Ideallyall thesecategoriesof inf

mation

require omparison nd discussion,

againsta ba

groundof regionalsettlementhistory(that is rarelyav

able), but that indeed

would require book-len

presentation.

What follows is an outline

that seeks

identify basic patterns

and place certain archaeolo

. . >

ssues

lnto tocus.

In general,vegetation

was relativelyundisturbedun

about

5000 B.C. (calibrated)n the eastern

Mediterra

region

and until roughly2000

B.C.

in

the westernBa

Nonetheless, herewere

scattered pisodesof moderat

intense

disturbance,due to agropastoral

ntrusion in

local

catchments, enerally ollowedby

partial r comp

woodland

recovery.There also is some

evidence of s

erosion, varyinggreatly n intensity rom place to pla

and timing (van Andel,

Zangger, and Demitrack19

Bruckner

1986; J. T. Abbott, personal

communicat

1994).

A combination f agriculture nd ncipient

arboricu

(chestnut,walnut) s

firstevident n Syriaby 5000 B.C. a

in Greece about 3000

B.C., but olives or grapes, a

hallmark

of true Mediterranean griculture

Goor a

Nurock 1968; Stager

1985), are only verified ater

Palestine

hortlyafter3500

B.C.;

in Greece

about2000 B

and

in the western Mediterranean fter

500 B.C. (Bar



Journgl

f Field

Archcleology/Vol.

3,

1996 1

treesover

others

afterabout

1700 B.C.

(Bottema

1984;

v

Zeistand

Bottema

1991).

This synopsis

givesa

glimpse

of the complexity

of ec

ogy in the

long term.

The

history

of land use

and lan

scapeecologyin the Mediterraneanasinwas

a checke

one, with punctuated

changes,

ong

intervalsof

stabi

and

shorter

episodesof

mismanagement,

eriodically

terrupted

byecological

recovery.

Despitea recent

spate

archaeological

r documentary

tudies

devoted

to lon

term

settlement

and

land-use,

particularly

n Greece

(e

Renfrew

and

Wagstaff1982;

Keller

and

Rupp

198

Snodgrass

1987; van

Andel

and Runnels

1987; Cher

Davis,

and Mantzourani

991;

Wells

1992),

but also

n t

Levant

and

Spain, he

rural

histories

of largeareas

rem

little explored.

But

what stands

out

is that

this relati

modest

environment

has

supported

agricultural

opu

tions across 5-10 millennia, and urban societies

some

20004000

years.

Whereas

the landscape

has

deed

been

humanized,

modified,

impaired,

or alter

traditional

gropastoral

ystems

havemaintained

heir b

sic productivity

across

200

generations

or more.

For

purposes,

n the

long test

of history,

Mediterranean

an

use systems

have

been sustainable,

despite

sporadice

dence

for

destructive

human

intervention

in

time a

space.

Implications

for Mesoamerican

Land-use

Histories

This Mediterraneanecord appearso be analogou

the morefragmentary

vidence

currently

merging

fr

Mexico

and Central

America.

That

should

not be surp

ing because

long

ecological

records

will

not reflect

idealized

relationship

between

people

and

their envir

ment,

but

rather he harsh

realities

of

events

or circu

stances

hat

could

not be controlled.

Intervals

f destr

tive

land use

in Prehispanic

Mesoamerica

are

not

indictment

against the

conservationism

of New

Wo

agrosystems,

ny more

than they

are

of their

Medite

nean

counterpart.

Both traditions

mbodied

millenni

experience

that

was translated

nto

a refined

system

minimizesubsistencerisk.Both, in the main part,w

successful

n achieving

that goal,

although

interna

external

stress

at

times required

a shift

of prioritie

short-term

survival,

with

unfortunate

but not

gener

irreversible

cological

repercussions.

Just

what happened

when

the

Mediterranean

gro

tem was

transferred

o

Mexico and

superimposed

indigenous

systems?

The limited

impact

of Spanish

i

stock and

agriculture,

s now

documented

Butzer

199

1995;

Butzer and

Butzer

1993,

1995),

is once ag

. . .

counterlntultlve:

1986;

Jahns1993;

Reille

1979,

1984; Runnels

and

Han-

sen

1987; Reille

and

Lowe

1993; Menendez

Amor

and

Florschutz

1961).

