Et Al. Sylvain Auroux Editor History of the Language Sciences an International Handbook on Evolution of the Study of Language From the Beginnings to the Present Vol 03-03 Handbue

HSK 18.3
Manuels de linguistique et des sciences de communication
Mitbegründet von Gerold Ungeheuer (†) Mitherausgegeben 19852001 von Hugo Steger
Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edites par Herbert Ernst Wiegand
Band 18.3

History of the Language Sciences Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften Histoire des sciences du langage An International Handbook on the Evolution of the Study of Language from the Beginnings to the Present
Ein internationales Handbuch zur Entwicklung der Sprachforschung von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart
Manuel international sur l’evolution de l’etude du langage des origines a nos jours
Edited by / Herausgegeben von / Edite par Sylvain Auroux · E. F. K. Koerner Hans-Josef Niederehe · Kees Versteegh Indexes compiled by / Register zusammengestellt von / Indexes organisees par Sören Philipps
Volume 3 / 3. Teilband / Tome 3
Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York

Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
History of the language sciences : an international handbook on the evolution of the study of language from the beginnings to the present Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften : ein Internationales Handbuch zur Entwicklung der Sprachforschung von den Anfängen bis zur Gegen- wart / edited by Sylvain Auroux … [et al.].
p. cm. (Handbooks of linguistics and communication sciences Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft ; 18) English, French, and German. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN-13: 978-3-11-016736-8 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 3-11-016736-0 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Linguistics History. 2. Historical linguistics. I. Auroux, Syl-
vain. II. Title: Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften. III. Series: Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft ; Bd. 18.
P61.H583 2006 410.9dc22
Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de.
ISBN-13: 978-3-11-016736-8 ISBN-10: 3-11-016736-0 ISSN 1861-5090

XXXIII. Formalization Tendencies and Mathematization in 20th-Century Linguistics, Generative Grammar, and Alternative Approaches Formalisierungstendenzen und Mathematisierung in der Sprachwissenschaft des 20. Jahrhunderts, die Generative Grammatik und ihre Alternativen Les tendances vers la formalisation et la mathematisation des theories linguistiques au XXe siecle, la grammaire generative et ses alternatives
216. Jerzy Banczerowski, The axiomatic method in 20th-century European linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2007
217. Pieter Seuren, Early formalization tendencies in 20th-century American linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2026
218. David Bundy, On the origins and early developments of Chomskyan linguistics: The rise and fall of the standard model 2034
219. Beatrice Godart-Wendling, Les developpements de la grammaire categorielle et de la grammaire applicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2039
220. David C. Bennett, The development of stratificational grammar 2048 221. Martin Stokhof, The development of Montague grammar . . . . . 2058 222. Jean Leo Leonard, Le developpement des grammaires casuelles
au XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2073 223. Georges Rebuschi, La grammaire generative du milieu des
annees 70 au milieu des annees 90: du modele standard etendu aux debuts du programme minimaliste . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2084

VI Contents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
XXXIV. The Development of Theories of Semantics, of the Lexicon, and Semantic-Based Theories in the 20th Century Die Entwicklung von Theorien zur Semantik, zum Lexikon und von semantisch orientierten Grammatiken Le developpement des theories de la semantique, du lexique et des grammaires semantiques
226. Rudolf Engler †, Die Zeichentheorie F. de Saussures und die Semantik im 20. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2130
227. Peter Rolf Lutzeier, Die Wortfeldtheorie unter dem Einfluß des Strukturalismus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2152
228. Barbara Kaltz, Die Entwicklung der inhaltbezogenen Grammatik in Deutschland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2166
229. Hartmut Kubczak, Die europäische Onomasiologie in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhältnis zur Semasiologie . . 2179
230. Klaus-Peter Konerding, Die sinnrelationale Semantik als Alternative zur Merkmalssemantik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2188
231. Brigitte Nerlich, Research on semantic change after Hermann Paul 2195 232. Pieter Seuren, Sentence-oriented semantic approaches in generative
grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2201 233. Terrence Gordon, Semantic theories in 20th-century America: An
overview of the different approaches outside of generative grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2213
234. Willy van Langendonck, Semantic considerations in recent onomastic research: A survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2229
235. Werner Wolski, Semantik und Lexikographie im 20. Jahrhundert . . 2234 236. Isabelle Simatos, Theorie du lexique et grammaires generatives: le
tournant lexicaliste . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2253
XXXV. Phonology and Morphology in the Later 20th century Jüngere Forschungen zur Phonologie und Morphologie La phonologie et la morphologie au XXe siecle tardif
237. Jacques Durand, La phonologie generative jusqu’en 1975 . . . . . 2265 238. Bernard Laks, La phonologie generative et la phonologie
naturelle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2271 239. John Goldsmith / Manuela Noske, Autosegmental phonology
and underspecification theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2280 240. John T. Jensen, The development of lexical phonology . . . . . . . 2292 241. Jean Lowenstamm, Developpement de la phonologie metrique . . 2303 242. Francoise Kerleroux, Les theories morphologiques a la fin du
XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2313
243. Dieter Kastovsky, Morphology as word-formation in 20th-century linguistics: A survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2324
244. Hans Christian Luschützky, Ältere Entwicklungen in der natürlichen Morphologie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2340
245. Daniel Berrendonner, Homogenität und Heterogenität der Sprache: Die Entwicklung der Diskussion im 20. Jahrhundert (entfallen)
XXXVI. The Study of Language Differenciation in the 20th Century Die Erforschung der sprachlichen Variation im 20. Jahrhundert L’etude de la differentiation linguistique au XXe siecle
246. Hans Goebl / Guillaume Schiltz, Neuere Entwicklungen in der europäischen Dialektologie (19502000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2352
247. Allan A. Metcalf, Recent developments in North American dialectology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2366
248. Ulrich Ammon, Die Erforschung der sozialen Variation von Sprachen: Die Entwicklung in Europa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2379
249. Bruce Southard, The analysis of social differentiation of languages: An overview of the development in North America . . 2393
250. Paul T. Roberge, The development of creolistics and the study of pidgin languages: An overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2398
251. Peter Nelde, La linguistique de contact, la recherche sur le conflict linguistique et l’amenagement linguistique au XXe siecle 2413
XXXVII. Historical Linguistics in the Second Half of the 20th Century Die historische Sprachwissenschaft in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts La linguistique historique dans la deuxieme moitie du XXe siecle
252. Robert W. Murray, The place of historical linguistics in the age of structuralism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2430
253. Stefan Sonderegger, Konzepte von der Historizität von Sprachen und von Sprachgeschichte (entfallen)
254. Matthew J. Gordon, The investigation of diachronic variety in languages: Traditions and recent developments . . . . . . . . . . . . 2445
255. Michel Glatigny, Les tendances et les traditions de la lexicographie dans la seconde moitie du XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . 2453
256. Ladislav Zgusta, The laryngeal and the glottalic theories . . . . . . 2462 257. Robert W. Murray, Modern theories of linguistic change:
An overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2479
XXXVIII. Critique of Traditional Linguistics and the Development of New Approaches to Language Analysis Kritik an der traditionellen Sprachwissenschaft und Neuansätze in der Sprachforschung Critiques et depassement de la linguistique traditionelle et le developpement d’approches neuves au langage
258. Christiane Chauvire, La philosophie du langage de Wittgenstein et la linguistique de la seconde moitie du XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . 2501
259. Frank Brisard / Bert Bultinck, The interface of linguistics and pragmatics: Its development during the second half of the 20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2510
260. Eckard Rolf, Die Rezeption und Weiterentwicklung der Sprechakttheorie in der Sprachwissenschaft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2520
261. Klaus Brinker, Ursprung und Entwicklung der Textlinguistik . . . . 2540 262. Jacqueline Leon, La reception de l’analyse de conversation:
de la sociologie a la linguistique interactionelle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2551 263. Michel Liddle, Le developpement des theories enonciatives:
Antoine Culioli et son ecole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2560
XXXIX. 20th-Century Linguistics and Adjacent Fields of Study: Perspectives and Developments Die Sprachwissenschaft und ihre Nachbar- wissenschaften: Ausschnitte aus der Entwicklung ihrer Beziehungen im 20. Jahrhundert La linguistique et les disciplines voisines au XXe siecle: Perspectives et developpements
264. Philip Carr, The ontology and epistemology of linguistics . . . . . 2571 265. W. Terrence Gordon, Linguistics and semiotics I: The impact
of Ogden & Richards’ The Meaning of Meaning . . . . . . . . . . . 2579 266. James Jakob Liszka / Edwin Battistella / Michael Haley,
Linguistics and semiotics II: C. S. Peirce’s influence on 20th-century linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2589
267. Eva Picardi, Linguistics and logic I: The influence of Frege and Russell on semantic theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2600
268. Klaus Mudersbach, Sprachwissenschaft und Logik II: Der Einfluß der Quantorenlogik und ihrer Semantik auf die sprachwissenschaftliche Theoriebildung (entfallen)
269. Klaus-Peter Konerding, Sprachwissenschaft und Philosophie I: Der Einfluß der Stereotypentheorie von Hilary Putnam und ihre Rezeption und Weiterentwicklung in der Semantik . . . . . . . . . 2612
270. Eckard Rolf, Sprachwissenschaft und Philosophie II: Der Einfluß von H. P. Grice auf die Theoriebildung zur sprachlichen Kommunikation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2626

