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Economic and social drivers
of rising inequality in Europe
Mario Pianta Università di Urbino
LUISS workshop, Rome, 30 September 2016
1. Trends
Times of extreme inequality
Worldwide: 2016 the richest 1% of the world
may own the same wealth of all the other
human beings (Oxfam 2015)
Lower disparities among country averages
When the relevance of the incomes of the
richest 1% is considered, inequality has
increased in spite of higher average income in
(highly unequal) emerging countries such as
China and India (Anand and Segal, 2014).
The economics of inequality Need for a comprehensive view of distribution
and inequality in the economic system,
considering all relations, at diff. levels:
Functional distribution of income between
profits and wages
Within profits: financial rents, retained profits,
dividends, who gets them?
Within wages: how equal?Top managers’”wages”
How these incomes reach individuals: personal
distribution of income, resulting inequality
50,0
52,0
54,0
56,0
58,0
60,0
62,0
64,0
66,0
68,0
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
Germany
France
Italy
United Kingdom
United States
Japan
Labour income share, 1991-2013 Wage share of GDP adjusted for the income of the self-employed
(compensation per employee as a percentage of GDP at market prices per person employed).
Data from European Commission AMECO database, from: ILO Global Wage Report 2014/15, p.11
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
United States
Japan
Germany
France
United Kingdom
Italy
The capital share in advanced countries, 1975-2010 Adapted from Piketty (2013), Figure 6.5, p.351.
For sources and data see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c
100
102
104
106
108
110
112
114
116
118
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Labour productivity index
Real wage index
Growth of labour productivity and average wages Wage growth is calculated as a weighted average of year-on-year growth in average monthly real wages
in 36 economies. Index is based to 1999 because of data availability.
Data from ILO Global Wage Database; ILO Trends Econometric Model.
From: ILO Global Wage Report 2014/15, p.8.
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Europe
The share of income of the richest 10% in the US and Europe Adapted from Piketty (2013), Figure 9.8, p.514.
For sources and data see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
16%
18%
20%
France Germany Netherlands Sweden Italy UK US
1980 1990 2000 2010
The top 1% income share in advanced countries, 1980-2010 Calculations on data from the World Top Income Database
http://topincomes.parisschoolofeconomics.eu/
Personal distribution of income Data from household surveys, sources: OECD,
the World Bank, WIDER, Luxembourg Income
Study, etc
gross incomes reach individuals as market
outcomes;
they become disposable income (in cash) after
taxes and benefits;
they become extended disposable income if
we add the value of non-cash, in-kind services
0,3
0,35
0,4
0,45
0,5
0,55
France Germany Netherlands Denmark Sweden Italy UK US
1985 1995 2010
Gini index of inequality in household market incomes, 1985-2010 Gini index on equivalised household market incomes.
Calculations on OECD data, http://www.oecd.org/social/income-distribution-database.htm
0,15
0,2
0,25
0,3
0,35
0,4
France Germany Netherlands Denmark Sweden Italy UK US
1985 1995 2010
Gini index of inequality in household disposable incomes Gini index on equivalised household disposable incomes, after taxes and monetary transfers.
Calculations on OECD data, http://www.oecd.org/social/income-distribution-database.htm
0,000
0,050
0,100
0,150
0,200
0,250
0,300
0,350
0,400
France Germany Netherlands Denmark Sweden Italy United Kingdom
United States
Cash Extended income
Gini index of inequality in cash disposable incomes
and in extended income considering public services, 2007 Gini index on equivalised household market incomes (after taxes and monetary transfers)
and on extended income (including the value of public services obtained).
Adapted from OECD (2011), data from http://www.oecd.org/social/income-distribution-database.htm
Mirko Armiento
What about wellbeing? A monetary alternative to GDP:
The Sustainable Welfare Index for Italy, 1960-2013
GDP and Sustainable Welfare Index per capita,
Italy, 1960-2013
2. Explanations
Four engines of inequality
The power of capital over labour
Oligarchs capitalism
Individualisation of economic conditions
The retreat of politics
INCOME DISTRIBUTIONENGINES OF INEQUALITY
POWEROF CAPITALOVER LABOUR
OLIGARCHSCAPITALISM
INDIVIDUALIS.OF ECONOMICCONDITIONS
RETREAT OFPOLITICS
FinanceLab. ctrlTechnol.Globalis.
Positionsof rents
MORE PROFITS
LESS WAGES(excludingtop managers)
HIGHERFINANCIALRENTS
LOWERRETURNS OFPRODUCTION
MORE DISPARITIESBETW. WAGES
POLICIES FAVOURING MARKET INEQUALITYLESS REDISTRIBUTIONTHROUGH POLICIES, TAXES, PUBLIC EXPEND.