That

E-W

gradient s

compatible

with

directarchaeological

vidence

or

olivesor grapes

or

their

products(Jashemski 979; Stager 1985; Heltzerand Ei-

tam

1987;

Zohary

and

Hopf 1993),

as well

as for

plow

agriculture

nd possibly

hillside erracing

see

Wells1992:

29-57,

123-130).

In some

places,

but not

in others,

the

apex

of agricultural

evelopment

ed to

modest

soil ero-

sion (van

Andel, Zangger,

and Demitrack

1990; Butzer

1993c).

Unexpected

s that

this agrosystem

ubsequently

wasregressive,

s

earlyas

300 B.C.

in someareas,

or as

late

as

A.C.

1000

in others,

with

woodland

reconstitution

dur-

ing

the early

or late

Middle

Ages (Reille

1976,

1977;

Lamb,

Eicher,

and

Switsur1989;

Bottema

1984;

Ikuni-

holm

andStriker

987).

LocalagriculturaleclineduringClassicalimes(Argive

Plain: Jahns

1993;

western

Anatolia:

van

Zeist

and

Bottema

1991)

reflected

provincial?

rban

decay n

some

areas

ontrolled

by

Rome andmay

have

been accentuated

by soil

destruction.

Agricultural

ecession

s also

apparent

during the

Greek

Dark

Ages about

1000 B.C.

(Bottema

1984).

Distinctive

n several

reas

s strongpastoral

distur-

bance, in

western

Anatolia

and northern

Greece

about

1200 to

800 B.C.

(Bottema

1984;

van Zeist

and Bottema

1991:

82), in Iberia

around

1000

to 500 B.C.

(Stevenson

and Harrison

1992),

or in Palestine

and Northwest

Africa

fromA.C.

900 to 1400

(Baruch

1986;

Reille

1976, 1977;

Ritchie 1984). These represent imes when the areas n

question

wereexposed

to

pastoralist

nvasions

rom

either

temperate

Europe

or

the adjacent

eserts,

and such

distur-

bancesometimes

ed

to substantial

oil

erosion.Ironically,

however,

he pollen

records

of northern

Greece

showthat

forestdegradation

ncreased

pecies

diversity

by an

order

of magnitude

Bottema

1984); biodiversity

ssues

n tropi-

cal and temperate

orests

are

not identical.

A

combination

of charcoal

tudies

and

palynology

ug-

gests

that increasing

human

modification

of the

environ-

ment accentuated

a

climatically-induced

egetation

shift

during

mid-Holocene

times,

favoring

a

changefrom

de-

ciduousto live oak woodlandand an increasingpromi-

nence

of matorral,

eginning

at

some point

between

4000

and 2000

B.C.

(Vernet,

Badal,

and Grau

1983; Vernet,

Thiebault,

and

Heinz

1987).

A recent,

discriminating

study

in sw

Spain (Stevenson

and Harrison

1992)

argues

that

experimentally

managed

grazing,by

meansof

control-

led use

of fire,

was underway

ince

4000 B.C.;

by 500 B.C.

the local

dehesa

system

had beenperfected,

with no

basic

change hrough

Roman,

Islamic,

or

Christianimes.

Alter-

natively,in

the temperate

woodlands

of Anatolia

and

northern

Greece,

sylvopastoral

practices

favored

some



146

Ecolo,gy

n the

Lon,g

View/Butser

1.

The

Spanish-Mediterranean

grosystem

was sim-

plified n the

New

World,

becauseof

ecological

constraints,

insufficient

manpoweror

agronomic

expertise

amongthe

European

ettlers,

and

limited

economic

competitiveness

versus

ndigenous

agriculturalroductivity ndproducts.

2.

The

indigenous

agrosystem

xpanded

ts

own

reper-

toire

of

cultivars,

especially

by

incorporating

Mediterra-

nean

fruit

trees in

the

highlands, or

citrus

fruits

and

bananasn the

lowlands, he

last

ntroduced

rom

Africa ia

the

Canary

slands.Outfield

and

nfield

cropsand

manage-

ment

remained

ittle

changed.