IXContents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
272. Francois Rastier, Linguistique et psychologie II: La theorie des prototypes d’Eleanor Rosch, sa reception critique en psychologie et sa reception en semantique linguistique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2649
273. Jean-Michel Fortis, Le langage et les processus cerebraux I: La neurolinguistique du XXe siecle, de l’aphasiologie localiste aux sciences cognitives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2657
274. Jean-Luc Nespoulous, Le langage et les processus cerebraux II: Apport de la linguistique et de la psycholinguistique a l’aphasiologie et a la neuropsycholinguistique cognitive du XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2671
275. Gisela Klann-Delius, Spracherwerb I: Die Entwicklung der Auffassung vom Erwerb der Muttersprache im 20. Jahrhundert 2683
276. Rainer Dietrich, Language acquisition II: Second Language Acquisition in the 20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2705
277. Louis-Jean Boe, Tendances majeures du developpement des sciences phonetiques au XXe siecle: filiations, emergences et rearticulations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2729
278. Istvan S. Batori, Language and technology. The Emergence of new application fields of linguistic research in the 20th century: Computational linguistics, language engineering and electronic textuality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2752
279. Isabel Desmet, La recherche sur les langages specialises et les langages scientifiques au XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2760
280. Jacqueline Leon, La traduction automatique I: les premieres tentatives jusqu’au rapport ALPAC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2767
281. Jacqueline Leon, La traduction automatique II: developpements recents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2774
282. Gilles Bernard, La linguistique et l’intelligence artificielle . . . . . 2781 283. William Orr Dingwall, Language and biology: A survey of
problems and principles of biolinguistics (not supplied) 284. Integrational tendencies in linguistic theory (not supplied)
XL. History of Linguistics The Field Die Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften: Umrisse der Disziplin Le domaine de l’histoire de la linguistique
285. Kees Versteegh, The study of non-Western linguistic traditions . . 2791 286. E. F. K. Koerner, The development of linguistic historiography
history, methodology, and present state . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2802
XLI. Indexes / Register / Indexes
Compiled by / Zusammengestellt von / Organisees par Sören Philipps

X Contents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
Editors’ Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XXV Vorwort der Herausgeber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XXXVII Preface des editeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XLIX
I. The Establishment of Linguistic Traditions in the Near East Die Anfänge sprachwissenschaftlicher Traditionen im Nahen Osten La constitution des traditions linguistiques au Proche Orient
1. Erica Reiner, The Sumerian and Akkadian linguistic tradition . . 1 2. Joris F. Borghouts, Indigenous Egyptian grammar . . . . . . . . . . 5 3. Manfred Dietrich, Die Sprachforschung in Ugarit . . . . . . . . . . 14
II. The Establishment of the Chinese Linguistic Tradition Die Anfänge der Sprachwissenschaft in China La constitution de la tradition linguistique chinoise
4. Chung-ying Cheng, Classical Chinese philosophies of language: Logic and ontology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
5. David Branner, The Su-Tang tradition of Fanqie phonology . . . 36 6. David Branner, The rime-table system of formal Chinese
phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 7. Alain Peyraube, Le role du savoir linguistique dans l’education
et la societe chinoise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 8. Nonna V. Stankevic, La tradition linguistique vietnamienne et
ses contacts avec la tradition chinoise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
III. The Establishment of the Korean Linguistic Tradition Die Anfänge der koreanischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la tradition linguistique coreenne
9. Werner Sasse, Die traditionelle Sprachforschung in Korea . . . . . 63
IV. The Establishment of the Japanese Linguistic Tradition Die Anfänge der Sprachforschung in Japan La constitution de la tradition linguistique japonaise
10. Roy Andrew Miller, The Japanese linguistic tradition and the Chinese heritage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
11. Stefan Kaiser, The first Japanese attempts at describing Chinese and Korean bilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
12. Viktoria Eschbach-Szabo, Sprache und Denken in der japanischen Sprachforschung während der Kokugaku . . . . . . . . 85

13. Viktoria Eschbach-Szabo, Die Frühzeit der neueren japanischen Sprachforschung: Vom Kokugaku zum Kokugogaku . . . . . . . . . 93
14. Frits Vos †, The influence of Dutch grammar on Japanese language research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
15. Roy Andrew Miller, The role of linguistics in Japanese society and education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
16. Roy Andrew Miller, Traditional linguistics and Western linguistics in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
V. The Establishment of Sanskrit Linguistics Die Anfänge der Sanskritforschung La constitution de l’etude du sanskrit
17. George Cardona, Panø ini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 18. Hartmut Scharfe, Die Entwicklung der Sprachwissenschaft in
Indien nach Panø ini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 19. Madhav Deshpande, Indian theories on phonetics . . . . . . . . . . 137 20. Jan Houben, Language and thought in the Sanskrit tradition . . . 146 21. George Cardona, The organization of grammar in Sanskrit
linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 22. Johannes Bronkhorst, The relationship between linguistics and
other sciences in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 23. Madhav Deshpande, The role of linguistics in Indian society and
education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 24. Michael C. Shapiro, The Hindi grammatical tradition . . . . . . . 178 25. Vadim B. Kasevic, Indian influence on the linguistic tradition of
Burma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 26. Bernard Arps, Indian influence on the Old Javanese linguistic
tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
VI. The Establishment of Dravidian Linguistics Die Anfänge der dravidischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la lingistique dravidienne
27. Jean-Luc Chevillard, Les debuts de la tradition linguistique tamoule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
28. Jean-Luc Chevillard, Le Tolka ppiyam et le developpement de la tradition linguistique tamoule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
29. Jean-Luc Chevillard, Les successeurs du Tolka ppiyam: le Nan ßn ß u l , le V raco l ßiyam et les autres ecoles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
VII. The Establishment of Tibetan Linguistics Die Anfänge der Sprachforschung in Tibet La constitution de la linguistique tibetaine
30. Roy Andrew Miller, The early Tibetan grammatical treatises and Thon-mi Sambhotøa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
31. Pieter C. Verhagen, The classical Tibetan grammarians . . . . . . . 207

XII Contents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
32. Pieter C. Verhagen, The influence of the Sanskrit tradition on Tibetan indigenous grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
VIII. The Establishment of Hebrew Linguistics Die Anfänge der hebräischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la linguistique de l’hebreu
33. Aaron Dotan, The origins of Hebrew linguistics and the exegetic tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
34. Irene Zwiep, Die Entwicklung der hebräischen Sprachwissenschaft während des Mittelalters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
35. Carlos del Valle, Hebrew linguistics in Arabic . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 36. Wout Jac. van Bekkum, Hebrew linguistics and comparative
Semitic grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
IX. The Establishment of Arabic Linguistics Die Anfänge der arabischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la linguistique arabe
37. Rafael Talmon, The first beginnings of Arabic linguistics: The era of the Old Iraqi School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
38. Aryeh Levin, Sbawayhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 39. Michael G. Carter, The development of Arabic linguistics after
Sbawayhi: Basøra, Kufa and Baghdad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 40. Jean-Patrick Guillaume, La nouvelle approche de la grammaire
au IVe/Xe siecle: Ibn G inn (320/932392/1002) . . . . . . . . . . . 273 41. Gerard Troupeau, La periode post-classique de la linguistique
arabe: d’Ibn G inn a al-ÅAstarabadß . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 42. Jonathan Owens, The structure of Arabic grammatical theory . . 286 43. Kees Versteegh, Grammar and logic in the Arabic grammatical
tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300 44. Jan Peters, Language and revelation in Islamic society . . . . . . . 307 45. Pierre Larcher, Les relations entre la linguistique et les autres
sciences dans la societe arabo-islamique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312 46. Mohammed Sawaie, Traditional linguistics and Western
linguistics in the Arab world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318 47. Adel Sidarus, L’influence arabe sur la linguistique copte . . . . . . 321 48. Robert Ermers, The description of Turkic with the Arabic
linguistic model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 49. Eva M. Jeremias, Arabic influence on Persian linguistics . . . . . . 329 50. Nico Kaptein, Arabic influence on Malay linguistics . . . . . . . . . 333
X. The Establishment of Syriac Linguistics Die Anfänge der syrischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la linguistique syriaque