MORE INEQUALITY
TOP 10%RISE OF TOPINCOMES
BOTTOM 90%INCOME FALL,MORE DISPAR.
Greaterinheritance,interg. ineq
The four engines of inequality and
their impact on income distribution
THE DYNAMICS OF CAPITAL
MORE PROFITSLESS WAGES
THE DYNAMICS OF INCOME
LESSCONSUMPT.
MORE ACCUMUL. OF FINANCIALWEALTH
LOWER PROD.INVESTMENT
LOWERDEMAND
LOWER GDPGROWTH (g)
HIGH RETURNSTO FINANCIAL WEALTH
LESS ACCUMUL. OF PRODUCTIVECAPITAL
MEDIUMRETURNS TOPRODUCT. CAPITAL
HIGH RETURNSTO CAPITAL (r)
r > g
SPECULATIVEBUBBLES, INSTABILITY
SLOWER IMPROV.OF PRODUCTIONEFFICIENCY
Cyclical crisesmay destroy
capital
MOREINEQUALITY
Risingratiototal capital/income
What for prod. capital?
How canhigh returns be
sustained?
The dynamics of income and
the dynamics of productive and financial capital
Which are the causes of inequality?
IMF (Dabla-Norris et al., 2015), OECD 2011,2015
Finance, trade, technology, skill premium,
education, labour flexibility, union power,
institutions
Weak explanations
What are the deeper, fundamental sources of
inequality?
Piketty “Capital in the XXI century ‘Fundamental laws of capitalism’:
rise of the capital/income ratio (β)
high rate of return to capital (r)
rise of the capital share (α = profits/income)
α = r·β, ‘first law of capitalism’.
slow down in income growth (g), due to
stagnation in population and slow rise of
productivity, with stable propensity to save (s)
β = s/g, ‘second law of capitalism’.
100%
200%
300%
400%
500%
600%
700%
800%
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
Va
lue
of p
riva
te c
ap
ita
l (%
na
tio
na
l in
co
me
)
Private capital is worth between 2 and 3.5 years of national income in rich countries in 1970, and between 4 and 7 years of national income in 2010. Sources and series: see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c.
Figure 5.3. Private capital in rich countries, 1970-2010
U.S. Japan
Germany France
U.K. Italy
Canada Australia
Piketty’s returns on capital
Returns to capital are greater than the rate
of growth (r > g).
rate of return on capital close to 5%, while
GDP growth rates in advanced countries < 2%.
Avg rate of return to capital (net of the effort to
manage investment) 4-5% 1770-1930, 7% in
1940, falling to 3% in 1980-1990
The implications of r>g If at least some of the returns to capital are
invested to expand it, the accumulation of
capital is faster than growth, resulting in
growing capital/income ratios.
The amount of profits paid to capital has to
increase; a growing share of income has to go
to capital,
Higher inequalities are therefore the result
of the importance of capital and the
slowdown of growth.
THE DYNAMICS OF CAPITAL
MORE PROFITSLESS WAGES
THE DYNAMICS OF INCOME
LESSCONSUMPT.
MORE ACCUMUL. OF FINANCIALWEALTH
LOWER PROD.INVESTMENT
LOWERDEMAND
LOWER GDPGROWTH (g)
HIGH RETURNSTO FINANCIAL WEALTH
LESS ACCUMUL. OF PRODUCTIVECAPITAL
MEDIUMRETURNS TOPRODUCT. CAPITAL
HIGH RETURNSTO CAPITAL (r)
r > g
SPECULATIVEBUBBLES, INSTABILITY
SLOWER IMPROV.OF PRODUCTIONEFFICIENCY
Cyclical crisesmay destroy
capital
MOREINEQUALITY
Risingratiototal capital/income
What for prod. capital?
How canhigh returns be
sustained?
The dynamics of income and
the dynamics of productive and financial capital
INCOME DISTRIBUTIONENGINES OF INEQUALITY
POWEROF CAPITALOVER LABOUR
OLIGARCHSCAPITALISM
INDIVIDUALIS.OF ECONOMICCONDITIONS
RETREAT OFPOLITICS
FinanceLab. ctrlTechnol.Globalis.
Positionsof rents
MORE PROFITS
LESS WAGES(excludingtop managers)
HIGHERFINANCIALRENTS
LOWERRETURNS OFPRODUCTION
MORE DISPARITIESBETW. WAGES
POLICIES FAVOURING MARKET INEQUALITYLESS REDISTRIBUTIONTHROUGH POLICIES, TAXES, PUBLIC EXPEND.