3.

Given he

almost

unlimited

pasturesying

beyond

he

northern

imitsof

indigenous

agriculturen

Mexico,

stock-

raising

became ess

controlledbut

farmore

mobile

than in

the

Mediterranean

orld.After

nitial

conflict

with

indige-

nous

farmers,

tockraisers

ere

pushedout to

the

frontiers

bygovernmentpolicy.Balanced gainstdamages ustained

and

landslost, the

indigenous

peoples

did derive

mpor-

tant

benefits rom

European

ivestock:

educed

ubsistence

risk;

improved

nutrition

with

significantly

more

animal

protein;

and

manure-for their

fieldsor

fuel

for their

fires.

4.

Probably s a

result

of high

livestockmobility,

here

s

no

evidence

or

vegetation

changeor

soil

erosion

duringat

leastthe

first

centuryof

colonization n

Mexico

contrary

to

well-entrenched,

popular

assumption.But

for

reasons

that

are

unclear,

he

Colonial

government

attempted

to

interdict

ire

management f

range

ands,

possibly

because

it

couldnot be

properly

ontrolled,

as a result

of the

labor

shortageandthe inexperience fhiredherders.

5.

Finally,

angible

evidencefor

ecological

disbalance,

including

stream

alluviation

with

eroded

soil

products,

only

becomes

apparent

during the

course of

the

18th

century,a time

of

rapid

demographic

expansion(C.

D.

Frederick,

personal

communication,

1995;

C.

Cordova,

personal

communication,

1995). But

that

comes on

the

eve

of

proto-industrialization

nd

in the

wake of

funda-

mental

economic

change,

not only

in Mexico

but

also in

eastern

North

America.

Concluding

Hypotheses

In retrospect, t is the temporary xceptions o agricul-

tural

stability n

the

long-term

Mediterraneanecord

that

suggestthe

most

interesting

nferences.

A,grosystennsvolve

hro?,gh

riatl

atnd

rror; arly

ol,gric?l-

t?re

wats

xperinnentatln

natt?Wre,tnd

nitiatl

echnostratte,gies

were

xploitattive,tnd

often

ephenneratl.

ubstantial

cologi-

cal

damagewas

done by

very

small

groups

of Neolithic

people

duringfairly

brief

periods

(Kohler-Rollefson

nd

Rollefson

1990).

Whether

uch

eventswere

so

maladaptive

as to

require ocal

abandonment

nd

settlement

dispersal

into

new

areas

Butzer

1990) is

unclear,

but

acrosssome

regions

there

are a

number

of

intervals

with very

l

archaeological

isibility,

ypically

asting

rom

500 to 10

years.Most

of

these fall

between

the early

Neolithic a

the early

Bronze

Age, and

they

are

verifiedby

local set

mentsurveys.

C?

lattive

xperience

ho?ldselect

or

vnore

onse

tionist

strattegies.y

BronzeAge

times

much

larger

pop

lations

had ess

impacton

forest

or soil

cover

handid th

Neolithic

predecessors.

?bsistence

xperiences

atbout

to

vnininnize

oth

lon,g-tertn

nvirontnentatl

atvnat,g

short-tertn

?bsistenceisk.

Diversification

f

agrono

strategieswas the

key to

reduced

subsistence isk,

as su

gested

by

continuing

amplification f

the

repertoir

orchard

and garden

crops,

and

tentative

evidence

th

seasonal

transhumance

ystems

were

being

operatio

ized.

Nonetheless,

increasingand

more

persistentpr

sureson resources einforcedhe Holoceneclimatic re

to

a

more xeric

vegetation, hus

creating

he

character

subclimax

vegetation

communitiesof the

Mediterran

world.From

then

on, the

Mediterranean

nvironmentw

more

or less

continuously

managed

as an

artificial

cos

tem that,

on the

whole,was

sustainable.