XIIIContents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
XI. The Establishment of Linguistics in Greece Die Anfänge der griechischen Sprachforschung La constitution de la linguistique en Grece
53. Peter Schmitter, Sprachbezogene Reflexionen im frühen Griechenland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
54. Hans Arens, Sprache und Denken bei Aristoteles . . . . . . . . . . 367 55. Ineke Sluiter, Language and thought in Stoic philosophy . . . . . 375 56. Frederic Lambert, La linguistique grecque chez les alexandrins:
Aristophane de Byzance et Aristarque . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385 57. Vincenzo di Benedetto, Dionysius Thrax and the Te khne . . . . . . 394 58. David L. Blank, The organization of grammar in ancient Greece 400 59. R. H. Robins †, Greek linguistics in the Byzantine period . . . . . 417 60. Elmar Siebenhorn, Die Beziehungen der griechischen Sprach-
forschung zu anderen Disziplinen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 424 61. Dirk M. Schenkeveld, The impact of language studies on Greek
society and education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 430 62. Vt Bubenk, Variety of speech in Greek linguistics: The dialects
and the koine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439 63. Mzekala Shanidze, Greek influence in Georgian linguistics . . . . 444 64. Jos Weitenberg, Greek influence in Armenian linguistics . . . . . . 447 65. Yannis Kakridis, Greek influence in the grammatical theory of
Church Slavonic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450
XII. The Establishment of Linguistics in Rome Die Anfänge der Sprachforschung in Rom La constitution de la linguistique a Rome
66. Daniel J. Taylor, Varro and the origin of Roman linguistic theory and practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455
67. Marc Baratin, A l’origine de la tradition artigraphique latine, entre mythe et realite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
68. Francoise Desbordes †, L’ars grammatica dans la periode post- classique: le Corpus grammaticorum latinorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466
69. Carmen Codoner, L’organisation de la grammaire dans la tradition latine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474
70. James J. Murphy, Grammar and rhetoric in Roman schools . . . 484 71. Arpad Orban, Augustin und die Sprache . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492
XIII. The Cultivation of Latin Grammar in the Early Middle Ages Die Pflege der lateinischen Grammatik im frühen Mittelalter La culture de la grammaire latine dans le Haut Moyen-Age

XIV Contents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
73. Anneli Luhtala, Linguistics and theology in the Early Medieval West . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510
74. Louis Holtz, Alcuin et la redecouverte de Priscien a l’epoque carolingienne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525
75. Mark Amsler, The role of linguistics in early medieval education 532
XIV. Linguistic Theory in the Late Middle Ages Sprachtheorien des späten Mittelalters La theorie linguistique au Bas Moyen-Age
76. Irene Rosier-Catach, La grammaire speculative du Bas Moyen- Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541
77. Corneille H. Kneepkens, Linguistic description and analysis in the Late Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 551
78. Joel Biard, Linguistique et logique durant le Bas Moyen-Age . . . 560 79. Louis Kelly, Language study and theology in the Late Middle
Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 572 80. Ludger Kaczmarek, Die Beziehungen der spätmittelalterlichen
Sprachforschung zu anderen Gebieten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 584
XV. The Cultivation of Latin Grammar in the Late Middle Ages Die Pflege der lateinischen Grammatik im Spät- mittelalter La culture de la grammaire latine dans le Bas Moyen- Age
81. Anne Grondeux, La Grammatica positiva dans le Bas Moyen-Age 598 82. Anders Ahlqvist, The Latin tradition and the Irish language . . . 610 83. Ann T. E. Matonis, The Latin tradition and Welsh . . . . . . . . . 614 84. Valeria Micillo, The Latin tradition and Icelandic . . . . . . . . . . 617 85. Kees Dekkers, Ælfric and his relation to the Latin tradition . . . 625 86. Sylvie Archaimbault, La tradition latine et les langues slaves
dans le Bas Moyen-Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 634 87. Hans-J. Niederehe, Sprachstudium und literarische Traditionen:
Das Okzitanisch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 638
XVI. The Classical Languages in the Age of Humanism Die klassischen Sprachen im Zeitalter des Humanismus Les langues classiques a l’epoque de l’humanisme
88. Mirko Tavoni, The traditional study of Latin at the university in the age of Humanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 650

XVContents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
91. Christian Förstel, L’etude du grec a l’epoque de l’humanisme . . . 666 92. Sophie Kessler-Mesguich, L’etude de l’hebreu et des autres
langues orientales a l’epoque de l’humanisme . . . . . . . . . . . . . 673
XVII. The Teaching of Languages in the 15th Through the 18th Centuries in Europe Der Fremdsprachenunterricht in Europa (15.16. Jahrhundert) L’enseignement des langues du XVe au XVIIIe siecle en Europe
93. Konrad Schröder, Kommerzielle und kulturelle Interessen am Unterricht der Volkssprachen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert . . . . . 681
94. Alda Rossebastiano, La tradition des manuels polyglottes dans l’enseignement des langues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 688
95. Claudio Marazzini, The teaching of Italian in 15th- and 16th-century Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 699
96. Otto Ludwig / Claus Ahlzweig, Der Unterricht des Deutschen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 705
97. Barbara Kaltz, Der Unterricht des Französischen im 16. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 711
98. Manuel Breva-Claramonte, The teaching of Spanish in 16th-century Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 717
99. Konrad Schröder, Der Unterricht des Englischen im 16. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 723
100. Hartmut Bobzin, Der Unterricht des Hebräischen, Arabischen und anderer semitischer Sprachen sowie des Persischen und Türkischen in Europa (bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts) . . . . 728
101. Konrad Schröder, Die Traditionen des Sprachunterrichts im Europa des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 734
XVIII. The Development of Grammatical Traditions for the Literary Vernaculars in Europe Die neuen Literatursprachen und die Herausbildung ihrer grammatischen Tradition Le developpement des traditions grammaticales concernant les vernaculaires ecrits de l’Europe
102. Claudio Marazzini, Early grammatical descriptions of Italian . . . 742 103. Miguel Angel Esparza Torres, Frühe grammatische
Beschreibungen des Spanischen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 749 104. Maria Leonor Carvalhao Buescu†, Les premieres descriptions
grammaticales du portugais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 756 105. Andres Max Kristol, Les premieres descriptions grammaticales du
francais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 764 106. Monique Verrac, Les premieres descriptions grammaticales de
l’anglais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 771
107. Monika Rössig-Hager, Frühe grammatische Beschreibungen des Deutschen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 777
108. Geert Dibbets, Frühe grammatische Beschreibungen des Niederländischen (ca. 1550ca. 1650) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 784
109. Helmut Schaller, Frühe grammatische Beschreibungen slawischer Sprachen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 792
110. Erich Poppe, Early grammatical descriptions of the Celtic languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 800
111. Kaisa Häkkinen, Early grammatical descriptions of Finno-Ugric 806
XIX. The Normative Study of the National Languages from the 17th Century Onwards Das normative Studium der Nationalsprachen ab dem 17. Jahrhundert L’etude normative des langues nationales a partir du fin du XVIe siecle
112. Rudolf Engler, Die Accademia della Crusca und die Standardisierung des Italienischen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 815
113. Peter von Polenz, Die Sprachgesellschaften und die Entstehung eines literarischen Standards in Deutschland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 827
114. Jörg Kilian, Entwicklungen in Deutschland im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert außerhalb der Sprachgesellschaften . . . . . . . . . 841
115. Francine Maziere, La langue et l’Etat: l’Academie francaise . . . . 852 116. Ramon Sarmiento, Die Königliche Spanische Akademie und die
Pflege der Nationalsprache . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 863 117. Maria Leonor Carvalhao Buescu †, L’Academie des Sciences de
Lisbonne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 870 118. Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade, Normative studies in England 876 119. Even Hovdhaugen, Normative studies in the Scandinavian
countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 888 120. Jan Noordegraaf, Normative studies in the Low Countries . . . . 893 121. Sylvie Archaimbault, Les approches normatives en Russie (XVIIIe
siecle) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 901 122. Jir Kraus, Normativ orientierte Sprachforschung zum
Tschechischen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 907 123. Jadwiga Puzynina, Normative studies in Poland . . . . . . . . . . . 912 124. Tiborc Fazekas, Normativ orientierte Sprachforschung in Ungarn 916 125. Arnold Cassola, Normative studies in Malta . . . . . . . . . . . . . 919
XX. The Study of ‘Exotic’ Languages by Europeans Die Europäer und die ‘exotischen’ Sprachen La connaissance des langues ‘exotiques’
126. Even Hovdhaugen, The Great Travelers and the studies of ‘exotic languages’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 925