MORE INEQUALITY
TOP 10%RISE OF TOPINCOMES
BOTTOM 90%INCOME FALL,MORE DISPAR.
Greaterinheritance,interg. ineq
The four engines of inequality and
their impact on income distribution
1. The power of capital over labour
10-15% of GDP moved from labour to capital
The power of finance
Control over labour
Technological change
International production
Power of finance By 1990 liberalisation of capital movements, surge
of capital flows for FDI, financial assets, etc.
US: ratio of profits of the financial sector to profits
of non-financial activities has increased from 20%
in the 1970s to 50% after 2000 (Glyn, 2006, ch.3).
Complex markets for credit, stocks, bonds, real
estate, currencies, futures, commodities,
derivatives, driven by short-term speculative gains
Major bubbles, collapse of 2008, instability
Benefits go to top 1-10%
Piketty on finance Financial assets grow much faster than wealth.
Sum of financial assets and liabilities was equal
to 4-5 years of income in the 1970s; in 2010 is
between 10 and 15 years in the US, France,
Germany and Japan, 20 years in the UK (p.305).
Ratio between market value and book value of
corporations: end of 1970s was 30-50%; in 2010
is close to 120% in the UK, 100% in the US,
80% in France (Germany, Japan 50%) (p.297).
Control over labour 2012 OECD Employment Outlook: lower labour
share is the result of labour-displacing techn.
change, rise of competition, delocalisation and
imports, reduction of public ownership. These
“could be partly explained by their effect on
workers bargaining power”(p.111).
Reduced coverage of collective bargaining
systems, lower role and membership of trade
unions; All this “probably explains part of the
deterioration of low-skilled workers’ position”
(ibid.).
Wage disparities Stronger unions lead to lower inequalities
within wages and in the economy as a whole
OECD “In it together” (2015): weaker labour
market institutions lead to rise in wage
inequality “declining union coverage has a
disequalising effect on the wage distribution”
“high union density and bargaining coverage,
and the centralisation/co-ordination of wage
bargaining tend to go hand in hand with lower
overall wage inequality”(p. 42)
Non standard jobs OECD: Rise of non-standard jobs that “can
also be associated with precariousness and
poorer labour conditions”, they pay less and
lack “empl. protection, safeguards and fringe
benefits”. “Earning gaps are especially wide
among low-skill, low-paid workers: non-
standard workers in the bottom 40% of earners
typically suffer wage penalties of 20%”
More insecurity risk of job loss, strain
“Labour flexibility benefits the rich” IMF study (Dabla-Norris et al., 2015) shows
that a decline in organised labour institutions is
associated to higher inequality (Gini) “likely
reflecting the fact that labor market flexibility
benefits the rich and reduces the bargaining
power of lower-income workers”. “More lax
hiring and firing regulations, lower minimum
wages relative to the median wage, and less
prevalent collective bargaining and trade
unions are associated to higher market
inequality” (p.26).
Technological change
Skill biased technological change
ICTs, greater demand for skills, higher wages
for educated workers, lower demand for
unskilled workers, more wage inequality
Associated to trade and offshoring effects
Need for more detailed analysis of technology
(process vs. product), of its distribution effects
on profits, wages, of skills (professional groups,
tasks), different mechanisms for diff. skills, etc.
International production Richard Freeman (2009): globalisation doubled
the labour force available in the world, lowered
the capital/labour ratio, greater (relative) scarcity
of capital, resulting in higher profits and lower
wages. Increasing trade, greater openness lead to
greater inequalities within countries.
Jobs transferred to emerging countries (with low
wages, weak unions, regulation, etc.), lower
demand for labour, lower wages, more inequality
Offshoring and profits (Milberg,Winkler, 2013).
2. Oligarchs capitalism Today’s inequality is due to the rise of top
incomes –1% or 5% of the population
Low income/social mobility: education has
little effect on incomes, incomes and
education are affected by parents’ conditions
Strong trasmission of inequality from one
generation to the next
Strong importance of inheritance in wealth
inequality
87,593,3 90,5 91,2
96,890,0 88,0
12,56,7 9,5 8,8
3,210,0 12,0
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
France Germany Netherlands Denmark Sweden Italy UK
"Within" inequality "Between" inequality
The importance of education on inequality in earnings, 2006
Three educational groups; inequality measured by mean log. deviation,
decomposed between the (small) share between educational groups
and (large) share due to disparities within each educational group
Franzini and Raitano (2015), data from EU-SILC survey (2007).
Earning disparities depends on: Role of education (limited)
Structural specificities of jobs (industry, firm,
capital available, professional group, etc);
Type of labour contract, job protection etc.
Personal, family-related characteristics of
individual workers.