Expatnsion

tnd

westward

ro,gressionf the

Medite

neatn

at,grosystenn,

ith its

diagnostic

olive

and

grapepr

duction,

representsoth

t

intensificattio

atnd onn

nerci

zattionof

prod?ction,

inked

to the

developtnentf

?W

centers tnd

heir

vnarket

ennatnd.

ommercialization

plies a

redirectionand

refinementof

management

pr

tices,such astheseasonalworkcalendar,nthedirection

risk-reducing

but

production-satisfying

trategies th

meet

market

demand.

That n

turn

requires

ntensifica

and

greatercapital

nvestment

in

technology,

cultiv

livestock,

and an

appropriate

nfrastructure

f

buildin

roads,

and

agricultural

andforms.

Subsequent

regress

or

reexpansion

f such

commercial

griculture

hould

ha

closely

paralleled

egional,

urban

histories.

At some

po

urban

demand

and

high rural

populations

ould place

t

ecosystem tself

under

stress,

riggering

periods

of deg

dation.

Destructive

pastoral

land use

was not

endemic, b

region- and time-specific. n part it was linked to t

incursionof

new

peoplesfrom

other

ecozones,

suggest

thatt

rior

environtnentatl

xperience

atnnot

e

tratnspla

ontonew

ecolo,gies

itho?t

nitiatldoltnat,ge.

nly

long-te

environmental

xperiencewill

encode

reasonably

ccur

information

as to

how to use

a

particular

nvironme

matrix,or as

to the

dispositionof

micro-scale

activit

selection of

crops

and

animals,and

related

managem

strategies.

Equally

o,

however,

uncontrolled

pastoral

ploitation

was

facilitated y

political

devolution.

Thissu

gests

that

politicoll

nstatbilitytnd

r?Wratl

nsec?Writ


http:///reader/full/ecology-in-the-long-view-settlement-histories-agrosystemic-strategie

Journgl

of Field

Arehgeolo,gvv/Vol.

3,

1996 1

seatrch

nterests

tre,geoatrchateolo,gy,

ult?ratl

colo,gy,

tnd

the

interfatcef

atrchivatl

oc?vnentattion

tndhistoricatl

chateolo,gy

n

vnedievatl

patin tnd

coloniatl

Mexico.

Matil

in,g

atddress:

epatrtvnent

f

Geo,gratphy,

niversity

f

Texats,

ustin,

TX 78712.

Abrams,

Elliot M., and

David J.

Rue

1988 The

Causes

and Consequences

of Deforestation

amo

the

Prehistoric

Maya,

HHmoln

Ecolo,gy6: 377-395.

Baruch,

Uri

1986 The

Late

Holocene Vegetational

History of

LakeK

neret (Sea

of Galilee),

Israel, Polleorient

2 (2): 37-48

Bell,

Martin,and

John Boardman,

eds.

1992

Polstolnd

PresentSoil

Erosion:

Archoleolo,gicoll

lnd

G

,grolphicollerspectives.

xford:

Oxbow Monograph

22

Bernaldez,Fernando

Gonzalez

1991 EcologicalConsequencesofthe

Abandonment

of Tr

tional

Land

Use Systems

in

Central Spain,

Opt

Mediterrolneennes

5:

23-29.

1995

Western

Mediterranean

Land-use Systems

as

Ante

dents

for Semiarid

America,

in

B. L. Turner

a

A. Gomez

Sal,

eds., Globoll

Lolnd Use

Choln,ge.

Mad

Consejo

Superior

de Investigaciones

Cientificas,

13

149.

Birks,H.

H., H.

J. B. Birks, P.

E. Kaland,

and D.

Moe, eds.

1988 The

CHltroll

Lolndscolpe:olst,

Present,

olndFHtre.

Ca

bridge:

Cambridge

University

Press.

Bottema,

Sytze

1984 Palynological

nvestigations

n Greece

with Special

R

erence

to Pollen

as an Indicator

of Human

Activi

Polloleohistoriol4 (1982): 257-289.

Bottema,

Sytze,

G. Enqes-Nieborg,

and Willemvan

Zeist, eds.

1990

Moln's

Role in the

Sholpin,g

f the Eastern

Mediterro

Lolndscolpe.

otterdam:

Balkema.

Boyazoglu,

Jean,

and

Jean-ClaudeFlamant

1992

Mediterranean

ystems

of Animal

Production,

n J

Galaty

and

D. L. Johnson,

eds., The

World f

Polstoro

Herdin,g

Systems

n

Compolroltive

erspective.