128. Leonardo Manrique, Das Studium der autochtonen Sprachen Zentralamerikas: Nahuatl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 937
129. Wolfgang Wölck / Utta von Gleich, Das Studium der Eingeborenensprachen Südamerikas: Ketschua . . . . . . . . . . . . 950
130. Wolf Dietrich, Das Studium der Eingeborenensprachen Südamerikas: Guaran . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 960
131. John Hewson, The study of the native languages of North America: The French tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 966
132. Elke Nowak, First descriptive approaches to indigenous languages of British North America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 973
133. Wilhelm J. G. Möhlig, Das Studium der schwarzafrikanischen Sprachen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 980
134. Jean-Luc Chevillard, Das Studium der Eingeborensprachen des indischen Ozeans: Frühe Kontakte mit dem Sanskrit und den dravidischen Sprachen (entfallen)
135. Wei Chiao / Magnus Kriegeskorte, Das Studium der Sprachen des Fernen Ostens: Chinesisch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 991
136. Jean-Claude Riviere, La connaissance du malais et des langues de l’Oceanie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 998
XXI. Theories of Grammar and Language Philosophy in the 17th and 18th Centuries Grammatiktheorien und Sprachphilosophie im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert Theories grammaticales et philosophie de langage aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles
137. Claire Lecointre, Les transformations de l’heritage medieval dans l’Europe du XVIIe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1002
138. Jean Caravolas, Les origines de la didactique des langues en tant que discipline autonome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1009
139. Sylvain Aroux, Port-Royal et la tradition francaise de la grammaire generale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1022
140. David F. Cram / Jaap Maat, Universal language schemes in the 17th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1030
141. Bernd Naumann, Die ‘Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft’ um die Wende zum 19. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1044

XVIII Contents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
143. Klaus D. Dutz / Ludger Kaczmarek, Vorstellungen über den Ursprung von Sprachen im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . 1071
144. Harald Haarmann, Die großen Sprachensammlungen vom frühen 18. bis frühen 19. Jahrhundert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1081
XXIII. Studies of the Antecedents to and Connections between National Languages Vorstellungen von der Entstehung der National- sprachen und ihren Beziehungen zueinander Etudes des origines et des rapports des langues nationales
145. Werner Bahner, Frühe dialektologische, etymologische und sprachgeschichtliche Forschungen in Spanien . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1095
146. William Jervis Jones, Early dialectology, etymology and language history in German speaking countries . . . . . . . . . . . 1105
147. Jan Noordegraaf, Historical linguistics in the Low Countries: Lambert ten Kate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1115
148. Even Hovdhaugen, The study of early Germanic languages in Scandinavia: Ihre, Stiernhielm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1124
149. Robin Smith, Investigating older Germanic languages in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1129
150. Roger Comtet, L’etude des langues slaves en Russie: M. L. Lomonosov . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1136
151. Tiborc Fazekas, Die Entdeckung der Verwandtschaft der finno- ugrischen Sprachen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1144
152. Rosane Rocher, The knowledge of Sanskrit in Europe until 1800 1156
XXIV. Historical and Comparative Linguistics of the Early 19th Century Die historische und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts La linguistique historique et comparative au debut du XIXe siecle
153. Kurt R. Jankowsky, The renewal of the study of the classical languages within the university system, notably in Germany . . . 1164
154. Kurt R. Jankowsky, The establishment of oriental language studies in France, Britain, and Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1182
155. Jean Rousseau, La genese de la grammaire comparee . . . . . . . . 1197 156. N. E. Collinge, The introduction of the historical principle into
the study of languages: Grimm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1210

157. Theodora Bynon, The synthesis of comparative and historical Indo-European studies: August Schleicher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1223
XXV. The Establishment of New Philologies in the 19th Century Die Herausbildung neuer Philologien im 19. Jahrhundert Le developpement des nouvelles philologies au XIXe siecle
158. Jürgen Storost, Die ‘neuen Philologien’, ihre Institutionen und Periodica: Eine Übersicht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1240
159. Pierre Swiggers, Les debuts et l’evolution de la philologie romane au XIXe siecle, surtout en Allemagne . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1272
160. Uwe Meves, Die Entstehung und frühe Entwicklung der Germanischen Philologie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1286
161. Karl Gutschmidt, Die Entstehung und frühe Entwicklung der Slavischen Philologie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1294
162. Tiborc Fazekas, Finno-ugrische Philologie und vergleichende Grammatik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1305
163. Rainer Voigt, Semitische Philologie und vergleichende Grammatik: Geschichte der vergleichenden Semitistik . . . . . . . 1311
163a. Rainer Voigt, Semitohamitische Philologie und vergleichende Grammatik: Geschichte der vergleichenden Semitohamatistik . . . 1318
XXVI. Indo-European Philology and Historical Linguistics and their Legacy Indo-europäische Philologie, Historische Sprachwissen- schaft und ihr Erbe La philologie indo-europeenne et la linguistique historique et leurs legs
164. Kurt R. Jankowsky, The crisis of historical-comparative linguistics in the 1860s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1326
165. Eveline Einhauser, Die Entstehung und frühe Entwicklung des junggrammatischen Forschungsprogramms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1338
166. Kurt R. Jankowsky, The consolidation of the neogrammarian framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1350
167. Wilhelm J. G. Möhlig, Die Anwendung der vergleichenden Methode auf afrikanische Sprachen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1367
168. Robert A. Blust, The comparative method applied to Austronesian languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1374
169. John Hewson, The comparative method applied to Amerindian: The reconstruction of Proto-Algonkian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1384

XXVII. Language Typology, Language Classification, and the Search for Universals Sprachtypologie, die Klassifizierung der Sprachen und die Suche nach sprachlichen Universalien La typologie linguistique, la classification des langues et la recherche des universaux
171. Frans Plank, Typology by the end of the 18th century . . . . . . . 1399 172. Jean Rousseau, La classification des langues au debut du
XIXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1414 173. Manfred Ringmacher, Die Klassifizierung der Sprachen in der
Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1427 174. Manfred Ringmacher, Sprachtypologie und Ethnologie in
Europa am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1436 175. Regna Darnell, Language typology and ethnology in
19th-century North America: Gallatin, Brinton, Powell . . . . . . . 1443 176. George Yonek / Lyle Campbell, Language typology in the
20th century: From Sapir to late 20th century approaches . . . . . 1453 177. Bernard Comrie, Theories of universal grammar in the late
20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1461
XXVIII. The Analysis of Speech and Unwritten Languages in the 19th Century and its Continuation in the 20th Century Die Erforschung der lautlichen Äußerung und nicht verschrifteter Sprachen im 19. und die Fortsetzung im 20. Jahrhundert L’etude de la parole et des langues non-ecrites pendant le XIXe siecle et sa continuation au XXe siecle
178. J. Alan Kemp, The development of phonetics from the late 18th to the late 19th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1468
179. Even Hovdhaugen, Field work and data-elicitation of unwritten languages for descriptive and comparative purposes: Strahlenberg, Sjögren, Castren, Böthlingk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1480
180. Enrica Galazzi, Physiologie de la parole et phonetique appliquee au XIXe et au debut du XXe siecle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1485
181. Wolfgang Putschke, Die Dialektologie, ihr Beitrag zur historischen Sprachwissenschaft im 19. Jahrhundert und ihre Kritik am junggrammatischen Programm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1498
182. Joachim Herrgen, Die Dialektologie des Deutschen . . . . . . . . . 1513 183. Marinel Gerritsen, The dialectology of Dutch . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1536 184. Graham Shorrocks, The dialectology of English in the British
Isles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1553
XXIContents / Inhalt / Table des matieres
185. Tom Priestly, Dialectology in the Slavic countries: An overview from its beginnings to the early 20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1563
186. J. Alan Kemp, The history and development of a universal phonetic alphabet in the 19th century: From the beginnings to the establishment of the IPA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1572
187. Michael K. C. MacMahon, Modern Language Instruction and Phonetics in the Later 19th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1585
XXIX. Approaches to Semantics in the 19th and the First Third of the 20th Century Ansätze zur Semantik im 19. und im ersten Drittel des 20. Jahrhunderts Les approches a la semantique au XIXe et au premier tiers du XXe siecle
188. Brigitte Nerlich, The renewal of semantic questions in the 19th century: The work of Karl Christian Reisig and his successors . . 1596
189. Brigitte Nerlich, The development of semasiology in Europe: A survey from the second half of the 19th to the first third of the 20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1600
190. Johannes Kramer, Die frühe Entwicklung des onomasiologischen Ansatzes in der Sprachwissenschaft und Lexikographie des 19. Jahrhunderts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1611
191. Brigitte Nerlich, The study of meaning change from Reisig to Breal 1617 192. Wolfgang Settekorn, Die Forschungsrichtung “Wörter und
Sachen” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1628 193. W. Terrence Gordon, The origin and development of the theory
of the semantic field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1650
XXX. Psychology and Physiology in 19th-Century Linguistics Psychologische und physiologische Ansätze in der Sprachwissenschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts La psychologie et la physiologie dans la linguistique du XIXe siecle
194. Clemens Knobloch, Die Beziehungen zwischen Sprache und Denken: Die Ideen Wilhelm von Humboldts und die Anfänge der sprachpsychologischen Forschung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1663
195. David J. Murray, Language and psychology: 19th-century developments outside Germany: A survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1679
196. Gabriel Bergounioux, Le langage et le cerveau: La localisation de la faculte du langage et l’etude des aphasies . . . . . . . . . . . . 1692
197. Clemens Knobloch, Psychologische Ansätze bei der Erforschung des frühkindlichen Spracherwerbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1705