-5%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
Germany France Spain Italy UK Ireland Denmark Finland
White-collar's offspring Manager's offspring
Inequality in earnings. Earnings gaps for children of managers
and white collars with respect to children of blue-collar workers
Estimated coefficients from OLS model. Franzini and Raitano (2015),
data from EU-SILC 2005 survey.
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
140%
Germany France Spain Italy UK Ireland Denmark Finland
White-collar's offspring Manager's offspring
Inequality in education. Probability of attaining a university degree
for children of managers and white collars with respect to
children of blue-collar workers (avg. partial effects from logit model)
Franzini and Raitano (2015), data from EU-SILC 2005 survey
0,00
0,10
0,20
0,30
0,40
0,50
0,60
β coefficient of intergenerational elasticity; with a value of 1,
inequality among the new generation is the same as in the old
Corak (2013)
0,20
0,25
0,30
0,35
0,40
0,45
0,10 0,15 0,20 0,25 0,30 0,35 0,40 0,45 0,50 0,55
US
UK
ItalySwitzerland
France
Spain
Japan
Germany
Sweden
New Zealand
Australia
Canada
Denmark
Finland
Norway
Degree of intergenerational transmission
Gini index ondisposableincome
The reproduction of inequalities “Great Gatsby curve” (Corak,2013, Krueger,2012).
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
1850 1870 1890 1910 1930 1950 1970 1990 2010 2030 2050 2070 2090
Cu
mu
late
d v
alu
e o
f in
he
rite
dd
we
alth
(%
to
tal w
ealth
of th
e liv
ing
)
Taking into account capitalized inherited wealth increases the inheritance share; PPVR definition (capitalized income in the limit of the current wealth) limits this effect. Sources and series: see piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c
Figure S11.4. Share of inherited wealth in total wealth, France 1850-2100 (2010-2100: g=1,0%, r=5,0%)
Partially capitalized inherited wealth(PPVR definition)
Non capitalized inheritance (Modigliani)
3. Individualisation of
economic conditions Unequal condition among workers
Education and family background
Dynamics pointed out above on labour changes
ILO report: “over 6 out of 10 wage and salaried
workers worldwide are in either part-time or
temporary work.Women are disproportionately
represented (ILO, 2015, p.13). This has lasting
effects on lifetime incomes and pensions,
expanding disparities at the bottom
Individualism rules? Deep diffusion of individualism in
neoliberalism:
strong individual identity not linked to
collective ones, weak social bonds
behaviour, work, incentives based on
individual attitudes, less room for coll.
contracts, solidarity
disparities become more
“acceptable”/justified
4. The retreat of politics
Less public activities
More markets producing profits and unequal
outcomes
More liberalisation, more finance
More deregulation, more profits
Less taxes, expend. and redistribution
(see presentation 5)
Policies for reducing inequality
a. Rebalancing capital-labour relations
b. Stopping oligarchs capitalism
c. Reducing individualisation of economic
conditions
d. A return to policies of effective
redistribution
Are policies on inequality possible?
The rich vs democracy
The policy process is increasingly influenced
by the élite interests
Politics and parties rely on funds from the rich
and corporations (US in particular)
Int’l pressure and power of financial market
make it difficult to change policy (Greece)
Hollowing out of democracy?
OECD 2015 “In it together” “rising inequality is bad for long-term growth”
“structural policies are needed, but have to be
carefully designed and complemented by
measures that promote a better distribution of
the growth dividends (p.22).
IMF 2015 “lower net inequality is robustly correlated with
faster and more durable growth” “redistribution
appears generally benign in terms of its impact
on growth” (Ostry et al., 2014, p.4).
“if the income share of the top 20% (the rich)
increases, then GDP growth actually declines
over the medium term” (Dabla-Norris et al,
2015, p.4)
decline of unionisation is a major factor in rising
income inequality (Jaumotte and Osorio Buitron,
2015).
Policies for reducing inequality, 1 policies on each engine of inequality
a. Rebalancing capital-labour relations
Regulation and downsizing of finance
Limiting positions of rent
A fair distribution of the benefits of technology
and productivity
An effective minimum wage and greater role of
national labour contracts
Policies, 2 b. Stopping oligarchs capitalism
Controlling top incomes
A high inheritance tax
c. Reducing individualisation of economic
conditions
Reducing the fragmentation of employment
contracts
Strengthening an egalitarian public education
Policies, 3
d. A return to policies of effective
redistribution
International and national taxation of
wealth
Greater progressivity of the personal
income tax
A minimum income
Progressive tax on income
In the UK before Thatcher in 1979 the top
rate was 83%; in the US the top rate was 91%
until 1963, and 70% until 1980. Need to close
loopholes and deductions for the rich.