New Y

Guildford

Press,

353-393.

Bruckner,

Helmut

1986 Man's

Impact

on the Evolution

of

the PhysicalEnvi

ment

in the Mediterranean

Region

in Historical

Tim

GeoJornoll

13:

7-17.

Burford,

Alison

1993

Lolnd

olndLolbor

n the Greek

World.

Baltimore:

Jo

Hopkins

University

Press.

Butzer,

KarlW.

1988a Cattle

and

Sheep from

Old to

New Spain:

Histor

Antecedents,

Annolls,Associoltion

f Americoln

Geo

phers78:

29-56.

1988b Diffusion,

Adaptation,

and Evolution

of

the Spa

Agrosystem,

n

P. J. Hugill

and D.

B. Dickson,

eds.,

Trolnsfer

lndTrolnsformoltion

f Ideols lnd

Molteriol

C

tre.

College Station,

TX:

TexasA&M

University

Pr

91-109.

red?Wse

ncentives

or conservattionist

natng,gennent

f re-

sources,

s long-term

optimization

takessecond

place

to

short-term

urvival.

Finally,

implistic

assumptions

bout the

efficacy

of dif-

ferent andethicsin differentculturesshouldbe avoided.

Latnd

thics epresent

deatls,

whetherxplicitly

ncorporatted

in thephilosophicgl

r costnolo,gicatl

eatltn,

r tratnstnitted

n

a vnore

rat,gvnattic

tnd eculatr

phere.

he

cognitivedimen-

sions

of the

Mediterranean

grosystem

re

revealed

n an

explicit,

didactic literature

represented

by

agronomic

works that

span

some 2500

years (Butzer

1993b,

1994).

The concept

of

good husbandry

ervades

uch Graeco-

Roman,

medieval,

nd Islamic

writings,

not as

an ideology,

but

as a matter

of economic

rationale

and proper

civic

behavior.

Judgement

s best based

on

an assessment

of

performance

Tuan

1968),

rather han

on simplistic,

de-

ductive nferences.

It requires

no

emphasis

hat these

concluding

observa-

tions

represent

estable

hypotheses

hat

can be

reformu-

lated

to match

other

regionaland

diachronic

ontexts,

and

fallwell

within the interests

of many

archaeologists.

hisis

where

I see

the productive

ntersection

between

archaeol-

ogy and

ecology in

the long

run.

Archaeologists

are

uniquely

quipped

o document

and modelnot

only

long-

term

settlement

and land-use

histories,

but also

to place

these

in the

broader

ntellectual

erspective

hey

deserve.

Acknowledgments

I remaindeeply ndebted o JuanF. Mateu Universidad

de

Valencia)

or the

many nsights

he provided

nto

Medi-

terranean griculture

nd cuisine

over

manyyears

of col-

laboration

n the

field.My interests

n long-term

sustain-

ability

wererefined

as a

resultof

the symposium

Arqueolo-

>ffz:

Lathuellat

del hombre

n el

ecosistemat

editerratneo,

organized

by Bernardo

Marti

Oliver and

myself,at

the

Universidad

nternacional

MenendezPelayo

in

Valencia,

July 1-5, 1991.

I have

also

profited

rom repeated

discus-

sions with

my

students

CharlesD.

Frederick,

Carlos

E.

Cordova,

andJames

T.

Abbott,

currently ompleting

dis-

sertations

on

long-term

ecological

change

in Mexico

and

Italy.More indirectly, havebeenaffectedby the novelsof

MarcelPagnol

that

so vividly

capture

he ethos

of persist-

ence in

the rural

Mediterranean

world. An

abbreviated

version

of this

paperwas

given

at the

PlenarySession,

Society

for Arnerican

Archaeology

Meeting

in Anaheim,

CA,

April 1994.

ICatrlW

Butzer

(D.Sc.,

University

f Bonn,

Gertnatny,

1957) is

R. C.

DicksonCentenniatl

rofessor

f Liberatl

Arts

att he

University

f Texgs,

Austin.

His current

re-



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Documents

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