XXXI. Structural Linguistics in the 20th Century Der europäische Strukturalismus im 20. Jahrhundert Le structuralisme europeen au XXe siecle
198. Manfred Kohrt / Kerstin Kuchaczik, Die Wurzeln des Strukturalismus in der Sprachwissenschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts 1719
199. Rene Amacker, La dimension synchronique dans la theorie linguistique de Saussure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1735
200. Rene Amacker, Le developpement des idees saussuriennes par l’Ecole de Geneve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1746
201. Tsutomu Akamatsu, The development of functionalism from the Prague school to the present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1768
202. Jørgen Rischl, The Cercle linguistique de Copenhague and glossematics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1790
203. David G. Butt, Firth, Halliday, and the development of systemic-functional theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1806
204. Giorgio Graffi, The emphasis on syntax in the early phase of European structuralism: Ries, Jespersen, Mathesius, Guillaume, Tesniere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1838
205. Heinz J. Weber, Die Entwicklung der Dependenzgrammatik und verwandter Theorien in der 2. Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts . . . . . 1848
206. Ulrich Püschel, Linguistische Ansätze in der Stilistik des 20. Jahrhunderts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1866
207. John E. Joseph, The exportation of structuralist ideas from linguistics to other fields: An overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1880
XXXII. Traditions of Descriptive Linguistics in America Der amerikanische Deskriptivismus La linguistique descriptive aux Etats-Unis
208. Stephen O. Murray, The ethnolinguistic tradition in 19th-century America: From the earliest beginnings to Boas . . . . . . . . . . . . 1909
209. Stephen G. Alter, The linguistic legacy of William Dwight Whitney . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1923
210. Stephen O. Murray, Attempts at professionalization of American linguistics: The role of the Linguistic Society of America . . . . . . 1932
211. Victor Golla, The Sapirian approach to language . . . . . . . . . . 1935 212. John G. Fought, The ‘Bloomfield School’ and descriptive
linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1950 213. John R. Costello, Tagmemics and the analysis of non-verbal
behavior: Pike and his school . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1966 214. John Fought, Distributionalism and immediate constituent
analysis in American linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1986 215. Sheila Embleton, Quantitative methods and lexicostatistics in the
20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1998
216. The axiomatic method in 20th-century European linguistics
1. Introduction 2. The axiomatic method 3. Precursive deductive thinking in linguistics 4. Quasi-axiomatization in linguistics 5. Axiomatization in linguistics 6. Concluding remarks 7. Bibliography
1. Introduction
Like other scientific disciplines, also within linguistics theories are constructed, which result from the research of a fairly diversified subject matter. All scientific disciplines pass through various stages in their development. As they advance and gradually mature, the question inevitably arises, of how their theories should be formulated and justified in order to attain their intended goals, which, in the case of linguistics, include the truth about language. In seeking answers to the posited question one usually turns to the methodology of linguistics, the subject matter of which is the class of all methods applicable in this discipline, among which the methods of formulation and justification of linguistic theories figure conspicuously (cf. Baudouin de Courtenay [1871] 1972: 73; Lieb 1970: 67, 14ff.)
By virtue of investigating such methods methodology of linguistics investigates cer-
tain aspects of linguistic theories, and thereby it belongs to the metalinguistic disciplines, which are indispensable for research in the foundations of linguistics. Such research, in turn, promoting fecund intellectual discussion, is helpful for scientific penetration into language reality and contributes to a clear systematization and representation of linguistic knowledge. All scientific disciplines are faced with the necessity to perfect continu- ously their research methods. Neither can this ever present task be neglected by linguistics, among the methods of which inductive vs. deductive and quantitative vs. non-quantitative can be distinguished.
Subsequently, the deductive method, which is non-quantitative, and also referred to as axiomatic will be subjected to our closer examination as far as it has been considered, studied, or applied in linguistics. Interest in this method by linguists was indubitably related to the progress of its application in mathematics and logic in the late 19th and early of 20th centuries (cf. Tarski 1994: 111; Batog 1996: 7, et passim). However, a brief, representative, and reasonably profound account of the axiomatic method in linguistics, approaches the impossible.

2008 XXXIII. Formalization Tendencies and Mathematization in 20th-Century
kenberg (1995, 1996). The problems brought to discussion in our survey will be ap- proached from the position of a linguist rather than of a logician. After a brief expla- nation of the essence of the axiomatic method, it will be concisely shown, what has been accomplished in linguistics by applying it or by investigating the format of axiomatic linguistic theories. We shall endeavor to stay as close as possible to the spirit of the pre- sented theories, in order to give the reader an insight into their contents as intended by their authors. The discussion of the formal aspects of linguistic theories should not mask what they are about, and even if they are axiomatized, formal sophistication should not replace vacuity or triviality of content.
2. The axiomatic method
Although the axiomatic method is sensu stricto a kind of deductive method , these two terms, especially outside logic, are usually treated as synonymous. Also for the purposes of this survey, no distinction between them is necessary. By the term axiomatic method we mean a method of formulating theories as axiomatic theories. Expressing this con- versely, an axiomatic theory will be each theory formulated by means of the axiomatic method. Clearly such a theory will differ in its exterior shape from any formulated in terms of other methods.
An axiomatic theory is but a kind of theory. A (scientific) theory can be conceived of as a text stating something about an intended subject matter. The latter is a certain reality, which the theory intends to describe and explain, and the image of which is the theory’s domain, usually understood as a system (relational structure) comprised of ob- jects and relations. A theory can be expressed in a natural or artificial (constructed) language, and its text consists of sentences being statements about its subject matter, that is, capable of assuming a truth-value (cf. Lieb 1974: 43). It goes without saying that theories are developed with the aim of producing true statements about the subject matter in question.
The text of an axiomatic theory consists of sentences constructed in a formal language in conformity with the rules of logic (cf. Hempel 1965: 182183; Lieb 1970: 78). Logic can be viewed as a grammar (theory) for the language of scientific theories, that is, for the
language of science. According to Tarski, the foundation-stones of the axiomatic method are four principles, two of which refer to the asserted statements of a theory, and two others to the terms occurring therein. Thus, the construction of an axiomatic theory pro- ceeds as follows: (i) At first we distinguish a certain number of axioms (primitive sentences), the truth of which appears to us evi- dent, and which are accepted without any further justification; (ii) No other sentences can be accepted as true, unless they have been proved based exclusively on the axioms, the definitions, and sentences proved previously. A proved sentence is called a theo- rem; (iii) Among the terms, a certain small number, the meanings of which seem obvi- ous, are distinguished as primitive (unde- fined). They are used in sentences without having their meanings explained; (iv) No other terms can be employed, unless their meanings have been determined by defining them with the aid of primitive or previously defined terms (Tarski 1984: 23; 1994: 109ff.; Batog 1996a: 2021) Obviously, a theory de- fying any of these four principles cannot be called an axiomatic theory.
Axiomatic theories are thus expressed in a formal language which permits the correct formulation of axioms and definitions as well as the derivation and demonstration of theorems. The formal language is exact, and artificial to a certain extent. It is separated from natural language by virtue of being appropri- ately regularized (regimented), through the explicit specification of its syntax and semantics (cf. Sneed 1979: 6ff.; Falkenberg 1995: 910, 1996: 7ff.; Batog 1996: 5859.) The syntax establishes formal relations between expressions of a theory which include intra- and intersentential relations, and which have their counterparts in the rules of formation, definition, and deduction. For an empirical axiomatic theory, the relation of interpretation binding the expressions of the theory with the entities of a domain is of special importance, because it is only by interpretation, as a semantic relation, that sentences can be associated with truth values (cf. Lieb 1970: 57, 78, 87ff.; Batog 1994b: 238ff.).
3. Precursive deductive thinking in linguistics

as 1870, in his inaugural lecture delivered at St. Petersburg university, he expressed the view that the broadest possible use of this method is a goal which linguistics shares with all inductive sciences (Baudouin de Cour- tenay [1871] 1972: 64; Dressler 1989: 307).
However, the first linguist who explicitly spoke about “axioms” with reference to linguistics, and in particular, to the historical comparative method, was Kruszewski ([1883] 1995: 44, 172). Emphasizing the virtues of deduction, he asserted: “[…] the simple empirical method of usual comparison is insufficient; at every step we need the assistance of deduction from firmly established phonetic and morphological laws” (Kruszewski 1995: 45). The occurrence of such terms as axiom, deduction, theory, law and system in Krus- zewski’s writings does not come as a surprise, if one recalls his thorough education in philosophy and logic, and his interest in pursu- ing linguistics from a logical point of view (cf. Jakobson 1967: xi).
In light of the notes taken by his students, Riedlinger in 1909 and Gautier in 1911, during conversations with him, Saussure gave expression to his conjectures that general linguistics appears as a system of geometry, the theorems of which must be demonstrated (Godel 1957: 2930) It may be supposed that Saussure’s remarks were caused by his conviction of the applicability of the axiomatic method in linguistics as it was employed by Euclid in geometry, and by his ad- miration for the deductive capacity of axiomatic theories. However, he did not use the axiomatic method himself.
4. Quasi-axiomatization in linguistics
4.1. Introductory remarks
The content of this section is heterogeneous to a certain extent, since we shall subsume both programmatic axiomatization and the calculization of grammars under quasi-axiomatization. Although these two differ con- siderably from each other, they are however similar in failing to yield axiomatic linguistic theories. However, it cannot be said that quasi-axiomatization has nothing to do with the idea of axiomatization. We shall subsequently attempt to illuminate some aspects of this relationship.
Within programmatic axiomatization, certain programs for the reformulation of linguistics are advocated or developed, with
axiomatization being adhered to as a guiding principle for linguistic research. However, theories belonging to this group, although sometimes claimed to be axiomatic, fail to satisfy the conditions required of axiomatic theories. Generally speaking, their degree of formalization is not sufficiently advanced, i.e., they do not use a formal language in order to guarantee the exact formulation of sentences and to allow for logical deduction. In particular, they may exhibit the following deficiencies: (i) the absence of a clear distinction between primitive and defined terms; (ii) the absence of a distinction between axioms and theorems; (iii) the absence of characteri- zation of terms occurring in definitions by appropriate axioms. Therefore, calling the theories, which arose within this approach axiomatic, originates from a misunderstand- ing of the idea of axiomatic theory in the modern sense.
Calculization of grammars can be viewed as a method of constructing a certain kind of grammars for natural languages, namely, in the form of calculi (algorithms). However, as it will subsequently turn out, the calculi investigated in linguistics can hardly be considered as (axiomatic) theories of natural languages.
4.2. Programmatic axiomatization
The first attempt to apply the axiomatic method in linguistics was undertaken by Bloomfield, who understood it as: “the method of postulates (that is, assumptions or axioms) and definitions” (Bloomfield 1926: 153), and such an understanding was prob- ably taken by him verbatim, since he did not try to deduce any theorems. But even if he had tried, he would hardly have been success- ful, because his postulates were formulated in a non-regularized natural language, i. e., in non-regularized English, instead of a formal (regularized, regimented) one. Bloomfieldian ideas were continued by Bloch (1948). The formal deficiencies of their approaches were pertinently indicated by Batog (1967: 5).

him properly understand the notion of the axiomatic method. Consequently, he mis- understood what axioms should be, and no- where in his work can axioms as formally distinguished sentences be found, contrary to his assertion that there are four of them (cf. Bühler 1990: 26). Despite their non-existence the impression that they after all were formulated by Bühler has been successfully propa- gated (cf. Kamp 1977: 202; Graumann/Herr- mann 1984: 93ff.) An attempt at a reconstruction of Bühler’s axioms has been undertaken by Wunderlich (1969), without, however, using a formal language. Therefore his effort is of limited value.
Bühler’s contribution to axiomatization was put into proper perpective for the first time by Lieb (1980a: 300301), and recently by Falkenberg (1995: 1314; 1996: 6768) Referring to Bühler’s conception of axioms Falkenberg observes: “Axioms in this sense are not sentences of a theory within a research area or discipline, but rather the descriptions of the point of view on the research area itself ” (Falkenberg 1995: 14). And the adequacy of such an interpretation of Bühler’s approach to axiomatization can eas- ily be supported by his own words (cf. Bühler 1990: 17, 26).
Bühler’s ideas seem to have exerted influence upon such authors as Koschmieder (1965), and Thümmel (1965). The former tried to justify the claim that the application of mathematical methods in linguistics would contribute to its advancement, while discuss- ing earlier attempts at formalization, especially those undertaken by Jespersen and Rei- chenbach. He also formulates some ‘axioms’, from which, according to him, general sentences are derivable. Or, at least he believes axiomatization should create such a possibil- ity (Koschmieder 1965: 132ff.) However, for reasons similar to those which disallowed us to recognize axioms in Bühler’s theory, neither can Koschmieder’s ‘axioms’ be viewed as such. Nor is the status of Holzer’s axioms any different (Holzer 1996: 211).
An important position within the quasi- axiomatic linguistics is occupied by axiomatic functionalism, originated by Mulder in the 1960s and which he subsequently further developed both alone and in co-operation with Hervey. Intended to be both functionalist and axiomatically based, it should furnish a theoretical framework, applicable not only to natural languages but to semiotic systems in general (Mulder 1989: 65). Within this frame-
work not only linguistic theories but also a theory of linguistic theories have been developed (cf. Falkenberg 1995: 78)
In many respects axiomatic functionalism continues the Saussurean, semiotically oriented, tradition as well as that of the Prague School, and French functionalism, as repre- sented by Martinet. It also exhibits certain similarities with glossematics (cf. Mulder 1989: 6667, 87ff.) The affinities with the latter concern, among others, the distinction made between theories and descriptions. In the intention of its authors, the theory of axiomatic functionalism, for which six ‘axioms’ have been assumed (Mulder 1989: 83ff., 436ff.), should be considered as an interpreted theory, in which the definitions provide inter- pretations to axioms (Mulder 1989: 6566) The criticism of axiomatic functionalism ex- ercized by Lieb (1980a: 304307), and Fal- kenberg (1995: 18ff., 1996: 69) leaves no doubt that it does not follow the principles of the construction of axiomatic theories, specified above, in section 2. First of all, it does not avail itself of a formal language which, in consequence, would permit the derivation of theorems from axioms. Polemi- cising against the concept of interpretation as adhered to in axiomatic functionalism, and pointing out its incompatibility with the meaning that interpretation has acquired in modern logic and the philosophy of science as well as indicating some other deficiencies, Falkenberg ultimately arrives at the conclu- sion that a theory constructed in terms of axiomatic functionalism’s theory of linguistic theories, rather than being an axiomatic theory, “has to be considered a collection of research principles describing the point of view on the respective subject matter of the descriptions of the respective phenomena” (Falkenberg 1995: 25).
4.3. Calculization of grammars
Although the theory of grammars will not be treated until the next section we may be per- mitted to say, anticipatorily, that a grammar of a language can be constructed either as: (i) a theory or as (ii) a calculus (algorithm), which is not a theory. Both may be axiomatized or not. Thus, the calculative approach to grammar belongs to this section.

tinguished. It is the last of these which specify how chains of symbols should be converted into other chains of symbols. Thus, a calculus is a purely syntactic device intended for the automatic generation of a class of expressions, and it may be a component of a theory. In previously characterizing the axiomatic method as one used for the formulation of axiomatic theories we have understood it in a narrower sense. However, when it is understood in a broader sense, as some authors have done, then the construction of axiomatic systems or calculi is also considered as resulting from its application (cf. Wall 1972: 197ff.)
Calculi as possible (syntactic) grammars for natural languages have been investigated within transformational generative linguistics. A grammar constructed as a calculus contains a vocabulary, in which non-terminal (categorial) and terminal symbols are distinguished, as well as phrase structure rules and transformational rules as rules of inference. These rules mirror some structural properties of the expressions of the language being dealt with rather than logical relations between them. Each sequence of the application of these rules which ends up with a chain of terminal symbols is a derivation or generation of well-formed expressions of an artificial language defined by the respective calculus. Thus, the calculus defines this language sim- ply by generating its expressions, which are (or should be) linear representations of correct sentences of a natural language. How- ever, neither the generative rules, nor the expressions generated by them, can be accepted as statements about a given natural language, i.e., about the subject matter of a grammar, because they do not tell us anything about it. They fail to admit truth or falsity, that is, they are neither true nor false (Lieb 1974: 42ff.; Itkonen 1976: 189ff.)
Another kind of calculative grammars are so-called categorial grammars which as ‘re- cognition grammars’ proceed in the opposite direction to the generative ones, being ‘pro- duction grammars’ (cf. Ajdukiewicz 1935; Buszkowski 1989; 1996; Lambek 1958; Itko- nen 1976: 199ff.) Their epistemological status, however, seems to be similar to that of the latter in that they, too, cannot be viewed as theories of natural language, since they can hardly be said to produce statements about it. Nevertheless both kinds of
calculative grammars are based on certain theories of language, and the latter can be reconstructed from the former.
5. Axiomatization in linguistics
5.1. Introductory remarks
Research dealing with the application of the axiomatic method in linguistics has at least two aspects reflected in two kinds of theories, that is, (i) axiomatic linguistic theories, and (ii) theories of axiomatic linguistic theories. The former result from the application of the axiomatic method in various linguistic subdisciplines. Actually, we are dealing with theories describing various properties or fragments of language(s) here. On the contrary, the latter proceed as a consequence from the investigations of how axiomatic linguistic theories should be constructed. Such investigations concern, in particular, the theory of grammars, that is, they inquire into properties of grammars conceived of as axiomatic theories. Clearly, they are of a metatheoretic nature and their results may not necessarily assume axiomatic format.
The susceptibility of particular linguistic subdisciplines to be axiomatized depends on the state of research on their foundations. A special position in this respect is occupied by phonology, the domain of which is relatively simple in comparison to those investigated by other subdisciplines of linguistics. Already in 1947, Milewski expressed the conviction that of all linguistic disciplines it is phonology, which had attained the highest level of meth- odological perfection, thereby becoming ex- emplary for others. The construction of deductive phonological theories testifies in his estimation, to the status of phonology as an exact science. Although the axiom adduced by him is rather insufficient for deducing from it all theorems of theoretical phonology his conception of this discipline as a deductive scientific one is, nevertheless, clearly ar- ticulated (Milewski 1947: 154155) The application of the axiomatic method is indeed most advanced in phonology, therefore our survey will begin there.
5.2. Axiomatic linguistic theories
5.2.1. Phonology

symbolic apparatus of formal logic in laying down and defining the foundations of general phonology (Batog 1961b: 195). Green- berg’s theory avails itself of numerous strictly phonetic primitive terms, and axioms characterizing their properties. However, he neither formulates nor proves any theorems, because he believed all phonological theorems, for- mulable and provable in his system, to be trivial and uninteresting. Therefore, he pri- marily concentrated upon the reconstruction of the conceptual apparatus of phonology, which finds reflection in a large number of definitions formulated in symbolic notation, provided with comments in ordinary language.
Subjecting Greenberg’s theory to a critical examination, Batog pointed out its inadequa- cies and thereby the failure of his approach, which did not allow him to attain one of his principal aims, that is, a precise formulation of a definition of one of the fundamental phonological concepts, namely, that of the phoneme. Nevertheless, Greenberg’s results should not be underestimated.
The first to make a significant effort lead- ing to a break-through in the formulation of axiomatic linguistic theories was Batog, who is mentioned whenever axiomatization in linguistics is considered. The ultimate goal which guided Batog in his axiomatic battles in the research for the foundations of theoretical phonology has been the accomplish- ment of the logico-mathematical program of the systematization of knowledge in this discipline, a program already formulated explicitly by Bloomfield (1926), Bloch (1948), and Greenberg (1959), but which since has not been translated into reality. In order to achieve this objective Batog applied the axiomatic method, which enabled him to present theoretical phonology in the shape of a for- malized deductive theory, the logico-mathematical basis for which formed the simple theory of types and extended mereology in Tarski’s formulation.
Although Batog’s inquiry was conducted against the background of the phonology of Harris, his conceptions evolved both in respect to their contents as well as to their formulation. As for the former, three chronolo- gically successive stages can be distinguished, based on the criterion of the number of properties of sounds taken into account, while defining the phonemic system. And these stages find reflection in the respective phonological theories which, in turn, can be referred to
as: (i) distributional, (ii) distributional/phonetic, and (iii) distributional/phonetic/semantic. These theories are relatively independent of each other, and capable of functioning as deductive systems in their own right. Never- theless, the second incorporates the first, and the third incorporates both.
The definition of the concepts of phoneme and phonemic system are formulated in theory (i) exclusively in terms of distributional properties of sounds, i.e., the main role is attributed to the relations of free variation and complementary distribution (Batog 1961a, 1962). The corresponding definitions in theory (ii) already allow for phonetic features of sounds in addition to their distribution (Batog 1967). And in theory (iii) the distinctive property of sounds, namely, their function in distinguishing utterances convey- ing different meanings is already resorted to (Batog 1971b, 1976, 1978). Thus, in the final outcome meaning has explicitly found its way into phonological theory.
For its consistency, complete explicitness and comprehensiveness the phonological theory proposed in Batog (1967) surpasses all other similar attempts offered thus far, and it shows for the first time what a full-fledged axiomatic theory would be like. For its primitive terms the following have been chosen: (i) the class of all idiolects (I), (ii) the class of all kinds of phonetic features (K), and (iii) the set of all pauses or zero segments (O). The class I is formally related to the set of all hu- man utterances (∪I) as is the class K to the class of all phonetic features (∪K), and to the set of all elementary segments (∪∪K). These relationships derive from an extensional treatment of idiolects and phonetic features. An idiolect is identified with a set of utterances, a phonetic feature with a set of elementary segments, and a kind of feature with a family of features. The properties of primitive terms are characterized by a system of 14 axioms.
The notion of the phoneme was intro- duced in terms of a phonemic basis, the latter being a grouping of sounds satisfying certain determined conditions. A phoneme emerges as an element of phonemic basis, and hence as a class of sounds in the relations of free variation and/or complementary distribution, and phonetically proximal to a relatively high degree.

ticular the Prague School, whereby meaning has been explicitly taken into consideration (Batog, 1971b, 1976, 1978). An essential nov- elty of this semantic approach was the introduction of subtle and original notions of ac- tual and potential meanings. Ultimately, the phonemic basis of a language has been defined as any such classification of the set of phones of the language, which satisfies the postulates of free variation, complementary distribution, distinctiveness, differentiation, and economy (Batog 1976, 1978). The uni- versality of this definition lies in its adaptabil- ity for the needs of theoretical phonology in the sense that by substituting some other propositions for certain postulates different phonological theories can be arrived at.
Within Batog’s contribution to theoretical phonology the following should be recapitu- lated: (i) The systematization of phonological terminology by providing precise definitions for a number of phonological terms; (ii) The formulation of a sufficiently strong axiomatics, based on which various phonological theories can be founded; (iii) The demonstration that the existence of at least one phonemic basis for each idiolect as well as the principle of a one-one correspondence between phonemic and phonetic structures of phrases are contrary to Harris not consequences of the phonological theory but empirical hypotheses; (iv) The elaboration of a certain standard for axiomatic linguistic theories.
A characteristic trait of Batog’s linguistic endeavor has not only been the precise formulation of phonological theories but also the inquiry into the problems of their verifi- cation by means of constructing two kinds of algorithms: (i) phonemization algorithm (Ba- tog 1961a, 1992; Batog & Steffen-Batog 1991, 1996), and (ii) orthographization algorithm (Batog & Steffen-Batog 1977). Such algorithms are a natural consequence of the com- bination of linguistic theorization with linguistic practice.
Soon after the appearance of Batog’s first papers in 1961 and 1962, other authors also began their own axiomatic inquiries into phonology. This usually resulted in theories concerning fragments of the phonological domain, with the possible exception of Qvarnström’s theory. In this context, the con- tributions of Kanger (1964), Uspenskij (1964), and Wedberg (1964) must be mentioned. A modification of Kanger’s approach was suggested by Marcus (1965a, 1966).
Some general problems of axiomatization in phonology were raised by Arany (1967).
The logical reconstruction of fragments of Trubetzkoy’s phonology was undertaken by Zgoka (1976) and Lieb (1979). Zgoka did not present his theory in an axiomatic form but explicit to the extent that an axiomatization suggested itself and was tentatively proposed in Banczerowski (1992a). Lieb aims at clarifying the most basic concepts as used by Trubetzkoy and at an elucidation of a meta- theoretical conception, which is implicit in his work, and which concerns the relationship between theories of language and indi- vidual grammars (in this case phonological grammars). In explicating Trubetzkoyan concepts, Lieb constructs, in a semi-formal man- ner, an axiomatic theory, which corresponds to a fragment of Trubetzkoy’s non-formal theory (Lieb 1979: 3). The following three terms have been chosen as primitive: (i) the relation of being a contrast of sound , (ii) the set of all words, and (iii) the relation of real- ization. Lieb gives only a few sample axioms and concentrates principally on defining fundamental terms such as: distinctive opposition, distinctive property, sound, phoneme , and variant. The outlined fragment of a general phonological theory has been augmented by the addition of four assumptions referring to German, whereby it should already be viewed as a fragment of a grammar of Ger- man. A reformulation of Lieb’s theory is considered in Banczerowski (1992a), and some of its shortcomings are pointed out by Batog and Steffen-Batog (1991: 33; 1996: 12).
An attempt at a logical reconstruction of Trubetzkoy’s phonological theory as a whole was undertaken by Qvarnström (1979), who based his study on the first three chapters of Grundzüge der Phonologie (1939), in which, according to him, the theory is systematically and clearly developed. His axiomatics contains nine propositions, four of which should correspond to basic assumptions in any structuralist phonology (Qvarnström 1979: 46). Among the defined terms the following can be found: indistinctive opposition, distinctive opposition, interchangeable sounds, non- interchangeable sounds, is a variant of, phoneme, etc.

application I, II, III and IV, respectively (Qvarnström 1979: 8, 60ff.) Subsequently, for each of these precise versions it has been proved that it is either inconsistent under certain conditions or else specifies at least two phonemic systems for every language (Qvarnström 1979: 8, 8586, 175). This find- ing, in turn, contradicts Trubetzkoy’s conviction that for every natural language exactly one phonemic system is available (Qvarn- ström 1979: 85, 175). With the help of the concept of phonological representation various versions of the condition of phonological representability are formulated. This condition, which seems to be required by Trubetz- koy and believed by him to be automatically fulfilled, could be conceived of as saying that every word of a given language is represent- able as a sequence of phonemes for that language (Qvamström 1979: 102ff.) Which versions of the condition are implied or not implied by which relevant sets of rules is also investigated (Qvamström 1979: 107).
A proposal of an axiomatics for Trubetz- koy’s theory of oppositions has been made by Pogonowski (1993a, 1995a, cf. Banczerowski et al. 1992). To our knowledge it is certainly the most systematic exposition of this theory in linguistic literature. Pogonowski has also offered an axiomatics for acoustic phonetics within the framework of Jassem’s approach (Pogonowski 1995a). However, he did not succeed in formulating a respective definition of the phoneme without taking recourse to the concept of phonemic basis in the sense of Batog.
The relationship between structural and generative phonologies has been dealt with by Banczerowski (1992b), who has proved that the latter is but a consequence of the former. He also sketched axiomatic theories concerning, respectively, fragments of mor- phonology (1983a), holomeric phonology (1992c), and general phonetics (1983b, 1985, 1987, 1990).
Vennemann is surely a pioneer of axiomatic syllabic phonology. The theory of universal syllabic phonology as constructed by him (1978) assigns the syllable central position in any phonological description of natural language. It makes use of 15 primitive terms, which the set of possible syllables belongs to. The properties of these terms are characterized by 10 general axioms, assumed to hold for any syllabic phonology. The set of defined terms includes: head and coda of a syllable, open, closed, light, heavy, and re-
duced syllables. The addition of language- specific axioms to general ones yields according to Vennemann systems which can be understood as the phonological component of the grammar of specific natural language systems (Vennemann 1978: 211). Ex- amples of such grammars for several languages are given. Vennemann thus distin- guishes clearly between universal syllabic phonology and syllabic phonology, the latter being any phonology derived from the former by the addition of language specific axioms.
The theory of universal phonology has been further developed within the framework of an axiomatic word-phonology (Bartsch & Vennemann 1982: 66ff.). In this theory, intended by the authors to be a logical reconstruction of a fragment of phonetics and phonology, the concept of syllable already func- tions as defined. A fundamental hypothesis of word-phonology, in weak and strong versions, has been formulated (Bartsch & Ven- nemann 1982: 80ff.) This hypothesis accounts for the relationships between certain phonetic events and phonological word-forms of language systems. Some aspects of word- phonology have been discussed in Bancze- rowski et al. (1992: 202ff.), and a reformulation of certain concepts of this theory has been suggested by Pogonowski (1995a).
5.2.2. General theory of language
It seems appropriate to start this subsection with a brief presentation of the ideas of Wojtasiewicz, although his treatise (1962) goes beyond linguistics and concerns the general theory of sign systems. The explicit goal of the author was to formulate basic concepts and postulates of a general theory of language, with “language” being understood in the broadest possible sense, as any system of signs, and thus it covers both natural and artificial languages. Nevertheless, he principally focused his attention on some properties of the former. Wojtasiewicz’s formal apparatus is borrowed from predicate calculus, set theory, theory of relations, and mereology. Based on a criterion, which could be called the degree of metalinguality, he introduces a hierarchy of languages starting with extralin- gual reality as a zero-level language. This is followed by the class of all object languages, the class of all metalanguages, the class of all metametalanguages, and so on.

formity, the relation of isosemy, the relation of precedence in time or space, the relation of semantic equivalence. The primitive terms are characterized by 27 postulates (axioms). Such terms as: the class of linear languages, the operation of composition by juxtaposition, the class of elementary expressions, the relation of syntactic equivalence, and the relation of sub- ordination are defined. Certain flaws of Woj- tasiewicz’s theory, the originality of which cannot be denied, have been pointed out by Batog (1997, 1998).
The form-function relationships between units of different levels of the language system were the object of axiomatic description by Nebesky and Sgall (1964).
In axiomatic investigations concerning the general theory of language, Lieb figures prominently. He is certainly a phenomenon among contemporary linguists. Not only is his scholary output of an impressive size and diversity, but it is almost exclusively con- cerned with the fundamental problems of linguistics, and should also be of interest for the philosophy and methodology of science. What especially deserves attention is his courage in challenging mainstream inquiry, even at the cost of being unduly ignored himself. His versatile contribution to axiomatic linguistics has been within Integrational Lin- guistics, a conception of linguistics with a broad view of its subject matter, which he himself founded (cf. Lieb 1983: 3; 1993b: 430ff.)
One of the characteristic features which permeate Lieb’s linguistic conceptions is his drawing a basic distinction between two linguistic subdisciplines: (i) the theory of language, and (ii) the theory of grammars. Within the former, particular theories of language are developed, and its domain contains all natural languages. Within the latter, on the contrary, particular theories of grammars are developed, and hence its domain contains linguistic grammars, that is, certain theories of particular languages, language varieties, etc., as written by linguists. Clearly, such a theory is about grammars, and not directly about la

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